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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..38ca28c --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #63958 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/63958) diff --git a/old/63958-0.txt b/old/63958-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 496bb98..0000000 --- a/old/63958-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,3909 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's Lao-tzu, A Study in Chinese Philosophy, by Thomas Watters - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Lao-tzu, A Study in Chinese Philosophy - -Author: Thomas Watters - -Release Date: December 4, 2020 [EBook #63958] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LAO-TZU, A STUDY IN CHINESE PHILOSOPHY *** - - - - -Produced by Ronald Grenier from page images generously -made available by Internet Archive (https://archive.org) - - - - - - - - - - LAO-TZŬ, - - 老子 - - A STUDY - - IN CHINESE PHILOSOPHY - - by - - T. WATTERS, M.A., - - Mem. N.C.B. of the Asiatic Society of London, Hon. Mem. Asiatic - Society of Paris, and a Junior Assistant in H.M.’s - Consular Service in China. - - - HONGKONG: - - PRINTED AT THE “CHINA MAIL” OFFICE. - - 1870 - - LONDON: - - WILLIAMS & NORGATE. - - - - - PREFACE. - -A considerable portion of the following pages has already appeared in -“The Chinese Recorder and Missionary Journal,” and its reappearance in -its present form requires an apology. The subject of the work is one -in which very few take any interest, and the author is very sensible -of his numerous imperfections in attempting to deal with matters so -difficult and abstruse as are treated of in the Tao-tê Ching. Having -thus made confession; it only remains for him to thank Mr. Baldwin and -his other friends for their kindness in assisting to get the book -through the press. - -T. W. - -Foochow, _October_ 19, 1869. - - - - - CHAPTER I. - - INTRODUCTORY. - - -One of the most remarkable men in the history of China, as also in the -history of philosophy, is Lao-tzŭ, the author of the _Tao-tê-ching_ -(道德經). This book deserves, and has obtained with those who know it, -a high place among philosophical works, and the posthumous fortunes of -its author have very rarely been surpassed. That his own followers—or -at least those who professed to be and probably believed that they -were his followers—should magnify his name was only what we would have -expected. They have raised him from the rank of ordinary mortals, and -represented him as an incarnation of deity, showing himself on this -earth at sundry times and in various manners. His conception and -birth, his personal appearance, and everything about him have been -represented by them as supernatural; and the philosophic little -treatise which he composed is regarded as a sacred book. Much of this -has arisen from a spirit of rivalry with Buddhism. The Taoists did not -wish to be behind the Buddhists in the amount of glory and mystery -attaching to the reputed originator of their religion; and they -accordingly tried to make the fortunes of Lao-tzŭ like those of -Shâkyamuni, the Buddha of the Present. - -Both Confucianists and Buddhists, however, also regard the -_Tao-tê-ching_ as a book of deep mysteries, and admit the -supernatural, or at least marvellous, character of its author, though, -as will be seen, many censure him for teaching doctrines either in -themselves mischievous or leading to evil results when fully -developed. At several periods of Chinese history Lao-tzŭ has enjoyed -the patronage of government, and almost supplanted Confucius. Indeed, -during several of the dynasties which reigned within the first few -centuries of our era, there seems to have been a constant struggle for -ascendancy between the followers of these two philosophic chiefs. -Emperors have done honour to Lao-tzŭ in his temple, and the sovereigns -of the great Tʽang dynasty were proud to deem him their lineal -ancestor. One emperor has even written an excellent commentary on his -book; and one of the best editions of the _Tao-tê-ching_ as regards -textual excellence is that by a Confucian mandarin under the present -dynasty. Buddhist monks also have edited the book with annotations, -and many of them regard it and its author with a reverence second only -to that with which the Taoists regard them. - -It is not only, however, his own countrymen who have given honour to -this prophet. By Western writers also great and mysterious things have -been attributed to him. Some have found in his book an enunciation of -the doctrine of the Trinity. The illustrious Rémusat discovered in it -the sacred name Jehovah, and many curious analogies with the best -philosophic writings of ancient times, and more especially with those -of Greece. Pauthier, who has read and written largely about Lao-tzŭ, -finds in his teachings the triple Brahma of the ancient Hindoos, the -Adibuddha of the Northern Buddhists, and an anticipated Christianity. -The _Tao_ (道) of which Lao-tzŭ speaks so much has been likened to God, -to the Logos of Plato and the Neoplatonists, to “the nonentity of some -German philosophers,” and to many other things. Pauthier says:—“Le -dieu invoque et decrit par _Lao-tseu_ est la _Grande Voie_ du monde, -la _Raison suprême universelle_ (道) materiellement identique avec le -mot qui sert á designer Dieu dans les langues grecque (_φεὸς_) latine -(Deus) et leurs derivèes modernes; mais les attributs qu’il lui donne -ne sont point ceux qu’ont données à l’Etre suprême toutes les -doctrines spiritualistes de l’Orient, transmises à l’Occident par une -voie juive et grecque; par les therapeutes et les esséniens, dont -Jesus, le fils de l’homme, fut le revelateur et le representant à -l’état philosophique.”[1] Our missionaries have used this word _Tao_ -to represent _λόγος_ in their translation of the New Testament, and -the first five verses of St. John’s Gospel are nearly as much Taoist -as Christian in the Chinese text. - -Some writers on the other hand, such as Gutzlaff, have represented -Lao-tzŭ as writing nonsense, and they seem to insinuate that he did -not even know the meaning of what he was writing. Others, as Voltaire, -have charged on him all the follies and superstitions practised by the -Taoists, and have consequently decried him and his teachings. This is -just about as wise and just a proceeding as to reproach the Apostle -Paul on account of the sayings and doings of sects like Muckers, and -Mormons, and Muggletonians. Many also regard Lao-tzŭ as a mere -speculative recluse, shutting himself up from the turmoils and -miseries of social life, and publishing theories in politics and -morals of no practical tendency whatever. In these respects he is -constantly contrasted with Confucius, who is looked upon as an -eminently practical man, teaching to the people only things which they -could easily understand, and ever refusing to wander into the regions -of uncertainty and mystery. - -There are, so far as I know, very few translations of the -_Tao-tê-ching_ in western languages. According to Sir J. F. Davis, a -manuscript copy of a Latin translation is preserved in the Library of -the Royal Society of England. Pauthier has translated part of the book -into French, and has announced his determination, to complete the -work. Julien, however, perhaps the best and soberest of Lao-tzŭ’s -expounders, has translated into French the entire book, along with -many Chinese notes and fragments illustrating the life and teachings -of its author. Hegel says there is at Vienna a translation of the -_Tao-tê-ching_, or as he calls it _Tao-king_, which he himself had -seen.[2] He does not, however, mention the name of the translator or -the language of the translation, but I think we are justified in -inferring that it is German. In English we have the recent work of the -Rev. Mr. Chalmers, a missionary and scholar of no ordinary -attainments. He has some excellent remarks in his Introduction, but -the translation itself, being almost unaccompanied with note or -comment, and being apparently made from a bad text, is rather -disappointing. Ritter, Cousin, Hardwicke, Edkins, and many others -have given short accounts of Taoism; but few of these have clearly -separated Lao-tzŭ and his doctrines from the later Taoists and their -doctrines. The “extravagant vagaries” of the latter may have arisen -often from misinterpreted or misapplied statements of Lao-tzŭ, but -they are not to be imputed to him.[3] We must ascribe to Lao-tzŭ only -the things which are his—the merits and defects of his own direct -teachings. - - [1] Chine, p. 114. - - [2] Geschichte der Philosophie, B. 1. p. 142. - - [3] Compare Rémusat, Mémoire sur la vie et les opinions de Lao-tseu, - &c., p. 20. - - - - - CHAPTER II. - - THE LIFE OF LAO-TZŬ. - - -The life of Lao-tzŭ, like the book which he wrote, is enveloped in -mystery; and one might almost be excused for doubting whether such a -person ever actually existed. One author, indeed, has even gone the -length of saying that Lao-tzŭ was made out of space or vacuity (_hung_ -洪).[1] The most reliable account of him which has come down to us is -that by Szŭ Ma-chien, or Sze-ma-thsien (司馬遷), in the _Shi-chi_ -(史記), and this is very brief and unsatisfactory. We have also -occasional notices of him in other old books, but the stories told -about him in the Records of Spirits and Fairies and works of a like -nature are, as Julien observes, only a tissue of falsehoods which all -sensible men reject. - -Szŭ Ma-chien says[2] Lao-tzŭ was a native of the hamlet Chʽü-jen (曲仁) -of the parish Lai or Li (厲) in the district Kʽu (苦), a town of the -state Chu (楚): his surname was Li (李), his name Êrh (耳), his style -Po-yang (伯陽) and his posthumous designation Tan (聃).[3] He was in -office at the court of Chou 周 as Shou-tsang-shĭ-chĭ-shĭ (守藏室之史), -which Julien translates “gardien des archives.” - -I have been unable to obtain from Chinese sources any reliable -statement as to the date of Lao-tzŭ’s birth; though Pauthier[4] -asserts positively that he was born on the 14th day of the 9th moon, -in the year B.C. 604. In this he is followed by Julien, who, however, -says candidly—“cette date (the 3rd year of king Ting 定 of the Chou -dynasty, corresponding to B.C. 604) que nous inserons ici, est -conforme a la tradition historique la mieux établie mais elle ne se -trouve point dans la notice du Sze-ma-thsien dont nous donnons la -traduction.”[5] There is nothing improbable in this date, as we know -from other sources that Lao-tzŭ was a contemporary of Confucius, -though very much his senior; and as Confucius was born about B.C. 550, -Lao-tzŭ must apparently have been born about the beginning of the -sixth century B.C. The latter sage indeed, is usually represented as -having attained to a very great age, and as having been alive much -more than fifty years before the birth of Confucius. Chʽao, a well -known author, quoted by Ma Tuan-lin, says that it was in the -forty-second year of the reign of king Pʽing (平王) that Lao-tzŭ gave -his book to the keeper of the Pass.[6] This-would carry him up to the -eighth century B.C., king Pʽing having commenced to reign about the -year B.C. 770. Others[7] mention two teachers of Tao (道) as having -lived during the Chou dynasty, one Lao-tan (老聃) and another named -Lao-lai-tzŭ (老萊子). It is by the name Lao-tan that Confucius usually -refers to Lao-tzŭ, while later authors often use his surname Li or his -name Êrh. It must be remembered also that the Lao-tan mentioned by -Confucius is regarded by a few commentators as a different person from -the author of the _Tao-tê-ching_. - -Nearly all authorities seem to agree with Szŭ Ma-chien as to the place -of Lao-tzŭ’s birth in the feudal dependency Chʽu (楚). Under this word -Biot has the following remarks—“Nom d’un ancien royaume de la Chine -centrale, a l’époque du Tchun-thsieou. Le centre etait dans -l’arrondissement de Tchi-kiang; la limite nord etait entre le Kiang et -le Hoang-ho; la limite sud était au midi du Kiang, mais non bien -determinée.”[8] The district city Kʽu is also said to have belonged to -the principality of _Chʽên_, It stood near the present Kwei-tê-foo, -the most easterly of the cities of Honan; and the present Kʽu-yang -(苦陽) preserves the house of Lao-tzŭ and a temple dedicated to his -memory.[9] Another account, however, represents him as having been -born in the district city Po (毫) in the province of Honan.[10] The -chief of Chʽu, like the chiefs of many other states, was at the time -of Lao-tzŭ and Confucius only nominally a feudal dependent of the -king. He was originally a Tzŭ (子) or Viscount, but the title Wang (王) -or king was now usurped in the degenerate days of the Chou rulers who -were unable to maintain a strong government. - -Of the parents of Lao-tzŭ and of his early years I have not found any -record in Chinese books; but Pauthier says that according to historic -data his father was a poor peasant who had remained a bachelor up to -his seventieth year, when he married a peasant woman of the unromantic -age of forty years.[11] Whatever were his circumstances, however, I -think we may conclude that Lao-tzŭ was in early life a diligent -student of the past history and the institutions of the country, and -his obtaining office at the court of Chou was probably a consequence -of his learning and abilities. - -As to the nature of this office I cannot agree with Pauthier and -Julien in calling it that of historiographer, or keeper of the State -Archives. The word _tsang_ (藏) means a granary or storehouse, and in a -note to a passage in the Li-chi, or Record of Ceremonies, it is -explained as the Imperial or National Museum.[12] The _Shou-tsang-shĭ_ -(守藏史) would accordingly be the officer in charge of the Museum, and -we must remember that when Confucius went to the Capital of Chou to -Lao-tzŭ, he saw in the palace the portraits of the early kings, along -with many other relics of antiquity, which possessed him strongly -with an idea of the magnificence of the first princes of the -dynasty.[13] Dr. Legge also, I find, translates the expression by -“Treasury-keeper.”[14] The legend in the Records of Spirits and -Fairies states that Lao-tzŭ was in the time of king Wên a -_Shou-tsang-shi_ and under king Wu a _Chu-hsia-shi_ (柱下史),[15] this -latter term meaning assistant historiographer; and it is not -improbable that he may have actually held both these offices in -succession under king Ting (定) or king Chien (簡), who reigned in the -6th century B.C. - -During the time of Lao-tzŭ’s residence at the court of Chou, he was -visited by two young gentlemen who had come in a carriage and pair -from the distant state of Lu (魯). Their names were Ching-shu (敬叔) -and Kʽung chiu (孔丘) or Confucius, and they had come to learn from the -venerable sage the rites and manners of the olden times. The latter of -the two, namely, Confucius, had already been a pupil of Lao-tzŭ, and -still remembered his former master with affection and respect. -According to Chwang-tzu,[16] however, it was not until he was -fifty-one years old that Confucius went to see Lao-tzŭ. He himself -when little more than a youth had set out on a converting tour, -thinking to induce rulers and people throughout the kingdom to cease -from their evil ways and turn to the good old paths of primitive -virtue. He did not succeed, however, and he now told his master the -sorrowful tale of his disappointment. Lao-tzŭ said to him, “If it be -known that he who talks errs by excess in arguing, and that he who -hears is confused by too much talk, the way (Tao 道)[17] can never be -forgot.” According to _Szŭ Ma-chien_, the Master on another occasion -lectured his ambitious disciple as follows: “The men of whom you -speak, Sir, have with their bones already all mouldered into dust, and -only their sayings abide. Moreover if the superior man 君子 gets his -time, he mounts [his car and takes office]: if he does not get his -time, he goes through life like a wisp of straw rolling over sand. I -have heard that a good merchant with his treasure house deeply stored -seems devoid of resources, and that the superior man of perfect -excellence has an outward semblance of stupidity. Do you, Sir, put -away your haughty airs and many desires, your flashy manner and -extravagant will; these are all unprofitable to you, Sir; and this is -all I have to say to you.”[20] In the _Family Sayings_ we read that -when Confucius was about to leave _Chou_, Lao-tzŭ gave him as his -parting gift a warning against going too far in the public reproval of -those who were in authority.[21] From this and the other references -made to the intercourse between Confucius and Lao-tzŭ in the Family -Sayings and the Record of Rites (禮記), it will be seen that they were -on terms of intimate friendship; and though Confucius may have -deserved the reproof which, according to _Szŭ Ma-chien_, Lao-tzŭ -administered to him, yet this speech has in it so little of the spirit -in which allusion is made to Lao-tzŭ by Confucius or his disciples -that I am almost tempted to doubt the story. - -I have been unable to find in the Chinese works on this subject a -statement of the length of time during which Lao-tzŭ served the king -of Chou, of the manner in which he performed his duties, or of the -immediate reason of his retirement from office. _Szŭ Ma-chien_ simply -says,[22] “He cultivated _Tao_ and virtue (修道德), learned to live in -seclusion and oblivion as the important thing, resided for a long time -in Chou; when he saw the fortunes of the dynasty going to ruin, he -left the country and came to the Pass (關). The keeper of the Pass, by -name _Yin-hsi_ (尹喜), said to him, ‘Since you are about to go into -seclusion, Sir, you must make me a book.’ Hereupon Lao-tzŭ produced -his book in two sections containing more than 5,000 characters and -declaring the meaning of Tao and Tê (道德). He then went away, and no -one knows his end.” - -In order to understand the conduct of Lao-tzŭ, in retiring from office -in Chou and going into seclusion when he saw its fortunes broken, we -must know something of the state of the country at the time. Now the -reader of the historical and other works relating to this dynasty will -remember what a miserable picture of the kingdom is given in most of -them. The hard won territories of king Wu 武 were now subject to his -degenerate descendants only in name. The whole country was torn up -into petty states, which were always warring with each other. Year by -year, army after army, with flaunting banners and gay pennons, passed -and repassed through the fields of the people, and left desolation and -misery in their track. Fathers and husbands, sons and brothers, were -taken away from their homes and their work, and kept in long military -service far away from their families. Laxity of morals accompanied -this state of civil confusion. Chiefs forgot their allegiance to their -princes, and wives their duties to their husbands—usurpers were in the -state, and usurpers were in the family. Every little chief was -striving with his neighbour for the mastery, and the weak and wicked -princes of Chou were unable to overcome them and reduce them to peace -and obedience. Men of shining abilities and inordinate ambition rose -to power in each state, and, wishing to satisfy their ambition, -increased the anarchy of the kingdom. The decree of Heaven was slowly -changing, and already, in the time of Lao-tzŭ, “Ichabod” was written -up for the princes of Chou. We can now easily see why the philosopher -taught that men should not strive, but ever give way; that they should -be humble and satisfied with a low condition; that men of virtue and -integrity should retire from the dangers and vices of a wicked -government; and that no honour should be attached to specious -abilities or rare acquisitions. True to his principles, he himself, -when the prestige of Chou was lost, and the evil days and evil tongues -were becoming more and more evil, withdrew from the court and retired -into unenvied obscurity.[23] For this course of action, Confucianists -and others have severely censured Lao-tzŭ. We must remember, however, -that Confucius himself taught (what he had probably learnt from -Lao-tzŭ) that when good principles prevail in a country, the superior -man takes office; and that he retires when bad government takes their -place. There seem to have been at the time only two courses which an -upright and faithful public servant could elect to pursue. He might -either take his life in his hands, and try by strong measures to -recall his rulers to the path of virtue; or he might establish his own -good character, and then withdraw from temptation and corruption. -Confucius chose the former course, and ended in disappointment; -Lao-tzŭ and many others, as we know from the Lun-yü (論語), chose the -latter course. - -The Pass to which _Szŭ Ma-chien_ represents Lao-tzŭ as going, and -where he met with _Yin-hsi_ 尹喜, is said in a note to this passage to -be probably _Han-ku-kwan_ 函谷關, the present Ling-pao 靈寶 in the -extreme west of Honan, and on the south bank of the Yellow River. The -Pass and its keeper have since become famous in the legendary and -poetic literature of China. This is the last historical notice that we -have of Lao-tzŭ. He left the Pass, having enriched the keeper with the -81 chapters he had composed on _Tao_ and Virtue, and went away. “No -one knows his end.” We may hope, however, that he died a peaceful, -happy death, in a good old age, having attained a clear insight into -the nature of _Tao_ 道 and _Tê_ 德. - -According to the Lao-tzŭ Lie Chuan 老子列傳 of _Szŭ Ma-chien_,[24] -Lao-tzŭ left a son named Tsʽung 宗, who became a high military officer -under the chief of Wei 微, and was appointed to the feudal dependency -Tuan-kan 段干. His descendants were living in the time of the Han 漢 -dynasty in the 2d century B.C. - -Such is the sum of the probably true information which I have -succeeded in obtaining about this remarkable man. Many things that we -would have liked to know about him are wanting, and part of what we -have seems uncertain. In his birth and in his death he was mysterious, -and through all his life he seems to have courted obscurity. He tells -us himself that he appeared to mankind stupid and helpless, but that -he had within himself precious treasures of which the world did not -know.[25] To me he seems to have been a kind and gentle old -philosopher, who thought more of what was beyond this world than about -what was in it. I cannot find in him those traits of moroseness and -cynicism which others have found, nor any trace of the jealousy and -spite with which he is said to have regarded Confucius.[26] Chu-hsi -(朱熹) or Chu fu tzŭ, represents him as a man standing aloof from the -ordinary ways of men, loving neither their sounds nor their sights, -and not living an official life.[27] Confucius himself refers to -Lao-tzŭ with affectionate respect, and quotes his opinions as -sufficient answers to the questions of his own disciples. He speaks of -him as extensively read in antiquity and acquainted with the present, -as having penetrated to the sources of Rites and Music, and as -understanding what belonged to Tao and Tê (道德之歸).[28] The old man -who thought that in troubled times, like those in which they were -living, men of wisdom and virtue ought not to make a display of those -qualities, but rather to appear to the world destitute of them, when -he found his former pupil parading the kingdom with a crowd of -disciples (one of whom acted as his car driver), going from court to -court admonishing and scolding the chiefs, thought it his duty to give -the youthful reformer a sharp reproof and an earnest warning. His -advice was excellent, and Confucius found out at last that the -restoration of peace and good government to a country was not to be -effected so easily as he had thought, even though the preacher of -reform dressed unimpeachably, ate and drank only the best he could -get, had an excellent ear for music, and knew the decrees of Heaven. - -I shall now proceed to give a short sketch of the legendary account of -Lao-tzŭ, as related in the Records of Spirits and Fairies and other -books. - -According, to some writers Lao-tzŭ was a spiritual being, eternal and -self-existing, manifesting himself as a human being on the earth at -various times and under various names. One author, indeed, puts words -like these into the mouth of the sage himself.[29] The most celebrated -of his incarnations was that which occurred during the early part of -the Chou dynasty. On this memorable occasion his mother, who had -conceived by the influence of a shooting star, brought him forth under -a Li (李) or plum tree, a circumstance from which he derived his -surname. For seventy-two long years (or, according to a more cruel -author, for eighty-one years) had he remained in the wretched woman’s -womb, and at last he delivered himself by bursting a passage under his -mother’s left arm. From his having at his birth gray hairs and the -general appearance of an old man, he was called the _Old Boy_ (Lao-tzŭ -老子)[30]; though some have conjectured that this was the nature of his -mother’s family, which was given to the child because his mother -obtained him in an improper manner. One writer says that Lao-tzŭ could -speak immediately on being born, and that he himself intimated at the -time that the plum tree under which he emerged into the world would -furnish his name. Another says that so soon as he was born he mounted -nine paces in the air—his step producing a lotus flower—and while -poised there, he pointed with his left hand to heaven and with his -right hand to earth, saying: “In Heaven above and on earth beneath it -is only Tao which is worthy of honour.” The same author remarks that -Shâkyamuni on his birth rose seven paces in the air, and pointing in a -similar manner to heaven and earth pronounced himself alone worthy of -honour. He observes very properly that there ought not to be such a -coincidence. - -When his mother got an opportunity of examining her wonderful child, -she found him a veritable prodigy. Not only had he gray hairs, but he -had also very large ears. Hence came his name Êrh (耳), that is, Ears, -or as others give it Chung-êrh (重耳), Heavy ears.[31] Each ear -terminated in a point and had three passages. Besides these -peculiarities the infant had handsome eyebrows—large eyes—a -double-ridged nose—square mouth with thick lips. His hands had -ornamental inscriptions on them, and the soles of his feet presented -the mysterious numbers, two and five, of which the former represents -heaven and the latter earth. He had also many other larger and smaller -bodily virtues and beauties.[32] - -Lao-tzŭ left heavenly purity and honour for earthly pollution and -office. It was under the Heaven-blessed kings Wên (文王) and Wu (武王) -that he first took service in the state as Treasury keeper and then as -Assistant historiographer. This account, however, would make him -survive for the more than patriarchal period of five hundred years. He -is represented as having several interviews with Confucius who, as Szŭ -Ma-chien also relates, compared him to a dragon which in a mysterious -and inexplicable manner mounts a cloud and soars into heaven. This, as -Rémusat has observed, was intended as a compliment, the dragon being -with the Chinese a symbol of what is exalted and not unattended by a -mysterious power.[33] - -On retiring from office Lao-tzŭ proceeded westward intending to pass -through the Han-ku-kwan (函谷關) to the Kunlun mountains and other distant -places. Yin-hsi (尹喜), however, the keeper of the pass, who had known -from the state of the weather that a sage was to come his way, -recognised Lao-tzŭ for such and detained him until he had himself -learned Tao. The time came, however, when the two worthies had to -part. Lao-tzŭ informed Yin-hsi that he would have to leave him and go -away on a long wandering through the boundless realms of space. -Yin-hsi begged earnestly that he might be allowed to go with -him—saying that he was prepared to follow the Great Genius through -fire and water above the heavens and beneath the earth. Lao-tzŭ -declined the offer, but presented his old friend with five thousand -words on Tao and Tê. - -The pathetic state of affairs was now rudely interrupted. Just as -Lao-tzŭ was about to take his departure it was found that his old -servant Hsü-chia (徐甲), who had attended him for more than two hundred -years without pay, seeing Lao-tzŭ about to set out on an apparently -unlimited pilgrimage, demanded payment. The arrears of wages due to -him amounted to 7,200,000 cash, and he applied to a friend who got -Yin-hsi to speak to the sage. This friend gave his handsome daughter -in marriage to Hsü-chia, who was quite delighted with the arrangement. -Just at this time, however, the master appeared and told Chia that he -ought to remember from what a poor condition he had been raised, and -that he would have been dead long ago had it not been for the charm of -long life which had been given to him. He also informed Chia that, as -he had previously promised, he had intended to pay the debt in gold on -reaching An-hsi (安息), a country which Biot identifies with that of -the Parthians. Yielding to the last vestige of earthly infirmity -Lao-tzŭ became angry and ordered Chia to fall on his face to the -ground and open his mouth. The latter could not but obey, he fell to -the ground, the charm came forth fresh as when it was swallowed, and -Chia lay like a shrivelled mummy. Through the kindness of Yin-hsi, who -recognised the miraculous power of Lao-tzŭ, and knocked his head on -the ground to him, the ungrateful creditor was restored to life by the -same wondrous charm. Yin-hsi also paid him on behalf of Lao-tzŭ the -generous sum of 2,000,000 cash, and sent him away. - -Lao-tzŭ having now settled all his mundane affairs, bade farewell to -the keeper of the Pass, telling him that he would return to earth -after the lapse of a thousand days and that he would be recognised by -the sign of a Chʽing Yang (青羊), literally, an azure sheep. He then -mounted a cloud and soared out of sight of the weeping Yin-hsi in a -dazzling glare of light away into the etherial regions, to his home in -the heavens.[34] - - [1] Tʽai-pʽing-kwang-chī (太平廣志) ch. 1; and the Shen-hsien-chuan, - vol. 1. - - [2] Shi-chi—老莊申韓列傳三 - - [3] An author named Chʽen (陳) quoted by Ma Tuan-lin, says that, as - _Tan_ means flat-eared, it is not probable that it would be given as - a posthumous title. Perhaps it is better to regard it as a name or - nickname given to him during life. - - [4] Wên-hsíen-tʽung-kʽao (文獻通考), Ch. 211. - - [5] Chine, p. 111. - - [6] Tao-tê-king, Introduction, Note 1 on page xix. - - [7] See the 十字全書, the extract from Szŭ Ma-chien. - - [8] Dict. Villes et Arrond., p. 244. - - [9] Julien, Tao-tê-king, Introduction, Note 2 on page xix. - - [10] Tʽung-chien-kang-mu, Ch. 41. - - [11] Chine, p. 112. - - [12] Li-chi, Ch. 3, Sect. 74, Note. - - [13] See the Chia-yü (家語), Vol. 1, Ch. 3. - - [14] Ch. Classics, Vol. 1, Proleg., p. 65. - - [15] Kʽang-hsi’s Dictionary. Character _Chu_ (柱). - - [16] See his works, Ch 5, p. 27, the Tien Yun (天運) section. - - [17] Chia-yü, Vol. 1, Ch. 3. - - [18] Shï chi, Lao-tzŭ. - - [19] See Chia-yü, Vol. 1, Ch. 3. - - [20] Shï chi, Lao-tzŭ. - - [21] See Chia-yü, Vol. 1, Ch. 3. - - [22] Shï chi, 1, c. - - [23] For the distracted state of China about this period, one may read - the Shi-ching, the Tʽung-chien, Chʽun-chʽiu, the Lun-yü, and other - books. - - [24] See 十字全書, Introduction. - - [25] Tao-tê Ching, Chs. 20 and 67. - - [26] See, for instance, a very unfair article on Confucius in the - _Fortnightly Review_ for May, 1868, by Sir J. Bowring. - - [27] 朱子全書, Ch. 58. - - [28] Chia-yü (家語), Ch. 3. - - [29] See the Yuan-chien-lei-han (淵鑑類幽), Ch, 318. - - [30] Chalmers translates this “old philosopher.” - - [31] See the Records of Spirits and Fairies. Art. 老子. Julien - has translated this Chapter in the Introduction to his Tao-tê - Ching. - - [32] See 老子志略 in the 十字全書. Also compare the similar legends about - the Buddha in Hardy’s Manual of Buddhism, pages 367–8–9. - - [33] See his Mémoire sur la vie &c., de Lao-tseu, ps. 5 & 6. - - [34] One author, however, represents him as travelling far away to - the West and becoming again incarnate as Gotama Buddha—see - Yuan-chien &c., ch. 317. - - - - - CHAPTER III. - - THE TAO-TÊ CHING 道德經. - - -Lao-tzŭ is said to have died at the age of eighty-one years in B.C. -523,[1] though, as has been seen, nothing is known positively about -the time or manner of his decease. He had, according to historical -tradition, on leaving the Hanku Pass, consigned his writings on Tao -and Tê to Yin-hsi, the guardian of the Pass. This latter seems to have -transmitted his doctrines to others, more especially to Wên-tzŭ (文子), -who probably published the first edition of this work known to the -public. Some indeed suppose that Lao-tzŭ did not himself commit -anything to writing, and that Yin-hsi merely related orally to Wên-tzŭ -and others what he had been taught orally by the sage. This opinion -will not seem unlikely, if we consider that the use of paper was at -this time unknown and that there were very few facilities of any kind -for publishing a book. Others suppose that Wen-tzŭ was an immediate -disciple of Lao-tzŭ and that he published an account of his master’s -doctrines after the decease of the latter.[2] - -In any case, however, it appears certain that for a considerable time -after the death of its author the work which is now known as the -Tao-tê ching remained in at least partial obscurity. Mencius does not -allude by name to Lao-tzŭ or his teachings, though he refers on -several occasions, and rather unfavourably, to Yang-chu (楊朱), who is -supposed to have been a disciple of the sage. The philosophers Chwang -(莊) and Lie (列), however, contemporaries of Mencius, seem to have been -aware of the existence and contents of the Tao-tê ching. The latter -expressly quotes its words, and both make mention of Lao-tan. - -It has not been ascertained when or by whom its present title was -imposed on this book. We find early writers quoting its teachings as -those of Hwang-Lao (黃老), that is, of the Emperor Hwang and Lao-tzŭ. -The former lived, or is supposed to have lived, about B.C. 2600, and -some parts of the Tao-tê ching are expressly ascribed to him, for -example, Chapter VI is quoted as his.[3] Another title under which -this book is referred to by old authors is Lao-tzŭ-shu (老子書), that -is, the writings of Lao-tzŭ,[4] and it is not until the time of -Emperor Wên (文帝) of the Han dynasty, or about B.C. 160, that we find -the term Tao-tê used. We must remember also that the use of these two -words does not indicate that the book treats only of what is meant by -them,[5] nor are we to imagine that the former part of the work refers -exclusively to Tê. The first word of the former part of the book is -Tao, and the first important word of the latter portion is Tê, and -these two were simply combined in order to form a designation for the -whole, according to the usual Chinese custom.[6] Hiüan-tsung (玄宗), an -Emperor of the Tʽang dynasty, who reigned in the early part of the 8th -century of our era, besides several other innovations, gave a separate -name to each part of this book, calling the former part the Tao-ching -and the latter the Tê-ching.[7] These appellations, however, are -seldom, if ever, used, and the work is now universally known as the -Tao-tê ching. From the words of Confucius it might even with some -degree of probability be inferred that already in his time the name -Tao-tê was used, the term Ching or classic, being, of course, a much -later addition and given by way of respect. - -From the naming of the book I now proceed to the considerations of the -way in which it has been divided. Szŭ Ma-chien simply says that -Lao-tzŭ made a book in two parts, containing more than five thousand -characters, and setting forth the signification of Tao and Tê. Chʽao, -however, says that the work contained 5,748 words in eighty-one -chapters. The original division was probably only one into two parts; -afterwards, however, these were subdivided into chapters. The number -of these latter composing the entire book varies considerably.[8] Some -editors make fifty-five chapters; some make sixty-four; some, and -notably Wu-chʽêng, make sixty-eight; and some seventy-two. The most -usual number, however, is eighty-one, and this is said to be -sanctioned by the old and venerable authority of Ho-shang-kung (河上公) -of the Han dynasty. The Taoists are very fond of the number three and -its multiples, and this particular multiple, eighty-one, is associated -in tradition with Lao-tzŭ’s birth and the years of his life, and there -is perhaps no greater reason for preferring this to any other division. - -To Ho-shang-kung is ascribed also the addition of a title to each of -the eighty-one chapters. These titles consist of two characters each, -giving an epitome of the contents of the chapter, and they resemble -the headings of chapters and sections in our own books. Many editors, -however, reject these inventions of Ho-shang-kung, and use the -ordinary Chinese method of distinguishing each chapter by its first -two characters. This is considered the more decorous method, as the -other seems to be supplementing the author. - -I come now to the text of the Tao-tê ching, and here the most -bewildering uncertainty and confusion are found. Some editors, wishing -to have the number of characters as little as possible beyond five -thousand, have cut them off apparently at pleasure, and without much -regard for the sense of the author. Others have pursued a contrary -course, and retained or added characters in order apparently to make -out what they deemed to be the true meaning of any particular passage. -This conduct has occasioned great variations in the text, and -consequently great uncertainty as to what Lao-tzŭ actually wrote or -taught. Sometimes one editor, by the suppression of, a negative -particle or a word of interrogation, gives to a passage a meaning -unlike or even opposed to that which another editor by the insertion -of this character gives to the same passage. But not only do different -editions of this book vary as to insertion and rejection of words: -they also differ as to the mode of writing many of those actually -employed. Words written in similar manners, or of similar sound, but -with widely different significations, frequently replace one another; -and not unfrequently characters totally different in sound, -appearance, and meaning are found substituted one for another in the -same passage. Hence the number of various readings is exceedingly -great, and the meaning of many passages at least very doubtful. One -edition gives in the introduction an account of some of the variations -in the text, which occupies a considerable number of pages; while -another edition gives only a text accompanied by various readings. - -The next point to be considered, is the style of our author. This is -perhaps the most terse and concise ever employed. There is little, if -any, grace or elegance about it: and most of the chapters seem to be -merely notes or texts for philosophical discourses. They are composed -of short and often enigmatical or paradoxical sentences—not in verse, -as has been asserted[9]—and with a connexion either very slight or not -at all perceptible. Much of the present obscurity may be due to the -antiquity of the language and the uncertainty about the proper -reading; but much is also due to the brief enigmatical manner in which -the author has expressed himself. Many Chinese regard the style as -profound and suggestive, and so, no doubt, it is; but we can never get -at the bottom of the meaning, nor imagine all that is suggested. - -Connected with the obscurity of the style, and indeed contributing -largely towards it, is the nature of the topics discussed. The origin -of the universe, and man’s place and destiny in it as an individual, a -member of society, and a conscious part of nature, are subjects which -in all ages and in all countries have puzzled the minds of thoughtful -men, and it is of these and similar matters that Lao-tzŭ principally -treats. Such subjects, even when discussed in a clear and plain style -and with a rich language, are found to be difficult of elucidation; -and how much more so must they be when discussed in short enigmatical -sentences? Lao-tzŭ, like all other philosophers who live and write in -the infancy of a literary language, had only a very imperfect medium -through which to communicate his doctrines. The language of his time -was rude and imperfect, utterly unfit to express the deep thoughts of -a meditative mind, and hence it could at best but “half reveal and -half conceal the soul within.” - -The genuineness and sources of this book are also difficult of -investigation, and it is perhaps impossible to ascertain the truth -about them with any accuracy. As has been seen, a portion is ascribed -to the semi-fabulous Emperor Hwang, and Lao-tzŭ is sometimes -represented as merely transmitting this emperor’s doctrines. Chapter -XXXI has been declared spurious, and a portion of Chapter XXVII is -found first in Ho-shang-kung’s edition.[10] The beginning of the now -famous Chapter XIV is very similar to the words ascribed to the -predecessor of the Emperor Hwang, namely the Emperor Yen (炎), by the -philosopher Chwang. Rémusat and Pauthier consider the main doctrines -of the Tao-tê ching to be derived from Western sources. The former -asks—Did Lao-tzŭ learn them from the Jews or from some oriental sect -unknown to us?[11] But the illustrious _savant_ was unable to give a -satisfactory answer. The learned Pauthier thinks that Lao-tzŭ borrowed -his doctrines either from the writings of some of the ancient Chinese -sages or from some Indian philosophers.[12] In Ma-tuan-lin’s great -work a short account is given of an ancient worthy named Yŭ-hsuing -(鬻熊), who served the celebrated Wên-wang, and who must accordingly -have flourished about B.C. 1150.[13] This man seems to have -anticipated Lao-tzŭ in certain doctrines, but we have very little -information about him, and what we have can scarcely be called -reliable. Lao-tzŭ never alludes to a previous author; but there cannot -be much doubt, I think, that he was well acquainted with the history -and traditions of his country. - -We may probably now understand the nature of the difficulties -attending the reading and interpreting of the Tao-tê Ching, of which -western writers have complained. Julien speaks of it as “cet ouvrage -mémorable qu’on regarde avec raison comme le plus profond, le plus -abstrait et le plus difficile de toute la littérature Chinoise.”[14] -Rémusat and Pauthier have written in a similar manner, and the study -of a few pages of the work will show how real are the difficulties of -which they complain. But it is not to foreign students alone that -these difficulties are perplexing; they are so to the native student -also. Some of its editors are accused not only of not appreciating its -spirit, but even of not understanding its language. - -The number of those who have edited and commented on this work is very -great, embracing Buddhists, Taoists, and Confucianists. The curious -reader will find a list of many of these in the Observations Détachées -prefixed to Julien’s translation. To this list many more names might -be added, but it includes nearly all the useful and well known -editions. It is only necessary here to enumerate a few of the more -important and celebrated editions, and those which are apparently not -mentioned by Julien and which have come under my notice. - -1. The Tao-tê-ching-chu (道德經註) by Ho-shang-kung, or as Ma-tuan-lin -names the book, Ho-Shang-Kung-Chu-Lao-tzŭ, may be regarded as the -earliest edition of which we have now any exact information. This -Ho-shang-kung lived in the second century B.C., during the reign of -King Wen (文帝) of the Han dynasty. He derived his name from his living -as a studious hermit on the bank of a river in a grass-made hut, and -neither his original name nor anything else scarcely is known of him, -though Julien calls him “Lo-chin-kong.” To him, as has been seen, is -ascribed division of Lao-tzŭ’s book into eighty-one chapters, as also -the addition of the two-word heading of each chapter. The original work -is said to have been long since lost, and professed reprints are now -generally regarded as spurious. Many modern editions, however, present -what they designate Ho-shang-kung’s text, and Julien seems to regard -himself as possessing the genuine commentary. The edition of the -Tao-tê Ching, which forms the first volume in the Shĕ-tzŭ-chʽuan-shu -(十字全書) published during the reign of Chia-Chʽing of the present -dynasty, professes to give Ho-shang-kung’s text, revised by two -scholars of the Ming dynasty. Later editors are divided in their -opinions of the merits of the recluse’s commentary and arrangement of -the text. Some regard the commentary as a fair exponent of Lao-tzŭ’s -teachings, while others—and these I think the majority—regard it as -very bad and evincing an ignorance of the author’s meaning. The text -which is ascribed to him seems to be freer from obscurities than that -of some later editions, but he is accused of having taken great -liberties with the words of the original. - -2. The edition of Wang-Pi (王弼). This man was the author of the -Lao-tzu-liao-lun (老子略論), according to Chʽao. He was a native of -Shan-yang (山陽) in the time of the Chin dynasty, which reigned over -China in the third and fourth centuries of our era.[15] His style was -Szu-fu (嗣輔), and he was an early and devoted student of Lao-tzŭ. -Besides this, and that he wrote a commentary on the Tao-tê chin, and -one on the Yi-ching, and died at the early age of twenty-four, much -regretted by his sovereign, we know little about Wang-Pi. The text -which he gives in his edition is very good, and his notes are very -brief. They are, however, in some cases almost as difficult to -comprehend as the passages they are intended to explain; though their -author is regarded by many as a better student of Lao-tzŭ than -Ho-shang-kung, and Mr. Wylie says that his commentary is “generally -esteemed for its depth of thought and chasteness of diction.”[16] He -also divided the work into eighty-one chapters. In the 40th year of -Chʽien-lung, or in 1775, a revised edition of this work was printed in -the palace, under the care of three mandarins, who have written a neat -little preface to the book. This edition is valuable as giving the -variations of Wang-Pi’s notes which appeared in the great Encyclopedia -known as Yung-lo-ta-tien (永樂大典). - -3. The Tao-tê-ching-shi-yi (道德經釋義). This was the work of Lü-yen -(呂嵒), better known as Lü-Tʽung-pʽin or Lü-tsu, a famous Taoist of the -Tʽang dynasty. His commentary is very diffuse, and does not tend very -much to give a clear conception of Lao-tzŭ’s views. Many Chinese -scholars, however, believe that the genuine work is not extant, and -that all the editions purporting to be from his pen are spurious. -Lü-yen was also the editor of a Taoist book written by a celebrated -individual of the Han dynasty, and he was the author of a number of -original pieces. He was promoted to the rank of a Genius, and he is -enrolled as one of the Pa-hsien (八仙) or Eight Genii, under the style -Shun-yang-chên-jen (純楊眞人); and in the 29th year of Kʽang-hsi, -Mou-Mu-yuen (牟目源) published an edition of the Tao-tê Ching purporting -to be a revised edition of this man’s work. It is a very useful book, -giving in addition to the commentary a list of various readings, the -sounds of the rare or doubtful characters, and other valuable -information. This is the edition, apparently, to which Julien refers -as a work “publiée en 1690 par Chun-yang-tchin-jin qui renferme toutes -les rêveries des Tao-sse modernes.”[17] I cannot understand, however, -how a sinologue of M. Julien’s erudition could mistake the date of the -famous Lü-Tʽung-pin or forget that he was identical with -Shun-yang-chên-jen, A new edition of Mou-Mu-yuen’s book was published -in the 14th year of Chia-chʽing (1809) by Tsou-Hsü-kʽun (鄒學鯤). - -4. The edition with notes by Su-Che (蘇轍), a relation of the famous -poet and author of the Sung dynasty, named Su also. Che, or as he is -also called Tsŭ-yu, seems to have been an eclectic philosopher, and he -has incurred severe censure from rigid Confucianists for daring to -presume that the doctrines of Shâkyamuni and Lao-tzŭ could resemble -those of their Master. His commentary is written in a liberal and -generous spirit, and shews, besides, a considerable amount of reading, -much in advance of ordinary Chinese authors. - -5. Another edition of the Tao-tê Ching, published during the Sung -dynasty, was that of Lü-Tung-lai (呂東萊) or Tsu-chʽien (祖謙), also -known as Pei-kung (伯恭). He was a very learned Confucianist, and -wrote, along with other works, an excellent commentary on the -Chʽun-chʽiu (春秋) of Confucius. - -6. The Tao-tê-chên-ching-chu (道德眞經註) by Wu-Chʽêng (吳澄). This man -was a native of Lin-chiean-hsien (臨川縣) in Kiangsi, and lived under -the Yuan or Mongol dynasty. He divided the Tao-tê Ching into -sixty-eight chapters by putting, in several instances, two or more of -the ordinary chapters into one. His commentary is one of the best and -of the most popular among the Chinese literati. This is partly owing -to the fact that Wu-Chʽêng was also a well-known Confucianist and a -commentator on the classics. His style was Yu-chʽing (幼清), and it is -under the name Oi-yeou-thsing that Julien makes mention of him. In -Chinese books he is also frequently quoted as Tsʽao-lu (草廬). A new -edition of Wu-Chʽêng’s excellent work appeared in the eighth year of -Chia-chʽing (1803,) with a preface by Chang-Wên-ping, and another -edition with a short supplement appeared in the reign of the late -emperor. - -7. Under the Ming dynasty there were several good, editions of this -work published, but I have been able to obtain only two of them. The -Tao-tê-hsing-ming-chʽien-chi (道德性命前集) was published during the -reign of Yung-lo in the first quarter of the 15th century. The editor -does not reveal his name but uses a _nom de guerre_, and I have not -succeeded in ascertaining anything about his history. The commentary -which he has written is very useful, and evinces a careful study of -his author and a familiar acquaintance with Chinese literature. The -text and the headings of the Chapters are said to be after -Ho-shang-kung, and the number of the chapters is eighty-one. - -8. The Tao-tê-hsing-ming-hou-chi (道德性命後集) appeared in the reign of -Chia-ching (嘉靖) of the same dynasty, and nearly a century after the -above edition. The author of this commentary was Chu-Chʽen-hung -(朱宸洪), a relative of the royal family, and a military viceroy with -full powers for some time. His notes are short and not of great -utility, but he occasionally introduces quotations from early writers -illustrative of passages in Lao-tzŭ’s teachings, and he seems to have -been a man of no mean literary attainments. - -9. The Tao-tê Ching, with Prolegomena and Commentary by Hsu-Ta-chʽun -(徐大椿), was published in 1760. Ta-chʽun’s style was Ling-tʽai (靈胎), -and he was born in Wu-chiang-hsien (吳江縣) in the department of Soochow, -in the reign of Yung-chêng. He was well-known during his life as an -accomplished scholar, and a writer on medicine and other subjects. His -commentary on the Tao-tê Ching is to be reckoned among the most useful -of all the commentaries that have hitherto appeared. He speaks very -slightingly of previous editors, more especially of Ho-shang-kung, -and he advertises his readers that he has not stolen anything from his -predecessors, but has studied his author. Mr. Wylie says that Ta-chʽun -in this commentary, “in a concise and lucid style, develops his ideas -on the work of Laòu-tze, extolling it above the Confucian Classics.”[18] - -10. The Tao-tê-ching-kʽao-yi (道德經攷異) by Pi-Yuan (畢沅), a high -officer under Chien-lung. He published this work in the forty-sixth -year of this reign (1781) in two volumes, and with the chapters -divided in the usual manner. The text which he gives is that settled -by Fu-yi (傅奕), an imperial annalist during the Tʽang dynasty, and his -notes consist almost exclusively of an enumeration of the variations -presented by previous editions. Mr. Wylie speaks of it as “a very -excellent examination of the purity of the text,”[19] but it is -scarcely so much as a statement of the various readings, with an -occasional attempt at explanation or reconciliation. - -11. The Lao-tzŭ-tsʽan-chu (老子參註). Of this Mr. Wylie writes:—“A -critical exposition of the work (that is, of the Tao-tê Ching) -was written by 倪元垣 E Yuên-tʽàn in 1816, entitled the 老子參註 -Laòu-tszè-tsʽan-choó.”[20] - -Appended to several editions of the Tao-tê Ching is a small tract -bearing the name Yin-fu Ching (陰符經), that is, as explained by one -author, the Classic of the Secret Tally. It contains only a few -sentences, generally obscure and enigmatical, bearing on subjects -similar to those treated of by Lao-tzŭ. The author of the work is -unknown, and some refer it to the ancient Hwang-Ti (about B.C. 2630), -while others bring it down so late as Li-Chʽuan (李筌) of the Tʽang -dynasty.[21] It seems more probable, however, that it was written by -Tʽai-kung (太公), who is also known as Lü-wang (呂望) and Chiàng-shang -(姜尙). He was feudal chief of the principality of Chʽi (齊), and lived -under kings Wên and Wu of the Chou dynasty (about B.C. 1150 to 1120). -Szŭ-ma-chʽien[22] mentions the book under the title Chou-shu-yin-fu -(周書陰符), as having been studied by Su-Chʽin (蘇秦), a famous general -about the time of Mencius, who attained to the high position of chief -minister for six of the seven states then contending; hence he is -frequently spoken of as Liu-kuo-hsiang (劉國相). The Yin-fu-Ching forms -part of the curious book called the Magnetic Needle (指南針), where the -text is accompanied with very interesting notes. - - [1] Le Livre des Récompenses et des Peines &c., par S. Julien - Avertissement, p. 6. - - [2] Wên-hsien &c., ch., 211. - - [3] See Lie-tzŭ’s Chung-hsü-chen-ching (冲虛眞經) Tien-sui (天瑞) ch. - where it forms part of a quotation from Hwang-Ti’s writings. - - [4] See Julien’s Tao-tê-king, p. xxxiii. - - [5] Hsü Ta-chʽun’s Preface to his edition of the Tao-tê ching. - - [6] See Wu-Chʽêng’s (吳澄) Tao-tê ching, ch. 1. - - [7] Hsü Ta-chün’s edition, Prolegomena 2. This statement, however, - cannot be verified. - - [8] See Hsü Ta-chʽün as above. - - [9] Pauthier, Chine, p. iii. - - [10] Wên-hsien &c., ch. 211. - - [11] Mémoire &c., p. 49. - - [12] Chine Moderne, p.f 350, and Chine, p. 95 &c. - - [13] Ch., 211. - - [14] Tao-tê ching, p. ii - - [15] See the Shang-yu-lu (尙友錄), Ch. 9, art. 王. - - [16] Notes on Chinese Literature, p. 179. - - [17] Tao te, &c. Observations Détachées, p. xxxix. - - [18] Notes on Chinese Literature, p. 173. I have failed, however, to - verify the concluding part of the sentence. - - [19] Notes, &c., p. 173. - - [20] Notes, &c., p. 174. - - [21] Notes, &c., p. 173. - - [22] Shi-chi, Ch. 8. - - - - - CHAPTER IV. - - GENERAL VIEW OF LAO-TZŬ’s TEACHINGS. - - -Before proceeding to examine in detail the doctrines of the _Tao-tê -Ching_, I shall briefly indicate their general nature; and by way of -preface to my own remarks, I now present to the reader the statements -of two critics of different countries, and of rather widely separated -dates. One of these, _Chu-hsi_ 朱熹, a Chinese philosopher who lived in -the 12th century, says:—“Lao-tzŭ’s scheme of philosophy consists in -modesty, self-emptiness, the saving of one’s powers, and the refusal -in all circumstances to agitate the bodily humours and spirits. -Lao-tzŭ’s learning consists, generally speaking, in being void of -desires, quiet, and free from exertion—in being self-empty, retiring, -and self-controlling (lit., self-keeping) in actual life. Accordingly, -what his words are ever inculcating is to have in outward deportment a -gentle tenderness and modesty, and to be at the core void of all -selfishness, and unhurtful to all things in the world.”[1] The other -critic, a French philosopher still living, says:—“La conception de -_Lao-tseu_ est un Rationalisme panthéistique absolu dans lequel le -monde sensible est consideré comme la cause de toutes les -imperfections et de toutes les misères, et la personalité humaine -comme un mode inférieur et passager du grand Être, de la grande _Uité_ -qui est l’origine et la fin de tous les Êtres. Elle a, comme nous -l’avons déjà dit ailleurs une grande analogie avec le système de -l’_Identitè absolue_ de Schelling. Il y a cette difference, cependant, -que la conception du premier n’est en quelque sorte qu’à l’état -rudimentaire, comme la civilization de son époque, tandis que le -système du dernier embrasse tous les progrès que la pensée -philosophique a fait pendant plus de deux mille ans d’incessants et -souvent d’infructueus labeurs.”[2] I am unable to coincide perfectly -with the opinions of the above critics, especially with those of the -latter; and I shall probably refer to them again. There is at least -one respect in which the writings of Lao-tzŭ resemble those of -Schelling—that is, in being frequently quite unintelligible to all -ordinary mortals. - -Pauthier, however, seems to have observed what the Chinese critic -apparently failed to notice—namely, that all Lao-tzŭ’s teachings are -the elucidation and development of his idea of the relations between -something which he names _Tao_ and the Universe. In taking a general -view of Lao-tzŭ’s philosophy, this is the first observation I have to -make:—It is a system which refers all things to _Tao_, as the ultimate -ideal unity of the universe. The sum of the _Tao-tê Ching_ may be said -to be that Tao originated all things, is the everlasting model of rule -for all things, and that into it all things are finally absorbed. It -behoves us then, at the outset, to endeavour to ascertain what that is -which Lao-tzŭ designates by this name, and to find some sort of an -equivalent for it in our own language, if possible. - -Now the character Tao 道 is used in several very different senses in -the _Tao-tê Ching_. (1) It is used in the sense of the _way or means_ -of doing a thing.[3] (2) In some passages it means to speak of or -describe.[4] (3) It is used in the sense of the course—literal and -metaphorical—characteristic of and pursued by Heaven, Earth, the -perfect man, &c.[5] This usage of the word is common to Lao-tzŭ with -the Confucianists and all other Chinese writers. In some places also -it seems to be used in the sense of good principles—truth—as in -Confucianist writings. (_See Ch._ 46.). (4) There is the -transcendental use of the word, perhaps originated by Lao-tzŭ,[6] but -at least chiefly transmitted through him. It is with _Tao_ used in -this last sense alone that we have to deal at present, and I shall -accordingly now give a sketch of Lao-tzŭ’s own account of the _Tao_ -which has given a name to his philosophy. - -_Tao_, then, is something which existed before heaven and earth were, -before Deity was, and which is, indeed, eternal.[7] It has not any -name really,[8] and it never had a name; but Lao-tzŭ feels himself -obliged to devise an epithet for it, and he adopts the word _Tao_. -This word, however, is not to be taken in any of its ordinary -significations,[9] but is used in a peculiar sense, to denote that -which would otherwise be nameless. This _Tao_ cannot be apprehended by -any of the bodily senses.[10] It is profound, mysterious, and -extremely subtle.[11] Represented as existing eternally, it is in its -nature calm, void, solitary, and unchanging;[12] but represented as in -operation, it revolves through the universe of being, acting -everywhere, but acting “mysteriously, spontaneously, and without -effort.”[13] It contains matter, and an inherent power of production; -and though itself formless, it yet comprehends all possible forms.[14] -It is the ultimate cause of the universe, and it is the model or rule -for all creatures, but chiefly for man.[15] It represents also that -ideal state of perfection in which all things acted harmoniously and -spontaneously, and when good and evil were unknown; and the return to -which constitutes the _summum bonum_ of existence.[16] Lao-tzŭ speaks -of the _Tao_ under various metaphors—it is the spirit of the void[17] -(lit., spirit of the valley)—a hollow utensil[18]—a river or -ocean[19]—a parent[20]—a ruler.[21] We will have more to say of this -_Tao_ shortly; but the above will perhaps suffice for the present to -give an idea of what meaning Lao-tzŭ attached to the word, or rather, -it should be said, the meanings; for he does not seem to have had in -his mind a very clear conception of what _Tao_ actually was. - -The next thing we have to do is to endeavour to find a word which will -translate _Tao_ in this, its transcendental use—a matter of no easy -accomplishment. Pauthier, as has been seen, renders it by “_Grande -voie_ du monde,” by “Raison suprême universelle:” he also sometimes -speaks of it simply as “Raison”[22] or “Logos.” Rémusat[23] also -renders it by “Logos” or “Raison;” and it is by the term “Raison” or -“Logos” that English writers translate the character _Tao_ when it -refers to the peculiar doctrines of Lao-tzŭ and his real or pretended -followers. Julien, however, dissents from this interpretation, and -rightly I think. After giving an account of _Tao_ as taught by the -Taoists themselves, he says “Il parait donc impossible de le (i.e., -_Tao_) prendre pour la _raison primordiale_, pour _l’intelligence -sublime_ qui a créé et qui régit le monde.”[24] It is with great -hesitation and reluctance, however, that I find myself unable to adopt -Julien’s own translation—“Voie,” or Way. I quite agree with him as to -the reason for not adopting the term Reason—namely, that _Tao_ as -represented by Lao-tzŭ is devoid of thought, judgment, and -intelligence (as to action, Lao-tzŭ is apparently not quite consistent -with himself.) Thus it is quite impossible to make it identical with -the _Logos_ of Plato, and almost absurd to identify it with the divine -_Logos_ of the Neoplatonists of Alexandria. But I do not think that -the word _way_ is the best we can use to translate _Tao_, and this for -several reasons. A way implies a way-maker apart from and antecedent -to it, but _Tao_ was before all other existences. Again, when Lao-tzŭ -speaks of it as indeterminate, as profound, and finally as producing, -nourishing, and absorbing the universe, these terms can scarcely be -applied to a way, however metaphorically used. Julien says:—“Le sens -de _Voie_, que je donne au mot _Tao_ 道, résulte clairement des -passages suivants de _Lao-tseu_: ‘Si j’étais doué de quelque prudence, -je marcherais dans le grand _Tao_’ (dans la grande _Voie_).—Le grand -_Tao_ est tres-uni (la grande _Voie_ est tres-unie), mais le peuple -aime les sentiers (ch. LIII).” “Le _Tao_ peut être regardé comme la -mere de l’univers. Je ne connais pas son nom; pour le qualifier, je -l’appelle le _Tao_ ou la _Voie_ (ch. XXV).”[25] Now in the former of the -two cases here cited the expression _ta tao_ 大道 means, I think, the -great course of duty which all men ought to pursue, but especially -those who are in authority—the way of the magistrate or ruler; an -interpretation which seems to be supported by the rest of the chapter, -though some of the commentators seem to be of the same opinion with -Julien.[26] It is to be observed that this scholar translates the -words “_ta tao_” by “la grande Voie,” but in the same chapter renders -the words “_fei tao tsai_” 非道哉 simply by “ce n’est point pratiquer le -_Tao_.” The chapter from which the latter of the above two passages is -cited by Julien also seems to require another word than _way_ to -translate _Tao_, and the same remark applies to the occurrence of the -word in several other places throughout the _Tao-tê Ching_.[27] We may -say of the _Tao_, as “Voie” or Way, that it revolves everywhere; but -we can scarcely speak of it as being parent of the Universe—the first -and highest existence. _Way_ or _road_ is, no doubt, one of the -earliest meanings of the character _Tao_, and that which underlies -many of its other uses. Nor is it very difficult to trace its progress -from the perfectly concrete _course_ or _channel_, and the abstract -_line_ or _guide_, to the ideal _path_ or _course_ which universal -nature eternally and unchangingly pursues. What Lao-tzŭ does, as it -seems to me, is to identify Nature and her ideal course; and as he -could find no more general word whereby to express this ultimate ideal -unity, he uses the word _Tao_ to designate it, just as a mathematician -uses _x_ to express an unknown quantity. - -In order to appreciate Lao-tzŭ’s system properly, we must substitute -for _Tao_ a word corresponding as closely as possible to it in width -of meaning and vagueness of association. It bears a somewhat close -analogy to the _Apeiron_ of the old Ionic philosopher Anaximander; but -the Indeterminate or the Indefinite is rather an awkward word to be -frequently using, and we do not know enough of Anaximander’s system to -warrant us in substituting the _Apeiron_ for _Tao_. In modern times, -again, the _Substance_ in Spinoza’s philosophy, and the _Absolute_ in -Schelling’s, resemble it in many points; but neither could serve as a -proper translation. I have accordingly determined to express _Tao_ by -our word _Nature_, using it in its widest and most abstract -sense—“great creating Nature.” But I do not wish to be understood as -implying that this word corresponds exactly to _Tao_—far from it. I -use it simply as in my opinion the nearest approach we can get.[28] -So, then, we may say of Lao-tzŭ’s system that it refers all matter and -spirit in the universe to one original Nature, from which they both -originated, by which they are maintained, and into which they are to -be finally absorbed. This is the first general observation I have to -make on his philosophy. - -Again, Lao-tzŭ’s philosophy is eminently an ethical or rather a -politico-ethical system. All his teachings aim at making man a better -individual, and a better member of society. Whatever the subject be on -which he discourses, there is generally a moral allusion or a moral -lesson taught in allegory; and the high value which he assigns to -moral excellence above all showy accomplishments deserves our greatest -commendation, even though we dissent from his disparaging view of -intellectual acquirements. He appeals more to the heart than to the -mind—more to the Hebraistic side of our nature than to the Hellenistic -(to use Mr. Matthew Arnold’s language); and the _Tao-tê ching_ is more -a book of skeleton sermons than a book of “reasoned truth.” The -intellect, indeed, is not only depressed; but is even sometimes spoken -of unfavourably, as opposed to the beneficial operation of Nature -(_Tao_) on men’s hearts. - -Further, the system of Lao-tzŭ is one purely speculative, and _a -priori_ (in the Kantian sense). There is in it no gathering of -facts—no questioning of nature—no rising from particular facts or -truths of greater and greater generality. There is, in short, little -or nothing of the spirit of the inductive philosophy of modern times -to be found in the _Tao-tê ching_. It “nobly takes the _a priori_ -road,” beginning with the universal cause, and coming down to -particular facts; frames hypotheses about nature and morals, and tries -to make existing circumstances conform to them. This is the character, -however, which it has in common with nearly all early systems of -philosophy, and even with some of very modern times. An utterly wrong -method we believe it to be; but we can easily forgive it in Lao-tzŭ, -when we take into consideration the circumstances amid which he lived, -and the nature and amount of the materials at his hand. - -The last characteristic of Lao-tzŭ’s teachings to which I shall allude -at present is that they are all imbued with a genial and sympathetic -spirit, regarding man not merely as an individual, and not merely as a -member of human society, but also a citizen of the universe, if I may -use the expression. Modesty, gentleness, forbearance, and self-denial -are his constant watchwords. He ever inculcates on man, especially in -his highest development, a sympathy not only with his fellow men, but -also with all the creatures of the earth, and even with inanimate -nature. This doctrine results, no doubt, from the leading idea that -all owe their origin to the one all-producing, all-nourishing nature; -and it is a doctrine of which Lao-tzŭ seems to have been very fond. He -frequently alludes to it as the duty and advantage of man to be -humble, gentle, and never striving; and he utterly abhors the idea of -violence, and the ostentation of superiority. He goes to excess, -however, I think, in his notions about a peaceful, non-interfering -mode of life; and carries his doctrine of the imitation of Nature -(_Tao_) to unwarranted lengths. - -Having thus described generally the nature of the teachings of the -_Tao-tê ching_, I shall now proceed to examine them more in detail. In -doing so it will be convenient to consider them under the three -leading divisions of Speculative Physics, Politics and Ethics. I must, -however, beg pardon of the pale shade of their author for doing so, as -I am certain that he would not sanction this division; and at the same -time I must forewarn the reader that he is not to think that subjects -in his opinion appertaining to these three departments are kept -rigorously distinct. Lao-tzŭ, like Plato and some other philosophers, -makes Physics and Politics subordinate parts of Ethics—the grand, all -embracing study. So when reading in the _Tao-tê ching_ about matters -which we regard as belonging peculiarly to one or other of these -divisions, we must endeavour to regard them from Lao-tzŭ’s point of -view—viz., as part of one universal, all containing nature. If we -leave out the important word which I enclose in brackets, and -substitute some such word as _yet_ or _still_, we find in the writings -of a great English poet of the 18th century sentiments very similar to -those of the Chinese sage who lived more than two thousand years -before him:— - - “All are but parts of one stupendous whole, - Whose body nature is, and [God] the soul; - That, changed through all, and yet in all the same; - Great in the earth, as in the ethereal frame; - Warms in the sun, refreshes in the breeze, - Glows in the stars, and blossoms in the trees, - Lives through all life, extends through all extent, - Spreads undivided, operates unspent: - Breathes in our soul, informs our mortal part, - As full, as perfect, in a hair as heart: - As full, as perfect, in vile man that mourns, - As the rapt seraph that adores and burns: - To _it_ no high, no low, no great, no small; - _It_ fills, _it_ bounds, connects, and equals all.” - - [1] Collected Writings, ch. 58. - - [2] Chine Moderne, p. 351. - - [3] Ch. 59. - - [4] Ch. 1. This passage is, however, also rendered according to the - metaphor of a road. See Wu-chʽêng’s note. - - [5] Chs. 47, 49, 73, 77. - - [6] See Ch. 25. - - [7] Chs. 25, 26. - - [8] Ch. 41. - - [9] Ch. 1. The word chʽang (常), however, may mean lasting, eternal. - - [10] Chs. 14, 35. - - [11] Ch. 1, &c. - - [12] Ch. 25. - - [13] Chs. 25, 37. - - [14] Chs. 14, 21. - - [15] Chs. 1, 51. - - [16] See chs. 18, 38. - - [17 Ch. 6. The character 谷 is, however, also rendered otherwise in - this page. See Yi-yuan’s edition and that in the 十子全書. - - [18] Ch. 4. - - [19] Ch. 32. - - [20] Chs. 24, 52. - - [21] Ch. 51. The _Tao_ is also, however, said not to rule over the - world. See ch. 34. - - [22] Chine Moderne, p. 351. - - [23] Melanges Posthumes, p. 167, and in the Melanges Asiatiques. See - also Julien’s Introduction, p. xii. - - [24] Introduction, p. xiii. - - [25] Introduction, p. xiii. - - [26] See Wu-chʽêng’s note to the passage. - - [27] _E.G._, chs. 16, 14, &c. - - [28] There are several passages in the _Tao-tê ching_ where Nature - could not be used to translate _Tao_; but this may in some cases arise - from the fact that Lao-tzŭ’s conception of Nature was very different - from ours. - - - - - CHAPTER V. - - SPECULATIVE PHYSICS. - - -What was Lao-tzŭ’s conception of the Cosmos? To this question we are -unfortunately unable to give a clear and satisfactory answer. It is -only occasionally, and then usually by way of illustration, that he -alludes to the material world or to the physical and mental -constitution of man. All that we can do, accordingly, is to examine -the miscellaneous passages in which he refers to these subjects, and -collect from them what information we can as to the notions which -Lao-tzŭ entertained about the origin and nature of the universe; and -we must be prepared to find under the head of speculative physics many -more matters than ought properly, according to our ideas, to be so -included. - -The first point to be noticed is that, as has been already seen, -Lao-tzŭ refers all existing creatures to an eternal, all-producing, -all-sustaining unity, which he calls Nature (Tao). He does not -distinguish between mind and matter, nor would he, in my opinion, have -recognised any fundamental or generic difference between them. -Whether, however, spirit and matter were identical or diametrically -opposite, they had a common origin in Tao. But though usually he thus -refers all things to nature (Tao) as their first cause, yet he -sometimes seems to speak of the universe as coming from nothing.[1] -Nor is there any contradiction here, since Lao-tzŭ regarded -non-existence (Wu 無) as in circumstances identical with existence (Yu -有); the latter being merely the former contemplated from a different -point of view. This opinion, if not explicitly stated by himself, is -at least implied in his writings, and is explicitly stated by one of -his disciples.[2] It must be mentioned, however, that Chu-hsi (朱熹) -ascribes the very opposite doctrine to Lao-tzŭ, who, he says, regarded -existence and non-existence as _two_, whereas Chou-tzŭ (周子) regarded -them as one.[3] In the Tao-tê Ching the originator of the universe is -referred to under the names Non-Existence, Existence, Nature (Tao) and -various other designations—all which, however, represent one idea in -various manifestations. It is in all cases Nature (Tao) which is -meant, and we are now prepared to examine the part which Lao-tzŭ -assigns to this Tao in the production and regulation of the physical -world. - -Tao, as spoken of by Lao-tzŭ, may be considered as a potential or as -an actual existence, and under this latter head it may be contemplated -in itself and as an operating agent in the universe. Regarded as a -potential existence it may, when compared with actual existence, be -pronounced non-existence. It is from this point of view imperceptible -to man, and can be spoken of only negatively; and so such terms as -non-existence (無), the unlimited or infinite (無極), the non-exerting -(無爲), the matterless (無物), are the expressions used with reference -to Tao thus considered.[4] Accordingly Lao-tzŭ, when speaking of it as -a potential existence, as the logical antecedent of all perceptible -existence—seems to regard it as equivalent to the primeval Nothing or -Chaos. So too the Yuan-miao-nei-pʽien (元妙内篇) says that the great -Tao which arose in non-exertion is the ancestor of all things.[5] From -this state, however, it passes into the condition of actual existence, -a transition which is expressed under the metaphor of generation.[6] -To this doctrine, that existence is generated from non-existence, -Chu-hsi objects; but his objection arises chiefly, I think, from -supposing that Lao-tzŭ regarded them as two distinct things, whereas -his doctrine on this subject is exactly like that of Chou-tzŭ, with -which Chu-hsi seems to agree.[7] We are not to suppose that Nature is -ever simply and entirely potential to the utter exclusion of -actuality, or _vice versa_: on the contrary, these two existences or -conditions are represented as alternately generating each the -other.[8] Thus the potential (or nominal non-existence) may be -supposed to be in time later than the actual, though the latter must -always be logically regarded as consequent on the former. In itself, -again, _Tao_, regarded as an actual existence is, as has been seen, -calm, void, eternal, unchanging and bare of all qualities. Regarded as -an agent operating throughout the universe, on the other hand, _Tao_ -may be spoken of as great, changing, far-extending, and finally -returning (to the state of potentiality).[9] A late author gives a -curious illustration of the above notions of Lao-tzŭ, taken from the -well-known habits of the Ateuchus with reference to the propagation of -its species, but this author proceeds on the supposition that -non-existence and existence are different. We have now to combine -these two conceptions of Tao, as a potential and as an actual -existence. Though void, shapeless, and immaterial, it yet contains the -potentiality of all substance and shape, and from itself it produces -the universe,[10] diffusing itself over or permeating all space. It is -said to have generated the world,[11] and is frequently spoken of as -the mother of this latter[12]—“the dark primeval mother, teeming with -dreamy beings.” All things that exist submit to Tao as their chief, -but it displays no lordship over them.[13] In the spring time it -quickens the dead world, clothes it as with a garment, and nourishes -it, yet the world knows not its foster-mother. A distinction, however, -is made—the nameless is said to be the origin of heaven and earth, -while the named is the mother of the myriad objects which inhabit the -earth. Though there is nothing done in the universe which is not done -by Nature, though all things depend on it for their existence, yet in -no case is Nature seen acting.[14] It is in its own deep self a -unit—the smallest possible quantity—yet it prevails over the wide -expanse of the universe, operating unspent but unseen.[15] - -We now come to the generations of the heavens and the earth, and their -history is thus given by Lao-tzŭ.[16] Tao generated One, One generated -Two, Two generated Three, and Three generated the material world. That -is, according to the explanation given by some, Nature (Tao) generated -the Yin-chʽi (陰氣), the passive and inferior element in the -composition of things; this in its turn produced the Yang-chʽi (陽氣), -the active and superior element; which again produced Ho (和), that is, -that harmonious agreement of the passive and active elements which -brought about the production of all things.[17] Another explanation is -that Tao considered as Non-existence produced the Great Extreme -(Tʽai-chi 太極), which produced the passive and active elements; then -Harmony united these two and generated the universe.[18] Of this -section of the Tao-tê Ching Rémusat observes—“En effet, Lao-tseu -explique, d’une manière qui est entièrement conforme à la doctrine -Platonicienne, comment les deux principes, celui du ciel et celui de -la terre, ou l’air grossier et l’ether, sont liés entre eux par un -_Souffle_ qui les unit et qui produit _l’harmonie_. Il est impossible -d’exprimer plus clairemeut les idées de Timée de Locres, dont les -termes semblent la traduction du passage Chinois.”[19] The doctrines, -however, on the formation of the world put into the mouth of Timæus, -and the ideas of Lao-tzŭ on this subject, seem to me to have very -little in common. The Greek philosopher makes a personal deity the -artificer of the universe, fashioning the world out of the bright and -solid elements, fire and earth, which he unites by means of air and -water, thus forming a friendship and harmony indissoluble by any -except the author. The _harmony_ of Lao-tzŭ, on the other hand is, if -we understand him aright, only the unconflicting alternation of the -two cosmical elements, and there is no divine Demiurg in his system. -There is, however, a statement in the Timæus which resembles Lao-tzŭ’s -statement on this subject, and to which we will refer hereafter. - -First in order after Tao is Tʽien (天), or the material heaven above -us. This is represented as pure and clear in consequence of having -obtained the One—that is, in consequence of having participated in the -great “over-soul” or Universal Nature.[20] Were heaven to lose its -purity and clearness it would be in danger of destruction. Of the -heavenly bodies and their revolutions, Lao-tzŭ does not make mention, -nor have we any means of ascertaining what were his ideas respecting -them. Nearly all that he says about Tʽien or heaven is metaphorical, -with apparent reference to an agent endowed with consciousness -(according to our ways of thinking). Thus he speaks of it as enduring -for a long period because it does not exist for itself; as being free -from partiality towards any of the creatures in the world; as being -next in dignity above a king and below Tao, and as taking this last -for its rule of conduct.[21] - -The space between heaven and earth is represented as like a bottomless -bag or tube,[22] though this is perhaps merely a metaphorical -expression. The earth itself is at rest,[23] this being the specific -nature which it has as the result of its participation in Tao. The -heavens are always revolving over the earth, producing the varieties -of the seasons, vivifying, nourishing, and killing all things; but it -remains stationary in calm repose. Were it to lose the informing -nature which makes it so, the earth would probably be set in motion. -Its place is next in order after heaven which it takes as its model. -It is impartial, spontaneous, unostentatious, and exists long because -it does not exist for itself. Neither in heaven nor on earth can -anything violent endure for a lengthened period. The whirlwind and -heavy rains may come, but they do not last even for a day.[24] - -Next to heaven and earth are the “myriad things” that is, the animate -and inanimate objects which surround us; and here again it must be -borne in mind that Lao-tzŭ’s allusions to these matters are only -incidental and by way of illustration generally. As has been seen, all -things spring from and participate in Nature, which is, as it were, -their mother. This Nature (Tao) is, as we have seen, imperceptible in -itself, and when considered merely as a potentiality; but it bodies -itself forth and takes a local habitation and a name in all the -objects which exist in the universe, and thus it becomes palpable to -human observation—not in its essence but only in its workings. Now -this manifestation of Nature constitutes for each object or class of -objects in the world its Tê (德)—that is, what it has received or -obtained from Tao, according to some commentators. Tê is usually -translated by _virtue_, but this word very inadequately represents the -meaning of the word in this connection. Sometimes it seems to be -almost synonymous with Tao, and has functions assigned to it which at -other times are represented as pertaining to this latter. If, however, -we regard Tao as the great or universal Nature, we may consider Tê as -the particular Nature with which creatures are endowed out of the -former. It is also the conscious excellence which man and all other -creatures obtain when spontaneity is lost. Thus Lao-tzŭ regards all -things as equally with man under the care of Nature, which produces -and nourishes all alike. Heaven and earth, he says, have no -partialities—they regard the “myriad things” as the straw-made dogs -which were formed for the sacrifices and prayers for rain, and cast -aside when the rites were finished.[25] In another passage of the -Tao-tê Ching it is said that Tao generates all things, Tê nourishes -all things, Matter (Wu 物) bodies them forth, and Order (勢) gives them -perfection.[26] - -Lao-tzŭ, in accordance with popular Chinese ideas, speaks of five -colours, five sounds, and five tastes;[27] and he attributes to these -a baneful influence on man, whom he teaches to overcome and nullify -them as much as possible. All things in the world, moreover, are -arranged in a system of dualism.[28] Motion is always followed by -rest, and this again by motion. Long and short, high and low, mutually -succeed each other, and are merely relative terms. Solidity gives the -object, and hollowness gives its utility, as in the case of wooden or -earthen vessels. When a thing is to be weakened it must first have -been strengthened; to that from which there is to be taken there must -first have been given. This dualism will be seen to extend into other -regions besides the physical world, and it is needless to refer to it -at greater length at present. - -Further, Lao-tzŭ seems to have regarded all existing things as having -a set time during which to endure. Nature engenders them, nourishes -them and finally receives them back into its bosom. They flourish -until they attain to the state of completeness, which is soon lost, -and then decay and final dissolution ensue.[29] The tree grows from -the tiny sapling to its full maturity, then decays and returns to dark -Mother Nature. The process as conceived and sketched by the ancient -sage is beautifully described in the words of Tennyson— - - “Lo! in the middle of the wood, - The folded leaf is woo’d from out the bud - With winds upon the branch, and there - Grows green and broad and takes no care, - Sun-steep’d at noon, and in the moon - Nightly dew-fed; and turning yellow - Falls, and floats adown the air. - Lo! sweeten’d with the summer light - The full-juiced apple, waxing over-mellow, - Drops in a silent autumn night. - All its allotted length of days, - The flower ripens in its place, - Ripens and fades, and falls, and hath no toil, - Fast-rooted in the fruitful soil.”[30] - -Lao-tzŭ’s mode of contemplating natural phenomena is, indeed, -altogether much more like that of the poetical metaphysician than that -of the physicist. He does not look upon a stream, for example, as -composed of certain chemical elements in certain proportions, as -running at a calculable rapid rate, carrying with it an alarming -amount of mud, and having in each microscopic drop exactly so many -thousands of animalculæ. He thinks of it rather as at first a tiny -stream up among the hills, scooping out the hard earth, and slowly -wearing away impeding stones, in order to make a channel for its -waters; as flowing thence down into the vale where it gives itself up -to enrich the fields; then as passing on thence to join the brimming -river, and finally submit itself to the great sea.[31] He regards -everything from an ethical point of view, and finds a lesson -everywhere. He does not regard the study of nature as consisting in -the investigation of colour, sound, heat, and such things—the less one -has to do with these the better. The study should be carried on in -one’s own room without any adventitious aids. The student must -overcome his affections and passions before he can attain to a -knowledge of the great mysteries of Nature, but having once attained -the serene heights of desireless existence he can know all things.[32] -This is no doubt a bad way of studying nature, and one which would -never conduct to the material benefit of humanity. Yet it also has its -uses. It helps to make us “mingle with the universe,” have a lower -appreciation of ourselves, and sympathise affectionately with all -that surrounds us. We have abundance of room in the world for the two -classes of philosophers—those who experiment on Nature with a view to -the material progress of mankind, and those who regard her with the -dutiful love of a son for a mother. - -In the teachings of Lao-tzŭ in Speculative Physics, as sketched above, -the student of philosophy will find many ideas resembling others with -which he is already more familiar. To those of the sages of Ancient -Greece it is perhaps unnecessary for me to do more than refer. With -them as living also in the comparative childhood of the world Lao-tzŭ -might naturally be supposed to have considerable affinity. In the -Timæus of Plato there is a passage which does not accord with the rest -of that work, nor with the spirit of the other Platonic dialogues, and -which bears considerable resemblance to the doctrine of Lao-tzŭ about -the primordial all-producing Nature (Tao). The hero of the dialogue, -if such an expression may be used, Timæus himself, suddenly leaves the -train of imaginative discourse which he had been for some time -pursuing about the visible universe and the mode in which the divine -artificer constructed it, and he introduces a new conception, that of -the primeval mother, formless, immortal, and indestructible.[33] -Reference has already been made to the resemblance between Lao-tzŭ’s -teachings and those of Anaximander, and Hegel says of the latter’s -notion, that the _ἄπειρον_ is the principle from which endless worlds -or gods originate and into which they vanish, that it sounds quite -Oriental.[34] But not only are Lao-tzŭ’s speculations on physics like -those of other ancients, they resemble also those of many modern -philosophers, and his theory about the study of Nature may well be -compared with that of Schelling. The Tao itself, or the primordial -existence, appears under various names in the history of Philosophy. -It is the Tʽai-chi (太極) or Great Extreme—the Tʽai-yi (太一) or Great -Unit—the _Anima Mundi_—the Absolute—the Vital Force—Gravity—Caloric—when -considered as universally active and productive. - - “There is but one vast universal dynamic, one mover, one might, - Variously operant under the various conditions it finds; - And we call that by turns electricity, friction, caloric, and light, - Which is none of these things, and yet all of them. Ask of the waves - and the winds, - Ask of the stars of the firmament, ask of the flowers of the field; - They will answer you all of them, naming it each by a different name. - For the meaning of Nature is neither wholly conceal’d nor reveal’d; - But her mind is seen to be single in her acts that are nowhere the - same.”[35] - -Further, Lao-tzŭ represents pure or abstract existence as identical -with non-existence, and in our own century Hegel has said that Being -and Non-being are the same.[36] Again, Lao-tzŭ speaks of the ultimate -existence as that out of which all other existences have proceeded, -and he regards it as becoming active and producing from having been -inactive and quiescent. So many modern philosophers have maintained -that God made all things out of himself; and in the opinion of some -the Deity became personal from being impersonal, and the Infinite -manifested itself as finite in the created universe.[37] But the great -point on which Lao-tzŭ differs from the large majority of modern -thinkers with regard to the First Cause is that he never introduces or -supposes the element of personality; consequently will and design are -excluded from his conception of the primordial existence.[38] Here, I -think, he is logically more correct than the modern philosopher -referred to above, although his notions may be much farther from the -actual truth than theirs. Again, when Lao-tzŭ speaks of Nature (Tao) -as the source whence all things spring—as that which informs and -cherishes all the world—and as that into which all living creatures, -high and low, finally return—he says what many others have expressed -in terms often very similar. I select only two or three instances by -way of illustration. The Pythagorean doctrine is thus put by Virgil— - - —“deum (i.e. animum) ire per omnes - Terrasque tractusque maris cælumque profundum. - Hinc pecudes, armenta, viros, genus omne ferarum, - Quemque sibi tenues nascentem arcessere vitas; - Scilicet huc reddi deinde ac resoluta referri - Omnia.”[39] - -Strikingly similar to Lao-tzŭ’s words are those of the Preacher—“For -that which befalleth the sons of men befalleth beasts; even one thing -befalleth them; as the one dieth, so dieth the other; yea, they have -all one breath; so that a man hath no pre-eminence above a beast; for -all is vanity. All go unto one place; all are of the dust, and all -turn to dust again.”[40] In later times Coleridge has said—“Life is -the one universal soul, which by virtue of the enlivening Breath, and -the informing word, all organised bodies have in common, each after -its kind. This, therefore, all animals possess, and man as an -animal.”[41] More closely resembling Lao-tzŭ’s statements on this -subject, however, are the words of Dr. Büchner—“D’un autre côté -n’oublions pas non plus, que nous ne sommes qu’une partie -imperceptible, quoique nécessaire, du grand tout qui constitue le -monde et que nous devons tôt ou tard perdu notu personalité pour -rentrer dans la masse commune. La Matière dans son ensemble est la -mère d’ou tout provient et ou tout retourne.”[42] - -As we proceed we will find other doctrines of our author resembling -those of writers and thinkers far removed from him in time and space. -The illustrations given and referred to above will suffice to show -that, in speculations about Nature and the great mystery of existence, -we are little, if anything, superior to “the ancients.” The course -of speculative philosophy seems to be circular—the same truths and -errors appearing again and again, so that as Coleridge has said, “For -many, very many centuries it has been difficult to advance a new -truth, or even a new error, in the philosophy of the intellect or -morals,”[43] or, he might have added, of theoretical physics. Is it -true, after all, that the spirit of the long-deceased philosopher -returns from the Elysian fields, forgetting by its Lethean draught all -the truths and realities of the eternal, ever-the-same world, to -inform again a human body? We know that Malebranche’s character was -like that of Plato. Schelling, even in external appearance, resembled -Socrates; Hegel is called the modern Proclus; and the soul of Lao-tzŭ -may have transmigrated into Emerson. This last has been chained to “a -weight of nerves,” and located in circumstances altogether unlike -those of its former earthly existence, a fact which would account for -many points of unlikeness. The informing spirit, however, has known no -change in “its own deep self:” - - “Our birth is but a sleep and a forgetting; - The soul that rises with us, our life’s star, - Hath had elsewhere its setting, - And cometh from afar; - Not in entire forgetfulness - And not in utter nakedness, - But trailing clouds of glory do we come - From God, who is our home.” - - [1] See Ch. 40. - - [2] See Preface to Tao-tê-ching-chie 道德經解. - - [3] See note in the Tʽai-chi-tʽu-shuo (太極圖說). Hsing-li-ta-chʽuan. - Vol. I. - - [4] See Ch. 28, 46. - - [5] Yuan-chien, &c., p. 318. - - [6] Ch. 40. Compare with this Aristotle’s statement, “Nature spoken - of as generation is the path to Nature.” See Essay V. in Grant’s - Aristotle’s Ethics, vol. 1. - - [7] See his 全書, Ch. 85. - - [8] Ch. 2. - - [9] Ch. 25, see Pauthier, Chine Moderne, p. 359. - - [10] See Chs. 21, 25, compare Emerson Miscellanies, p. 32. - - [11] Ch. 51. - - [12] Chs. 6, 52. - - [13] Ch. 34. - - [14] See Chs. 37, 41, 43. - - [15] See Chs. 32, 39. - - [16] Ch. 42. - - [17] See Wu-chʽêng’s note to the passage. - - [18] See the note on this passage in the Tao-tê-ching-chie; compare - also the peculiar interpretation given by Ta-chün. - - [19] Mémoire, &c., p. 36. - - [20] See Chs. 16, 39. - - [21] See Chs. 7, 5, 16, 25. - - [22] See Ch. 5; Julien, however, translates the passage, “L’être qui - est entre le ciel et la terre resemble à un souffict de forge,” - &c. - - [23] Ch. 39. - - [24] Ch. 23. - - [25] Ch. 5. - - [26] Ch. 51; but see the different interpretation given by Julien. - - [27] Ch. 12. - - [28] See Chs. 2, 11, 29, 36. Compare Emerson’s Essay on - Compensation—_Essays_, vol. i. - - [29] See Chs. 16, 55. - - [30] _The Lotos Eaters_. - - [31] See Chs. 8, 78. - - [32] See Chs. 1, 47. - - [33] Timæus, ch. xviii. (Ed. Stallbaum). See also Grote’s Plato, - Vol. iii., p. 266–7. Timæus, however, introduces reason and other - ideas not consonant with Lao-tzŭ’s teachings. - - [34] Geschichte, &c., vol. i, p. 204. - - [35] Robert Lytton’s—“The Man of Science.” - - [36] See Lewesʼ History of Philosophy, vol. ii., p. 533 (New Edition). - - [37] On this subject information will be found in E. Laisset’s - Précurseurs et Disciples de Descartes, p. 210, &c.; Hamilton’s - Discussions; Lewisʼ History of Philosophy, vol. ii. - - [38] Fichte (the elder), however, is at one with Lao-tzŭ on this - point. - - [39] Georgica. Bk. iv., vs. 221–6. The rest of the passage does not - apply. Compare also Cicero’s criticism on the Pythagorean - doctrine, in the De Nat. Deorum, ch. 1, §11. - - [40] Eccles., Ch. iii., vs. 19 and 20. - - [41] Aids to Reflection, p. 4. - - [42] Force et Matière, p. 93 (French translation). - - [43] Biographia Lita., ch. 5; compare also the remarkable words of - Hegel. Geschichte, &c., Vol. i., p. 143. - - - - - CHAPTER VI. - - POLITICS. - - -We now breathe a freer air—escaped from the trammels of Physics, and -at large in the wide spaces of Politics. Here Lao-tzŭ speaks more -plainly and fully, and it is easily seen that he is dealing with -congenial subjects. To us also his political aphorisms will come with -more freshness and delight than the speculations about things much -more beyond his ken with which we were last engaged. Yet we must not -expect to find in the _Tao-tê Ching_ a treatise on Politics, or a -discourse on the best form of government. Lao-tzŭ does not present to -us a wax figment of his own imagination—an ideal republic, an Utopia, -or a New Atlantis. He looks to his own country as it was then, -oppressed and miserable, and he endeavours to recall those in -authority to a noble and generous mode of government. His standard of -political excellence may be ideal, and some of his maxims may be -fanciful, and even bad; still we will find in all a genial human -philosophy, which even we of the enlightened nineteenth century cannot -utterly despise. - -“Politics,” says Sir G. C. Lewes, “relate to human action so far as it -concerns the public interest of a community, and is not merely private -or ethical. Human action, thus defined, consists of—1, the acts and -relations of a sovereign government, both with respect to its own -subjects and other sovereign governments; 2, the acts and relations of -members of the political community, so far as they concern the -government, or the community at large, or a considerable portion of -it.”[1] Lao-tzŭ’s teachings in politics refer more to the former than -to the latter of these two divisions. He does not, however, omit to -notice the relations of the different members of the state, as well to -the government as to each other; but he relegates this subject to the -province of ethics. He considers the people more in their private -relations than as bound by legal ties to the performance of certain -acts, and the abstaining from certain other acts, towards their -fellows. Nor is it from the political stand-point that he contemplates -the nature and distribution of wealth, a subject which properly -belongs to politics. These and similar matters are all assigned to the -private relations of man to the Universal Nature, and so they will -come more properly under the head of ethics. - -Having premised thus much, I now proceed to set forth Lao-tzŭ’s -teachings about “the acts and relations of a sovereign government, -both with respect to its own subjects and other sovereign -governments;” and - -1. _Of the institution of the Sovereign_.—It is to the people that he -assigns the original appointment of an emperor, and he gives a -peculiar reason for the institution. A bad man still has the law of -Nature (_Tao_) in him; and he is not to be cast aside as a hopeless -case, seeing he may be transformed into a virtuous man. Accordingly -emperors and magistrates were appointed, whose duty it was to save, as -it were, by precept and example, those who had gone astray.[2] Thus -Lao-tzŭ’s idea of the sovereign is so far purely ethical. He does not -conceive of him so much as the judge and ruler of the people as their -model and instructor. The man whom the people elect, however, is also -the elected of Heaven.[3] As in the case of Saul the Israelites -anointed him whom the Lord had chosen, so the people raise to the -throne him whom Heaven has appointed. Princes exercise government, -because they have received that destiny as their share of the -Universal Nature.[4] They obtain their _One_—their individualizing -nature—in order that they may rule righteously. Sometimes he seems to -use the term _Shêng-jĕn_ (聖人) as synonymous with _Wang_ (王), or -King.[5] Now the _Shêng-jĕn_ is the man who by his nature is -completely virtuous, perfectly in harmony with the ways heaven has -ordained. He is in short the stoic _Sapiens_, and whether he actually -administer public affairs or not, is still a king. The term _Saint_, -by which Julien renders this expression, scarcely conveys its full -meaning; as the _Shêng-jĕn_ is not only holy, but also supremely wise. -He is the ideal or typical man, who rules ever and transforms the -world; and, failing a better, I shall translate it by the expression -_godlike man_. In ancient times, it was the _Shêng-jĕn_, or godlike -man, who was appointed ruler; and if such were the case now, the world -would be in peace and prosperity. The man who is destined to become -king will not use violence to obtain the honour.[6] On the contrary he -will be humble and yielding; and so, as water wears away the hard -opposing rocks, he will finally triumph. In confirmation hereof -Lao-tzŭ cites the saying of a godlike man:—“To bear the reproaches of a -kingdom is to preside over the sacrifices to the gods of the land and -grain (_i.e._ to be prince), and to bear a kingdom’s misfortunes -is to be king of the whole empire”—words true, though seeming -paradoxical.[7] Lao-tzŭ, however, has a very high opinion of the -position and dignity of the sovereign. There are four great things in -the universe, and he is one of them; the remaining three being Nature -(_Tao_), Heaven, and Earth[8] In another place he even puts the king -immediately before Heaven.[9] - -2. _The relations of the ruler to his subjects_.—With Lao-tzŭ, as with -all Chinese writers on politics, the mode in which, government ought -to be conducted is a supremely important subject. In his homely -manner, he compares the ruling of a large kingdom to the cooking of a -small fish, or the handling of a fine and delicate implement.[10] Too -much cooking spoils the implement. So is it with the kingdom. It is an -etherial instrument which cannot be wrought with—if one works with it -he destroys it, and if one handles it he loses it. - -The first duty of the ruler is to rectify himself—to overcome his -appetites and passions.[11] He must cultivate virtue in himself, and -proceeding thence he will have it cultivated in his family, and -finally in all the empire; and thus the kingdom will remain -established in his family for generations to come.[12] He must be -serious and grave[13] in his deportment, remembering the greatness of -his charge, and whence it was derived. By levity of conduct he will -lose his ministers, and by violent proceedings he will lose his -throne. His models ought to be the Earth,[14] which is always in -peaceful rest, and the rulers of antiquity, who followed Nature -(_Tao_). In the early days of innocence and simplicity, subjects only -knew that they had rulers, so lightly lay the hand of government on -them.[15] Then came the time when rulers were loved and lauded, then -the time when they were feared, and lastly that in which they were -treated with contumely. The prince of the present time ought to return -as far as possible to the primitive ways. He should, like the great -Universal Nature, be free from show of action[16]—if he could only -keep the law of Nature, his kingdom would, as a matter of course, be -in a state of order and tranquility—all things would submit to -him, and become, of their own accord, transformed to a state of -goodness[17]—even the demons would cease to possess elfish power; or -if they still possessed it, they would not use it to the detriment of -men. The prince ought also, at least outwardly, to be humble and -modest, not arrogating precedence and superiority, but rather using -the language of self-abasement.[18] - -In the exercise of government Lao-tzŭ does not allow the use of -violence, and he inveighs nobly against military oppression. If the -prince keep himself from being absorbed in worldly interests—do not -confer honour and emoluments on brilliant parts—nor prize what the -world holds valuable—nor make display of that which is coveted: his -example will have such virtue that all his subjects will cease from -strife and violence, and live in peaceful obedience.[19] But if he try -to have the empire through force, he will fail. He who according to -the Law of Nature (_Tao_) would assist the prince will not compel the -empire by arms—this sort of thing is wont to have its recompense. -Where the General pitches his tent, thorns and briers spring up; and -in the wake of a great army there are inevitably bad years. If there -be necessity for fighting—and only then—he who is wise in ruling will -strike a decisive blow at the fit time, and then lay down his arms, -not glorying in his conquest. Fine arms are inauspicious implements, -hated by all things; and he who holds to Nature will not continue to -use them. The noble man (君子) in private life esteems the left side, -and in time of war esteems the right—the left being symbolic of the -_Yang_ (陽) or preserving principle, and the right of the _Yin_ (陰) or -killing principle. Arms are inauspicious implements—not such as the -noble man employs; he uses them only when he has no alternative, but -he looks on superiority with indifference, and takes no glory in -victory. He who glories in victory delights in the massacre of men, -and such an one cannot have his will in the empire. To him who slays a -multitude of men, a position of dignity is assigned corresponding to -that of the chief mourner at a funeral, viz., the right hand side, -which in inauspicious matters is the post of honour, just as in -auspicious matters the left hand side is the post of honour.[20] Thus -not only is the ruler not to use military power to keep his subjects -in subjection, but he is also not to drag these latter into war for -his own aggrandisement. The fighting to which Lao-tzŭ mainly alludes -is that of the different principalities of the country among -themselves, and on this subject the words of Pascal may be not unaptly -added to those of our author:—“Le plus grand des maux est les guerres -civiles. Elles sont sûres si on veut récompenser le mérite; car tous -diraient qu’ils meritent. Le mal à craindre d’un sot qui succède par -droit de naissance n’est ni si grand ni si sûr.”[21] War is the -result, according to Lao-tzŭ, of bad government, of the lust of power -and property. If good government prevail in a country, its fleet -horses will be employed on the farm; but if ill government prevail, -and lust and ambition have scope, feuds will continue until war steeds -beget war steeds on the plains of the frontier.[22] Whether, -therefore, for the purpose of solidifying the prince’s power over his -subjects, or for state aggrandisement, war and all violent measures -are interdicted. - -But not only does Lao-tzŭ thus advise the ruler against using military -power in his realm; he also recommends the doing away with capital -punishment—indeed with all punishment whatever. The people do not fear -death, and how then is it to be used to keep them in dread? If the -people could be made to have a constant fear of death, and some commit -a crime, and be apprehended and put to death, would any one continue -to venture on offending? It is presumptuous then for the magistrate to -use capital punishment. There is the eternal executioner, and he who -puts to death for him is like the man who fells a tree for the head -wood-man; and such an one seldom fails to wound his hand.[23] Capital -punishment is thus reserved for something superhuman to execute; and -the earthly magistrate has only to endeavour to lead a life free from -the appearance of lust and violence.[24] - -It is by justice that a kingdom is well governed, as by stratagem a -war is conducted.[25] Yet the prince must be lenient to his people. If -restrictions on liberty of action be multiplied, so that his subjects -cannot lift a hand or move a foot without incurring guilt, they will -be prevented from pursuing their industry, and so become poor.[26] - -The levying of excessive taxes[27] by those in authority for the -indulgence of their sensual appetites, also impoverishes a people, and -accordingly in government there is nothing like economy.[28] To keep -the court in affluence while the fields are weed-grown and the public -granaries exhausted; for the rulers to have expensive clothing, sharp -swords, sumptuous food and excessive wealth, is to glory in plunder, -but not to follow Nature. Nor may the prince break his word with -subjects—as want of faith in him is followed by want of faith in -them.[29] - -It is not necessary for the ruler to explain the nature and method of -his government. On the contrary he ought to keep his counsels and his -conduct secret. Inasmuch as the fish cannot with impunity leave its -element, so the sharp engines of government may not be displayed.[30] -When the laws are numerous and obtrusively exhibited, the people -become thieves and robbers; but when they are not so, the people -continue decent and orderly.[31] Thus it is better that the rulers -keep the populace in a state of ignorance and stupidity.[32] The -ancient kings went on this principle, and had peaceful reigns.[33] In -his own time Lao-tsŭ considered that the difficulty of keeping the -people well governed arose from their being too knowing. He would -accordingly like to see them recalled to the ways of primitive -simplicity, so that their arms would be unworn, and their boats and -cars unused. He would like to have the people return to the manners -of the times when knotted cords were still the symbols of words, -and would have them relish their food, enjoy their clothes, -feel comfortable in their homes, and delight in their social -institutions.[34] He would have them brought to think seriously of -death, so that they would end their days in their own country and -never leave it for another, even though it were so near that the -respective inhabitants could hear the cackling of the fowls and the -barking of the dogs in the two places. Thus, while the prince keeps -his subjects simple and ignorant, he must have their bodily wants -supplied. The godlike man when he rules empties the minds of the -people, and fills their stomachs; weakens their wills, and strengthens -their bones (that is, their animal power).[35] He treats them as -children, and is always kind, postponing his own comfort to their good. - -The mode in which the ruler is to obtain respect and esteem from his -subjects is by deporting himself humbly towards them, and he must -never arrogate greatness to himself.[36] His conduct should be calm -and unostentatious, while inwardly he is anxious; and his gravity and -quietness of deportment ought never to be departed from. The prince is -to save his people, as it were, by setting before them an example of -humility, forbearance, and all the other virtues which save a country -from being imbroiled in wars and rebellions—he is to be of one heart -and one mind with them, and have no will independent of theirs.[37] - -These are the principal duties of the king to his people as indicated -or conceived of by Lao-tzŭ—the king being in his contemplation an -absolute sovereign. I shall now add, as a comment, the views on this -subject set forth by two other authors in widely different -circumstances. The writer of Deuteronomy says:—“When thou art come -into the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee, and shalt possess -it, and shalt dwell therein, and shalt say, I will set a king over me, -like as all the nations that _are_ about me; thou shalt in any wise -set _him_ king over thee, whom the Lord thy God shall choose; _one_ -from among thy brethren shalt thou set king over thee; thou mayest not -set a stranger over thee, which _is_ not thy brother. But he shall not -multiply horses to himself, nor cause the people to return to Egypt, -to the end that he should multiply horses: *** Neither shall he -multiply wives to himself, that his heart turn not away, neither shall -he greatly multiply to himself silver and gold, &c. *** That his heart -be not lifted up above his brethren, and that he turn not aside from -the commandment _to_ the right hand or _to_ the left; to the end that -he may prolong _his_ days in his kingdom, he, and his children, in the -midst of Israel.”[38] - -The other writer is the philosopher of Malmesbury. After establishing -for the king a title as extravagantly high as any oriental flatterer -could have done, he proceeds to prescribe his duties to his people. -These are summed up in the sentence, “The safety of the people is the -supreme law”—according to the old maxim, “Salus populi suprema lex.” -Under this are included both spiritual and temporal benefits; but the -difficulty about the former is left in suspense. Of the latter he -says:—“The benefits of subjects respecting this life only, may be -distributed into four kinds—1, That they be defended against foreign -enemies; 2, That peace be preserved at home; 3, That they be enriched, -as much as may consist with public security; 4, That they enjoy a -harmless liberty.”[39] - -3. The next point to be considered is _the relation of a government to -the neighbouring states_. On this subject Lao-tzŭ has very little to -say, and what he does say concerns only the small feudal dependencies -of the kingdom of _Chow_. All the world—that is, all the world -known—was the king’s; but holding under him, at this time indeed only -nominally for the most part, were chiefs of smaller and larger -provinces and principalities. It is of this, in their relations to -each other and to their titular superior, that Lao-tzŭ makes mention. - -The different states in their mutual intercourse ought to be guided by -courtesy and forbearance. The great kingdom is the reservoir of the -small principalities,[40] and ought to remain in dignified peace, -while these come to give in their allegiance, as the little streams -from the mountains flow to the placid lake or smoothly-flowing river -as their king. The large state ought thus to remain lowly and humble -towards the small one, and not act towards it in an arrogant or -violent manner. When a large kingdom abases itself to a small -principality, and when a small state abases itself to a large one, it -obtains service (and protection) under that large one. It is for this -purpose that the small state submits; and the large kingdom annexes -the small states for the purpose of uniting and maintaining the people. - -It is fit that the large state should always act humbly and meekly, -and that the small states should own its supremacy; there will thus be -no need of fighting. There is no greater misfortune in the world than -to take up a quarrel on a slight pretext.[41] As the soldiers say, it -is much better to bear than to make the attack—to yield considerably -than to advance a little. That is, it is better to have one’s own -territory invaded than to make aggression on that of another. The king -who is yielding and compliant is sure to be ultimately victorious. If, -however, a prince must go to war, whether to defend his own dominions, -or at the bidding of his sovereign, he must show clemency. It is the -tender hearted who gains the victory in the pitched battle, and who -succeeds in keeping the beleaguered city. - -By words like these the philosopher endeavoured to dissuade the -princes and barons of his time from the border warfare in which they -were perpetually engaged. The mutual aggressions and reprisals of -these chiefs were in his days desolating the kingdom and gradually -reducing it to the condition favourable to the production of a tyrant. -A few centuries after Lao-tzŭ’s death the man arose who made himself -king over all the empire (王天下), but he was very unlike the king -depicted by Lao-tzŭ and Confucius and Mencius. - -4. On the latter of the two departments into which Sir G. C. Lewes -divides Politics, namely, the relations of the subjects to their ruler -and to each other, Lao-tzŭ, as I have already intimated, does not -dilate. With him the inhabitants of a kingdom are divided into the -ruling and the ruled. The former class comprises the king and the -several ministers whom he of his sovereign pleasure appoints to -various posts; and the latter comprises all the rest of the -population. Now the relation in which the common people stand to the -ruler resembles that of children to a father. They have no part or lot -in the administration of government. They are regarded, not as -individuals, but as masses. They are the “hundred surnames,” or “the -people,” and the ruler of supreme virtue and wisdom—the godlike -man—regards them all impartially as so many straw-made dog-effigies, -creatures made to be used. The subjects imitate their king or chief; -and as he is, so are they; and excellence in him is followed by -excellence in them. The relations of the members of the community to -each other are referred, as has been stated, to the province of ethics. - -From the above sketch of the political sentiments contained in the -_Tao-tê Ching_, I hope it has been seen that the author was not an -utterly vain dreamer and theoriser, at least on these matters. It -would be very easy to show how many of the Confucianist doctrines in -politics closely resemble those of Lao-tzŭ; though others, also, are -diametrically opposite. The teachings of the latter sage, in point of -practicability at least, are not far removed from those of the former. - -In many points Lao-tzŭ seems to us to be giving bad advice to the -ruler, and his general notions about a state are very unlike those to -which we are accustomed. That the people should be kept ignorant, -advancement in mechanical skill discountenanced, and that the -standards of political excellence should be the ideal sages of an -ideal antiquity, are doctrines to which we would refuse to adhere, and -which we would condemn, as savouring of despotism. Yet Lao-tzŭ’s -conception of the ruler is not of him as a despot, but rather as a -sort of dictator during good conduct. He is raised to his high -position by the concurrent wishes of heaven and the people, and on his -observance of the duties of his office depends his stability on the -throne. It is interesting and instructive to compare Lao-tzŭ’s ideas -on politics with those of Machiavelli, who somewhat resembles him -also in his fortunes. Each lived in times of national disaster and -misery and each wished for peace in the land. Each longed to see one -ruler installed, and honoured with absolute power. During life neither -seems to have been appreciated by his fellows; and after death so ill -were the merits of both recognised, that the abbreviated form of the -Christian name of the one became, as some suppose, a familiar term for -the original Devil;[42] and the other has been confounded by his -enemies with charlatans and impostors. The counsels which each gave to -the chiefs of the time were those which he deemed useful and -practicable, though in many cases, if judged by a general standard, -they must be condemned. The patriotic fire of the Florentine Secretary -led him to make rather reckless statements about the license allowed -to the man who makes and keeps himself an absolute and independent -prince.[43] So the Chinese moralist, deprecating the evils wrought in -his country by unprincipled but clever and ambitious men, recommends a -general state of ignorance. The serpent wisdom of the professional -statesman, however, is far removed from the guileless simplicity of -the philosopher. The latter abhors the idea of war, and recoils from -the thought of force and ostentation; but the former, with more -earthly prudence, recommends above all things a good native army, -serviceable military skill, and splendid enterprises.[44] Machiavelli -allows the prince to break his word when it suits him for state -purposes[45] (unless this be ironical), but Lao-tzŭ requires of the -king good faith, at least to his subjects. Each of them advises that -the ruler should be, or at least appear to be, clement and liberal, -sparing of the people’s possessions and a fosterer of their material -prosperity.[46] Many other points of similarity or contrast in the -political opinions of these two eminent men might be adduced, but the -above must suffice as examples. - -When we read Lao-tzŭ’s sentiments about taxation, over-legislation, -penal retributions and excessive governmental interference, and -remember that these same subjects are still eagerly debated among -Western philosophers and statesmen, we must ascribe to the Chinese -sage a remarkable amount of what Humboldt calls the presentiment of -knowledge. What he, however, could sketch only in faint outline on -these subjects, has been broadly discussed in later and more -auspicious times by men like Adam Smith, Bentham, Emerson and J. S. -Mill. If we _now_ cannot but condemn his ignoring the individuality of -each member of the state, his discouraging progress in the mechanical -arts, and his magnifying the kingly office, we must remember that -there are still among us, notwithstanding the experience and -struggles of centuries, almost as great barriers to the enjoyment of -personal liberty as were those which Lao-tzŭ recommends. Large -standing armies at the call of one man—“incognoscibility” of the -laws—bribery—gerrymandering—and, above all, the power of the many—are -still great retarders of human freedom and prosperity. That such -things exist, even though the voice of the philosopher is always -against them, should make us indulgent towards the mistaken notions of -a man who lived 2,500 years ago. - - [1] Treatise on the Methods of Observation. Reasoning in Politics, - vol. 1, p. 44. - - [2] See Ch. 62. In Pi-yuan’s edition, 天下 is the reading, instead - of 天子 of the ordinary texts. - - [3] See Wu-ch‘êng’s note to ch. 62 (52 in his edition). - - [4] Ch. 39. - - [5] See Chs. 3, 5. Compare Emerson (Essays, Vol. 2, pp. 208–9). - - [6] Ch. 29. - - [7] Ch. 78. - - [8] Ch. 25. We must remember that this passage is susceptible of a - metaphorical meaning. See Tao-tê-hsing-ming-chièn-hsü. - - [9] Ch. 16. - - [10] Chs. 60, 29, 64. - - [11] Chs. 57, 13. - - [12] Ch. 54. - - [13] Ch. 26. For 臣, another reading is 平—that is, the - gravity which brings esteem. - - [14] Ch. 25. For 王 here some editions have 人 man. - - [15] Ch. 17. This chapter, however, is susceptible of a totally - different interpretation, 太上 being regarded as meaning the - highest authority. For 下 also some read 不, not. - - [16] Ch. 48. - - [17] Chs. 37, 32. - - [18] Chs. 66, 68, 39. - - [19] Ch. 2. - - [20] Chs. 30, 31. - - [21] Pensées, Art, VII. - - [22] Ch. 46. - - [23] Ch. 74. - - [24] Ch. 57. - - [25] Chs. 57, 8. - - [26] Do. Compare Hobbes (Vol. 2, pp. 178–9, Molesworth Ed.). - - [27] Ch. 75. - - [28] Chs. 59, 53. - - [29] Ch. 17. - - [30] Chs. 36, 58. - - [31] Ch. 57. - - [32] Chs. 10, 19. - - [33] Chs. 65, 3. - - [34] Ch. 80. - - [35] Ch, 3. Wu-ch‘êng’s note. Julien, however, translates “il vide - son cœur, &c.” Both translations are in harmony with the other - teachings of Lao-tsŭ. - - [36] Chs. 39, 42. - - [37] Ch. 49. - - [38] Ch. xvii., vs. 14 to 20. - - [39] Hobbes’ Works, (Molesworth’s edition), English, Vol. 2, p. 169. - Compare also Bacon’s Essay on Seditions and Troubles (Works, - Vol. 6, p. 406, &c. Ellis and Spedding’s Ed.). - - [40] Chs. 61, 66. - - [41] Ch. 69. - - [42] See Macaulay’s Essays, Vol, I., Essay 2. - - [43] See _The Prince_, chs, 8, 178. - - [44] See The Prince, ch. 14. - - [45] Do. ch. 18. - - [46] Ch. 16, &c. - - - - - CHAPTER VII. - - ETHICS. - - -Lao-tzŭ’s notions on ethics are fortunately set forth with much more -fulness than on any other department of knowledge, and in giving a -brief account of them one is rather encumbered by the abundance of -aphorisms than perplexed by their paucity. In saying this, however, I -do not mean to intimate that the philosopher has elaborated a system -of speculative or practical morality, or that he has given full and -explicit statements about the moral sense and many other subjects -familiar to the student of western ethics. On several of these points -he is absolutely silent, and his notions about others are expressed -darkly and laconically, and only occasionally in a connected manner. -We must, however, make the most we can of the obscure text and -discordant commentaries, in order to learn at least an outline of what -our author taught. - -In the first place, Lao-tzŭ seems to have believed in the existence of -a primitive time, when virtue and vice were unknown terms.[1] During -this period everything that man did was according to Nature (Tao), and -this not by any effort on man’s part, but merely as the result of his -existence. He knew not good or evil, nor any of the relative virtues -and vices which have since obtained names. This was the period of -Nature in the world’s history, a period of extreme simplicity of -manners and purity of life corresponding to the Garden-of-Eden state -of the Hebrews, before man perceived that he was unclothed, and became -as a God knowing good and evil. To this succeeded the period of Virtue -(德) in two stages or degrees. The higher is almost identical with the -state of Nature, as in it also man led a pure life, without need of -effort and without consciousness of goodness. Of the people of this -period we may speak as the - - “Saturni gentem, haud vinclo nec legibus æquam, - Sponte sua, veterisque dei se more tenentem.”[2] - -In the next and lower stage life was still virtuous, though -occasionally sliding into vice, and unable to maintain the stability -of unconscious and unforced excellence.[3] Then came the time when -humanity and equity appeared, and when filial piety and integrity made -themselves known.[4] These were degenerate days when man was no more -“Nature’s priest” and when the “vision splendid” had almost ceased to -attend him. Finally came the days when craft and cunning were -developed, and when insincerity arose. Propriety and carefulness of -external deportment also, according to Lao-tzŭ, indicated a great -falling away from primitive simplicity the beginning of trouble; and -he, accordingly, speaks of them rather slightingly. This is a point on -which Confucius seems to have been of a very different opinion, -although he had studied the ceremonial code under Lao-tzŭ. - -Such is, according to the Tao-tê Ching, the mode in which the world -gradually became what it is at present. The book does not contain any -express statement of opinion as to whether each human creature is born -with a good or a bad nature. From various passages in it, however, we -are authorised in inferring that Lao-tzŭ regarded an infant as good by -nature. Its spirit comes pure and perfect from the Great Mother, but -susceptible to all the evil influences which operate upon it and lead -it astray. - -The standard of virtue to which Lao-tzŭ refers is Nature (Tao), just -as another old philosopher says, “in hoc sumus sapientes, quod naturam -optimam ducem, tanquam deum, sequimur eique paremus.”[5] By our -philosopher, however, Nature is not regarded as personified and -deified, but is contemplated as the eternal, spontaneous, and -emanatory cause. The manifestation of complete virtue comes from -Nature only.[6] This is the guide and model of the universe, and it -itself has spontaneity as guide, that is, it has no guide whatever. -All creatures and man among them, must conform to it or they miss the -end of their existence and soon cease to be. As Tao, however, is very -indefinite and intangible, Lao-tzŭ holds it out to mortals as their -guide chiefly through the medium of certain other ideas more easily -comprehended. Thus Heaven, corresponding somewhat to our notions of -providence, imitates Nature, and becomes to man its visible -embodiment.[7] In its perfect impartiality, its noiseless working, its -disinterested and unceasing well-doing, it presents a rule by which -man should regulate his life.[8] Not less are the material heavens -above him a model in their unerring, and spontaneous obedience to -Nature, and in their eternal purity. The Earth[9] also, with her calm -eternal repose, and the great rivers and seas, are types of the -far-off olden times, whose boundless merit raised them to the height -of fellow-workers with Nature, and to whom all things once paid a -willing homage, are patterns for all after ages.[10] - -Of a personal deity above all these our author makes no mention, nor -can it be inferred with certainty from his book whether he believed in -the existence of such a being. In one place he speaks of Nature (Tao) -as being antecedent to the manifestation of Ti (帝), a word which the -commentators usually explain as meaning lord or master of heaven.[11] -The learned Dr. Medhurst translates the passage in question thus, “I -do not know whose son it (viz., Taóu) is; it is prior to the (Supreme) -Ruler of the visible (heavens).” I do not understand how, after this, -the same author can state that the Taoists, that is, with Lao-tzŭ at -their head, understand the word Ti “in the sense of the Supreme -Being.”[12] Ghosts and Spirits (鬼 and 神) are referred to in the -Tao-tê Ching, but these are very subordinate beings capable of being -controlled by the saints of the earth. Lao-tzŭ refers, however, as has -been seen, to a supernatural punisher of crime; and in several -passages he speaks of heaven in a manner very similar to that in which -we do when we mean thereby the Deity who presides over heaven and -earth.[13] Yet we must not forget that it is inferior and subsequent -to the mysterious Tao, and in fact produced by the latter. I cannot, -accordingly, agree with the learned Pauthier when he writes thus about -the Sixteenth Chapter of the Tao-tê Ching—“Ce chapitre renferme à lui -seul les éléments d’une religion; et il n’est pas étonnant que les -Sectateurs de Lao-tseu, si habiles, comme tous les Asiatiques, à tirer -d’un principe posé toutes les conséquences qui en découlent -logiquement, aient établi un culte et un sacerdoce avec les doctrines -du philosophe; car dès l’instant qu’un Dieu suprême est annoncé, que -les bonnes actions et la connaissance que l’on acquiert de lui sont -les seuls moyens pour l’homme de parvenir a l’ternelle félicité dans -son sein, il est bien évident qu’il faut des médiateurs entre ce Dieu -et l’homme pour conduire et éclairer les intelligences ignorantes et -faibles.”[14] Tao with Lao-tzŭ is not a deity, but is above all -deities, and, as has been seen, it is not always represented -unchangeable. On the contrary, regarded from one point of view the Tao -is in a state of constant change—“twinkling restlessly,” to use an -expression from Wordsworth. Only when considered as the existence -which was solitary in the universe and eternal, is it spoken of as -unchanging. Long after Lao-tzŭ’s time Tao was, indeed, raised or -rather degraded to be a deity, but the theories of later Taoists are -seldom the logical developments of the doctrines of Lao-tzŭ, and in -this they err widely. - -Of virtue in the abstract little is said by our author, but we know -that his idea of it was that it consisted in following Nature (Tao). -He generally, however, speaks of it in the concrete as the perfect -nature of the world or man and the other creatures of the universe. -Sometimes indeed he refers to Tê, Virtue, as if it were a mysterious, -independent existence and not an inherent quality. At other times he -seems to regard good and bad as merely relative terms, the existence -of the former implying and indeed causing the existence of the latter, -and vice versa. - -Descending from these generalities, however, we now come to the -consideration of Lao-tzŭ’s conception of the ideal sage. The virtues -which characterise the perfect man, and which all should endeavour to -possess, are described in the Tao-tê Ching with greater or less -fulness. Among the most important of these is the negative excellence -of an absence of the bustling ostentation of goodness. Not to be fussy -or showy, but to do one’s proper work and lead a quiet life without -meddling in the concerns of others, are virtues which to Lao-tzŭ -seemed of transcendent importance, the expression which I interpreted -as meaning absence of ostentation or bustle is _wu-wei_ (無爲).[15] -Many Chinese commentators seem to regard this as equivalent to -nothingness, non-existence, or absolute inaction; so Julien also -translates it usually by “non-agir.”[16] Though, however, the words -have in many places these meanings, yet there are several passages -which seem to require the explanation given above, and which is also -in harmony with the general tenor of the book. Man’s guide is Nature -(Tao), and it works incessantly but without noise or show. So also it -is not an inactive life that Lao-tzŭ commends, but a gentle one, and -one which does not obtrude itself on the notice of the world. The man -who would follow Nature must try to live virtuously without the -appearance of so doing; he must present a mean exterior while under it -he hides the inestimable jewel.[17] The advice which Sir Thomas Browne -gives is very like the teaching of Lao-tzŭ. “Be substantially great in -thyself, and more than thou appearest unto others; and let the world -be deceived in thee, as they are in the lights of heaven.”[18] Again, -the man who follows Nature is wise but wears the mask of -ignorance[19]—to the world he appears silly and stupid, but in his -breast are deep stores of wisdom. So also he does good without the -show of doing it; he helps in the amelioration of his fellows, and -indeed of all things in the world, without talking or making any -display.[20] He does his alms not before men but in secret and without -a preluding trumpet. Those are rare who can instruct others without -the necessity of talking, and benefit them without making a show; but -in striving to attain to this excellence man is aiming at the -perfection of Nature.[21] The art of living thus is an art made by -Nature—the silent, informing, universally-operant spirit. By Nature -(Tao) the passions and other impediments to virtue are lessened more -and more until man attains to that state of perfection in which he -acts naturally and so can do all things.[22] - -The virtue of humility is one of which Lao-tzŭ speaks very highly. -Water is always with him the type of what is humble; and the godlike -man, like it, occupies a low position, which others abhor but in which -he can profit all around him.[23] “The supremely virtuous is like -water,” are words taken from the Tao-tê Ching, and frequently -inscribed on rocks and other objects. Such a man does not claim -precedence or merit, nor does he strive with any one.[24] He never -arrogates honour or preferment, yet they come to him;[25] and he is -yielding and modest, yet always prevails in the end. When success is -obtained, and his desire accomplished, he modestly retires. Pride, on -the other hand, and vaulting ambition, always fail to attain the -wished-for consummation.[26] So also the man who is violent and -headstrong generally comes to a bad end.[27] Some of the commentators, -however, seem to take this humility in a bad sense, and they would -make us believe that the quality as recommended by Lao-tzŭ is not -virtue but rather a vice, as partaking of the nature of a trick or -artifice. The historical instance which they most frequently quote as -illustrating the success of this humility is the career of the famous -Chang Tzŭ-fang (張子房), a sort of political Uriah Heep. - -To continence also Lao-tzŭ assigns a high place. The total exemption -from the power of the passions and desire is a moral pre-eminence to -which man should seek to attain— - - “For not to desire or admire, if a man could learn it, were more - Than to walk all day like the Sultan of old in a garden of spice.” - -It is the body, with its inseparably connected emotions and passions, -which is the cause of all the ills that attend humanity;[28] and he -who would return to the state of original innocence must overcome his -body.[29] To be without desires is to be at rest, and if man were -freed from the body he would have no cause for fear. To keep the -gateways of the senses closed against the sight, sounds and tastes -which distract and mar the soul within, is the simple metaphor which -Lao-tzŭ uses to express this overcoming of self.[30] This conquest he -puts above every other. He who knows others is learned, but he who -knows himself is enlightened; he who overcomes others has physical -force, but he who overcomes himself has moral strength.[31] The -disastrous consequence of yielding to the bodily appetites is -beautifully illustrated by a metaphor familiar to us in a Taoist book -to which I have already referred. The people of the world following -their desires strive for reputation, grasp at gain, covet wine, and -lust after beauty—they take the bitter for the pleasant and the false -for the real—day and night they toil and moil, morn and even they fret -and care, nor desist even when their vital energies are almost -exhausted. Like the moth which extinguishes its life in the dazzling -blaze of the lamp or the worm which goes to its own destruction in the -fire, these men do not wait for the command of the king of Death, but -send themselves to the grave.[32] - -Associated with continence is the virtue of moderation, which also -must form part of the good man’s character. To be content is to be -rich and brings with it no danger or shame, while there is no greater -calamity than not to know when to be satisfied.[33] He who knows where -to stop will not incur peril, nor will he ever indulge in excess. To -fill a cup while holding it in the hand is not so good as to let it -alone, or, as we say, it is hard to carry a full cup even.[34] Too -sharp an edge cannot be kept on a tool, and a hall full of gold and -precious stones cannot be defended; and he who is wanton in prosperity -leaves a legacy of misfortune. Various other metaphors are used to -inculcate the necessity of following the mean, and abstaining from -extravagance. The man who erects himself on tiptoe cannot continue so, -nor can he who takes long strides continue to walk.[35] The -intelligent and good man will be moderate in all things, not desiring -to be prized like jade or slighted like a stone.[36] - -It is also a characteristic of the truly virtuous man that he is -always, and especially in privacy, grave and serious, and not -unmindful of his weak points. He who knows his strength and protects -his weakness at the same time will have all the world resorting to him -for instruction and example; eternal virtue will not leave him, and he -will return to the natural goodness of infancy.[37] Many things fail -when the goal is nearly attained, but the godlike man is careful about -the end no less than about the beginning.[38] So also were the sages -of antiquity whose cautious, hesitating character is portrayed in -outline as a model for others.[39] - -Mercy is another virtue to which Lao-tzŭ attaches considerable -importance. Nor is the quality of mercy, as he represents it, strained -within any narrow compass. On the contrary, it flows not only over all -mankind, but even to the entire world. As has been seen, Lao-tzŭ would -have all capital punishment reserved for a supernatural agent to -execute, and he would have the correction of wickedness effected by -the quiet influence of a good example. He goes farther than this, -however; for he will have us to abstain from even judging others—from -dividing men into the righteous and the sinners.[40] It is Heaven -alone which is to determine the moral worth of human creatures, and -give to each his meed. And we must not even assign worldly misfortunes -to the displeasure of Heaven—must not say that the eighteen on whom -the tower of Siloam fell were greater sinners than the other residents -in Jerusalem. The good man must not only not think too harshly of the -man who is not good,[41] but he must even love him, and must reward -ill will by virtue—the _ne plus ultra_ of generosity, as one of the -commentators observes.[42] So also the feeling of compassion will -cause the good man to keep his good qualities in the back ground, and -not excite the evil passions of the bad man by displaying them -obtrusively before him. After a great dispute has been adjusted some -grudge is sure to remain, so to live peaceably is to be regarded as -virtuous.[43] The good man keeps his proof of an agreement, but he -does not claim from the other party to it the fulfillment of the -agreement, that is, he will not sue him at a court of law. This spirit -of mercy and compassion ought not only to prevail in private and -social life, but it ought to extend also to the seat of power and even -to temper the fierce passions of warfare. Then from the circle of -humanity Lao-tsŭ looks abroad over the ample spaces of nature, and -extends to them also a kindly sympathy. The good man never injures -anything in the world; on the contrary he saves the inferior -creatures and assists them in their ever-renewed operations of coming -into existence, growing, and returning to their original source.[44] -Did the whole creation in his eyes, too, groan and travail in pain? - -Of courage, truth, honesty, and several other virtues Lao-tzŭ does not -make much mention. He seems also to think lightly of conventional -humanity and equity, but Han Wên Kung says this was because he had a -low conception of these two virtues. According to the figure used by -Han, Lao-tzŭ was as a man sitting at the bottom of a well and -pronouncing the sky to be of small dimensions.[45] He teaches, -however, the mutual dependence of man upon man, and the consequent -necessity of the interchange of good offices. The good man gives and -asks not—does good and looks not for recompense. He who is virtuous is -master of him who is not virtuous, but respect and affection must -exist between them. The ruler and the ruled also are mutually -dependent, and they too must reciprocate kindness and forbearance. - -Lao-tzŭ repeatedly condemns the vices of much and fine talking. The -wise man, he says, does not talk, and to do without audible words is -to follow Nature.[46] Man ought to be silent in his actions as is the -all-working Nature. Faithful words, are not fine, and fine words are -not faithful; the virtuous man is not argumentative and _vice versa_. - -To learning and wisdom our author does not, I think, assign a -sufficiently high place, but seems rather to condemn them.[47] -Learning adds to the evils of existence, and if we could put it away -we would be exempt from anxiety. The ancient rulers kept the people -ignorant and they had good government—so the people ought still to be -kept in ignorance. But perhaps Lao-tzŭ refers to the faults of those -persons who drink only slightly of the Pierian spring and then boast -of what they acquire, thereby doing injury to themselves and to -society. It would, however, have been better if he had distinguished -between the pretenders to knowledge, and those who have drunk deeply -at the fountain of wisdom by assigning to intellectual worth its -proper importance.[48] - -Lao-tzŭ, as has been seen, is not unmindful of the infirmity of noble -minds which expects a recompense for a virtuous life. Nor are the -inducements which he holds out of a slight or unworthy nature. On the -contrary, they are to souls which have begun to delight in the path of -virtue, and also to those still walking in “error’s wandering wood,” -calculated to have a great effect. The desires and appetites must all -be overcome and self must be subdued, but to him who obtains the -victory there remain grand prizes. The gateways of knowledge are open -to him, and he can contemplate the mysterious operations of -nature.[49] Fame and greatness come to him unsolicited, and the years -of his life are increased. Having the guileless purity of an -infant—becoming like a little child—he will enjoy an exemption from -the fear of noxious animals and wicked men.[50] Fierce beasts cannot -gore or tear him, nor the soldier wound him in battle, that is, having -perfect love towards all things he will not fear harm from any.[51] -The godlike man does not use his neighbour as a foil to set off his -own excellence, but rather assimilates himself to all. Thus he comes -into intimate union with his fellow creatures and is set on high -without incurring any ill-will. He lives not for himself but for -others, and his life is prolonged by so doing. He does not amass for -himself, nor does he bury his talent in the barren ground of itself. -He spends it in the service of his fellows and it comes back to him -with interest.[52] The more he serves the more he has wherewith to -serve, and the more he gives the richer he becomes. It is almost -surprising to find this thought thus expressed by Lao-tzŭ, and the -words of one of his disciples, following out the idea, are somewhat -remarkable—“There is also accumulation which causes deficiency, and a -non-hoarding which results in having something over.”[53] There are -several passages in the Tao-tê Ching besides the above, which might be -included among the “testimonia animæ naturaliter Christianæ.” -Humility, charity, and the forgiveness of injuries which are sometimes -spoken of as purely Christian virtues are certainly inculcated by -Lao-tzŭ.[54] But to return to our subject.—Man’s life ought thus to be -continued opposition to self, gaining more and more control over it, -until the passions cease to trouble and self is perfectly vanquished. -Then comes the end which crowns the work. When the fleshly appetites -have been subdued, and the spirit has attained that state in which it is - - —“equable and pure; - No fears to beat away—no strife to heal— - The past unsighed for, and the future sure,” - - -then comes death. And what after death? Man returns to Nature, which -delights to receive him, and identifies him with her own mysterious -self. Hither, too, come all the myriad things which had once emanated -from the womb of the same all-producing mother. This in reality means -that man and all other creatures return to nothingness. This is the -dreamless sleep wherewith our life is rounded—this is the end of all -our woe and misery, to be - - —“Swallowed up and lost - In the wide womb of uncreated night - Devoid of sense and motion.” - -There is at least one passage in which Lao-tzŭ seems to speak of a -life after death,[55] but this passage presents great difficulties, -and perhaps refers only to the “fancied life in others’ breath” by -which a man though dead is not lost. That man loses his individuality -and that he loses his existence are two doctrines strongly opposed to -Lao-tzŭ. The individual is everything with the one, nothing with the -other.[56] As to the immortality of the soul, this is a doctrine of -which many other excellent philosophers before the rise of -Christianity had little or no conception. We are wont to regard the -theory of the soul’s mortality as dismal and hopeless; yet Lao-tzŭ -holds out the hope of annihilation or at least of absorption into -universal Nature as the highest reward for a life of untiring virtue. -Few, he says, understand the matter; and few as yet even understand -the meaning of the immortality of the soul. The belief that the soul -is mortal no less than the opposite belief seems to lead to the -possession of a calm, contented spirit, and an indifference to the -things of this life. The strange but eloquent words of the -Hydriotaphia on this subject will form the closing sentence of this -chapter:—“And if any have been so happy as truly to understand -Christian annihilation, ecstasies, exolution, liquefaction, -transformation, the kiss of the spouse, gustation of God, and -ingression into the divine shadow, they have already had an handsome -anticipation of heaven; the glory of the world is surely over, and the -earth in ashes unto them.”[57] - - [1] See chs. 2, 38, and compare the words of Pascal—“la vraie morale - se moque de la morale, c’est a dire que la morale du jugement se - moque de la morale de l’esprit qui est sans règle.” Pensées, - Art. xxv., 56. - - [2] Æneid, B. 7, vs. 203–4. - - [3] Compare Carlyle,—“Already to the popular judgment, he who - talks much about virtue in the abstract, begins to be suspect,” - &c. Essay on Characteristics. So also Emerson writes—“Our moral - nature is vitiated by any interference of our will.” Essays, - Vol. I., p. 119. - - [4] See chs. 18, 38. - - [5] The words of Cato in Cic. De Senectute. - - [6] Compare Emerson: “The Supreme Critic on the errors of the past - and the present, and the only prophet of that which must be, is - that great Nature in which we rest, as the earth lies in the soft - arms of the atmosphere; that Unity, that Oversoul, within which - every man’s particular being is contained and made one with all - others; that common heart, of which all sincere conversation is - the worship, to which all right action is submission; that - overpowering reality which confutes our tricks and talents, and - constrains every one to pass for what he is, and to speak from his - character, and not from his tongue, and which evermore tends to - pass into our thought and hand, and become wisdom, and virtue, and - power and beauty.” Essays, Vol. I., p. 244. - - [7] Chs. 30, 55. - - [8] Chs. 7, 77. - - [9] Ch. 25. - - [10] Chs. 15, 68. Compare the saying of Sir T. Browne—“Live by - old ethicks and the classical rules of honesty.” - - [11] Ch. 4. The word _hsiang_ 象 is also explained here as meaning - _probably_ or _it seems_; the equivalent of _yu_ (猶). - - [12] Dissertation on the Theology of the Chinese, &c., p. 246. - - [13] Chs. 73, 77. - - [14] Chine, pp. 116–7. - - [15] See chs. 2, &c. Wei (爲) sometimes means to _esteem_. and - _Wei-wu-wei_ would then mean to esteem without appearing to do - so. Compare Shĭ-wu-shi (事無事), Shang-tê pu-tê (上德不德), &c. - - [16] In this he is often followed by Mr. Chalmers. Pauthier also so - translates the expression. - - [17] See chs. 41, 70. - - [18] Christian Morals, Section xix. - - [19] So Celsus represents the early Christians as saying—“Wisdom is a - bad thing in life, foolishness is to be preferred.” Neander, - Ch. Hist., Vol. I., p. 164 (Amer. Translation). - - [20] See chs. 45, 71, 77. Compare the statement attributed to Gotama - Buddha. “Great King, I do not teach the law to my pupils, telling - them, Go, ye saints, and before the eyes of the Brahmans and - householders perform, by means of your supernatural powers, - miracles greater than any man can perform. I tell them, when I - teach them the law, Live, ye saints, hiding your good works, and - showing your sins.” Chips from a German Workshop, Vol. I., - p. 249; translated from Burnouf, Introduction à l’Histoire du - Buddhisme Indien, p. 170. - - [21] Compare Emerson—“The man may teach by doing, and not otherwise. - If he can communicate himself he can teach, but not by word.” - Essay IV., Vol. I., p. 136. - - [22] Ch. 48. _Wu-wei_ here may have another meaning. Wu-chʽêng and - Julien regard it as meaning _inaction_, and make it synonymous - with _Wu-shi_. See Mr. Chalmers’ extraordinary translation of - this chapter. - - [23] Chs. 8, 78. - - [24] Chs. 22, 34, 66. - - [25] Compare the saying of Solomon,—“Before honour is humility.” - Proverbs, xviii. 12. - - [26] See chs. 92, 24. - - [27] Ch. 42. - - [28] Ch. 13. - - [29] Ch. 37. - - [30] Chs. 52, 56. - - [31] Ch. 33. Compare the words of Sir T. Browne:—“Rest not in an - ovation, but a triumph over thy passions.” Christian Morals, - sect. 2. So also Solomon—“_He that is_ slow to anger is better - than the mighty; and he that ruleth his spirit than he that - taketh a city.” Proverbs, xvi. 32. Compare also Horace’s Ode to - Sallust, vs. 9, &c. - - [32] 悟道錄. Ch. 2, p. 11. - - [33] See Chs. 33, 44, 46, 29, 32. - - [34] Ch. 9. Compare Horace’s advice:—“Quod satis est cui contigit, - hic nihil amplius optet.” - - [35] Ch. 24. - - [36] Ch. 39. - - [37] Chs. 26, 28. - - [38] Chs. 63, 64. - - [39] Ch. 15. - - [40] Chs. 19, 73. - - [41] Ch. 27. The word _shan_ (善), however, rendered _good_, is also - susceptible of the interpretation _clever_ or _expert_. See - Wu-chêng’s note (ch. 22 in his edition). - - [42] Ch. 63. In the Kan-ying-pʽien (感應篇) it is said “Look on the - acquisitions of others as if they were yours, and the losses of - others as if they were yours.” Ch. 2. In this book are taught - many other excellent lessons which are apparently derived from - the Tao-tê Ching. - - [43] Ch. 79. - - [44] See chs. 27, 64. So the Kan-ying-pʽien says:—“The tiny insects - and plants and trees may not be injured.” - - [45] Works, ch. 11 原道. - - [46] Chs. 23, 56. Compare “Let us be silent, for so are the gods.” - Also the words of the Tatler:—“Silence is sometimes more - significant and sublime than the most noble and most expressive - eloquence, and is on many occasions the indication of a great - mind.” No. 133. - - [47] Chs. 65, 20, 48. - - [48] Compare Emerson, Essays vol. i., p. 261–2. - - [49] Ch. 1. Chalmers, however, translates—“In eternal non-existence, - therefore, man seeks to pierce the primordial mystery, and in - eternal existence, to behold the issues of the Universe.” See - also the German translation given in Hegel, Geschichte, &c. - Vol. i., p. 142. - - [50] Chs. 7, 59. - - [51] Chs. 50, 55. - - [52] See chs. 66, 7, 81. - - [53] Quoted by Wu-chʽêng in a note to ch. 81. - - [54] Compare Pauthier, Chine, p. 117. - - [55] Ch. 23. See Pauthier. Chine Moderne, ps. 356–7. - - [56] Emerson, however, also speaks of the “individual soul mingling - with the Universal Soul.” Essays. - - [57] Ch. 5. - - - - - CHAPTER VIII. - - LAO-TZŬ AND CONFUCIUS. - - -It is not unusual for foreigners no less than for Chinese to speak of -Lao-tzŭ and Confucius as having lived on very bad terms with each -other and as having been diametrically opposite in their teachings. -One Chinese scholar who ought to have known much better sins very -badly in this respect. The excellent little book of Mr. Edkins on the -Religious Condition of the Chinese contains the following: -“Contemporary with Confucius, there was an old man afterwards known as -Laou-tsoo, who meditated in a philosophic mood upon the more profound -necessities and capacities of the human soul. He did so in a way that -Confucius, the prophet of the practical, could not well comprehend. He -conversed with him once, but never repeated his visit, for he could -not understand him. Laou-tsoo recommended quiet reflection. Water that -is still is also clear, and you may see deeply into it. Noise and -passion are fatal to spiritual progress. The stars are invisible -through a clouded sky. Nourish the perceptive powers of the soul in -purity and rest.”[1] Others have expressed a similar opinion and with -no more accuracy. This view, however, is not strictly correct. As has -been seen, Confucius was a disciple of Lao-tzŭ, and there is no -evidence to prove that any other than friendly relations existed -between them. A Confucianist philosopher has somewhere remarked that -Confucius and Lao-tzŭ were not the authors of opposite systems and -founders of rival schools of philosophy, and the observation is quite -correct. It was not until long after the two sages were dead that the -followers of the one came to look on those of the other as heretics -and enemies. Not only, however, did Confucius himself live in -friendship with his instructor, so far as we know, but he also imbibed -not a few of his tenets. The influence of Lao-tzŭ on his disciple, and -the amount of similarity between the doctrines of the two are subjects -well deserving a serious study. That they differ widely on many points -is a fact known to everybody, but few, so far as my knowledge extends, -have studied the affinities between them. To a thorough-going -Confucianist the mere idea of doing such a a thing is horrible, and -the Temple of Literature closed against the reception of the tablets -of the rare individuals who have essayed the task, deters the after -generations. By one, however, not anxious about his posthumous tablet, -and who takes pleasure in finding how near the divergent lines of -orthodoxy and heterodoxy may be found to have originally converged, -the work may be attempted without any misgivings. The present writer -can do nothing more than merely try to sketch a few of the features of -resemblance between the teachings of the two sages in speculative -Physics, Politics and Ethics, following the division adopted above. - -The theories of Lao-tzŭ and Confucius on the physical world being -probably merely the popular and traditional notions of the time, might -naturally be expected to have not a little in common. For example, the -emanation of the visible universe, including also all that makes up -man, from an eternal existence at once material and immaterial, seems -to have been an old idea with the Chinese, and it is found in the -teachings of both the sages. Thus, as has been seen, the Tʽai-chi -(太極) or Grand Extreme, as it is translated, is only _Tao_ under -another name. Indeed Confucius uses the latter word in this -connection very much after the manner of Lao-tzŭ. In the appendix to -the Yi-ching (易經) it is stated that what is antecedent to external -form is called _Tao_; and in another passage it is said that one -passive and one active element (one Yin and one Yang) are called -Tao.[3] In the Li-chi (禮記) Confucius says to Tzŭ-kung that _Tao_ is -that which the whole world, (天下 may also mean the empire), -esteems.[4] Other writers also, such as the author of the preface to -the Yi-ching, distinctly assert that the two terms Tʽai-chi and Tao -have the same signification. Lao-tzŭ’s doctrine of dualism also, and -his theory that contraries produce each other are found explicitly -taught in the Confucian classics. Thus the Yi-ching says that hard and -soft alternately thrust each other forth,[5] and in another passage it -is said that the Yin and the Yang, or the passive and active elements -or powers of nature, generate each other. Again Lao-tzŭ teaches that -all the operations of Nature (Tao) and Heaven and earth are carried on -without any show of effort, silently and quietly. So also does -Confucius teach. In the Li-chi, for example, he says that the -Tʽien-tao or Way of Heaven is to be without exertion and yet have the -world completed.[6] In the Chung-yung a similar observation is made -respecting Chʽêng (誠) which Legge translates “sincerity” but which is -evidently another designation of Tao, as Mr. Meadows long ago -stated.[7] Further, it is almost unnecessary to state that in the -quinary classification of such things as tastes and colours our two -sages perfectly agree. Not only, however, do we find the same ideas on -these matters in Confucian classics and the Tao-tê Ching but we also -not seldom find in them similar forms of expression.[8] Thus, for -instance, the poetical metaphor by which Lao-tzŭ speaks of the sea and -the great rivers as being kings to the small streams which flow into -them is found in the Shu King and the Shi Khing. In the former the -Chiang (江) and Han (漢) are described as proceeding to the sovereign -Court of the Sea,[9] and in the latter it is written that the full -tide flows back to pay court to the sea, but the people of the country -forget their allegiance. It may be mentioned that we ourselves speak -of _tributary_ streams, and Tennyson has expressed the Chinese idea -fully in the words - - “Flow down, cold rivulet, to the sea, - Thy tribute wave deliver.” - -Coming now to Politics we find that on Government and other matters -connected with the State, the Confucian writings contain many opinions -closely resembling those of Lao-tzŭ. Thus in the Lun-yü, Book xv., -Confucius is represented as saying—“May not Shun be instanced as -having governed efficiently without exertion? What did he do? He did -nothing but gravely and reverently occupy his imperial seat.” Here the -very expression of the Tao-tê Ching is used—無爲而治—and Dr. Legge has, -I think, rightly translated wu-wei by “without exertion.”[10] So also -in the Shu King it is said of King Wu, after his war with Shou was -finished, that “he had only to let his robes fall down, and fold his -hands, and the empire was orderly ruled.”[11] Other passages in the -Lun-yü show us that Confucius also disliked war, and the petty -squabbles into which the ambitious feudal chiefs of his time were -constantly falling. Again, Lao-tzŭ has been greatly reproached by -Confucianists and others for declining to continue in office under the -kings of Chow, but he went little farther in this respect than his -more fortunate disciple who was more earthly wise though less -politically consistent. Each kept his precious gem secreted for years, -but there was this difference, that Confucius was eager for a bidder -who would please him, and Lao-tzŭ seeing there was no chance of a -suitable bidder preferred to keep his gem. Not only, however, did -Confucius himself abstain for a considerable time from active official -life, but he also commended those of the past and some of his -contemporaries who had retired into privacy during evil times, and his -approbation of Ning-wu’s conduct is expressed in language worthy of -Lao-tzŭ.[12] Besides, Confucius had the utmost contempt for the -mandarins and chiefs of his time, and regarded them as either utter -villains or as mere nobodies.[13] Again, just as Lao-tzŭ teaches that -the ruler must first correct himself, making the purity of his own -inner life his first and greatest care and then cultivating moral -excellence in his family, so Confucius repeatedly teaches the same -doctrine and illustrates it by the example of the ancients. Like ruler -like people, is a maxim with him. If the sovereign be wicked the -people also will be wicked, and if he be good they also will be -good.[14] Lao-tzŭ says that government must be conducted by -uprightness or rectitude (正). So Confucius says that to govern means -to rectify, and in another passage he depicts the evil results of a -government which is not conducted in uprightness. Another political -doctrine which is stated expressly in the Tao-tê Ching is that capital -punishment is the work of a superhuman agent and that no one on earth -can safely act as proxy for that agent. Through all the Confucian -writings also there runs the idea that it is Heaven or the Upper Ruler -that is offended with wicked states, rebellious chiefs, or oppressive -rulers, and that all national rewards and punishments come from the -same source. Confucius, however, and his followers seem to have -believed that the virtuous neighbouring state, the pious sovereign, or -the successful rebel received a Heavenly edict to annex the wicked -territory, slay the mutinous chief, or dethrone the impious prince—a -political idea not confined to ancient times or to China. Yet there -are several passages in the Classics which seem to represent -Confucius, too, as forbidding, or at least disapproving of, capital -punishment. Thus in the Lun-yü he is made to say to Chi-kʽang, who had -asked him about slaying the bad in order to perfect the good—“Why use -capital punishment at all? Do you desire virtue and the people will be -virtuous. The moral character of the ruler is to that of his subjects -as wind is to grass—when the wind blows the grass bends.”[15] And in -another passage he is represented as approving of an old saying that -after good government for a hundred years capital punishment might be -dispensed with.[16] Another maxim of the Tao-tê Ching also inculcated -by Confucius is this—that the sovereign ought to anticipate and be -prepared for reverses of fortune—that he ought to devise measures for -repressing rebellion while as yet there is no sign of disturbance; -this, says the Shu King, was the method pursued by the ancient -rulers.[17] So also both sages taught that the ruler should always be -grave and serious, mindful of the solemn charge which he has received -from Heaven.[18] In the Confucian writings, again, no less than in the -Tao-tê Ching, rulers are forbidden to covet and strive for rare and -outlandish objects, such things having a tendency to stir up strife -and lead the heart astray.[19] Further in the high pre-eminence -assigned to the sovereign, Confucius is of the same mind with Lao-tzŭ. -As the latter ranks him with Heaven and Earth, so also does the -former.[20] In the opinion of each he reigns by divine right, and is -himself indeed at least half divine. Son of Heaven is a frequent -designation of him in the Classics. Confucius indeed in some places is -much more wildly extravagant in his statements about the sovereign -than we would be inclined to expect. Finally, to both sages the great -and paramount consideration for a prince or chief seemed to be the -peace and prosperity of his people. Light taxes, few legal -restrictions, and a general kind treatment are strongly recommended by -both.[21] They differ, however, in this respect that while Lao-tzŭ -overlooks or slights education, Confucius regards it as of great -importance; but few who know the nature of the education which -Confucius recommended to his son of carp-derived name, but which he -did not give him, would be disposed to regret the want of it in a -ruler or magistrate. - -It now remains to speak of the Ethical teachings of Lao-tzŭ and -Confucius, and here also we find considerable similarity, only a few -instances of which can now be indicated. As Confucius disclaimed the -distinction of being original in his views, I am much inclined to -believe that the resemblance between the doctrines of the classics and -those of the Tao-tê Ching often point to a borrowing on the part of -the former from the latter. The low place which is assigned to -intellectual and mechanical accomplishment in this work seems to be -wrong, and Confucius would scarcely go so far. He too, however, places -virtue above wisdom, and seems sometimes to think that perfect virtue -ensures to its possessor other and less noble qualities. He is not -unmindful of the value of intellectual acquirements and assigns to -them considerable importance. It must be remembered besides that the -accomplishments of which Lao-tzŭ speaks disparagingly are those -more for show than utility, and that in this respect Confucius -is at one with him. The vice of talking specious and flattering words -is condemned by the one as strongly as by the other. Artful words and -a clever appearance are seldom virtuous, is a sentence which Confucius -is represented as repeating on several occasions.[22] In the Yi-ching -it is said that the good man talks little and the violent man talks -much.[23] Here it is worthy of notice that the word which is opposed -to _chi_ (吉), good, is not _hsiung_ (凶), wicked, but _tsʽao_ (躁), a -word which means fierce or violent. Indeed Confucius insists on the -gentle life no less earnestly than Lao-tzŭ, although he is not always -consistent. He also recommends abstinence from litigation. Like -Lao-tzŭ he teaches that the man of extensive influence ought to abase -himself before others—ought to yield and never wrangle.[24] On some -occasions Confucius is represented as holding the maxim that what a -man would not desire another to do to him he should not do to -others,[25] while he is also represented as objecting to the words of -Lao-tzŭ that injury should be repaid by kindness.[26] But on the other -hand he makes it one of the characteristics of the Chŭn-tzŭ (君子) or -noble man, that he does not strive, and a yielding, forbearing -disposition is one of the virtues which admiring disciples have -assigned to “the Master” himself. In connection with this it may be -mentioned that the Confucian writings are as bitter as the Tao-tê -Ching against the show and consciousness of being virtuous. The words -of the Emperor Shun to Yü as recorded in the Shu King are very like -those of Lao-tzŭ, “Without any prideful presumption, there is no one -in the empire to contest with you the palm of ability; without any -boasting, there is no one in the empire to contest with you the claim -of merit.”[27] - -The lofty eminence on which Lao-tzŭ places the God-like man is not -greater than that to which Confucius raises him. This person ranks, -according to both, with Heaven and Earth, and assists these in their -great unceasing labours of producing, nourishing, and ruling the -creatures of the universe.[28] With Heaven and Earth he makes a -trinity, and is scarcely inferior to them. Like Heaven, which he -imitates, he is free from partialities, and is universal in his -sympathies.[29] One of the philosophers, Chʽêng, a Confucianist after -the most straitest sect, forgets his master’s doctrine in this respect -and through excess of orthodoxy actually becomes heterodox.[30] -Criticising Lao-tzŭ’s statement that Heaven, Earth, and the God-like -man are _pu jen_ (不仁), that is, are without any partialities or -particular affection, he says that we may make this remark of Heaven -and Earth but not of the God-like man who feels for and compassionates -his fellow creatures, and thus is able to enlarge his way of life.[31] -This author, however, seems to be here guilty of a _sophisma -equivocationis_, as _jĕn_ in the former part of the paragraph is used -in a bad sense while in the latter part it has a good sense. The words -of the King of Chow to the newly appointed Chief Hu on this subject -are very similar to those of Lao-tzŭ—“Great Heaven has no -affections—it helps only the virtuous.”[32] So also, as Lao-tzŭ says -it is Heaven’s way to take from that which has too much and give to -that which wants, the _Shu-ching_ says in like terms “It is virtue -which moves Heaven; there is no distance to which it does not reach. -Pride brings loss, and humility receives increase:—this is the way of -Heaven.”[33] - -Again, the doctrine of the Tao-tê Ching, that violence and excess -cannot endure, appears also in the Confucian works. It occurs, for -instance, in the Li-chi, and it is worthy of observation that the -illustrious commentator on the passage regards the expression there -used as a quotation, but does not know from what work.[34] Had the -words been identical there could not have been any possibility of -doubt. There is also a common saying among the Chinese, derived from -the Yi-ching, that when the sun has reached his meridian he begins to -decline, and when the moon has reached her full she begins to wane, -thus intimating the fickleness of fortune. This idea is represented in -the Tao-tê Ching under a different figure. - -In many passages of the books which go by his name, Confucius is made -to impress on his disciples the necessity of attending to what is -unseen and internal, and taking it for granted that the visible and -external will follow as a natural consequence.[35] In this too he is -nearly like to Lao-tzŭ. One passage of the Lun-yü even speaks of _Li_ -(禮), or the full complement of external virtues, on which Confucius -generally lays great stress as something to be postponed to the -genuine qualities of the heart.[36] The whole of the thirty-third -chapter of the Chung-yung may be regarded as a sort of commentary on -what Lao-tzŭ has said on this and some other topics. The passages -quoted in this chapter from the Shi-ching are merely texts which have -not the slightest reference to the homilies on them except in one or -two cases. - -Further, as Lao-tzŭ believed in a long-past time of simplicity and -purity, so also did Confucius, and his love for antiquity and his -esteem for the ancient sages were perhaps even greater than those of -Lao-tzŭ.[37] Of the five characteristics given of the old kings who -had kept good government in their kingdoms the first is that they -honoured those who had Te (德), that is, their perfect inborn nature, -and this is explained to mean those who approach _Tao_. Both sages -represent the ancients as solid and not showy, as wanting in -intellectual arts but perfect in simple virtue. They should be, both -thought, in the conduct of life no less than in affairs of State the -models for all after generations. Turn to the good old paths wherein -our forefathers walked who were better than we, is what Lao-tzŭ and -Confucius equally teach. Go back, says the latter, to the days of Yao -and Shun, and Yü, and kings Wên and Wu, and Duke Chou, and make them -your patterns in all things even as they made Heaven theirs. Ascend -still further, says Lao-tzŭ, and follow the lives of those primitive -worthies who died before the arts and vices of civilisation had -appeared on the earth. - -What the inducements are which Lao-tzŭ holds out to a life of -self-subduing and virtue has been seen already, and those which the -Confucian books hold out to such a life are very similar.[38] An -insight into the mysteries of Providence, length of years, a peaceful -death, and a good name among men are the chief rewards for such a -life. Confucius in one place is represented as making perfect -knowledge precede self-purification.[39] This, however, is not, I -think, in accordance with the general spirit of his teachings, and if -he ever did make the statement reported it is probably only one of -those nonsensical utterances which he seems to have occasionally made, -solely for the purpose of having a long string of short sentences. The -statement in question is even on Chu-hsi’s interpretation absurd and -impossible. - -In their views about death, also, our two sages seem to have been much -alike. They do not refer to a state of existence hereafter, and they -seem to have regarded the grave as the end of man, so far as his -consciousness of being was concerned, at least. On this subject, -however, we must speak with caution as the utterances of both are few -and dark. - -A few general observations will now conclude these rather disjointed -remarks about the points of similarity in the Tao-tê Ching and the -Confucian classics. The Chung-yung, or Constant Mean, called by Dr. -Legge the Doctrine of the Mean, amplifies and illustrates several of -Lao-tzŭ’s teachings, and every reader of the book must have observed -the frequency of the occurrence of the word Tao in it. The expression -Chung-yung is, indeed, sometimes almost convertible with this word, -and Confucius speaks of _keeping_ it in terms very similar to those -which Lao-tzŭ uses about Tao. Again, the Li (禮) of the Li-chi, Lun-yü, -and other works is a word of far wider and deeper signification than -our translations usually represent. It seems often to indicate the -carrying out of the theoretical Tao into practical life.[40] Several -passages in the classic, named from the word, might be cited in -support of the above view, and in one remarkable sentence, Confucius -says that Li must have had its origin in the “Great One.”[41] The -Shu-ching, or Classic of historical excerpts, contains, as has been -seen, many doctrines and sayings similar to those of the Tao-tê Ching, -and a similar remark applies to the Yi-Ching, especially to its -appendix. The collection of early moral and immoral ballads usually -dignified by the title Shi-ching or Classic of poetry, as might have -been expected, does not throw much light on the influence exercised by -Lao-tzŭ over Confucius or the similarity of their teachings, and the -same is true of the Chʽun-chʽiu (春秋) or Annals of his Dynasty by -Confucius. Descending to Mencius we find in the sayings recorded of -him many doctrines very like some of Lao-tzŭ’s, and it is a remarkable -fact that he never refers to the latter either in praise or in -dispraise. Later Confucianists have regarded their Master as a born -sage, and they would generally scout the idea that he was under -serious obligations to any one, and to Lao-tzŭ in particular. - -While noticing the many points of affinity between Lao-tzŭ and -Confucius, we ought not to forget that there are at the same time -great and important differences between them. The type of mind of the -former does not very much resemble that of the latter. Lao-tzŭ is -chiefly synthetic and Confucius analytic in tendency. The former likes -to sum up particular virtues and existences, and refer them to one -all-embracing idea. The latter shows how one great principle branches -off and becomes separated into many secondary odes and finally -permeates all things. The one is a philosopher at home, and the other -a schoolmaster abroad. The relation between the two may in some -respects be compared to that between Plato and Aristotle, if it be -lawful to compare small things with great. The character of Plato’s -mind also somewhat resembles that of Lao-tzŭ, while Aristotle is very -faintly foreshadowed in Confucius. He was a disciple of Plato and yet -he came to differ very widely from his master, but not more than -Confucius did from Lao-tzŭ. In both cases the disciple became more -practical and less theoretical than his master. Yet it must be borne -in mind that many of Confucius’ teachings in politics and morals are -either nonsensical or at least vague and incomprehensible, and that -Lao-tzŭ’s general theories are not seldom applicable to particulars -and the actual world. - - [1] Page 9. - - [2] Vol. ii., Appendix, ch. 12. - - [3] Vol. ii., Appendix, ch. 5. - - [4] Ch. 10, page 65, compare also the Chung-Yung, ch. 27. - - [5] Vol. ii., Appendix, ch. 2. - - [6] Ch. 9, p. 6. See also the remarks of Callery in his note to this - passage. Li-ki, p. 142. - - [7] Chinese Classics, vol. i., p. 282 3–4. The Chinese and their - Rebellions, p. 351. - - [8] Compare Yi-ching, Vol. ii., Appendix, ch. 11, with the Tao-tê - ching, ch. 6. - - [9] Legge’s Shu, vol. i., p. 113. - - [10] Chinese Classics, vol. 1, p. 159. - - [11] Legge’s Shu King, vol. ii., p. 316. - - [12] Legge’s Ch. Classics, vol, i., p. 44. - - [13] See for instance Legge, Ch. Classics, vol. i., p. 136. - - [14] See Legge, vol. i., ps. 122, 130; also the Li-chi, ch. 4, p. 52. - - [15] Legge, &c., vol. i., p. 122. - - [16] Legge, &c., vol. i., p. 131. - - [17] Legge’s Shu King, vol. ii., p. 525. Vol. i., p. 257. - - [18] Legge’s Shu King, vol. i., p. 74, also vol. ii., p. 532. - - [19] Legge’s Shu King, vol. i., p. 349. Vol. ii., p. 574. - - [20] See Li-chi, ch, 8, p. 70. - - [21] Legge Shu King, &c., vol. i., p. 158. - - [22] See Legge, Ch. Classics, vol. i., 166 and p. 3. Compare also the - memorable words in the Li-chi, ch. 9, p. 489. - - [23] Vol. ii., Appendix, Part 2, ch. 12. - - [24] See Legge Ch. Classics, vol. i, p. 21. - - [25] See Legge, vol. i., p. 165. - - [26] See Legge, vol. i., p. 152. - - [27] Legge’s Shu King, vol. i., p. 60. See also Dr. Legge’s note on - the passage. See also do. p. 257. - - [28] See Li-chi, ch. 4, p. 52. - - [29] See Legge’s Chinese Classics, vol. i., p. 14. - - [30] See the 性理縹題, ch., 17, p. 2. - - [31] A quotation from the Lun-yü, B. xv, ch. 28. - - [32] Legge’s Shu king, vol. ii., p. 490. See also, vol. i., p. 209. - - [33] Legge’s voL i., p. 65. Reference is apparently made to the - Yi-ching where 謙 and 損 are two of the Diagrams. It is a - wonder that this escaped Dr. Legge’s notice. - - [34] See Li-chi, ch. 1, p. 1, and Chu-hsi’s note. - - [35] Compare on this, other topics mentioned by Lao-tzŭ, the character - of the 儒 in the Li-chi, ch. 10. - - [36] Legge’s Ch. Classics, vol. i., p. 21. - - [37] See Legge’s Shu, &c., vol. ii., p. 491. - - [38] For the duty of self-denial at certain times see the Li-chi, - ch. 3, p. 53, and Callery’s Li-ki, p. 31. - - [39] The Great Learning. See Legge’s Ch. Classics, vol. i., p. 222. - - [40] In the Li-chi, Confucius says that as a parrot does not cease to - be a bird though it can speak, so though creatures have the - appearance of men, yet if they have not Li they are not men. - Ch. 1., p. 4. - - [41] Li-chi, ch. 4, p. 60. - - - - - CHAPTER IX. - - CONCLUSION. - - -It would be a very interesting study to examine the points of -similarity and difference in the writings of the early Buddhists and -the teachings of Lao-tzŭ; but this cannot be attempted here. There is -one circumstance, however, to which I shall allude, that is, the -resemblance of the Buddhist Bodhisattva (Pʽusa) Mandjusri to Lao-tzŭ. -The Nepaulese traditions about this Pʽusa also make him to be a -foreigner and to have come to their country from China, though other -accounts represent him as returning from the latter country to his -home in Nepaul. A full and very interesting account of Mandjusri, or -“Mañdjuçri,” as Burnouf writes it, will be found in that accomplished -scholar’s “Le Lotus de la bonne Loi.”[1] Rémusat and Pauthier insist -on the western origin of Lao-tzŭ’s doctrines, and there are certainly -not a few points of resemblance between them and some of the early -Indian systems of religion and philosophy. Of these the doctrine of -annihilation, or at least of final absorption, is one of the most -striking. - -Another interesting study in connection with Lao-tzŭ would be to trace -the history of his opinions among succeeding generations. This would -however, be in great degree a painful study. The metaphysical work of -Chwang-tzŭ, wild and extravagant though it be occasionally, is worthy -of being read, and M. Julien has kindly promised to translate it for -us. Lie-tzŭ and several others of his followers are also worth -reading, but the great majority of so called Taoist books are utterly -despicable at least in our eyes. Mr. Edkins says of the “Taoist -system”—“Its appeal is made to the lower wants of the Chinese. It -invents divinities to promote the physical well-being of the people. -The gods of riches, of longevity, of war, and of particular disease, -all belong to this religion.”[2] The pure and spiritual sayings -uttered by Lao-tzŭ have been taken in a gross sense and perverted by -thoughtless, faithless people, who would have a meritorious life -consist solely in external acts, thus entirely reversing their -master’s precepts. He spoke of length of days to be desired as the -result of a calm and philosophic life, but degenerate followers sought -for many years, in ways shameful to relate. They changed his plain and -simple language into euphuistic terms which cause them to be -reproached. The Taoists, says one author, call the chattering of their -teeth the Heavenly drum, they swallow their spittle and call it the -Fairy Spring, they speak of horse’s excrement as magical fuel and of -rats as vivifying medicine. By _such_ means they think they can attain -Tao, but, as the writer asks,—can they attain it?[3] - -Though his doctrines, however, have become greatly corrupted and -perverted the greatness of Lao-tzŭ himself has not diminished. From -the time of the Empress (竇) of the West Hans, near the end of the Chou -dynasty, the beginning of his honour dates, and from the time of the -Chin and Liang dynasties down to the Great Tʽang dynasty, his -doctrines and his name were glorified.[4] He was promoted to be a -God, and wonderful things were invented about him and the _Tao_ of -which he spoke so much. One of the Tʽang emperors conferred on him the -sublime title—Great Ruler of the very exalted mysterious Beginning. -Nor has he remained without honour among outside barbarians. -Cunningham says:—“He (Lao-tzŭ) was therefore a contemporary of Sakya -Muni, by whom he is said to have been worsted in argument. By the -Tibetan Buddhists he is called Sen-rabs; but this perhaps signifies -nothing more than that he was of the race or family of Sena. His faith -continued paramount in Great Tibet for nine centuries, until Buddhism -was generally introduced by Seong-Stan in the middle of the seventh -century.”[5] It seems to me more than doubtful, however, whether these -Tirthikas of India, to whom Cunningham alludes as the adherents of -Lao-tzŭ’s faith, can be regarded as such. A large and influential -school could not be established in so short a time as elapsed between -the time when Lao-tzŭ flourished and the time of Buddha’s preaching, -if indeed any time whatever elapsed. It is perhaps sufficient to -observe that there is a considerable amount of similarity between the -tenets imputed to the Tirthikas and those of the Chinese philosopher. - -The followers of Lao-tzŭ spread his fame among the Japanese islands -also, where Sinto or Shên-tao, that is the Spiritual Tao, was known -before Buddhism was introduced. Sir R. Alcock, however, says—“That -there was an indigenous religion as old as their (the Japanese) -history, one formed by and for themselves in long-past ages, the -Sintoo, which survives to this day; that some ten or fifteen centuries -ago or more, this was overlaid by the Confucian doctrines—a code of -moral ethics, not a religion in the proper sense of the term—and about -the seventh century both were in great degree supplemented by the -Buddhist faith derived from China, we do know with tolerable -certainty. But this is nearly the sum.”[6] Mr. Edkins has given a -short but very interesting account of Taoism in Japan, derived -principally from Kæmpfer. It is somewhat remarkable that as the -Japanese have their spiritual chief or Mikado so the Chinese Taoists -also have one, and each is supposed to be a present deity having a -sacred title derived through many ages. The Chinese chief, however, is -a much less powerful and important personage than the Mikado. The -first of the Taoist patriarchs in China was Chang Tao-ling (張道陵) who -lived in the time of the Han dynasty.[7] Lao-tzŭ appeared to him on -the Stork-cry Hill and told him that in order to attain the state of -immortality which he was seeking he must subdue a number of demons. -Tao-ling in his eagerness slew too many, and Lao-tzŭ told him that -Shang Ti required him to do penance for a time. Finally, however, he -was allowed to become an immortal, and the spiritual chiefdom of the -Taoists was given to his family for ever. The descendants of Tao-ling -reside at the Dragon-tiger Hill near Kwei-hsi in the province of -Kiangsi. It is apparently about this Chang Tao-ling that Edkins -says—“Chang, one of the genii of Taouist romance, is believed to be -identical with the star cluster of the same name, and he is -represented by painters and idol-makers with a bow in his hands, -shooting the heavenly dog.”[8] One title of this spiritual chief in -China is Tʽien-shi, or Heavenly Teacher and the original patriarch -seems to be worshipped in Japan under this name. Commodore Perry says -that of the two and twenty shrines in the kingdom which command the -homage of pilgrimage, “the great and most sacred one is that of the -Sun-goddess, Ten-sio-dai-sin, at Isye.” Previously he had stated—“It -is said that the only object of _worship_ among the Sintoos is the -Sun-goddess, Ten-sio-dai-zin, who is deemed the patron divinity of -Japan *** The Mikado is supposed to be her lineal descendant.”[8] Why, -however, the deity should be a female and a Sun-goddess I do not -understand. - -We must now bid farewell to Lao-tzŭ. The study of his work and his -life, as also of the fortunes of his doctrines, is a difficult task -but not without interest and instruction, and the writer is afraid he -has lingered too long over it. He hopes, however, that his efforts -will even in a very small degree help to raise Lao-tzŭ to the place in -the history of Philosophy, and in the history of the benefactors of -humanity, to which he is fairly entitled. - - [1] Page 498, &c. - - [2] Religious Condition, &c., p. 68. - - [3] See the Yuan-chien, &c., ch. 319. - - [4] See Chu-hsi’s Tsa-cho, ch. 9. - - [5] Ladak, p. 358. - - [6] The Capital of the Tycoon, vol. ii., p. 258 - - [7] See for this man the 尙友錄 ch. 8. - - [8] Religious Condition, &c., p. 140. - - [9] American Expedition to Japan, ps. 24–5. - - - - - FINIS. - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES - - 1. Obvious minor typographical errors have been silently corrected. - 2. Hyphenation of words and titles has been standardized to the most - commonly used version for a given part of speech. - 3. Spelling has been standardized except in the case of direct quotes - of other writers. - 4. Footnotes have been renumbered and placed at the end of each - chapter. - 5. Chinese romanization standardized to use the Unicode reversed - comma ʽ to mark aspirated stops in initial consonants. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Lao-tzu, A Study in Chinese Philosophy, by -Thomas Watters - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LAO-TZU, A STUDY IN CHINESE PHILOSOPHY *** - -***** This file should be named 63958-0.txt or 63958-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/6/3/9/5/63958/ - -Produced by Ronald Grenier from page images generously -made available by Internet Archive (https://archive.org) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Lao-tzu, A Study in Chinese Philosophy - -Author: Thomas Watters - -Release Date: December 4, 2020 [EBook #63958] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LAO-TZU, A STUDY IN CHINESE PHILOSOPHY *** - - - - -Produced by Ronald Grenier from page images generously -made available by Internet Archive (https://archive.org) - - - - - - -</pre> - - - - -<div class="transnote"> - <p class="center">Transcriber’s Note.</p> - <p class="smaller">A table of contents has been added. - See additional notes at the end of this book.</p> -</div> - -<div class="transnote covernote"> -<p class="center">Transcriber’s Note for eBook Version:</p> -<p class="smaller">The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.</p> -</div> - -<div class="title-page"> - <h1><span class="xlarge">LAO-TZŬ,</span><br /><span xml:lang="zh">老子</span><br />A STUDY<br />IN CHINESE PHILOSOPHY</h1> - <div><span class="small">BY</span></div> - <div class="c004"><span class="large">T. WATTERS, M.A.,</span></div> - <div class="c004 smaller smcap ">Mem. N.C.B. of the Asiatic Society of London, Hon. Mem. Asiatic - Society of Paris, and a Junior Assistant in H.M.’s - Consular Service in China.</div><br /> - <hr class="short4" /> - <div class="c004"><span class="larger">HONGKONG:</span></div> - <div class="c004">PRINTED AT THE “CHINA MAIL” OFFICE.</div> - <hr class="xshort" /> - <div>1870.</div> - <hr class="xshort" /> - <div class="c004"><span class="larger">LONDON:</span></div> - <div class="c004">WILLIAMS & NORGATE.</div> -</div> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="PREFACE">PREFACE.</h2> -</div> - -<p>A considerable portion of the following pages has already appeared in -“The Chinese Recorder and Missionary Journal,” and its reappearance in -its present form requires an apology. The subject of the work is one -in which very few take any interest, and the author is very sensible -of his numerous imperfections in attempting to deal with matters so -difficult and abstruse as are treated of in the Tao-tê Ching. Having -thus made confession; it only remains for him to thank Mr. Baldwin and -his other friends for their kindness in assisting to get the book -through the press.</p> - -<p class="c005">T. W.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Foochow</span>, <i>October</i> 19, 1869.</p> - - -<div> -<div class="chapter"> - <h2 class="nobreak larger">CONTENTS</h2> -</div> - - -<table summary="Contents"> - <tr> - <td class="tdr smaller">CHAP.</td> - <td></td> - <td class="tdpg smaller">PAGE</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_I">I.</a></td> - <td><span class="c001 smcap">Introductory</span></td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Page_001">1</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_II">II.</a></td> - <td><span class="c001 smcap">The Life of Lao-tzŭ</span></td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Page_006">6</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_III">III.</a></td> - <td><span class="c001 smcap">The Tao-tê Ching 道德經</span></td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Page_020">20</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV">IV.</a></td> - <td><span class="c001 smcap">General View of Lao-tzŭ’s Teachings</span></td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Page_034">34</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_V">V.</a></td> - <td><span class="c001 smcap">Speculative Physics</span></td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Page_044">44</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI">VI.</a></td> - <td><span class="c001 smcap">Politics</span></td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Page_060">60</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_VII">VII.</a></td> - <td><span class="c001 smcap">Ethics</span></td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Page_077">77</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">VIII.</a></td> - <td><span class="c001 smcap">Lao-tzŭ and Confucius</span></td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Page_095">95</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_IX">IX.</a></td> - <td><span class="c001 smcap">Conclusion</span></td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Page_110">110</a></td> - </tr> -</table> -</div> - - - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_001">1</span></p> -<h2><span class="larger" id="CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I.</span><br />INTRODUCTORY.</h2> -</div> - -<p>One of the most remarkable men in the history of China, as also in the -history of philosophy, is Lao-tzŭ, the author of the <cite>Tao-tê Ching</cite> -(<span xml:lang="zh">道德經</span>). This book deserves, and has obtained with those who know it, -a high place among philosophical works, and the posthumous fortunes of -its author have very rarely been surpassed. That his own followers—or -at least those who professed to be and probably believed that they -were his followers—should magnify his name was only what we would have -expected. They have raised him from the rank of ordinary mortals, and -represented him as an incarnation of deity, showing himself on this -earth at sundry times and in various manners. His conception and -birth, his personal appearance, and everything about him have been -represented by them as supernatural; and the philosophic little -treatise which he composed is regarded as a sacred book. Much of this -has arisen from a spirit of rivalry with Buddhism. The Taoists did not -wish to be behind the Buddhists in the amount of glory and mystery -attaching to the reputed originator of their religion; and they<span class="pagenum" id="Page_002">2</span> -accordingly tried to make the fortunes of Lao-tzŭ like those of -Shâkyamuni, the Buddha of the Present.</p> - -<p>Both Confucianists and Buddhists, however, also regard the -<cite>Tao-tê Ching</cite> as a book of deep mysteries, and admit the -supernatural, or at least marvellous, character of its author, though, -as will be seen, many censure him for teaching doctrines either in -themselves mischievous or leading to evil results when fully -developed. At several periods of Chinese history Lao-tzŭ has enjoyed -the patronage of government, and almost supplanted Confucius. Indeed, -during several of the dynasties which reigned within the first few -centuries of our era, there seems to have been a constant struggle for -ascendancy between the followers of these two philosophic chiefs. -Emperors have done honour to Lao-tzŭ in his temple, and the sovereigns -of the great Tʽang dynasty were proud to deem him their lineal -ancestor. One emperor has even written an excellent commentary on his -book; and one of the best editions of the <cite>Tao-tê Ching</cite> as regards -textual excellence is that by a Confucian mandarin under the present -dynasty. Buddhist monks also have edited the book with annotations, -and many of them regard it and its author with a reverence second only -to that with which the Taoists regard them.</p> - -<p>It is not only, however, his own countrymen who have given honour to -this prophet. By Western writers also great and mysterious things have -been attributed to him. Some have found in his book an enunciation of -the doctrine of the Trinity. The illustrious Rémusat discovered in it -the sacred name Jehovah, and many curious analogies with the best -philosophic writings of ancient times, and more especially with those -of Greece. Pauthier, who has read and written largely about Lao-tzŭ, -finds in his teachings the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_003">3</span>triple Brahma of the ancient Hindoos, the -Adibuddha of the Northern Buddhists, and an anticipated Christianity. -The <i>Tao</i> (<span xml:lang="zh">道</span>) of which Lao-tzŭ speaks so much has been likened to God, -to the Logos of Plato and the Neoplatonists, to “the nonentity of some -German philosophers,” and to many other things. Pauthier says:—<span xml:lang="fr">“Le -dieu invoque et décrit par <em>Lao-tseu</em> est la <em>Grande Voie</em> du monde, -la <em>Raison suprême universelle</em> (<span xml:lang="zh">道</span>) materiellement identique avec le -mot qui sert á designer Dieu dans les langues grecque (<i><span xml:lang="el">θεὸς</span></i>) latine -(<span xml:lang="la">Deus</span>) et leurs derivèes modernes; mais les attributs qu’il lui donne -ne sont point ceux qu’ont données à l’Etre suprême toutes les -doctrines spiritualistes de l’Orient, transmises à l’Occident par une -voie juive et grecque; par les therapeutes et les esséniens, dont -Jesus, le fils de l’homme, fut le revelateur et le representant à -l’etat philosophique.”</span><a id="FNanchor_I_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_I_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> Our missionaries have used this word <i>Tao</i> -to represent <i><span xml:lang="el">λόγος</span></i> in their translation of the New Testament, and -the first five verses of St. John’s Gospel are nearly as much Taoist -as Christian in the Chinese text.</p> - -<p>Some writers on the other hand, such as Gutzlaff, have represented -Lao-tzŭ as writing nonsense, and they seem to insinuate that he did -not even know the meaning of what he was writing. Others, as Voltaire, -have charged on him all the follies and superstitions practised by the -Taoists, and have consequently decried him and his teachings. This is -just about as wise and just a proceeding as to reproach the Apostle -Paul on account of the sayings and doings of sects like Muckers, and -Mormons, and Muggletonians. Many also regard Lao-tzŭ as a mere -speculative recluse, shutting himself up from the turmoils and -miseries <span class="pagenum" id="Page_004">4</span>of social life, and publishing theories in politics and -morals of no practical tendency whatever. In these respects he is -constantly contrasted with Confucius, who is looked upon as an -eminently practical man, teaching to the people only things which they -could easily understand, and ever refusing to wander into the regions -of uncertainty and mystery.</p> - -<p>There are, so far as I know, very few translations of the -<cite>Tao-tê Ching</cite> in western languages. According to Sir J. F. Davis, a -manuscript copy of a Latin translation is preserved in the Library of -the Royal Society of England. Pauthier has translated part of the book -into French, and has announced his determination, to complete the -work. Julien, however, perhaps the best and soberest of Lao-tzŭ’s -expounders, has translated into French the entire book, along with -many Chinese notes and fragments illustrating the life and teachings -of its author. Hegel says there is at Vienna a translation of the -<cite>Tao-tê Ching</cite>, or as he calls it <i>Tao-king</i>, which he himself had -seen.<a id="FNanchor_I_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_I_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> He does not, however, mention the name of the translator or -the language of the translation, but I think we are justified in -inferring that it is German. In English we have the recent work of the -Rev. Mr. Chalmers, a missionary and scholar of no ordinary -attainments. He has some excellent remarks in his Introduction, but -the translation itself, being almost unaccompanied with note or -comment, and being apparently made from a bad text, is rather -disappointing. Ritter, Cousin, Hardwicke, Edkins, and many others -have given short accounts of Taoism; but few of these have clearly -separated Lao-tzŭ and his doctrines from the later Taoists and <span class="pagenum" id="Page_005">5</span>their -doctrines. The “extravagant vagaries” of the latter may have arisen -often from misinterpreted or misapplied statements of Lao-tzŭ, but -they are not to be imputed to him.<a id="FNanchor_I_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_I_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> We must ascribe to Lao-tzŭ only -the things which are his—the merits and defects of his own direct -teachings.</p> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_I_1" href="#FNanchor_I_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> -Chine, p. 114. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_I_2" href="#FNanchor_I_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> -<span xml:lang="de">Geschichte der Philosophie</span>, B. 1. p. 142. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_I_3" href="#FNanchor_I_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> -Compare Rémusat, <span xml:lang="fr">Mémoire sur la vie et les opinions de Lao-tseu</span>, -&c., p. 20. -</div> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_006">6</span></p> -<h2><span class="larger" id="CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II.</span><br />THE LIFE OF LAO-TZŬ.</h2> -</div> - -<p>The life of Lao-tzŭ, like the book which he wrote, is enveloped in -mystery; and one might almost be excused for doubting whether such a -person ever actually existed. One author, indeed, has even gone the -length of saying that Lao-tzŭ was made out of space or vacuity (<i>hung</i> -<span xml:lang="zh">洪</span>).<a id="FNanchor_II_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> The most reliable account of him which has come down to us is -that by Szŭ Ma-chien, or Sze-ma-thsien (<span xml:lang="zh">司馬遷</span>), in the <cite>Shi-chi</cite> -(<span xml:lang="zh">史記</span>), and this is very brief and unsatisfactory. We have also -occasional notices of him in other old books, but the stories told -about him in the Records of Spirits and Fairies and works of a like -nature are, as Julien observes, only a tissue of falsehoods which all -sensible men reject.</p> - -<p>Szŭ Ma-chien says<a id="FNanchor_II_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> Lao-tzŭ was a native of the hamlet Chʽü-jen (<span xml:lang="zh">曲仁</span>) -of the parish Lai or Li (<span xml:lang="zh">厲</span>) in the district Kʽu (<span xml:lang="zh">苦</span>), a town of the -state Chu (<span xml:lang="zh">楚</span>): his surname was Li (<span xml:lang="zh">李</span>), his name Erh (<span xml:lang="zh">耳</span>), his style -Po-yang (<span xml:lang="zh">伯陽</span>) and <span class="pagenum" id="Page_007">7</span>his posthumous designation Tan (<span xml:lang="zh">聃</span>).<a id="FNanchor_II_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> He was in -office at the court of Chou <span xml:lang="zh">周</span> as Shou-tsang-shĭ-chĭ-shĭ (<span xml:lang="zh">守藏室之史</span>), -which Julien translates “<span xml:lang="fr">gardien des archives</span>.”</p> - -<p>I have been unable to obtain from Chinese sources any reliable -statement as to the date of Lao-tzŭ’s birth; though Pauthier<a id="FNanchor_II_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> -asserts positively that he was born on the 14th day of the 9th moon, -in the year B.C. 604. In this he is followed by Julien, who, however, -says candidly—“<span xml:lang="fr">cette date</span> (the 3rd year of king Ting <span xml:lang="zh">定</span> of the Chou -dynasty, corresponding to B.C. 604) <span xml:lang="fr">que nous inserons ici, est -conforme a la tradition historique la mieux établie mais elle ne se -trouve point dans la notice du Sze-ma-thsien dont nous donnons la -traduction.</span>”<a id="FNanchor_II_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> There is nothing improbable in this date, as we know -from other sources that Lao-tzŭ was a contemporary of Confucius, -though very much his senior; and as Confucius was born about B.C. 550, -Lao-tzŭ must apparently have been born about the beginning of the -sixth century B.C. The latter sage indeed, is usually represented as -having attained to a very great age, and as having been alive much -more than fifty years before the birth of Confucius. Chʽao, a well -known author, quoted by Ma Tuan-lin, says that it was in the -forty-second year of the reign of king Pʽing (<span xml:lang="zh">平王</span>) that Lao-tzŭ gave -his book to the keeper of the Pass.<a id="FNanchor_II_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> This-would carry him up to the -eighth century B.C., <span class="pagenum" id="Page_008">8</span>king Pʽing having commenced to reign about the -year B.C. 770. Others<a id="FNanchor_II_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> mention two teachers of Tao (<span xml:lang="zh">道</span>) as having -lived during the Chou dynasty, one Lao-tan (<span xml:lang="zh">老聃</span>) and another named -Lao-lai-tzŭ (<span xml:lang="zh">老萊子</span>). It is by the name Lao-tan that Confucius usually -refers to Lao-tzŭ, while later authors often use his surname Li or his -name Êrh. It must be remembered also that the Lao-tan mentioned by -Confucius is regarded by a few commentators as a different person from -the author of the <cite>Tao-tê Ching</cite>.</p> - -<p>Nearly all authorities seem to agree with Szŭ Ma-chien as to the place -of Lao-tzŭ’s birth in the feudal dependency Chʽu (<span xml:lang="zh">楚</span>). Under this word -Biot has the following remarks—“<span xml:lang="fr">Nom d’un ancien royaume de la Chine -centrale, a l’époque du Tchun-thsieou. Le centre etait dans -l’arrondissement de Tchi-kiang; la limite nord etait entre le Kiang et -le Hoang-ho; la limite sud etait au midi du Kiang, mais non bien -determinée.</span>”<a id="FNanchor_II_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> The district city Kʽu is also said to have belonged to -the principality of <i>Chʽên</i>, It stood near the present Kwei-tê-foo, -the most easterly of the cities of Honan; and the present Kʽu-yang -(<span xml:lang="zh">苦陽</span>) preserves the house of Lao-tzŭ and a temple dedicated to his -memory.<a id="FNanchor_II_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> Another account, however, represents him as having been -born in the district city Po (<span xml:lang="zh">毫</span>) in the province of Honan.<a id="FNanchor_II_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_10" class="fnanchor">10</a> The -chief of Chʽu, like the chiefs of many other states, was at the time -of Lao-tzŭ and Confucius only nominally a feudal dependent of the -king. He was originally a Tzŭ (<span xml:lang="zh">子</span>) or Viscount, but the title Wang (<span xml:lang="zh">王</span>) -or king was now usurped in the degenerate <span class="pagenum" id="Page_009">9</span>days of the Chou rulers who -were unable to maintain a strong government.</p> - -<p>Of the parents of Lao-tzŭ and of his early years I have not found any -record in Chinese books; but Pauthier says that according to historic -data his father was a poor peasant who had remained a bachelor up to -his seventieth year, when he married a peasant woman of the unromantic -age of forty years.<a id="FNanchor_II_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> Whatever were his circumstances, however, I -think we may conclude that Lao-tzŭ was in early life a diligent -student of the past history and the institutions of the country, and -his obtaining office at the court of Chou was probably a consequence -of his learning and abilities.</p> - -<p>As to the nature of this office I cannot agree with Pauthier and -Julien in calling it that of historiographer, or keeper of the State -Archives. The word <i>tsang</i> (<span xml:lang="zh">藏</span>) means a granary or storehouse, and in a -note to a passage in the Li-chi, or Record of Ceremonies, it is -explained as the Imperial or National Museum.<a id="FNanchor_II_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> The <i>Shou-tsang-shĭ</i> -(<span xml:lang="zh">守藏史</span>) would accordingly be the officer in charge of the Museum, and -we must remember that when Confucius went to the Capital of Chou to -Lao-tzŭ, he saw in the palace the portraits of the early kings, along -with many other relics of antiquity, which possessed him strongly -with an idea of the magnificence of the first princes of the -dynasty.<a id="FNanchor_II_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> Dr. Legge also, I find, translates the expression by -“Treasury-keeper.”<a id="FNanchor_II_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_14" class="fnanchor">14</a> The legend in the Records of Spirits and -Fairies states that Lao-tzŭ was in the time of king Wên a -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_010">10</span><i>Shou-tsang-shĭ</i> and under king Wu a <i>Chu-hsia-shi</i> (<span xml:lang="zh">柱下史</span>),<a id="FNanchor_II_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_15" class="fnanchor">15</a> this -latter term meaning assistant historiographer; and it is not -improbable that he may have actually held both these offices in -succession under king Ting (<span xml:lang="zh">定</span>) or king Chien (<span xml:lang="zh">簡</span>), who reigned in the -6th century B.C.</p> - -<p>During the time of Lao-tzŭ’s residence at the court of Chou, he was -visited by two young gentlemen who had come in a carriage and pair -from the distant state of Lu (<span xml:lang="zh">魯</span>). Their names were Ching-shu (<span xml:lang="zh">敬叔</span>) -and Kʽung chiu (<span xml:lang="zh">孔丘</span>) or Confucius, and they had come to learn from the -venerable sage the rites and manners of the olden times. The latter of -the two, namely, Confucius, had already been a pupil of Lao-tzŭ, and -still remembered his former master with affection and respect. -According to Chwang-tzu,<a id="FNanchor_II_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> however, it was not until he was -fifty-one years old that Confucius went to see Lao-tzŭ. He himself -when little more than a youth had set out on a converting tour, -thinking to induce rulers and people throughout the kingdom to cease -from their evil ways and turn to the good old paths of primitive -virtue. He did not succeed, however, and he now told his master the -sorrowful tale of his disappointment. Lao-tzŭ said to him, “If it be -known that he who talks errs by excess in arguing, and that he who -hears is confused by too much talk, the way (Tao <span xml:lang="zh">道</span>)<a id="FNanchor_II_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_17" class="fnanchor">17</a> can never be -forgot.” According to <i>Szŭ Ma-chien</i>, the Master on another occasion -lectured his ambitious disciple as follows: “The men of whom you -speak, Sir, have with their bones already all mouldered into dust, and -only their sayings abide. <span class="pagenum" id="Page_011">11</span>Moreover if the superior man <span xml:lang="zh">君子</span> gets his -time, he mounts [his car and takes office]: if he does not get his -time, he goes through life like a wisp of straw rolling over sand. I -have heard that a good merchant with his treasure house deeply stored -seems devoid of resources, and that the superior man of perfect -excellence has an outward semblance of stupidity. Do you, Sir, put -away your haughty airs and many desires, your flashy manner and -extravagant will; these are all unprofitable to you, Sir; and this is -all I have to say to you.”<a id="FNanchor_II_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_18" class="fnanchor">18</a> In the <cite>Family Sayings</cite> we read that -when Confucius was about to leave <i>Chou</i>, Lao-tzŭ gave him as his -parting gift a warning against going too far in the public reproval of -those who were in authority.<a id="FNanchor_II_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_19" class="fnanchor">19</a> From this and the other references -made to the intercourse between Confucius and Lao-tzŭ in the Family -Sayings and the Record of Rites (<span xml:lang="zh">禮記</span>), it will be seen that they were -on terms of intimate friendship; and though Confucius may have -deserved the reproof which, according to <i>Szŭ Ma-chien</i>, Lao-tzŭ -administered to him, yet this speech has in it so little of the spirit -in which allusion is made to Lao-tzŭ by Confucius or his disciples -that I am almost tempted to doubt the story.</p> - -<p>I have been unable to find in the Chinese works on this subject a -statement of the length of time during which Lao-tzŭ served the king -of Chou, of the manner in which he performed his duties, or of the -immediate reason of his retirement from office. <i>Szŭ Ma-chien</i> simply -says,<a id="FNanchor_II_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_20" class="fnanchor">20</a> “He cultivated <i>Tao</i> and virtue (<span xml:lang="zh">修道德</span>), learned to live in -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_012">12</span>seclusion and oblivion as the important thing, resided for a long time -in Chou; when he saw the fortunes of the dynasty going to ruin, he -left the country and came to the Pass (<span xml:lang="zh">關</span>). The keeper of the Pass, by -name <i>Yin-hsi</i> (<span xml:lang="zh">尹喜</span>), said to him, ‘Since you are about to go into -seclusion, Sir, you must make me a book.’ Hereupon Lao-tzŭ produced -his book in two sections containing more than 5,000 characters and -declaring the meaning of Tao and Tê (<span xml:lang="zh">道德</span>). He then went away, and no -one knows his end.”</p> - -<p>In order to understand the conduct of Lao-tzŭ, in retiring from office -in Chou and going into seclusion when he saw its fortunes broken, we -must know something of the state of the country at the time. Now the -reader of the historical and other works relating to this dynasty will -remember what a miserable picture of the kingdom is given in most of -them. The hard won territories of king Wu <span xml:lang="zh">武</span> were now subject to his -degenerate descendants only in name. The whole country was torn up -into petty states, which were always warring with each other. Year by -year, army after army, with flaunting banners and gay pennons, passed -and repassed through the fields of the people, and left desolation and -misery in their track. Fathers and husbands, sons and brothers, were -taken away from their homes and their work, and kept in long military -service far away from their families. Laxity of morals accompanied -this state of civil confusion. Chiefs forgot their allegiance to their -princes, and wives their duties to their husbands—usurpers were in the -state, and usurpers were in the family. Every little chief was -striving with his neighbour for the mastery, and the weak and wicked -princes of Chou were unable to overcome them and reduce them to peace -and obedience. Men of shining abilities and inordinate ambition rose -to <span class="pagenum" id="Page_013">13</span>power in each state, and, wishing to satisfy their ambition, -increased the anarchy of the kingdom. The decree of Heaven was slowly -changing, and already, in the time of Lao-tzŭ, “Ichabod” was written -up for the princes of Chou. We can now easily see why the philosopher -taught that men should not strive, but ever give way; that they should -be humble and satisfied with a low condition; that men of virtue and -integrity should retire from the dangers and vices of a wicked -government; and that no honour should be attached to specious -abilities or rare acquisitions. True to his principles, he himself, -when the prestige of Chou was lost, and the evil days and evil tongues -were becoming more and more evil, withdrew from the court and retired -into unenvied obscurity.<a id="FNanchor_II_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> For this course of action, Confucianists -and others have severely censured Lao-tzŭ. We must remember, however, -that Confucius himself taught (what he had probably learnt from -Lao-tzŭ) that when good principles prevail in a country, the superior -man takes office; and that he retires when bad government takes their -place. There seem to have been at the time only two courses which an -upright and faithful public servant could elect to pursue. He might -either take his life in his hands, and try by strong measures to -recall his rulers to the path of virtue; or he might establish his own -good character, and then withdraw from temptation and corruption. -Confucius chose the former course, and ended in disappointment; -Lao-tzŭ and many others, as we know from the Lun-yü (<span xml:lang="zh">論語</span>), chose the -latter course.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_014">14</span></p> - -<p>The Pass to which <i>Szŭ Ma-chien</i> represents Lao-tzŭ as going, and -where he met with <i>Yin-hsi</i> <span xml:lang="zh">尹喜</span>, is said in a note to this passage to -be probably <i>Han-ku-kwan</i> <span xml:lang="zh">函谷關</span>, the present Ling-pao <span xml:lang="zh">靈寶</span> in the -extreme west of Honan, and on the south bank of the Yellow River. The -Pass and its keeper have since become famous in the legendary and -poetic literature of China. This is the last historical notice that we -have of Lao-tzŭ. He left the Pass, having enriched the keeper with the -81 chapters he had composed on <i>Tao</i> and Virtue, and went away. “No -one knows his end.” We may hope, however, that he died a peaceful, -happy death, in a good old age, having attained a clear insight into -the nature of <i>Tao</i> <span xml:lang="zh">道</span> and <i>Tê</i> <span xml:lang="zh">德</span>.</p> - -<p>According to the Lao-tzŭ Lie Chuan <span xml:lang="zh">老子列傳</span> of <i>Szŭ Ma-chien</i>,<a id="FNanchor_II_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_22" class="fnanchor">22</a> -Lao-tzŭ left a son named Tsʽung <span xml:lang="zh">宗</span>, who became a high military officer -under the chief of Wei <span xml:lang="zh">微</span>, and was appointed to the feudal dependency -Tuan-kan <span xml:lang="zh">段干</span>. His descendants were living in the time of the Han <span xml:lang="zh">漢</span> -dynasty in the 2d century B.C.</p> - -<p>Such is the sum of the probably true information which I have -succeeded in obtaining about this remarkable man. Many things that we -would have liked to know about him are wanting, and part of what we -have seems uncertain. In his birth and in his death he was mysterious, -and through all his life he seems to have courted obscurity. He tells -us himself that he appeared to mankind stupid and helpless, but that -he had within himself precious treasures of which the world did not -know.<a id="FNanchor_II_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_23" class="fnanchor">23</a> To me he seems to have been a kind and gentle old -philosopher, who thought more of what <span class="pagenum" id="Page_015">15</span>was beyond this world than about -what was in it. I cannot find in him those traits of moroseness and -cynicism which others have found, nor any trace of the jealousy and -spite with which he is said to have regarded Confucius.<a id="FNanchor_II_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_24" class="fnanchor">24</a> Chu-hsi -(<span xml:lang="zh">朱熹</span>) or Chu fu tzŭ, represents him as a man standing aloof from the -ordinary ways of men, loving neither their sounds nor their sights, -and not living an official life.<a id="FNanchor_II_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> Confucius himself refers to -Lao-tzŭ with affectionate respect, and quotes his opinions as -sufficient answers to the questions of his own disciples. He speaks of -him as extensively read in antiquity and acquainted with the present, -as having penetrated to the sources of Rites and Music, and as -understanding what belonged to Tao and Tê (<span xml:lang="zh">道德之歸</span>).<a id="FNanchor_II_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_26" class="fnanchor">26</a> The old man -who thought that in troubled times, like those in which they were -living, men of wisdom and virtue ought not to make a display of those -qualities, but rather to appear to the world destitute of them, when -he found his former pupil parading the kingdom with a crowd of -disciples (one of whom acted as his car driver), going from court to -court admonishing and scolding the chiefs, thought it his duty to give -the youthful reformer a sharp reproof and an earnest warning. His -advice was excellent, and Confucius found out at last that the -restoration of peace and good government to a country was not to be -effected so easily as he had thought, even though the preacher of -reform dressed unimpeachably, ate and drank only the best he could -get, had an excellent ear for music, and knew the decrees of Heaven.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_016">16</span></p> - -<p>I shall now proceed to give a short sketch of the legendary account of -Lao-tzŭ, as related in the Records of Spirits and Fairies and other -books.</p> - -<p>According, to some writers Lao-tzŭ was a spiritual being, eternal and -self-existing, manifesting himself as a human being on the earth at -various times and under various names. One author, indeed, puts words -like these into the mouth of the sage himself.<a id="FNanchor_II_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_27" class="fnanchor">27</a> The most celebrated -of his incarnations was that which occurred during the early part of -the Chou dynasty. On this memorable occasion his mother, who had -conceived by the influence of a shooting star, brought him forth under -a Li (<span xml:lang="zh">李</span>) or plum tree, a circumstance from which he derived his -surname. For seventy-two long years (or, according to a more cruel -author, for eighty-one years) had he remained in the wretched woman’s -womb, and at last he delivered himself by bursting a passage under his -mother’s left arm. From his having at his birth gray hairs and the -general appearance of an old man, he was called the <i>Old Boy</i> (Lao-tzŭ -<span xml:lang="zh">老子</span>)<a id="FNanchor_II_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_28" class="fnanchor">28</a>; though some have conjectured that this was the nature of his -mother’s family, which was given to the child because his mother -obtained him in an improper manner. One writer says that Lao-tzŭ could -speak immediately on being born, and that he himself intimated at the -time that the plum tree under which he emerged into the world would -furnish his name. Another says that so soon as he was born he mounted -nine paces in the air—his step producing a lotus flower—and while -poised there, he pointed with his left hand to heaven and with his -right hand to earth, saying: “In Heaven above <span class="pagenum" id="Page_017">17</span>and on earth beneath it -is only Tao which is worthy of honour.” The same author remarks that -Shâkyamuni on his birth rose seven paces in the air, and pointing in a -similar manner to heaven and earth pronounced himself alone worthy of -honour. He observes very properly that there ought not to be such a -coincidence.</p> - -<p>When his mother got an opportunity of examining her wonderful child, -she found him a veritable prodigy. Not only had he gray hairs, but he -had also very large ears. Hence came his name Êrh (<span xml:lang="zh">耳</span>), that is, Ears, -or as others give it Chung-êrh (<span xml:lang="zh">重耳</span>), Heavy ears.<a id="FNanchor_II_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_29" class="fnanchor">29</a> Each ear -terminated in a point and had three passages. Besides these -peculiarities the infant had handsome eyebrows—large eyes—a -double-ridged nose—square mouth with thick lips. His hands had -ornamental inscriptions on them, and the soles of his feet presented -the mysterious numbers, two and five, of which the former represents -heaven and the latter earth. He had also many other larger and smaller -bodily virtues and beauties.<a id="FNanchor_II_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_30" class="fnanchor">30</a></p> - -<p>Lao-tzŭ left heavenly purity and honour for earthly pollution and -office. It was under the Heaven-blessed kings Wên (<span xml:lang="zh">文王</span>) and Wu (<span xml:lang="zh">武王</span>) -that he first took service in the state as Treasury keeper and then as -Assistant historiographer. This account, however, would make him -survive for the more than patriarchal period of five hundred years. He -is represented as having several interviews with <span class="pagenum" id="Page_018">18</span>Confucius who, as Szŭ -Ma-chien also relates, compared him to a dragon which in a mysterious -and inexplicable manner mounts a cloud and soars into heaven. This, as -Rémusat has observed, was intended as a compliment, the dragon being -with the Chinese a symbol of what is exalted and not unattended by a -mysterious power.<a id="FNanchor_II_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_31" class="fnanchor">31</a></p> - -<p>On retiring from office Lao-tzŭ proceeded westward intending to pass -through the Han-ku-kwan (<span xml:lang="zh">函谷關</span>) to the Kunlun mountains and other distant -places. Yin-hsi (<span xml:lang="zh">尹喜</span>), however, the keeper of the pass, who had known -from the state of the weather that a sage was to come his way, -recognised Lao-tzŭ for such and detained him until he had himself -learned Tao. The time came, however, when the two worthies had to -part. Lao-tzŭ informed Yin-hsi that he would have to leave him and go -away on a long wandering through the boundless realms of space. -Yin-hsi begged earnestly that he might be allowed to go with -him—saying that he was prepared to follow the Great Genius through -fire and water above the heavens and beneath the earth. Lao-tzŭ -declined the offer, but presented his old friend with five thousand -words on Tao and Tê.</p> - -<p>The pathetic state of affairs was now rudely interrupted. Just as -Lao-tzŭ was about to take his departure it was found that his old -servant Hsü-chia (<span xml:lang="zh">徐甲</span>), who had attended him for more than two hundred -years without pay, seeing Lao-tzŭ about to set out on an apparently -unlimited pilgrimage, demanded payment. The arrears of wages due to -him amounted to 7,200,000 cash, and he applied to a friend who got -Yin-hsi to speak to the sage. This friend gave his handsome daughter -in marriage to Hsü-chia, who was quite <span class="pagenum" id="Page_019">19</span>delighted with the arrangement. -Just at this time, however, the master appeared and told Chia that he -ought to remember from what a poor condition he had been raised, and -that he would have been dead long ago had it not been for the charm of -long life which had been given to him. He also informed Chia that, as -he had previously promised, he had intended to pay the debt in gold on -reaching An-hsi (<span xml:lang="zh">安息</span>), a country which Biot identifies with that of -the Parthians. Yielding to the last vestige of earthly infirmity -Lao-tzŭ became angry and ordered Chia to fall on his face to the -ground and open his mouth. The latter could not but obey, he fell to -the ground, the charm came forth fresh as when it was swallowed, and -Chia lay like a shrivelled mummy. Through the kindness of Yin-hsi, who -recognised the miraculous power of Lao-tzŭ, and knocked his head on -the ground to him, the ungrateful creditor was restored to life by the -same wondrous charm. Yin-hsi also paid him on behalf of Lao-tzŭ the -generous sum of 2,000,000 cash, and sent him away.</p> - -<p>Lao-tzŭ having now settled all his mundane affairs, bade farewell to -the keeper of the Pass, telling him that he would return to earth -after the lapse of a thousand days and that he would be recognised by -the sign of a Chʽing Yang (<span xml:lang="zh">青羊</span>), literally, an azure sheep. He then -mounted a cloud and soared out of sight of the weeping Yin-hsi in a -dazzling glare of light away into the etherial regions, to his home in -the heavens.<a id="FNanchor_II_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_II_32" class="fnanchor">32</a></p> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_1" href="#FNanchor_II_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> -Tʽai-pʽing-kwang-chī (<span xml:lang="zh">太平廣志</span>) ch. 1; and the Shen-hsien-chuan, - vol. 1. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_2" href="#FNanchor_II_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> -Shi-chi—<span xml:lang="zh">老莊申韓列傳三</span> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_3" href="#FNanchor_II_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> -An author named Chʽen (<span xml:lang="zh">陳</span>) quoted by Ma Tuan-lin, says that, as -<i>Tan</i> means flat-eared, it is not probable that it would be given -as a posthumous title. Perhaps it is better to regard it as a name -or nickname given to him during life. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_4" href="#FNanchor_II_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> -Wên-hsíen-tʽung-kʽao (<span xml:lang="zh">文獻通考</span>), Ch. 211. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_5" href="#FNanchor_II_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> -Chine, p. 111. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_6" href="#FNanchor_II_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> -Tao-tê-king, Introduction, Note 1 on page xix. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_7" href="#FNanchor_II_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> -See the <span xml:lang="zh">十字全書</span>, the extract from Szŭ Ma-chien. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_8" href="#FNanchor_II_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> -Dict. Villes et Arrond., p. 244. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_9" href="#FNanchor_II_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> -Julien, Tao-tê-king, Introduction, Note 2 on page xix. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_10" href="#FNanchor_II_10" class="fnanchor">10</a> -Tʽung-chien-kang-mu, Ch. 41. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_11" href="#FNanchor_II_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> -Chine, p. 112. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_12" href="#FNanchor_II_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> -Li-chi, Ch. 3, Sect. 74, Note. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_13" href="#FNanchor_II_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> -See the Chia-yü (<span xml:lang="zh">家語</span>), Vol. 1, Ch. 3. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_14" href="#FNanchor_II_14" class="fnanchor">14</a> -Ch. Classics, Vol. 1, Proleg., p. 65. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_15" href="#FNanchor_II_15" class="fnanchor">15</a> -Kʽang-hsi’s Dictionary. Character <i>Chu</i> (<span xml:lang="zh">柱</span>). -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_16" href="#FNanchor_II_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> -See his works, Ch 5, p. 27, the Tien Yun (<span xml:lang="zh">天運</span>) section. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_17" href="#FNanchor_II_17" class="fnanchor">17</a> -Chia-yü, Vol. 1, Ch. 3. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_18" href="#FNanchor_II_18" class="fnanchor">18</a> -Shï chi, Lao-tzŭ. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_19" href="#FNanchor_II_19" class="fnanchor">19</a> -See Chia-yü, Vol. 1, Ch. 3. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_20" href="#FNanchor_II_20" class="fnanchor">20</a> -Shï chi, 1, c. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_21" href="#FNanchor_II_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> -For the distracted state of China about this period, one may read -the Shi-ching, the Tʽung-chien, Chʽun-chʽiu, the Lun-yü, and -other books. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_22" href="#FNanchor_II_22" class="fnanchor">22</a> -See <span xml:lang="zh">十字全書</span>, Introduction. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_23" href="#FNanchor_II_23" class="fnanchor">23</a> -Tao-tê Ching, Chs. 20 and 67. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_24" href="#FNanchor_II_24" class="fnanchor">24</a> -See, for instance, a very unfair article on Confucius in the -<cite>Fortnightly Review</cite> for May, 1868, by Sir J. Bowring. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_25" href="#FNanchor_II_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> -<span xml:lang="zh">朱子全書</span>, Ch. 58. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_26" href="#FNanchor_II_26" class="fnanchor">26</a> -Chia-yü (<span xml:lang="zh">家語</span>), Ch. 3. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_27" href="#FNanchor_II_27" class="fnanchor">27</a> -See the Yuan-chien-lei-han (<span xml:lang="zh">淵鑑類幽</span>), Ch, 318. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_28" href="#FNanchor_II_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> -Chalmers translates this “old philosopher.” -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_29" href="#FNanchor_II_29" class="fnanchor">29</a> -See the Records of Spirits and Fairies. Art. <span xml:lang="zh">老子</span>. Julien -has translated this Chapter in the Introduction to his Tao-tê -Ching. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_30" href="#FNanchor_II_30" class="fnanchor">30</a> -See <span xml:lang="zh">老子志略</span> in the <span xml:lang="zh">十字全書</span>. Also compare the similar legends about -the Buddha in Hardy’s Manual of Buddhism, pages 367–8–9. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_31" href="#FNanchor_II_31" class="fnanchor">31</a> -See his Mémoire sur la vie &c., de Lao-tseu, ps. 5 & 6. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_II_32" href="#FNanchor_II_32" class="fnanchor">32</a> -One author, however, represents him as travelling far away to -the West and becoming again incarnate as Gotama Buddha—see -Yuan-chien &c., ch. 317. -</div> - - - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_020">20</span></p> -<h2><span class="larger" id="CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III.</span><br />THE TAO-TÊ CHING <span xml:lang="zh">道德經</span>.</h2> -</div> - - -<p>Lao-tzŭ is said to have died at the age of eighty-one years in B.C. -523,<a id="FNanchor_III_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_III_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> though, as has been seen, nothing is known positively about -the time or manner of his decease. He had, according to historical -tradition, on leaving the Hanku Pass, consigned his writings on Tao -and Tê to Yin-hsi, the guardian of the Pass. This latter seems to have -transmitted his doctrines to others, more especially to Wên-tzŭ (<span xml:lang="zh">文子</span>), -who probably published the first edition of this work known to the -public. Some indeed suppose that Lao-tzŭ did not himself commit -anything to writing, and that Yin-hsi merely related orally to Wên-tzŭ -and others what he had been taught orally by the sage. This opinion -will not seem unlikely, if we consider that the use of paper was at -this time unknown and that there were very few facilities of any kind -for publishing a book. Others suppose that Wen-tzŭ was an immediate -disciple of Lao-tzŭ and that he published an account of his master’s -doctrines after the decease of the latter.<a id="FNanchor_III_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_III_2" class="fnanchor">2</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_021">21</span></p> - -<p>In any case, however, it appears certain that for a considerable time -after the death of its author the work which is now known as the -Tao-tê ching remained in at least partial obscurity. Mencius does not -allude by name to Lao-tzŭ or his teachings, though he refers on -several occasions, and rather unfavourably, to Yang-chu (<span xml:lang="zh">楊朱</span>), who is -supposed to have been a disciple of the sage. The philosophers Chwang -(<span xml:lang="zh">莊</span>) and Lie (<span xml:lang="zh">列</span>), however, contemporaries of Mencius, seem to have been -aware of the existence and contents of the Tao-tê ching. The latter -expressly quotes its words, and both make mention of Lao-tan.</p> - -<p>It has not been ascertained when or by whom its present title was -imposed on this book. We find early writers quoting its teachings as -those of Hwang-Lao (<span xml:lang="zh">黃老</span>), that is, of the Emperor Hwang and Lao-tzŭ. -The former lived, or is supposed to have lived, about B.C. 2600, and -some parts of the Tao-tê ching are expressly ascribed to him, for -example, Chapter VI is quoted as his.<a id="FNanchor_III_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_III_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> Another title under which -this book is referred to by old authors is Lao-tzŭ-shu (<span xml:lang="zh">老子書</span>), that -is, the writings of Lao-tzŭ,<a id="FNanchor_III_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_III_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> and it is not until the time of -Emperor Wên (<span xml:lang="zh">文帝</span>) of the Han dynasty, or about B.C. 160, that we find -the term Tao-tê used. We must remember also that the use of these two -words does not indicate that the book treats only of what is meant by -them,<a id="FNanchor_III_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_III_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> nor are we to imagine that the former part of the work refers -exclusively to Tê. The first word of <span class="pagenum" id="Page_022">22</span>the former part of the book is -Tao, and the first important word of the latter portion is Tê, and -these two were simply combined in order to form a designation for the -whole, according to the usual Chinese custom.<a id="FNanchor_III_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_III_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> Hiüan-tsung (<span xml:lang="zh">玄宗</span>), an -Emperor of the Tʽang dynasty, who reigned in the early part of the 8th -century of our era, besides several other innovations, gave a separate -name to each part of this book, calling the former part the Tao-ching -and the latter the Tê-ching.<a id="FNanchor_III_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_III_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> These appellations, however, are -seldom, if ever, used, and the work is now universally known as the -Tao-tê ching. From the words of Confucius it might even with some -degree of probability be inferred that already in his time the name -Tao-tê was used, the term Ching or classic, being, of course, a much -later addition and given by way of respect.</p> - -<p>From the naming of the book I now proceed to the considerations of the -way in which it has been divided. Szŭ Ma-chien simply says that -Lao-tzŭ made a book in two parts, containing more than five thousand -characters, and setting forth the signification of Tao and Tê. Chʽao, -however, says that the work contained 5,748 words in eighty-one -chapters. The original division was probably only one into two parts; -afterwards, however, these were subdivided into chapters. The number -of these latter composing the entire book varies considerably.<a id="FNanchor_III_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_III_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> Some -editors make fifty-five chapters; some make sixty-four; some, and -notably Wu-chʽêng, make sixty-eight; and some seventy-two. The most -usual number, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_023">23</span>however, is eighty-one, and this is said to be -sanctioned by the old and venerable authority of Ho-shang-kung (<span xml:lang="zh">河上公</span>) -of the Han dynasty. The Taoists are very fond of the number three -and its multiples, and this particular multiple, eighty-one, is associated -in tradition with Lao-tzŭ’s birth and the years of his life, and there -is perhaps no greater reason for preferring this to any other division.</p> - -<p>To Ho-shang-kung is ascribed also the addition of a title to each of -the eighty-one chapters. These titles consist of two characters each, -giving an epitome of the contents of the chapter, and they resemble -the headings of chapters and sections in our own books. Many editors, -however, reject these inventions of Ho-shang-kung, and use the -ordinary Chinese method of distinguishing each chapter by its first -two characters. This is considered the more decorous method, as the -other seems to be supplementing the author.</p> - -<p>I come now to the text of the Tao-tê ching, and here the most -bewildering uncertainty and confusion are found. Some editors, wishing -to have the number of characters as little as possible beyond five -thousand, have cut them off apparently at pleasure, and without much -regard for the sense of the author. Others have pursued a contrary -course, and retained or added characters in order apparently to make -out what they deemed to be the true meaning of any particular passage. -This conduct has occasioned great variations in the text, and -consequently great uncertainty as to what Lao-tzŭ actually wrote or -taught. Sometimes one editor, by the suppression of, a negative -particle or a word of interrogation, gives to a passage a meaning -unlike or even opposed to that which another editor by the insertion -of this character gives to the same passage. But not only do different -editions of this book vary as to insertion and rejection of <span class="pagenum" id="Page_024">24</span>words: -they also differ as to the mode of writing many of those actually -employed. Words written in similar manners, or of similar sound, but -with widely different significations, frequently replace one another; -and not unfrequently characters totally different in sound, -appearance, and meaning are found substituted one for another in the -same passage. Hence the number of various readings is exceedingly -great, and the meaning of many passages at least very doubtful. One -edition gives in the introduction an account of some of the variations -in the text, which occupies a considerable number of pages; while -another edition gives only a text accompanied by various readings.</p> - -<p>The next point to be considered, is the style of our author. This is -perhaps the most terse and concise ever employed. There is little, if -any, grace or elegance about it: and most of the chapters seem to be -merely notes or texts for philosophical discourses. They are composed -of short and often enigmatical or paradoxical sentences—not in verse, -as has been asserted<a id="FNanchor_III_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_III_9" class="fnanchor">9</a>—and with a connexion either very slight or not -at all perceptible. Much of the present obscurity may be due to the -antiquity of the language and the uncertainty about the proper -reading; but much is also due to the brief enigmatical manner in which -the author has expressed himself. Many Chinese regard the style as -profound and suggestive, and so, no doubt, it is; but we can never get -at the bottom of the meaning, nor imagine all that is suggested.</p> - -<p>Connected with the obscurity of the style, and indeed contributing -largely towards it, is the nature of the topics discussed. The origin -of the universe, and man’s place and destiny in it as an individual, a -member of society, and a <span class="pagenum" id="Page_025">25</span>conscious part of nature, are subjects which -in all ages and in all countries have puzzled the minds of thoughtful -men, and it is of these and similar matters that Lao-tzŭ principally -treats. Such subjects, even when discussed in a clear and plain style -and with a rich language, are found to be difficult of elucidation; -and how much more so must they be when discussed in short enigmatical -sentences? Lao-tzŭ, like all other philosophers who live and write in -the infancy of a literary language, had only a very imperfect medium -through which to communicate his doctrines. The language of his time -was rude and imperfect, utterly unfit to express the deep thoughts of -a meditative mind, and hence it could at best but “half reveal and -half conceal the soul within.”</p> - -<p>The genuineness and sources of this book are also difficult of -investigation, and it is perhaps impossible to ascertain the truth -about them with any accuracy. As has been seen, a portion is ascribed -to the semi-fabulous Emperor Hwang, and Lao-tzŭ is sometimes -represented as merely transmitting this emperor’s doctrines. Chapter -XXXI has been declared spurious, and a portion of Chapter XXVII is -found first in Ho-shang-kung’s edition.<a id="FNanchor_III_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_III_10" class="fnanchor">10</a> The beginning of the now -famous Chapter XIV is very similar to the words ascribed to the -predecessor of the Emperor Hwang, namely the Emperor Yen (<span xml:lang="zh">炎</span>), by the -philosopher Chwang. Rémusat and Pauthier consider the main doctrines -of the Tao-tê ching to be derived from Western sources. The former -asks—Did Lao-tzŭ learn them from the Jews or from some oriental sect -unknown to us?<a id="FNanchor_III_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_III_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> But the illustrious <i>savant</i> was unable to give a -satisfactory answer. The learned Pauthier thinks that Lao-tzŭ <span class="pagenum" id="Page_026">26</span>borrowed -his doctrines either from the writings of some of the ancient Chinese -sages or from some Indian philosophers.<a id="FNanchor_III_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_III_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> In Ma-tuan-lin’s great -work a short account is given of an ancient worthy named Yŭ-hsuing -(<span xml:lang="zh">鬻熊</span>), who served the celebrated Wên-wang, and who must accordingly -have flourished about B.C. 1150.<a id="FNanchor_III_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_III_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> This man seems to have -anticipated Lao-tzŭ in certain doctrines, but we have very little -information about him, and what we have can scarcely be called -reliable. Lao-tzŭ never alludes to a previous author; but there cannot -be much doubt, I think, that he was well acquainted with the history -and traditions of his country.</p> - -<p>We may probably now understand the nature of the difficulties -attending the reading and interpreting of the Tao-tê Ching, of which -western writers have complained. Julien speaks of it as “<span xml:lang="fr">cet ouvrage -mémorable qu’on regarde avec raison comme le plus profond, le plus -abstrait et le plus difficile de toute la littérature Chinoise.</span>”<a id="FNanchor_III_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_III_14" class="fnanchor">14</a> -Rémusat and Pauthier have written in a similar manner, and the study -of a few pages of the work will show how real are the difficulties of -which they complain. But it is not to foreign students alone that -these difficulties are perplexing; they are so to the native student -also. Some of its editors are accused not only of not appreciating its -spirit, but even of not understanding its language.</p> - -<p>The number of those who have edited and commented on this work is very -great, embracing Buddhists, Taoists, and Confucianists. The curious -reader will find a list of many of these in the <span xml:lang="fr">Observations Détachées</span> -prefixed to Julien’s <span class="pagenum" id="Page_027">27</span>translation. To this list many more names might -be added, but it includes nearly all the useful and well known -editions. It is only necessary here to enumerate a few of the more -important and celebrated editions, and those which are apparently not -mentioned by Julien and which have come under my notice.</p> - -<p>1. The Tao-tê-ching-chu (<span xml:lang="zh">道德經註</span>) by Ho-shang-kung, or as Ma-tuan-lin -names the book, Ho-Shang-Kung-Chu-Lao-tzŭ, may be regarded as the -earliest edition of which we have now any exact information. This -Ho-shang-kung lived in the second century B.C., during the reign of -King Wen (<span xml:lang="zh">文帝</span>) of the Han dynasty. He derived his name from his living -as a studious hermit on the bank of a river in a grass-made hut, and -neither his original name nor anything else scarcely is known of him, -though Julien calls him “Lo-chin-kong.” To him, as has been seen, is -ascribed division of Lao-tzŭ’s book into eighty-one chapters, as also -the addition of the two-word heading of each chapter. The original work -is said to have been long since lost, and professed reprints are now -generally regarded as spurious. Many modern editions, however, present -what they designate Ho-shang-kung’s text, and Julien seems to regard -himself as possessing the genuine commentary. The edition of the -Tao-tê Ching, which forms the first volume in the Shĕ-tzŭ-chʽuan-shu -(<span xml:lang="zh">十字全書</span>) published during the reign of Chia-Chʽing of the present -dynasty, professes to give Ho-shang-kung’s text, revised by two -scholars of the Ming dynasty. Later editors are divided in their -opinions of the merits of the recluse’s commentary and arrangement of -the text. Some regard the commentary as a fair exponent of Lao-tzŭ’s -teachings, while others—and these I think the majority—regard it as -very bad and evincing an ignorance <span class="pagenum" id="Page_028">28</span>of the author’s meaning. The text -which is ascribed to him seems to be freer from obscurities than that -of some later editions, but he is accused of having taken great -liberties with the words of the original.</p> - -<p>2. The edition of Wang-Pi (<span xml:lang="zh">王弼</span>). This man was the author of the -Lao-tzu-liao-lun (<span xml:lang="zh">老子略論</span>), according to Chʽao. He was a native of -Shan-yang (<span xml:lang="zh">山陽</span>) in the time of the Chin dynasty, which reigned over -China in the third and fourth centuries of our era.<a id="FNanchor_III_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_III_15" class="fnanchor">15</a> His style was -Szu-fu (<span xml:lang="zh">嗣輔</span>), and he was an early and devoted student of Lao-tzŭ. -Besides this, and that he wrote a commentary on the Tao-tê chin, and -one on the Yi-ching, and died at the early age of twenty-four, much -regretted by his sovereign, we know little about Wang-Pi. The text -which he gives in his edition is very good, and his notes are very -brief. They are, however, in some cases almost as difficult to -comprehend as the passages they are intended to explain; though their -author is regarded by many as a better student of Lao-tzŭ than -Ho-shang-kung, and Mr. Wylie says that his commentary is “generally -esteemed for its depth of thought and chasteness of diction.”<a id="FNanchor_III_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_III_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> He -also divided the work into eighty-one chapters. In the 40th year of -Chʽien-lung, or in 1775, a revised edition of this work was printed in -the palace, under the care of three mandarins, who have written a neat -little preface to the book. This edition is valuable as giving the -variations of Wang-Pi’s notes which appeared in the great Encyclopedia -known as Yung-lo-ta-tien (<span xml:lang="zh">永樂大典</span>).</p> - -<p>3. The Tao-tê-ching-shi-yi (<span xml:lang="zh">道德經釋義</span>). This <span class="pagenum" id="Page_029">29</span>was the work of Lü-yen -(<span xml:lang="zh">呂嵒</span>), better known as Lü-Tʽung-pʽin or Lü-tsu, a famous Taoist of the -Tʽang dynasty. His commentary is very diffuse, and does not tend very -much to give a clear conception of Lao-tzŭ’s views. Many Chinese -scholars, however, believe that the genuine work is not extant, and -that all the editions purporting to be from his pen are spurious. -Lü-yen was also the editor of a Taoist book written by a celebrated -individual of the Han dynasty, and he was the author of a number of -original pieces. He was promoted to the rank of a Genius, and he is -enrolled as one of the Pa-hsien (<span xml:lang="zh">八仙</span>) or Eight Genii, under the style -Shun-yang-chên-jen (<span xml:lang="zh">純楊眞人</span>); and in the 29th year of Kʽang-hsi, -Mou-Mu-yuen (<span xml:lang="zh">牟目源</span>) published an edition of the Tao-tê Ching purporting -to be a revised edition of this man’s work. It is a very useful book, -giving in addition to the commentary a list of various readings, the -sounds of the rare or doubtful characters, and other valuable -information. This is the edition, apparently, to which Julien refers -as a work “<span xml:lang="fr">publiée en 1690 par Chun-yang-tchin-jin qui renferme toutes -les rêveries des Tao-sse modernes.</span>”<a id="FNanchor_III_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_III_17" class="fnanchor">17</a> I cannot understand, however, -how a sinologue of M. Julien’s erudition could mistake the date of the -famous Lü-Tʽung-pin or forget that he was identical with -Shun-yang-chên-jen, A new edition of Mou-Mu-yuen’s book was published -in the 14th year of Chia-chʽing (1809) by Tsou-Hsü-kʽun (<span xml:lang="zh">鄒學鯤</span>).</p> - -<p>4. The edition with notes by Su-Che (<span xml:lang="zh">蘇轍</span>), a relation of the famous -poet and author of the Sung dynasty, named Su also. Che, or as he is -also called Tsŭ-yu, seems to have been an eclectic philosopher, and he -has incurred <span class="pagenum" id="Page_030">30</span>severe censure from rigid Confucianists for daring to -presume that the doctrines of Shâkyamuni and Lao-tzŭ could resemble -those of their Master. His commentary is written in a liberal and -generous spirit, and shews, besides, a considerable amount of reading, -much in advance of ordinary Chinese authors.</p> - -<p>5. Another edition of the Tao-tê Ching, published during the Sung -dynasty, was that of Lü-Tung-lai (<span xml:lang="zh">呂東萊</span>) or Tsu-chʽien (<span xml:lang="zh">祖謙</span>), also -known as Pei-kung (<span xml:lang="zh">伯恭</span>). He was a very learned Confucianist, and -wrote, along with other works, an excellent commentary on the -Chʽun-chʽiu (<span xml:lang="zh">春秋</span>) of Confucius.</p> - -<p>6. The Tao-tê-chên-ching-chu (<span xml:lang="zh">道德眞經註</span>) by Wu-Chʽêng (<span xml:lang="zh">吳澄</span>). This man -was a native of Lin-chiean-hsien (<span xml:lang="zh">臨川縣</span>) in Kiangsi, and lived under -the Yuan or Mongol dynasty. He divided the Tao-tê Ching into -sixty-eight chapters by putting, in several instances, two or more of -the ordinary chapters into one. His commentary is one of the best and -of the most popular among the Chinese literati. This is partly owing -to the fact that Wu-Chʽêng was also a well-known Confucianist and a -commentator on the classics. His style was Yu-chʽing (<span xml:lang="zh">幼清</span>), and it is -under the name Oi-yeou-thsing that Julien makes mention of him. In -Chinese books he is also frequently quoted as Tsʽao-lu (<span xml:lang="zh">草廬</span>). A new -edition of Wu-Chʽêng’s excellent work appeared in the eighth year of -Chia-chʽing (1803,) with a preface by Chang-Wên-ping, and another -edition with a short supplement appeared in the reign of the late -emperor.</p> - -<p>7. Under the Ming dynasty there were several good, editions of this -work published, but I have been able to obtain only two of them. The -Tao-tê-hsing-ming-chʽien-chi (<span xml:lang="zh">道德性命前集</span>) was published during the -reign of <span class="pagenum" id="Page_031">31</span>Yung-lo in the first quarter of the 15th century. The editor -does not reveal his name but uses a <i>nom de guerre</i>, and I have not -succeeded in ascertaining anything about his history. The commentary -which he has written is very useful, and evinces a careful study of -his author and a familiar acquaintance with Chinese literature. The -text and the headings of the Chapters are said to be after -Ho-shang-kung, and the number of the chapters is eighty-one.</p> - -<p>8. The Tao-tê-hsing-ming-hou-chi (<span xml:lang="zh">道德性命後集</span>) appeared in the reign of -Chia-ching (<span xml:lang="zh">嘉靖</span>) of the same dynasty, and nearly a century after the -above edition. The author of this commentary was Chu-Chʽen-hung -(<span xml:lang="zh">朱宸洪</span>), a relative of the royal family, and a military viceroy with -full powers for some time. His notes are short and not of great -utility, but he occasionally introduces quotations from early writers -illustrative of passages in Lao-tzŭ’s teachings, and he seems to have -been a man of no mean literary attainments.</p> - -<p>9. The Tao-tê Ching, with Prolegomena and Commentary by Hsu-Ta-chʽun -(<span xml:lang="zh">徐大椿</span>), was published in 1760. Ta-chʽun’s style was Ling-tʽai (<span xml:lang="zh">靈胎</span>), -and he was born in Wu-chiang-hsien (<span xml:lang="zh">吳江縣</span>) in the department of Soochow, -in the reign of Yung-chêng. He was well-known during his life as an -accomplished scholar, and a writer on medicine and other subjects. His -commentary on the Tao-tê Ching is to be reckoned among the most useful -of all the commentaries that have hitherto appeared. He speaks very -slightingly of previous editors, more especially of Ho-shang-kung, -and he advertises his readers that he has not stolen anything from his -predecessors, but has studied his author. Mr. Wylie says that Ta-chʽun -in this commentary, “in a concise and lucid style, develops his ideas -on the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_032">32</span>work of Laòu-tze, extolling it above the Confucian Classics.”<a id="FNanchor_III_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_III_18" class="fnanchor">18</a></p> - -<p>10. The Tao-tê-ching-kʽao-yi (<span xml:lang="zh">道德經攷異</span>) by Pi-Yuan (<span xml:lang="zh">畢沅</span>), a high -officer under Chien-lung. He published this work in the forty-sixth -year of this reign (1781) in two volumes, and with the chapters -divided in the usual manner. The text which he gives is that settled -by Fu-yi (<span xml:lang="zh">傅奕</span>), an imperial annalist during the Tʽang dynasty, and his -notes consist almost exclusively of an enumeration of the variations -presented by previous editions. Mr. Wylie speaks of it as “a very -excellent examination of the purity of the text,”<a id="FNanchor_III_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_III_19" class="fnanchor">19</a> but it is -scarcely so much as a statement of the various readings, with an -occasional attempt at explanation or reconciliation.</p> - -<p>11. The Lao-tzŭ-tsʽan-chu (<span xml:lang="zh">老子參註</span>). Of this Mr. Wylie writes:—“A -critical exposition of the work (that is, of the Tao-tê Ching) -was written by <span xml:lang="zh">倪元垣</span> E Yuên-tʽàn in 1816, entitled the <span xml:lang="zh">老子參註</span> -Laòu-tszè-tsʽan-choó.”<a id="FNanchor_III_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_III_20" class="fnanchor">20</a></p> - -<p>Appended to several editions of the Tao-tê Ching is a small tract -bearing the name Yin-fu Ching (<span xml:lang="zh">陰符經</span>), that is, as explained by one -author, the Classic of the Secret Tally. It contains only a few -sentences, generally obscure and enigmatical, bearing on subjects -similar to those treated of by Lao-tzŭ. The author of the work is -unknown, and some refer it to the ancient Hwang-Ti (about B.C. 2630), -while others bring it down so late as Li-Chʽuan (<span xml:lang="zh">李筌</span>) of the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_033">33</span>Tʽang -dynasty.<a id="FNanchor_III_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_III_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> It seems more probable, however, that it was written by -Tʽai-kung (<span xml:lang="zh">太公</span>), who is also known as as Lü-wang (<span xml:lang="zh">呂望</span>) and -Chiàng-shang (<span xml:lang="zh">姜尙</span>). He was feudal chief of the principality of Chʽi -(<span xml:lang="zh">齊</span>), and lived under kings Wên and Wu of the Chou dynasty (about B.C. -1150 to 1120). Szŭ-ma-chʽien<a id="FNanchor_III_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_III_22" class="fnanchor">22</a> mentions the book under the title -Chou-shu-yin-fu (<span xml:lang="zh">周書陰符</span>), as having been studied by Su-Chʽin (<span xml:lang="zh">蘇秦</span>), a -famous general about the time of Mencius, who attained to the high -position of chief minister for six of the seven states then -contending; hence he is frequently spoken of as Liu-kuo-hsiang -(<span xml:lang="zh">劉國相</span>). The Yin-fu-Ching forms part of the curious book called the -Magnetic Needle (<span xml:lang="zh">指南針</span>), where the text is accompanied with very -interesting notes.</p> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_III_1" href="#FNanchor_III_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> -<span xml:lang="fr">Le Livre des Récompenses et des Peines &c., par S. Julien -Avertissement</span>, p. 6. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_III_2" href="#FNanchor_III_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> -Wên-hsien &c., ch., 211. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_III_3" href="#FNanchor_III_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> -See Lie-tzŭ’s Chung-hsü-chen-ching (<span xml:lang="zh">冲虛眞經</span>) Tien-sui (<span xml:lang="zh">天瑞</span>) ch. -where it forms part of a quotation from Hwang-Ti’s writings. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_III_4" href="#FNanchor_III_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> -See Julien’s Tao-tê-king, p. xxxiii. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_III_5" href="#FNanchor_III_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> -Hsü Ta-chʽun’s Preface to his edition of the Tao-tê ching. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_III_6" href="#FNanchor_III_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> -See Wu-Chʽêng’s (<span xml:lang="zh">吳澄</span>) Tao-tê ching, ch. 1. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_III_7" href="#FNanchor_III_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> -Hsü Ta-chün’s edition, Prolegomena 2. This statement, however, -cannot be verified. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_III_8" href="#FNanchor_III_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> -See Hsü Ta-chʽün as above. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_III_9" href="#FNanchor_III_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> -Pauthier, Chine, p. iii. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_III_10" href="#FNanchor_III_10" class="fnanchor">10</a> -Wên-hsien &c., ch. 211. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_III_11" href="#FNanchor_III_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> -Mémoire &c., p. 49. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_III_12" href="#FNanchor_III_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> -Chine Moderne, p.f 350, and Chine, p. 95 &c. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_III_13" href="#FNanchor_III_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> -Ch., 211. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_III_14" href="#FNanchor_III_14" class="fnanchor">14</a> -Tao-tê ching, p. ii -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_III_15" href="#FNanchor_III_15" class="fnanchor">15</a> -See the Shang-yu-lu (<span xml:lang="zh">尙友錄</span>), Ch. 9, art. <span xml:lang="zh">王</span>. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_III_16" href="#FNanchor_III_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> -Notes on Chinese Literature, p. 179. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_III_17" href="#FNanchor_III_17" class="fnanchor">17</a> -Tao te, &c. Observations Détachées, p. xxxix. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_III_18" href="#FNanchor_III_18" class="fnanchor">18</a> -Notes on Chinese Literature, p. 173. I have failed, however, to - verify the concluding part of the sentence. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_III_19" href="#FNanchor_III_19" class="fnanchor">19</a> -Notes, &c., p. 173. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_III_20" href="#FNanchor_III_20" class="fnanchor">20</a> -Notes, &c., p. 174. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_III_21" href="#FNanchor_III_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> -Notes, &c., p. 173. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_III_22" href="#FNanchor_III_22" class="fnanchor">22</a> -Shi-chi, Ch. 8. -</div> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_034">34</span></p> -<h2><span class="larger" id="CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV.</span><br />GENERAL VIEW OF LAO-TZŬ’s TEACHINGS.</h2> -</div> - - -<p>Before proceeding to examine in detail the doctrines of the <cite>Tao-tê -Ching</cite>, I shall briefly indicate their general nature; and by way of -preface to my own remarks, I now present to the reader the statements -of two critics of different countries, and of rather widely separated -dates. One of these, <i>Chu-hsi</i> <span xml:lang="zh">朱熹</span>, a Chinese philosopher who lived in -the 12th century, says:—“Lao-tzŭ’s scheme of philosophy consists in -modesty, self-emptiness, the saving of one’s powers, and the refusal -in all circumstances to agitate the bodily humours and spirits. -Lao-tzŭ’s learning consists, generally speaking, in being void of -desires, quiet, and free from exertion—in being self-empty, retiring, -and self-controlling (lit., self-keeping) in actual life. Accordingly, -what his words are ever inculcating is to have in outward deportment a -gentle tenderness and modesty, and to be at the core void of all -selfishness, and unhurtful to all things in the world.”<a id="FNanchor_IV_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_IV_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> The other -critic, a French philosopher still living, says:—“<span xml:lang="fr">La conception de -<i>Lao-tseu</i> est un Rationalisme panthéistique absolu dans lequel le -monde sensible est consideré comme la cause <span class="pagenum" id="Page_035">35</span>de toutes les -imperfections et de toutes les misères, et la personalité humaine -comme un mode inférieur et passager du grand Être, de la grande <em>Uité</em> -qui est l’origine et la fin de tous les Êtres. Elle a, comme nous -l’avons déjà dit ailleurs une grande analogie avec le système de -l’<em>Identitè absolue</em> de Schelling. Il y a cette difference, cependant, -que la conception du premier n’est en quelque sorte qu’à l’état -rudimentaire, comme la civilization de son époque, tandis que le -système du dernier embrasse tous les progrès que la pensée -philosophique a fait pendant plus de deux mille ans d’incessants et -souvent d’infructueus labeurs.</span>”<a id="FNanchor_IV_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_IV_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> I am unable to coincide perfectly -with the opinions of the above critics, especially with those of the -latter; and I shall probably refer to them again. There is at least -one respect in which the writings of Lao-tzŭ resemble those of -Schelling—that is, in being frequently quite unintelligible to all -ordinary mortals.</p> - -<p>Pauthier, however, seems to have observed what the Chinese critic -apparently failed to notice—namely, that all Lao-tzŭ’s teachings are -the elucidation and development of his idea of the relations between -something which he names <i>Tao</i> and the Universe. In taking a general -view of Lao-tzŭ’s philosophy, this is the first observation I have to -make:—It is a system which refers all things to <i>Tao</i>, as the ultimate -ideal unity of the universe. The sum of the <cite>Tao-tê Ching</cite> may be said -to be that Tao originated all things, is the everlasting model of rule -for all things, and that into it all things are finally absorbed. It -behoves us then, at the outset, to endeavour to ascertain what that is -which Lao-tzŭ designates by this name, and to find some sort of an -equivalent for it in our own language, if possible.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_036">36</span></p> - -<p>Now the character Tao <span xml:lang="zh">道</span> is used in several very different senses in -the <cite>Tao-tê Ching</cite>. (1) It is used in the sense of the <em>way or means</em> -of doing a thing.<a id="FNanchor_IV_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_IV_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> (2) In some passages it means to speak of or -describe.<a id="FNanchor_IV_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_IV_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> (3) It is used in the sense of the course—literal and -metaphorical—characteristic of and pursued by Heaven, Earth, the -perfect man, &c.<a id="FNanchor_IV_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_IV_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> This usage of the word is common to Lao-tzŭ with -the Confucianists and all other Chinese writers. In some places also -it seems to be used in the sense of good principles—truth—as in -Confucianist writings. (<cite>See Ch.</cite> 46.). (4) There is the -transcendental use of the word, perhaps originated by Lao-tzŭ,<a id="FNanchor_IV_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_IV_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> but -at least chiefly transmitted through him. It is with <i>Tao</i> used in -this last sense alone that we have to deal at present, and I shall -accordingly now give a sketch of Lao-tzŭ’s own account of the <i>Tao</i> -which has given a name to his philosophy.</p> - -<p><i>Tao</i>, then, is something which existed before heaven and earth were, -before Deity was, and which is, indeed, eternal.<a id="FNanchor_IV_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_IV_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> It has not any -name really,<a id="FNanchor_IV_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_IV_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> and it never had a name; but Lao-tzŭ feels himself -obliged to devise an epithet for it, and he adopts the word <i>Tao</i>. -This word, however, is not to be taken in any of its ordinary -significations,<a id="FNanchor_IV_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_IV_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> but is used in a peculiar sense, to denote that -which would otherwise be nameless. This <i>Tao</i> cannot be apprehended by -any of the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_037">37</span>bodily senses.<a id="FNanchor_IV_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_IV_10" class="fnanchor">10</a> It is profound, mysterious, and -extremely subtle.<a id="FNanchor_IV_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_IV_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> Represented as existing eternally, it is in its -nature calm, void, solitary, and unchanging;<a id="FNanchor_IV_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_IV_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> but represented as in -operation, it revolves through the universe of being, acting -everywhere, but acting “mysteriously, spontaneously, and without -effort.”<a id="FNanchor_IV_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_IV_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> It contains matter, and an inherent power of production; -and though itself formless, it yet comprehends all possible forms.<a id="FNanchor_IV_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_IV_14" class="fnanchor">14</a> -It is the ultimate cause of the universe, and it is the model or rule -for all creatures, but chiefly for man.<a id="FNanchor_IV_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_IV_15" class="fnanchor">15</a> It represents also that -ideal state of perfection in which all things acted harmoniously and -spontaneously, and when good and evil were unknown; and the return to -which constitutes the <i><span xml:lang="la">summum bonum</span></i> of existence.<a id="FNanchor_IV_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_IV_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> Lao-tzŭ speaks -of the <i>Tao</i> under various metaphors—it is the spirit of the void<a id="FNanchor_IV_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_IV_17" class="fnanchor">17</a> -(lit., spirit of the valley)—a hollow utensil<a id="FNanchor_IV_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_IV_18" class="fnanchor">18</a>—a river or -ocean<a id="FNanchor_IV_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_IV_19" class="fnanchor">19</a>—a parent<a id="FNanchor_IV_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_IV_20" class="fnanchor">20</a>—a ruler.<a id="FNanchor_IV_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_IV_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> We will have more to say of this -<i>Tao</i> shortly; but the above will perhaps suffice for the present to -give an idea of what meaning Lao-tzŭ attached <span class="pagenum" id="Page_038">38</span>to the word, or rather, -it should be said, the meanings; for he does not seem to have had in -his mind a very clear conception of what <i>Tao</i> actually was.</p> - -<p> -The next thing we have to do is to endeavour to find a word which will -translate <i>Tao</i> in this, its transcendental use—a matter of no easy -accomplishment. Pauthier, as has been seen, renders it by “<span xml:lang="fr"><em>Grande -voie</em> du monde,</span>” by “<span xml:lang="fr">Raison suprême universelle:</span>” he also sometimes -speaks of it simply as “<span xml:lang="fr">Raison</span>”<a id="FNanchor_IV_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_IV_22" class="fnanchor">22</a> or “Logos.” Rémusat<a id="FNanchor_IV_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_IV_23" class="fnanchor">23</a> also -renders it by “Logos” or “<span xml:lang="fr">Raison</span>;” and it is by the term “<span xml:lang="fr">Raison</span>” or -“Logos” that English writers translate the character <i>Tao</i> when it -refers to the peculiar doctrines of Lao-tzŭ and his real or pretended -followers. Julien, however, dissents from this interpretation, and -rightly I think. After giving an account of <i>Tao</i> as taught by the -Taoists themselves, he says:— “<span xml:lang="fr">Il parait donc impossible de le (i.e., -<i>Tao</i>) prendre pour la <em>raison primordiale</em>, pour <em>l’intelligence -sublime</em> qui a créé et qui régit le monde.</span>”<a id="FNanchor_IV_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_IV_24" class="fnanchor">24</a> It is with great -hesitation and reluctance, however, that I find myself unable to adopt -Julien’s own translation—“<span xml:lang="fr">Voie</span>,” or Way. I quite agree with him as to -the reason for not adopting the term Reason—namely, that <i>Tao</i> as -represented by Lao-tzŭ is devoid of thought, judgment, and -intelligence (as to action, Lao-tzŭ is apparently not quite consistent -with himself.) Thus it is quite impossible to make it identical with -the <i>Logos</i> of Plato, and almost absurd to identify it with the divine -<i>Logos</i> of the Neoplatonists of Alexandria. But I do not think that -the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_039">39</span>word <em>way</em> is the best we can use to translate <i>Tao</i>, and this for -several reasons. A way implies a way-maker apart from and antecedent -to it, but <i>Tao</i> was before all other existences. Again, when Lao-tzŭ -speaks of it as indeterminate, as profound, and finally as producing, -nourishing, and absorbing the universe, these terms can scarcely be -applied to a way, however metaphorically used. Julien says:—“<span xml:lang="fr">Le sens -de <em>Voie</em>, que je donne au mot <i>Tao</i> <span xml:lang="zh">道</span>, résulte clairement des -passages suivants de <i>Lao-tseu</i>: ‘Si j’étais doué de quelque prudence, -je marcherais dans le grand <i>Tao</i>’ (dans la grande <em>Voie</em>).—Le grand -<i>Tao</i> est tres-uni (la grande <em>Voie</em> est tres-unie), mais le peuple -aime les sentiers (ch. LIII).” “Le <i>Tao</i> peut être regardé comme la -mere de l’univers. Je ne connais pas son nom; pour le qualifier, je -l’appelle le <i>Tao</i> ou la <em>Voie</em> (ch. XXV).</span>”<a id="FNanchor_IV_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_IV_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> Now in the former of the -two cases here cited the expression <i>ta tao</i> <span xml:lang="zh">大道</span> means, I think, the -great course of duty which all men ought to pursue, but especially -those who are in authority—the way of the magistrate or ruler; an -interpretation which seems to be supported by the rest of the chapter, -though some of the commentators seem to be of the same opinion with -Julien.<a id="FNanchor_IV_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_IV_26" class="fnanchor">26</a> It is to be observed that this scholar translates the -words “<i>ta tao</i>” by “<span xml:lang="fr">la grande Voie,</span>” but in the same chapter renders -the words “<i>fei tao tsai</i>” <span xml:lang="zh">非道哉</span> simply by “<span xml:lang="fr">ce n’est point pratiquer le -<i>Tao</i>.</span>” The chapter from which the latter of the above two passages is -cited by Julien also seems to require another word than <em>way</em> to -translate <i>Tao</i>, and the same remark applies to the occurrence of the -word in several other places throughout <span class="pagenum" id="Page_040">40</span>the <cite>Tao-tê Ching</cite>.<a id="FNanchor_IV_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_IV_27" class="fnanchor">27</a> We may -say of the <i>Tao</i>, as “<span xml:lang="fr">Voie</span>” or Way, that it revolves everywhere; but -we can scarcely speak of it as being parent of the Universe—the first -and highest existence. <em>Way</em> or <em>road</em> is, no doubt, one of the -earliest meanings of the character <i>Tao</i>, and that which underlies -many of its other uses. Nor is it very difficult to trace its progress -from the perfectly concrete <em>course</em> or <em>channel</em>, and the abstract -<em>line</em> or <em>guide</em>, to the ideal <em>path</em> or <em>course</em> which universal -nature eternally and unchangingly pursues. What Lao-tzŭ does, as it -seems to me, is to identify Nature and her ideal course; and as he -could find no more general word whereby to express this ultimate ideal -unity, he uses the word <i>Tao</i> to designate it, just as a mathematician -uses <em>x</em> to express an unknown quantity.</p> - -<p>In order to appreciate Lao-tzŭ’s system properly, we must substitute -for <i>Tao</i> a word corresponding as closely as possible to it in width -of meaning and vagueness of association. It bears a somewhat close -analogy to the <i>Apeiron</i> of the old Ionic philosopher Anaximander; but -the Indeterminate or the Indefinite is rather an awkward word to be -frequently using, and we do not know enough of Anaximander’s system to -warrant us in substituting the <i>Apeiron</i> for <i>Tao</i>. In modern times, -again, the <em>Substance</em> in Spinoza’s philosophy, and the <em>Absolute</em> in -Schelling’s, resemble it in many points; but neither could serve as a -proper translation. I have accordingly determined to express <i>Tao</i> by -our word <em>Nature</em>, using it in its widest and most abstract -sense—“great creating Nature.” But I do not wish to be understood as -implying that this word corresponds exactly to <i>Tao</i>—far from it. I -use it simply as in my opinion the nearest approach we can <span class="pagenum" id="Page_041">41</span>get.<a id="FNanchor_IV_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_IV_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> -So, then, we may say of Lao-tzŭ’s system that it refers all matter and -spirit in the universe to one original Nature, from which they both -originated, by which they are maintained, and into which they are to -be finally absorbed. This is the first general observation I have to -make on his philosophy.</p> - -<p>Again, Lao-tzŭ’s philosophy is eminently an ethical or rather a -politico-ethical system. All his teachings aim at making man a better -individual, and a better member of society. Whatever the subject be on -which he discourses, there is generally a moral allusion or a moral -lesson taught in allegory; and the high value which he assigns to -moral excellence above all showy accomplishments deserves our greatest -commendation, even though we dissent from his disparaging view of -intellectual acquirements. He appeals more to the heart than to the -mind—more to the Hebraistic side of our nature than to the Hellenistic -(to use Mr. Matthew Arnold’s language); and the <cite>Tao-tê Ching</cite> is more -a book of skeleton sermons than a book of “reasoned truth.” The -intellect, indeed, is not only depressed; but is even sometimes spoken -of unfavourably, as opposed to the beneficial operation of Nature -(<i>Tao</i>) on men’s hearts.</p> - -<p>Further, the system of Lao-tzŭ is one purely speculative, and <i>a -priori</i> (in the Kantian sense). There is in it no gathering of -facts—no questioning of nature—no rising from particular facts or -truths of greater and greater generality. There is, in short, little -or nothing of the spirit of the inductive philosophy of modern times -to be found in the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_042">42</span><cite>Tao-tê Ching</cite>. It “nobly takes the <i>a priori</i> -road,” beginning with the universal cause, and coming down to -particular facts; frames hypotheses about nature and morals, and tries -to make existing circumstances conform to them. This is the character, -however, which it has in common with nearly all early systems of -philosophy, and even with some of very modern times. An utterly wrong -method we believe it to be; but we can easily forgive it in Lao-tzŭ, -when we take into consideration the circumstances amid which he lived, -and the nature and amount of the materials at his hand.</p> - -<p>The last characteristic of Lao-tzŭ’s teachings to which I shall allude -at present is that they are all imbued with a genial and sympathetic -spirit, regarding man not merely as an individual, and not merely as a -member of human society, but also a citizen of the universe, if I may -use the expression. Modesty, gentleness, forbearance, and self-denial -are his constant watchwords. He ever inculcates on man, especially in -his highest development, a sympathy not only with his fellow men, but -also with all the creatures of the earth, and even with inanimate -nature. This doctrine results, no doubt, from the leading idea that -all owe their origin to the one all-producing, all-nourishing nature; -and it is a doctrine of which Lao-tzŭ seems to have been very fond. He -frequently alludes to it as the duty and advantage of man to be -humble, gentle, and never striving; and he utterly abhors the idea of -violence, and the ostentation of superiority. He goes to excess, -however, I think, in his notions about a peaceful, non-interfering -mode of life; and carries his doctrine of the imitation of Nature -(<i>Tao</i>) to unwarranted lengths.</p> - -<p>Having thus described generally the nature of the teachings of the -<cite>Tao-tê Ching</cite>, I shall now proceed to examine them more in detail. In -doing so it will be convenient to consider <span class="pagenum" id="Page_043">43</span>them under the three -leading divisions of Speculative Physics, Politics and Ethics. I must, -however, beg pardon of the pale shade of their author for doing so, as -I am certain that he would not sanction this division; and at the same -time I must forewarn the reader that he is not to think that subjects -in his opinion appertaining to these three departments are kept -rigorously distinct. Lao-tzŭ, like Plato and some other philosophers, -makes Physics and Politics subordinate parts of Ethics—the grand, all -embracing study. So when reading in the <cite>Tao-tê Ching</cite> about matters -which we regard as belonging peculiarly to one or other of these -divisions, we must endeavour to regard them from Lao-tzŭ’s point of -view—viz., as part of one universal, all containing nature. If we -leave out the important word which I enclose in brackets, and -substitute some such word as <em>yet</em> or <em>still</em>, we find in the writings -of a great English poet of the 18th century sentiments very similar to -those of the Chinese sage who lived more than two thousand years -before him:—</p> - -<div class="poem"> - <div class="stanza smaller"> - <div class="i0">“All are but parts of one stupendous whole,</div> - <div class="i0">Whose body nature is, and [God] the soul;</div> - <div class="i0">That, changed through all, and yet in all the same;</div> - <div class="i0">Great in the earth, as in the ethereal frame;</div> - <div class="i0">Warms in the sun, refreshes in the breeze,</div> - <div class="i0">Glows in the stars, and blossoms in the trees,</div> - <div class="i0">Lives through all life, extends through all extent,</div> - <div class="i0">Spreads undivided, operates unspent:</div> - <div class="i0">Breathes in our soul, informs our mortal part,</div> - <div class="i0">As full, as perfect, in a hair as heart:</div> - <div class="i0">As full, as perfect, in vile man that mourns,</div> - <div class="i0">As the rapt seraph that adores and burns:</div> - <div class="i0">To <em>it</em> no high, no low, no great, no small;</div> - <div class="i0"><em>It</em> fills, <em>it</em> bounds, connects, and equals all.”</div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IV_1" href="#FNanchor_IV_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> -Collected Writings, ch. 58. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IV_2" href="#FNanchor_IV_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> -<span xml:lang="fr">Chine Moderne</span>, p. 351. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IV_3" href="#FNanchor_IV_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> -Ch. 59. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IV_4" href="#FNanchor_IV_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> -Ch. 1. This passage is, however, also rendered according to the -metaphor of a road. See Wu-ch‘êng’s note. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IV_5" href="#FNanchor_IV_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> -Chs. 47, 49, 73, 77. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IV_6" href="#FNanchor_IV_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> -See Ch. 25. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IV_7" href="#FNanchor_IV_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> -Chs. 25, 26. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IV_8" href="#FNanchor_IV_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> -Ch. 41. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IV_9" href="#FNanchor_IV_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> -Ch. 1. The word chʽang (<span xml:lang="zh">常</span>), however, may mean lasting, eternal. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IV_10" href="#FNanchor_IV_10" class="fnanchor">10</a> -Chs. 14, 35. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IV_11" href="#FNanchor_IV_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> -Ch. 1, &c. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IV_12" href="#FNanchor_IV_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> -Ch. 25. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IV_13" href="#FNanchor_IV_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> -Chs. 25, 37. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IV_14" href="#FNanchor_IV_14" class="fnanchor">14</a> -Chs. 14, 21. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IV_15" href="#FNanchor_IV_15" class="fnanchor">15</a> -Chs. 1, 51. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IV_16" href="#FNanchor_IV_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> -See chs. 18, 38. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IV_17" href="#FNanchor_IV_17" class="fnanchor">17</a> -Ch. 6. The character <span xml:lang="zh">谷</span> is, however, also rendered otherwise in -this page. See Yi-yuan’s edition and that in the <span xml:lang="zh">十子全書</span>. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IV_18" href="#FNanchor_IV_18" class="fnanchor">18</a> -Ch. 4. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IV_19" href="#FNanchor_IV_19" class="fnanchor">19</a> -Ch. 32. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IV_20" href="#FNanchor_IV_20" class="fnanchor">20</a> -Chs. 24, 52. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IV_21" href="#FNanchor_IV_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> -Ch. 51. The <i>Tao</i> is also, however, said not to rule over the -world. See ch. 34. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IV_22" href="#FNanchor_IV_22" class="fnanchor">22</a> -<span xml:lang="fr">Chine Moderne</span>, p. 351. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IV_23" href="#FNanchor_IV_23" class="fnanchor">23</a> -<span xml:lang="fr">Mélanges Posthumes</span>, p. 167, and in the <span xml:lang="fr">Mélanges Asiatiques</span>. See -also Julien’s Introduction, p. xii. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IV_24" href="#FNanchor_IV_24" class="fnanchor">24</a> -Introduction, p. xiii. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IV_25" href="#FNanchor_IV_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> -Introduction, p. xiii. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IV_26" href="#FNanchor_IV_26" class="fnanchor">26</a> -See Wu-ch‘eng’s note to the passage. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IV_27" href="#FNanchor_IV_27" class="fnanchor">27</a> -<i>E.G.</i>, chs. 16, 14, &c. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IV_28" href="#FNanchor_IV_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> -There are several passages in the <cite>Tao-tê Ching</cite> where Nature -could not be used to translate <i>Tao</i>; but this may in some cases -arise from the fact that Lao-tzŭ’s conception of Nature was very -different from ours. -</div> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_044">44</span></p> -<h2><span class="larger" id="CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V.</span><br />SPECULATIVE PHYSICS.</h2> -</div> - - -<p>What was Lao-tzŭ’s conception of the Cosmos? To this question we are -unfortunately unable to give a clear and satisfactory answer. It is -only occasionally, and then usually by way of illustration, that he -alludes to the material world or to the physical and mental -constitution of man. All that we can do, accordingly, is to examine -the miscellaneous passages in which he refers to these subjects, and -collect from them what information we can as to the notions which -Lao-tzŭ entertained about the origin and nature of the universe; and -we must be prepared to find under the head of speculative physics many -more matters than ought properly, according to our ideas, to be so -included.</p> - -<p>The first point to be noticed is that, as has been already seen, -Lao-tzŭ refers all existing creatures to an eternal, all-producing, -all-sustaining unity, which he calls Nature (Tao). He does not -distinguish between mind and matter, nor would he, in my opinion, have -recognised any fundamental or generic difference between them. -Whether, however, spirit and matter were identical or diametrically -opposite, they had a common origin in Tao. But though usually he thus -refers all things to nature (Tao) as their first cause, yet <span class="pagenum" id="Page_045">45</span>he -sometimes seems to speak of the universe as coming from nothing.<a id="FNanchor_V_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> -Nor is there any contradiction here, since Lao-tzŭ regarded -non-existence (Wu <span xml:lang="zh">無</span>) as in circumstances identical with existence (Yu -<span xml:lang="zh">有</span>); the latter being merely the former contemplated from a different -point of view. This opinion, if not explicitly stated by himself, is -at least implied in his writings, and is explicitly stated by one of -his disciples.<a id="FNanchor_V_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> It must be mentioned, however, that Chu-hsi (<span xml:lang="zh">朱熹</span>) -ascribes the very opposite doctrine to Lao-tzŭ, who, he says, regarded -existence and non-existence as <em>two</em>, whereas Chou-tzŭ (<span xml:lang="zh">周子</span>) regarded -them as one.<a id="FNanchor_V_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> In the Tao-tê Ching the originator of the universe is -referred to under the names Non-Existence, Existence, Nature (Tao) and -various other designations—all which, however, represent one idea in -various manifestations. It is in all cases Nature (Tao) which is -meant, and we are now prepared to examine the part which Lao-tzŭ -assigns to this Tao in the production and regulation of the physical -world.</p> - -<p>Tao, as spoken of by Lao-tzŭ, may be considered as a potential or as -an actual existence, and under this latter head it may be contemplated -in itself and as an operating agent in the universe. Regarded as a -potential existence it may, when compared with actual existence, be -pronounced non-existence. It is from this point of view imperceptible -to man, and can be spoken of only negatively; and so such terms as -non-existence (<span xml:lang="zh">無</span>), the unlimited or infinite (<span xml:lang="zh">無極</span>), the non-exerting -(<span xml:lang="zh">無爲</span>), the matterless (<span xml:lang="zh">無物</span>), <span class="pagenum" id="Page_046">46</span>are the expressions used with reference -to Tao thus considered.<a id="FNanchor_V_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> Accordingly Lao-tzŭ, when speaking of it as -a potential existence, as the logical antecedent of all perceptible -existence—seems to regard it as equivalent to the primeval Nothing or -Chaos. So too the Yuan-miao-nei-pʽien (<span xml:lang="zh">元妙内篇</span>) says that the great -Tao which arose in non-exertion is the ancestor of all things.<a id="FNanchor_V_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> From -this state, however, it passes into the condition of actual existence, -a transition which is expressed under the metaphor of generation.<a id="FNanchor_V_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> -To this doctrine, that existence is generated from non-existence, -Chu-hsi objects; but his objection arises chiefly, I think, from -supposing that Lao-tzŭ regarded them as two distinct things, whereas -his doctrine on this subject is exactly like that of Chou-tzŭ, with -which Chu-hsi seems to agree.<a id="FNanchor_V_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> We are not to suppose that Nature is -ever simply and entirely potential to the utter exclusion of -actuality, or <i>vice versa</i>: on the contrary, these two existences or -conditions are represented as alternately generating each the -other.<a id="FNanchor_V_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> Thus the potential (or nominal non-existence) may be -supposed to be in time later than the actual, though the latter must -always be logically regarded as consequent on the former. In itself, -again, <i>Tao</i>, regarded as an actual existence is, as has been seen, -calm, void, eternal, unchanging and bare of all qualities. Regarded as -an agent operating throughout the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_047">47</span>universe, on the other hand, <i>Tao</i> -may be spoken of as great, changing, far-extending, and finally -returning (to the state of potentiality).<a id="FNanchor_V_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> A late author gives a -curious illustration of the above notions of Lao-tzŭ, taken from the -well-known habits of the Ateuchus with reference to the propagation of -its species, but this author proceeds on the supposition that -non-existence and existence are different. We have now to combine -these two conceptions of Tao, as a potential and as an actual -existence. Though void, shapeless, and immaterial, it yet contains the -potentiality of all substance and shape, and from itself it produces -the universe,<a id="FNanchor_V_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_10" class="fnanchor">10</a> diffusing itself over or permeating all space. It is -said to have generated the world,<a id="FNanchor_V_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> and is frequently spoken of as -the mother of this latter<a id="FNanchor_V_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_12" class="fnanchor">12</a>—“the dark primeval mother, teeming with -dreamy beings.” All things that exist submit to Tao as their chief, -but it displays no lordship over them.<a id="FNanchor_V_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> In the spring time it -quickens the dead world, clothes it as with a garment, and nourishes -it, yet the world knows not its foster-mother. A distinction, however, -is made—the nameless is said to be the origin of heaven and earth, -while the named is the mother of the myriad objects which inhabit the -earth. Though there is nothing done in the universe which is not done -by Nature, though all things depend on it for their existence, yet in -no case is Nature seen acting.<a id="FNanchor_V_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_14" class="fnanchor">14</a> It is in its own deep self a -unit—the smallest possible quantity—yet it <span class="pagenum" id="Page_048">48</span>prevails over the wide -expanse of the universe, operating unspent but unseen.<a id="FNanchor_V_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_15" class="fnanchor">15</a></p> - -<p>We now come to the generations of the heavens and the earth, and their -history is thus given by Lao-tzŭ.<a id="FNanchor_V_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> Tao generated One, One generated -Two, Two generated Three, and Three generated the material world. That -is, according to the explanation given by some, Nature (Tao) generated -the Yin-chʽi (<span xml:lang="zh">陰氣</span>), the passive and inferior element in the -composition of things; this in its turn produced the Yang-chʽi (<span xml:lang="zh">陽氣</span>), -the active and superior element; which again produced Ho (<span xml:lang="zh">和</span>), that is, -that harmonious agreement of the passive and active elements which -brought about the production of all things.<a id="FNanchor_V_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_17" class="fnanchor">17</a> Another explanation is -that Tao considered as Non-existence produced the Great Extreme -(Tʽai-chi <span xml:lang="zh">太極</span>), which produced the passive and active elements; then -Harmony united these two and generated the universe.<a id="FNanchor_V_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_18" class="fnanchor">18</a> Of this -section of the Tao-tê Ching Rémusat observes—“<span xml:lang="fr">En effet, Lao-tseu -explique, d’une manière qui est entièrement conforme à la doctrine -Platonicienne, comment les deux principes, celui du ciel et celui de -la terre, ou l’air grossier et l’ether, sont liés entre eux par un -<em>Souffle</em> qui les unit et qui produit <em>l’harmonie</em>. Il est impossible -d’exprimer plus clairemeut les idées de Timée de Locres, dont les -termes semblent la traduction du passage Chinois.</span>”<a id="FNanchor_V_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_19" class="fnanchor">19</a> The doctrines, -however, on the formation of the world put into the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_049">49</span>mouth of Timæus, -and the ideas of Lao-tzŭ on this subject, seem to me to have very -little in common. The Greek philosopher makes a personal deity the -artificer of the universe, fashioning the world out of the bright and -solid elements, fire and earth, which he unites by means of air and -water, thus forming a friendship and harmony indissoluble by any -except the author. The <em>harmony</em> of Lao-tzŭ, on the other hand is, if -we understand him aright, only the unconflicting alternation of the -two cosmical elements, and there is no divine Demiurg in his system. -There is, however, a statement in the Timæus which resembles Lao-tzŭ’s -statement on this subject, and to which we will refer hereafter.</p> - -<p>First in order after Tao is Tʽien (<span xml:lang="zh">天</span>), or the material heaven above -us. This is represented as pure and clear in consequence of having -obtained the One—that is, in consequence of having participated in the -great “over-soul” or Universal Nature.<a id="FNanchor_V_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_20" class="fnanchor">20</a> Were heaven to lose its -purity and clearness it would be in danger of destruction. Of the -heavenly bodies and their revolutions, Lao-tzŭ does not make mention, -nor have we any means of ascertaining what were his ideas respecting -them. Nearly all that he says about Tʽien or heaven is metaphorical, -with apparent reference to an agent endowed with consciousness -(according to our ways of thinking). Thus he speaks of it as enduring -for a long period because it does not exist for itself; as being free -from partiality towards any of the creatures in the world; as being -next in dignity above a king and below Tao, and as taking this last -for its rule of conduct.<a id="FNanchor_V_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_21" class="fnanchor">21</a></p> - -<p>The space between heaven and earth is represented as <span class="pagenum" id="Page_050">50</span>like a bottomless -bag or tube,<a id="FNanchor_V_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_22" class="fnanchor">22</a> though this is perhaps merely a metaphorical -expression. The earth itself is at rest,<a id="FNanchor_V_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_23" class="fnanchor">23</a> this being the specific -nature which it has as the result of its participation in Tao. The -heavens are always revolving over the earth, producing the varieties -of the seasons, vivifying, nourishing, and killing all things; but it -remains stationary in calm repose. Were it to lose the informing -nature which makes it so, the earth would probably be set in motion. -Its place is next in order after heaven which it takes as its model. -It is impartial, spontaneous, unostentatious, and exists long because -it does not exist for itself. Neither in heaven nor on earth can -anything violent endure for a lengthened period. The whirlwind and -heavy rains may come, but they do not last even for a day.<a id="FNanchor_V_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_24" class="fnanchor">24</a></p> - -<p>Next to heaven and earth are the “myriad things” that is, the animate -and inanimate objects which surround us; and here again it must be -borne in mind that Lao-tzŭ’s allusions to these matters are only -incidental and by way of illustration generally. As has been seen, all -things spring from and participate in Nature, which is, as it were, -their mother. This Nature (Tao) is, as we have seen, imperceptible in -itself, and when considered merely as a potentiality; but it bodies -itself forth and takes a local habitation and a name in all the -objects which exist in the universe, and thus it becomes palpable to -human observation—not in its essence but only in its workings. Now -this manifestation of Nature <span class="pagenum" id="Page_051">51</span>constitutes for each object or class of -objects in the world its Tê (<span xml:lang="zh">德</span>)—that is, what it has received or -obtained from Tao, according to some commentators. Tê is usually -translated by <em>virtue</em>, but this word very inadequately represents the -meaning of the word in this connection. Sometimes it seems to be -almost synonymous with Tao, and has functions assigned to it which at -other times are represented as pertaining to this latter. If, however, -we regard Tao as the great or universal Nature, we may consider Tê as -the particular Nature with which creatures are endowed out of the -former. It is also the conscious excellence which man and all other -creatures obtain when spontaneity is lost. Thus Lao-tzŭ regards all -things as equally with man under the care of Nature, which produces -and nourishes all alike. Heaven and earth, he says, have no -partialities—they regard the “myriad things” as the straw-made dogs -which were formed for the sacrifices and prayers for rain, and cast -aside when the rites were finished.<a id="FNanchor_V_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> In another passage of the -Tao-tê Ching it is said that Tao generates all things, Tê nourishes -all things, Matter (Wu <span xml:lang="zh">物</span>) bodies them forth, and Order (<span xml:lang="zh">勢</span>) gives them -perfection.<a id="FNanchor_V_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_26" class="fnanchor">26</a></p> - -<p>Lao-tzŭ, in accordance with popular Chinese ideas, speaks of five -colours, five sounds, and five tastes;<a id="FNanchor_V_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_27" class="fnanchor">27</a> and he attributes to these -a baneful influence on man, whom he teaches to overcome and nullify -them as much as possible. All things in the world, moreover, are -arranged in a system of dualism.<a id="FNanchor_V_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> <span class="pagenum" id="Page_052">52</span>Motion is always followed by -rest, and this again by motion. Long and short, high and low, mutually -succeed each other, and are merely relative terms. Solidity gives the -object, and hollowness gives its utility, as in the case of wooden or -earthen vessels. When a thing is to be weakened it must first have -been strengthened; to that from which there is to be taken there must -first have been given. This dualism will be seen to extend into other -regions besides the physical world, and it is needless to refer to it -at greater length at present.</p> - -<p>Further, Lao-tzŭ seems to have regarded all existing things as having -a set time during which to endure. Nature engenders them, nourishes -them and finally receives them back into its bosom. They flourish -until they attain to the state of completeness, which is soon lost, -and then decay and final dissolution ensue.<a id="FNanchor_V_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_29" class="fnanchor">29</a> The tree grows from -the tiny sapling to its full maturity, then decays and returns to dark -Mother Nature. The process as conceived and sketched by the ancient -sage is beautifully described in the words of Tennyson—</p> - -<div class="poem"> - <div class="stanza smaller"> - <div class="i0">“Lo! in the middle of the wood,</div> - <div class="i0">The folded leaf is woo’d from out the bud</div> - <div class="i0">With winds upon the branch, and there</div> - <div class="i0">Grows green and broad and takes no care,</div> - <div class="i0">Sun-steep’d at noon, and in the moon</div> - <div class="i0">Nightly dew-fed; and turning yellow</div> - <div class="i0">Falls, and floats adown the air.</div> - <div class="i0"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_053">53</span>Lo! sweeten’d with the summer light</div> - <div class="i0">The full-juiced apple, waxing over-mellow,</div> - <div class="i0">Drops in a silent autumn night.</div> - <div class="i0">All its allotted length of days,</div> - <div class="i0">The flower ripens in its place,</div> - <div class="i0">Ripens and fades, and falls, and hath no toil,</div> - <div class="i0">Fast-rooted in the fruitful soil.”<a id="FNanchor_V_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_30" class="fnanchor">30</a></div> - </div> -</div> - -<p>Lao-tzŭ’s mode of contemplating natural phenomena is, indeed, -altogether much more like that of the poetical metaphysician than that -of the physicist. He does not look upon a stream, for example, as -composed of certain chemical elements in certain proportions, as -running at a calculable rapid rate, carrying with it an alarming -amount of mud, and having in each microscopic drop exactly so many -thousands of animalculæ. He thinks of it rather as at first a tiny -stream up among the hills, scooping out the hard earth, and slowly -wearing away impeding stones, in order to make a channel for its -waters; as flowing thence down into the vale where it gives itself up -to enrich the fields; then as passing on thence to join the brimming -river, and finally submit itself to the great sea.<a id="FNanchor_V_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_31" class="fnanchor">31</a> He regards -everything from an ethical point of view, and finds a lesson -everywhere. He does not regard the study of nature as consisting in -the investigation of colour, sound, heat, and such things—the less one -has to do with these the better. The study should be carried on in -one’s own room without any adventitious aids. The student must -overcome his affections and passions <span class="pagenum" id="Page_054">54</span>before he can attain to a -knowledge of the great mysteries of Nature, but having once attained -the serene heights of desireless existence he can know all things.<a id="FNanchor_V_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_32" class="fnanchor">32</a> -This is no doubt a bad way of studying nature, and one which would -never conduct to the material benefit of humanity. Yet it also has its -uses. It helps to make us “mingle with the universe,” have a lower -appreciation of ourselves, and sympathise affectionately with all -that surrounds us. We have abundance of room in the world for the two -classes of philosophers—those who experiment on Nature with a view to -the material progress of mankind, and those who regard her with the -dutiful love of a son for a mother.</p> - -<p>In the teachings of Lao-tzŭ in Speculative Physics, as sketched above, -the student of philosophy will find many ideas resembling others with -which he is already more familiar. To those of the sages of Ancient -Greece it is perhaps unnecessary for me to do more than refer. With -them as living also in the comparative childhood of the world Lao-tzŭ -might naturally be supposed to have considerable affinity. In the -Timæus of Plato there is a passage which does not accord with the rest -of that work, nor with the spirit of the other Platonic dialogues, and -which bears considerable resemblance to the doctrine of Lao-tzŭ about -the primordial all-producing Nature (Tao). The hero of the dialogue, -if such an expression may be used, Timæus himself, suddenly leaves the -train of imaginative discourse which he had been for some time -pursuing about the visible universe and the mode in which the divine -artificer constructed it, and he introduces a new conception, that of -the primeval mother, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_055">55</span>formless, immortal, and indestructible.<a id="FNanchor_V_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_33" class="fnanchor">33</a> -Reference has already been made to the resemblance between Lao-tzŭ’s -teachings and those of Anaximander, and Hegel says of the latter’s -notion, that the <i xml:lang="el">ἄπειρον</i> is the principle from which endless worlds -or gods originate and into which they vanish, that it sounds quite -Oriental.<a id="FNanchor_V_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_34" class="fnanchor">34</a> But not only are Lao-tzŭ’s speculations on physics like -those of other ancients, they resemble also those of many modern -philosophers, and his theory about the study of Nature may well be -compared with that of Schelling. The Tao itself, or the primordial -existence, appears under various names in the history of Philosophy. -It is the Tʽai-chi (<span xml:lang="zh">太極</span>) or Great Extreme—the Tʽai-yi (<span xml:lang="zh">太一</span>) or Great -Unit—the <i><span xml:lang="la">Anima Mundi</span></i>—the Absolute—the Vital Force—Gravity—Caloric—when -considered as universally active and productive.</p> - -<div class="poem"> - <div class="stanza smaller"> - <div class="i0">“There is but one vast universal dynamic, one mover, one might,</div> - <div class="i0">Variously operant under the various conditions it finds;</div> - <div class="i0">And we call that by turns electricity, friction, caloric, and light,</div> - <div class="i0">Which is none of these things, and yet all of them. Ask of the waves - and the winds,</div> - <div class="i0">Ask of the stars of the firmament, ask of the flowers of the field;</div> - <div class="i0">They will answer you all of them, naming it each by a different name.</div> - <div class="i0">For the meaning of Nature is neither wholly conceal’d nor reveal’d;</div> - <div class="i0">But her mind is seen to be single in her acts that are nowhere the - same.”<a id="FNanchor_V_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_35" class="fnanchor">35</a></div> - </div> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_056">56</span></p> - -<p>Further, Lao-tzŭ represents pure or abstract existence as identical -with non-existence, and in our own century Hegel has said that Being -and Non-being are the same.<a id="FNanchor_V_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_36" class="fnanchor">36</a> Again, Lao-tzŭ speaks of the ultimate -existence as that out of which all other existences have proceeded, -and he regards it as becoming active and producing from having been -inactive and quiescent. So many modern philosophers have maintained -that God made all things out of himself; and in the opinion of some -the Deity became personal from being impersonal, and the Infinite -manifested itself as finite in the created universe.<a id="FNanchor_V_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_37" class="fnanchor">37</a> But the great -point on which Lao-tzŭ differs from the large majority of modern -thinkers with regard to the First Cause is that he never introduces or -supposes the element of personality; consequently will and design are -excluded from his conception of the primordial existence.<a id="FNanchor_V_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_38" class="fnanchor">38</a> Here, I -think, he is logically more correct than the modern philosopher -referred to above, although his notions may be much farther from the -actual truth than theirs. Again, when Lao-tzŭ speaks of Nature (Tao) -as the source whence all things spring—as that which informs and -cherishes all the world—and as that into which all living creatures, -high and low, finally return—he says what many others have expressed -in terms often very similar. I select <span class="pagenum" id="Page_057">57</span>only two or three instances by -way of illustration. The Pythagorean doctrine is thus put by Virgil—</p> - -<div class="poem"> - <div class="stanza smaller" xml:lang="la"> - <div class="i2">—“deum (i.e. animum) ire per omnes</div> - <div class="i0">Terrasque tractusque maris cælumque profundum.</div> - <div class="i0">Hinc pecudes, armenta, viros, genus omne ferarum,</div> - <div class="i0">Quemque sibi tenues nascentem arcessere vitas;</div> - <div class="i0">Scilicet huc reddi deinde ac resoluta referri</div> - <div class="i0">Omnia.”<a id="FNanchor_V_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_39" class="fnanchor">39</a></div> - </div> -</div> - -<p>Strikingly similar to Lao-tzŭ’s words are those of the Preacher—“For -that which befalleth the sons of men befalleth beasts; even one thing -befalleth them; as the one dieth, so dieth the other; yea, they have -all one breath; so that a man hath no pre-eminence above a beast; for -all is vanity. All go unto one place; all are of the dust, and all -turn to dust again.”<a id="FNanchor_V_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_40" class="fnanchor">40</a> In later times Coleridge has said—“Life is -the one universal soul, which by virtue of the enlivening Breath, and -the informing word, all organised bodies have in common, each after -its kind. This, therefore, all animals possess, and man as an -animal.”<a id="FNanchor_V_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_41" class="fnanchor">41</a> More closely resembling Lao-tzŭ’s statements on this -subject, however, are the words of Dr. Büchner—“<span xml:lang="fr">D’un autre côté -n’oublions pas non plus, que nous ne sommes qu’une partie -imperceptible, quoique nécessaire, du grand tout qui constitue le -monde et que nous devons tôt ou tard perdu notu personalité pour -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_058">58</span>rentrer dans la masse commune. La Matière dans son ensemble est la -mère d’ou tout provient et ou tout retourne.</span>”<a id="FNanchor_V_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_42" class="fnanchor">42</a></p> - -<p>As we proceed we will find other doctrines of our author resembling -those of writers and thinkers far removed from him in time and space. -The illustrations given and referred to above will suffice to show -that, in speculations about Nature and the great mystery of existence, -we are little, if anything, superior to “the ancients.” The course -of speculative philosophy seems to be circular—the same truths and -errors appearing again and again, so that as Coleridge has said, “For -many, very many centuries it has been difficult to advance a new -truth, or even a new error, in the philosophy of the intellect or -morals,”<a id="FNanchor_V_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_43" class="fnanchor">43</a> or, he might have added, of theoretical physics. Is it -true, after all, that the spirit of the long-deceased philosopher -returns from the Elysian fields, forgetting by its Lethean draught all -the truths and realities of the eternal, ever-the-same world, to -inform again a human body? We know that Malebranche’s character was -like that of Plato. Schelling, even in external appearance, resembled -Socrates; Hegel is called the modern Proclus; and the soul of Lao-tzŭ -may have transmigrated into Emerson. This last has been chained to “a -weight of nerves,” and located in circumstances altogether unlike -those of its former earthly existence, a fact which would account for -many points of unlikeness. The informing spirit, however, has known no -change in “its own deep self:”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_059">59</span></p> - -<div class="poem"> - <div class="stanza smaller"> - <div class="i0">“Our birth is but a sleep and a forgetting;</div> - <div class="i2">The soul that rises with us, our life’s star,</div> - <div class="i0">Hath had elsewhere its setting,</div> - <div class="i2">And cometh from afar;</div> - <div class="i0">Not in entire forgetfulness</div> - <div class="i0">And not in utter nakedness,</div> - <div class="i0">From God, who is our home.”</div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_1" href="#FNanchor_V_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> -See Ch. 40. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_2" href="#FNanchor_V_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> -See Preface to Tao-tê-ching-chie <span xml:lang="zh">道德經解</span>. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_3" href="#FNanchor_V_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> -See note in the Tʽai-chi-tʽu-shuo (<span xml:lang="zh">太極圖說</span>). Hsing-li-ta-chʽuan. -Vol. I. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_4" href="#FNanchor_V_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> -See Ch. 28, 46. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_5" href="#FNanchor_V_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> -Yuan-chien, &c., p. 318. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_6" href="#FNanchor_V_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> -Ch. 40. Compare with this Aristotle’s statement, “Nature spoken -of as generation is the path to Nature.” See Essay V. in Grant’s -Aristotle’s Ethics, vol. 1. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_7" href="#FNanchor_V_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> -See his <span xml:lang="zh">全書</span>, Ch. 85. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_8" href="#FNanchor_V_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> -Ch. 2. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_9" href="#FNanchor_V_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> -Ch. 25, see Pauthier, Chine Moderne, p. 359. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_10" href="#FNanchor_V_10" class="fnanchor">10</a> -See Chs. 21, 25, compare Emerson Miscellanies, p. 32. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_11" href="#FNanchor_V_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> -Ch. 51. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_12" href="#FNanchor_V_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> -Chs. 6, 52. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_13" href="#FNanchor_V_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> -Ch. 34. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_14" href="#FNanchor_V_14" class="fnanchor">14</a> -See Chs. 37, 41, 43. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_15" href="#FNanchor_V_15" class="fnanchor">15</a> -See Chs. 32, 39. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_16" href="#FNanchor_V_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> -Ch. 42. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_17" href="#FNanchor_V_17" class="fnanchor">17</a> -See Wu-chʽêng’s note to the passage. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_18" href="#FNanchor_V_18" class="fnanchor">18</a> -See the note on this passage in the Tao-tê-ching-chie; compare -also the peculiar interpretation given by Ta-chün. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_19" href="#FNanchor_V_19" class="fnanchor">19</a> -Mémoire, &c., p. 36. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_20" href="#FNanchor_V_20" class="fnanchor">20</a> -See Chs. 16, 39. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_21" href="#FNanchor_V_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> -See Chs. 7, 5, 16, 25. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_22" href="#FNanchor_V_22" class="fnanchor">22</a> -See Ch. 5; Julien, however, translates the passage, “<span xml:lang="fr">L’être qui -est entre le ciel et la terre resemble à un souffict de forge,</span>” &c. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_23" href="#FNanchor_V_23" class="fnanchor">23</a> -Ch. 39. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_24" href="#FNanchor_V_24" class="fnanchor">24</a> -Ch. 23. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_25" href="#FNanchor_V_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> -Ch. 5. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_26" href="#FNanchor_V_26" class="fnanchor">26</a> -Ch. 51; but see the different interpretation given by Julien. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_27" href="#FNanchor_V_27" class="fnanchor">27</a> -Ch. 12. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_28" href="#FNanchor_V_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> -See Chs. 2, 11, 29, 36. Compare Emerson’s Essay on -Compensation—<cite>Essays</cite>, vol. i. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_29" href="#FNanchor_V_29" class="fnanchor">29</a> -See Chs. 16, 55. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_30" href="#FNanchor_V_30" class="fnanchor">30</a> -<cite>The Lotos Eaters</cite>. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_31" href="#FNanchor_V_31" class="fnanchor">31</a> -See Chs. 8, 78. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_32" href="#FNanchor_V_32" class="fnanchor">32</a> -See Chs. 1, 47. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_33" href="#FNanchor_V_33" class="fnanchor">33</a> -Timæus, ch. xviii. (Ed. Stallbaum). See also Grote’s Plato, -Vol. iii., p. 266–7. Timæus, however, introduces reason and other -ideas not consonant with Lao-tzŭ’s teachings. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_34" href="#FNanchor_V_34" class="fnanchor">34</a> -Geschichte, &c., vol. i, p. 204. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_35" href="#FNanchor_V_35" class="fnanchor">35</a> -Robert Lytton’s—“The Man of Science.” -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_36" href="#FNanchor_V_36" class="fnanchor">36</a> -See Lewesʼ History of Philosophy, vol. ii., p. 533 (New Edition). -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_37" href="#FNanchor_V_37" class="fnanchor">37</a> -On this subject information will be found in E. Laisset’s -<span xml:lang="fr">Précurseurs et Disciples de Descartes</span>, p. 210, &c.; Hamilton’s -Discussions; Lewisʼ History of Philosophy, vol. ii. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_38" href="#FNanchor_V_38" class="fnanchor">38</a> -Fichte (the elder), however, is at one with Lao-tzŭ on this -point. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_39" href="#FNanchor_V_39" class="fnanchor">39</a> -Georgica. Bk. iv., vs. 221–6. The rest of the passage does not -apply. Compare also Cicero’s criticism on the Pythagorean -doctrine, in the De Nat. Deorum, ch. 1, §11. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_40" href="#FNanchor_V_40" class="fnanchor">40</a> -Eccles., Ch. iii., vs. 19 and 20. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_41" href="#FNanchor_V_41" class="fnanchor">41</a> -Aids to Reflection, p. 4. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_42" href="#FNanchor_V_42" class="fnanchor">42</a> -<span xml:lang="fr">Force et Matière</span>, p. 93 (French translation). -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_V_43" href="#FNanchor_V_43" class="fnanchor">43</a> -Biographia Lita., ch. 5; compare also the remarkable words of -Hegel. Geschichte, &c., Vol. i., p. 143. -</div> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_060">60</span></p> -<h2><span class="larger" id="CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI.</span><br />POLITICS.</h2> -</div> - - -<p>We now breathe a freer air—escaped from the trammels of Physics, and -at large in the wide spaces of Politics. Here Lao-tzŭ speaks more -plainly and fully, and it is easily seen that he is dealing with -congenial subjects. To us also his political aphorisms will come with -more freshness and delight than the speculations about things much -more beyond his ken with which we were last engaged. Yet we must not -expect to find in the <cite>Tao-tê Ching</cite> a treatise on Politics, or a -discourse on the best form of government. Lao-tzŭ does not present to -us a wax figment of his own imagination—an ideal republic, an Utopia, -or a New Atlantis. He looks to his own country as it was then, -oppressed and miserable, and he endeavours to recall those in -authority to a noble and generous mode of government. His standard of -political excellence may be ideal, and some of his maxims may be -fanciful, and even bad; still we will find in all a genial human -philosophy, which even we of the enlightened nineteenth century cannot -utterly despise.</p> - -<p>“Politics,” says Sir G. C. Lewes, “relate to human action so far as it -concerns the public interest of a community, and is not merely private -or ethical. Human action, thus defined, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_061">61</span>consists of—1, the acts and -relations of a sovereign government, both with respect to its own -subjects and other sovereign governments; 2, the acts and relations of -members of the political community, so far as they concern the -government, or the community at large, or a considerable portion of -it.”<a id="FNanchor_VI_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> Lao-tzŭ’s teachings in politics refer more to the former than -to the latter of these two divisions. He does not, however, omit to -notice the relations of the different members of the state, as well to -the government as to each other; but he relegates this subject to the -province of ethics. He considers the people more in their private -relations than as bound by legal ties to the performance of certain -acts, and the abstaining from certain other acts, towards their -fellows. Nor is it from the political stand-point that he contemplates -the nature and distribution of wealth, a subject which properly -belongs to politics. These and similar matters are all assigned to the -private relations of man to the Universal Nature, and so they will -come more properly under the head of ethics.</p> - -<p>Having premised thus much, I now proceed to set forth Lao-tzŭ’s -teachings about “the acts and relations of a sovereign government, -both with respect to its own subjects and other sovereign -governments;” and</p> - -<p>1. <em>Of the institution of the Sovereign</em>.—It is to the people that he -assigns the original appointment of an emperor, and he gives a -peculiar reason for the institution. A bad man still has the law of -Nature (<i>Tao</i>) in him; and he is not to be cast aside as a hopeless -case, seeing he may be transformed into a virtuous man. Accordingly -emperors and <span class="pagenum" id="Page_062">62</span>magistrates were appointed, whose duty it was to save, as -it were, by precept and example, those who had gone astray.<a id="FNanchor_VI_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> Thus -Lao-tzŭ’s idea of the sovereign is so far purely ethical. He does not -conceive of him so much as the judge and ruler of the people as their -model and instructor. The man whom the people elect, however, is also -the elected of Heaven.<a id="FNanchor_VI_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> As in the case of Saul the Israelites -anointed him whom the Lord had chosen, so the people raise to the -throne him whom Heaven has appointed. Princes exercise government, -because they have received that destiny as their share of the -Universal Nature.<a id="FNanchor_VI_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> They obtain their <em>One</em>—their individualizing -nature—in order that they may rule righteously. Sometimes he seems to -use the term <i>Shêng-jĕn</i> (<span xml:lang="zh">聖人</span>) as synonymous with <i>Wang</i> (<span xml:lang="zh">王</span>), or -King.<a id="FNanchor_VI_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> Now the <i>Shêng-jĕn</i> is the man who by his nature is -completely virtuous, perfectly in harmony with the ways heaven has -ordained. He is in short the stoic <i>Sapiens</i>, and whether he actually -administer public affairs or not, is still a king. The term <em>Saint</em>, -by which Julien renders this expression, scarcely conveys its full -meaning; as the <i>Shêng-jĕn</i> is not only holy, but also supremely wise. -He is the ideal or typical man, who rules ever and transforms the -world; and, failing a better, I shall translate it by the expression -<i>godlike man</i>. In ancient times, it was the <i>Shêng-jĕn</i>, or godlike -man, who was appointed ruler; and if such were the case now, the world -would be in peace and prosperity. The man who is destined to <span class="pagenum" id="Page_063">63</span>become -king will not use violence to obtain the honour.<a id="FNanchor_VI_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> On the contrary he -will be humble and yielding; and so, as water wears away the hard -opposing rocks, he will finally triumph. In confirmation hereof -Lao-tzŭ cites the saying of a godlike man:—“To bear the reproaches of a -kingdom is to preside over the sacrifices to the gods of the land and -grain (<i>i.e.</i> to be prince), and to bear a kingdom’s misfortunes -is to be king of the whole empire”—words true, though seeming -paradoxical.<a id="FNanchor_VI_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> Lao-tzŭ, however, has a very high opinion of the -position and dignity of the sovereign. There are four great things in -the universe, and he is one of them; the remaining three being Nature -(<i>Tao</i>), Heaven, and Earth<a id="FNanchor_VI_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> In another place he even puts the king -immediately before Heaven.<a id="FNanchor_VI_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_9" class="fnanchor">9</a></p> - -<p>2. <em>The relations of the ruler to his subjects</em>.—With Lao-tzŭ, as with -all Chinese writers on politics, the mode in which, government ought -to be conducted is a supremely important subject. In his homely -manner, he compares the ruling of a large kingdom to the cooking of a -small fish, or the handling of a fine and delicate implement.<a id="FNanchor_VI_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_10" class="fnanchor">10</a> Too -much cooking spoils the implement. So is it with the kingdom. It is an -etherial instrument which cannot be wrought with—if one works with it -he destroys it, and if one handles it he loses it.</p> - -<p>The first duty of the ruler is to rectify himself—to overcome <span class="pagenum" id="Page_064">64</span>his -appetites and passions.<a id="FNanchor_VI_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> He must cultivate virtue in himself, and -proceeding thence he will have it cultivated in his family, and -finally in all the empire; and thus the kingdom will remain -established in his family for generations to come.<a id="FNanchor_VI_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> He must be -serious and grave<a id="FNanchor_VI_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> in his deportment, remembering the greatness of -his charge, and whence it was derived. By levity of conduct he will -lose his ministers, and by violent proceedings he will lose his -throne. His models ought to be the Earth,<a id="FNanchor_VI_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_14" class="fnanchor">14</a> which is always in -peaceful rest, and the rulers of antiquity, who followed Nature -(<i>Tao</i>). In the early days of innocence and simplicity, subjects only -knew that they had rulers, so lightly lay the hand of government on -them.<a id="FNanchor_VI_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_15" class="fnanchor">15</a> Then came the time when rulers were loved and lauded, then -the time when they were feared, and lastly that in which they were -treated with contumely. The prince of the present time ought to return -as far as possible to the primitive ways. He should, like the great -Universal Nature, be free from show of action<a id="FNanchor_VI_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_16" class="fnanchor">16</a>—if he could -only keep the law of Nature, his kingdom would, as a matter of course, be in -a state of order and tranquility—all things would submit to him, and -become, of their own accord, transformed to a state of -goodness<a id="FNanchor_VI_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_17" class="fnanchor">17</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_065">65</span>—even the demons would cease to possess elfish power; or -if they still possessed it, they would not use it to the detriment of -men. The prince ought also, at least outwardly, to be humble and -modest, not arrogating precedence and superiority, but rather using -the language of self-abasement.<a id="FNanchor_VI_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_18" class="fnanchor">18</a></p> - -<p>In the exercise of government Lao-tzŭ does not allow the use of -violence, and he inveighs nobly against military oppression. If the -prince keep himself from being absorbed in worldly interests—do not -confer honour and emoluments on brilliant parts—nor prize what the -world holds valuable—nor make display of that which is coveted: his -example will have such virtue that all his subjects will cease from -strife and violence, and live in peaceful obedience.<a id="FNanchor_VI_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_19" class="fnanchor">19</a> But if he try -to have the empire through force, he will fail. He who according to -the Law of Nature (<i>Tao</i>) would assist the prince will not compel the -empire by arms—this sort of thing is wont to have its recompense. -Where the General pitches his tent, thorns and briers spring up; and -in the wake of a great army there are inevitably bad years. If there -be necessity for fighting—and only then—he who is wise in ruling will -strike a decisive blow at the fit time, and then lay down his arms, -not glorying in his conquest. Fine arms are inauspicious implements, -hated by all things; and he who holds to Nature will not continue to -use them. The noble man (<span xml:lang="zh">君子</span>) in private life esteems the left side, -and in time of war esteems the right—the left being symbolic of the -<i>Yang</i> (<span xml:lang="zh">陽</span>) or preserving principle, and the right of the <i>Yin</i> (<span xml:lang="zh">陰</span>) or -killing principle. Arms are inauspicious <span class="pagenum" id="Page_066">66</span>implements—not such as the -noble man employs; he uses them only when he has no alternative, but -he looks on superiority with indifference, and takes no glory in -victory. He who glories in victory delights in the massacre of men, -and such an one cannot have his will in the empire. To him who slays a -multitude of men, a position of dignity is assigned corresponding to -that of the chief mourner at a funeral, viz., the right hand side, -which in inauspicious matters is the post of honour, just as in -auspicious matters the left hand side is the post of honour.<a id="FNanchor_VI_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_20" class="fnanchor">20</a> Thus -not only is the ruler not to use military power to keep his subjects -in subjection, but he is also not to drag these latter into war for -his own aggrandisement. The fighting to which Lao-tzŭ mainly alludes -is that of the different principalities of the country among -themselves, and on this subject the words of Pascal may be not unaptly -added to those of our author:—“<span xml:lang="fr">Le plus grand des maux est les guerres -civiles. Elles sont sûres si on veut récompenser le mérite; car tous -diraient qu’ils meritent. Le mal à craindre d’un sot qui succède par -droit de naissance n’est ni si grand ni si sûr.</span>”<a id="FNanchor_VI_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> War is the -result, according to Lao-tzŭ, of bad government, of the lust of power -and property. If good government prevail in a country, its fleet -horses will be employed on the farm; but if ill government prevail, -and lust and ambition have scope, feuds will continue until war steeds -beget war steeds on the plains of the frontier.<a id="FNanchor_VI_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_22" class="fnanchor">22</a> Whether, -therefore, for the purpose of solidifying the prince’s power over his -subjects, or for state aggrandisement, war and all violent measures -are interdicted.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_067">67</span></p> - -<p>But not only does Lao-tzŭ thus advise the ruler against using military -power in his realm; he also recommends the doing away with capital -punishment—indeed with all punishment whatever. The people do not fear -death, and how then is it to be used to keep them in dread? If the -people could be made to have a constant fear of death, and some commit -a crime, and be apprehended and put to death, would any one continue -to venture on offending? It is presumptuous then for the magistrate to -use capital punishment. There is the eternal executioner, and he who -puts to death for him is like the man who fells a tree for the head -wood-man; and such an one seldom fails to wound his hand.<a id="FNanchor_VI_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_23" class="fnanchor">23</a> Capital -punishment is thus reserved for something superhuman to execute; and -the earthly magistrate has only to endeavour to lead a life free from -the appearance of lust and violence.<a id="FNanchor_VI_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_24" class="fnanchor">24</a></p> - -<p>It is by justice that a kingdom is well governed, as by stratagem a -war is conducted.<a id="FNanchor_VI_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> Yet the prince must be lenient to his people. If -restrictions on liberty of action be multiplied, so that his subjects -cannot lift a hand or move a foot without incurring guilt, they will -be prevented from pursuing their industry, and so become poor.<a id="FNanchor_VI_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_26" class="fnanchor">26</a></p> - -<p>The levying of excessive taxes<a id="FNanchor_VI_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_27" class="fnanchor">27</a> by those in authority for the -indulgence of their sensual appetites, also impoverishes a people, and -accordingly in government there is nothing <span class="pagenum" id="Page_068">68</span>like economy.<a id="FNanchor_VI_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> To keep -the court in affluence while the fields are weed-grown and the public -granaries exhausted; for the rulers to have expensive clothing, sharp -swords, sumptuous food and excessive wealth, is to glory in plunder, -but not to follow Nature. Nor may the prince break his word with -subjects—as want of faith in him is followed by want of faith in -them.<a id="FNanchor_VI_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_29" class="fnanchor">29</a></p> - -<p>It is not necessary for the ruler to explain the nature and method of -his government. On the contrary he ought to keep his counsels and his -conduct secret. Inasmuch as the fish cannot with impunity leave its -element, so the sharp engines of government may not be displayed.<a id="FNanchor_VI_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_30" class="fnanchor">30</a> -When the laws are numerous and obtrusively exhibited, the people -become thieves and robbers; but when they are not so, the people -continue decent and orderly.<a id="FNanchor_VI_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_31" class="fnanchor">31</a> Thus it is better that the rulers -keep the populace in a state of ignorance and stupidity.<a id="FNanchor_VI_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_32" class="fnanchor">32</a> The -ancient kings went on this principle, and had peaceful reigns.<a id="FNanchor_VI_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_33" class="fnanchor">33</a> In -his own time Lao-tsŭ considered that the difficulty of keeping the -people well governed arose from their being too knowing. He would -accordingly like to see them recalled to the ways of primitive -simplicity, so that their arms would be unworn, and their boats and -cars unused. He would like to have the people return to the manners -of the times when knotted cords were still the symbols of words, -and would have them relish their food, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_069">69</span>enjoy their clothes, -feel comfortable in their homes, and delight in their social -institutions.<a id="FNanchor_VI_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_34" class="fnanchor">34</a> He would have them brought to think seriously of -death, so that they would end their days in their own country and -never leave it for another, even though it were so near that the -respective inhabitants could hear the cackling of the fowls and the -barking of the dogs in the two places. Thus, while the prince keeps -his subjects simple and ignorant, he must have their bodily wants -supplied. The godlike man when he rules empties the minds of the -people, and fills their stomachs; weakens their wills, and strengthens -their bones (that is, their animal power).<a id="FNanchor_VI_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_35" class="fnanchor">35</a> He treats them as -children, and is always kind, postponing his own comfort to their good.</p> - -<p>The mode in which the ruler is to obtain respect and esteem from his -subjects is by deporting himself humbly towards them, and he must -never arrogate greatness to himself.<a id="FNanchor_VI_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_36" class="fnanchor">36</a> His conduct should be calm -and unostentatious, while inwardly he is anxious; and his gravity and -quietness of deportment ought never to be departed from. The prince is -to save his people, as it were, by setting before them an example of -humility, forbearance, and all the other virtues which save a country -from being imbroiled in wars and rebellions—he is to be of one heart -and one mind with them, and have no will independent of theirs.<a id="FNanchor_VI_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_37" class="fnanchor">37</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_070">70</span></p> - -<p>These are the principal duties of the king to his people as indicated -or conceived of by Lao-tzŭ—the king being in his contemplation an -absolute sovereign. I shall now add, as a comment, the views on this -subject set forth by two other authors in widely different -circumstances. The writer of Deuteronomy says:—“When thou art come -into the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee, and shalt possess -it, and shalt dwell therein, and shalt say, I will set a king over me, -like as all the nations that <em>are</em> about me; thou shalt in any wise -set <em>him</em> king over thee, whom the Lord thy God shall choose; <em>one</em> -from among thy brethren shalt thou set king over thee; thou mayest not -set a stranger over thee, which <em>is</em> not thy brother. But he shall not -multiply horses to himself, nor cause the people to return to Egypt, -to the end that he should multiply horses: *** Neither shall he -multiply wives to himself, that his heart turn not away, neither shall -he greatly multiply to himself silver and gold, &c. *** That his heart -be not lifted up above his brethren, and that he turn not aside from -the commandment <em>to</em> the right hand or <em>to</em> the left; to the end that -he may prolong <em>his</em> days in his kingdom, he, and his children, in the -midst of Israel.”<a id="FNanchor_VI_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_38" class="fnanchor">38</a></p> - -<p>The other writer is the philosopher of Malmesbury. After establishing -for the king a title as extravagantly high as any oriental flatterer -could have done, he proceeds to prescribe his duties to his people. -These are summed up in the sentence, “The safety of the people is the -supreme law”—according to the old maxim, “<span xml:lang="la">Salus populi suprema lex.</span>” -Under this are included both spiritual and temporal benefits; but the -difficulty about the former is left in suspense. Of <span class="pagenum" id="Page_071">71</span>the latter he -says:—“The benefits of subjects respecting this life only, may be -distributed into four kinds—1, That they be defended against foreign -enemies; 2, That peace be preserved at home; 3, That they be enriched, -as much as may consist with public security; 4, That they enjoy a -harmless liberty.”<a id="FNanchor_VI_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_39" class="fnanchor">39</a></p> - -<p>3. The next point to be considered is <em>the relation of a government to -the neighbouring states</em>. On this subject Lao-tzŭ has very little to -say, and what he does say concerns only the small feudal dependencies -of the kingdom of <i>Chow</i>. All the world—that is, all the world -known—was the king’s; but holding under him, at this time indeed only -nominally for the most part, were chiefs of smaller and larger -provinces and principalities. It is of this, in their relations to -each other and to their titular superior, that Lao-tzŭ makes mention.</p> - -<p>The different states in their mutual intercourse ought to be guided by -courtesy and forbearance. The great kingdom is the reservoir of the -small principalities,<a id="FNanchor_VI_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_40" class="fnanchor">40</a> and ought to remain in dignified peace, -while these come to give in their allegiance, as the little streams -from the mountains flow to the placid lake or smoothly-flowing river -as their king. The large state ought thus to remain lowly and humble -towards the small one, and not act towards it in an arrogant or -violent manner. When a large kingdom abases itself to a small -principality, and when a small state abases itself to a large one, it -obtains service (and protection) under that large <span class="pagenum" id="Page_072">72</span>one. It is for this -purpose that the small state submits; and the large kingdom annexes -the small states for the purpose of uniting and maintaining the people.</p> - -<p>It is fit that the large state should always act humbly and meekly, -and that the small states should own its supremacy; there will thus be -no need of fighting. There is no greater misfortune in the world than -to take up a quarrel on a slight pretext.<a id="FNanchor_VI_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_41" class="fnanchor">41</a> As the soldiers say, it -is much better to bear than to make the attack—to yield considerably -than to advance a little. That is, it is better to have one’s own -territory invaded than to make aggression on that of another. The king -who is yielding and compliant is sure to be ultimately victorious. If, -however, a prince must go to war, whether to defend his own dominions, -or at the bidding of his sovereign, he must show clemency. It is the -tender hearted who gains the victory in the pitched battle, and who -succeeds in keeping the beleaguered city.</p> - -<p>By words like these the philosopher endeavoured to dissuade the -princes and barons of his time from the border warfare in which they -were perpetually engaged. The mutual aggressions and reprisals of -these chiefs were in his days desolating the kingdom and gradually -reducing it to the condition favourable to the production of a tyrant. -A few centuries after Lao-tzŭ’s death the man arose who made himself -king over all the empire (<span xml:lang="zh">王天下</span>), but he was very unlike the king -depicted by Lao-tzŭ and Confucius and Mencius.</p> - -<p>4. On the latter of the two departments into which Sir G. C. Lewes -divides Politics, namely, the relations of the subjects to their ruler -and to each other, Lao-tzŭ, as I have <span class="pagenum" id="Page_073">73</span>already intimated, does not -dilate. With him the inhabitants of a kingdom are divided into the -ruling and the ruled. The former class comprises the king and the -several ministers whom he of his sovereign pleasure appoints to -various posts; and the latter comprises all the rest of the -population. Now the relation in which the common people stand to the -ruler resembles that of children to a father. They have no part or lot -in the administration of government. They are regarded, not as -individuals, but as masses. They are the “hundred surnames,” or “the -people,” and the ruler of supreme virtue and wisdom—the godlike -man—regards them all impartially as so many straw-made dog-effigies, -creatures made to be used. The subjects imitate their king or chief; -and as he is, so are they; and excellence in him is followed by -excellence in them. The relations of the members of the community to -each other are referred, as has been stated, to the province of ethics.</p> - -<p>From the above sketch of the political sentiments contained in the -<cite>Tao-tê Ching</cite>, I hope it has been seen that the author was not an -utterly vain dreamer and theoriser, at least on these matters. It -would be very easy to show how many of the Confucianist doctrines in -politics closely resemble those of Lao-tzŭ; though others, also, are -diametrically opposite. The teachings of the latter sage, in point of -practicability at least, are not far removed from those of the former.</p> - -<p>In many points Lao-tzŭ seems to us to be giving bad advice to the -ruler, and his general notions about a state are very unlike those to -which we are accustomed. That the people should be kept ignorant, -advancement in mechanical skill discountenanced, and that the -standards of political excellence should be the ideal sages of an -ideal antiquity, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_074">74</span>are doctrines to which we would refuse to adhere, and -which we would condemn, as savouring of despotism. Yet Lao-tzŭ’s -conception of the ruler is not of him as a despot, but rather as a -sort of dictator during good conduct. He is raised to his high -position by the concurrent wishes of heaven and the people, and on his -observance of the duties of his office depends his stability on the -throne. It is interesting and instructive to compare Lao-tzŭ’s ideas -on politics with those of Machiavelli, who somewhat resembles him -also in his fortunes. Each lived in times of national disaster and -misery and each wished for peace in the land. Each longed to see one -ruler installed, and honoured with absolute power. During life neither -seems to have been appreciated by his fellows; and after death so ill -were the merits of both recognised, that the abbreviated form of the -Christian name of the one became, as some suppose, a familiar term for -the original Devil;<a id="FNanchor_VI_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_42" class="fnanchor">42</a> and the other has been confounded by his -enemies with charlatans and impostors. The counsels which each gave to -the chiefs of the time were those which he deemed useful and -practicable, though in many cases, if judged by a general standard, -they must be condemned. The patriotic fire of the Florentine Secretary -led him to make rather reckless statements about the license allowed -to the man who makes and keeps himself an absolute and independent -prince.<a id="FNanchor_VI_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_43" class="fnanchor">43</a> So the Chinese moralist, deprecating the evils wrought in -his country by unprincipled but clever and ambitious men, recommends a -general state of ignorance. The serpent wisdom of the professional -statesman, however, is far removed from the guileless simplicity of -the philosopher. <span class="pagenum" id="Page_075">75</span>The latter abhors the idea of war, and recoils from -the thought of force and ostentation; but the former, with more -earthly prudence, recommends above all things a good native army, -serviceable military skill, and splendid enterprises.<a id="FNanchor_VI_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_44" class="fnanchor">44</a> Machiavelli -allows the prince to break his word when it suits him for state -purposes<a id="FNanchor_VI_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_45" class="fnanchor">45</a> (unless this be ironical), but Lao-tzŭ requires of the -king good faith, at least to his subjects. Each of them advises that -the ruler should be, or at least appear to be, clement and liberal, -sparing of the people’s possessions and a fosterer of their material -prosperity.<a id="FNanchor_VI_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_VI_46" class="fnanchor">46</a> Many other points of similarity or contrast in the -political opinions of these two eminent men might be adduced, but the -above must suffice as examples.</p> - -<p>When we read Lao-tzŭ’s sentiments about taxation, over-legislation, -penal retributions and excessive governmental interference, and -remember that these same subjects are still eagerly debated among -Western philosophers and statesmen, we must ascribe to the Chinese -sage a remarkable amount of what Humboldt calls the presentiment of -knowledge. What he, however, could sketch only in faint outline on -these subjects, has been broadly discussed in later and more -auspicious times by men like Adam Smith, Bentham, Emerson and J. S. -Mill. If we <em>now</em> cannot but condemn his ignoring the individuality of -each member of the state, his discouraging progress in the mechanical -arts, and his magnifying the kingly office, we must remember that -there are still among us, notwithstanding the experience and -struggles of centuries, almost as great barriers to the enjoyment of -personal <span class="pagenum" id="Page_076">76</span>liberty as were those which Lao-tzŭ recommends. Large -standing armies at the call of one man—“incognoscibility” of the -laws—bribery—gerrymandering—and, above all, the power of the many—are -still great retarders of human freedom and prosperity. That such -things exist, even though the voice of the philosopher is always -against them, should make us indulgent towards the mistaken notions of -a man who lived 2,500 years ago.</p> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_1" href="#FNanchor_VI_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> -Treatise on the Methods of Observation. Reasoning in Politics, -vol. 1, p. 44. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_2" href="#FNanchor_VI_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> -See Ch. 62. In Pi-yuan’s edition, <span xml:lang="zh">天下</span> is the reading, instead -of <span xml:lang="zh">天子</span> of the ordinary texts. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_3" href="#FNanchor_VI_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> -See Wu-ch‘êng’s note to ch. 62 (52 in his edition). -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_4" href="#FNanchor_VI_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> -Ch. 39. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_5" href="#FNanchor_VI_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> -See Chs. 3, 5. Compare Emerson (Essays, Vol. 2, pp. 208–9). -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_6" href="#FNanchor_VI_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> -Ch. 29. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_7" href="#FNanchor_VI_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> -Ch. 78. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_8" href="#FNanchor_VI_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> -Ch. 25. We must remember that this passage is susceptible of a -metaphorical meaning. See Tao-tê-hsing-ming-chièn-hsü. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_9" href="#FNanchor_VI_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> -Ch. 16. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_10" href="#FNanchor_VI_10" class="fnanchor">10</a> -Chs. 60, 29, 64. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_11" href="#FNanchor_VI_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> -Chs. 57, 13. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_12" href="#FNanchor_VI_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> -Ch. 54. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_13" href="#FNanchor_VI_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> -Ch. 26. For <span xml:lang="zh">臣</span>, another reading is <span xml:lang="zh">平</span>—that is, the -gravity which brings esteem. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_14" href="#FNanchor_VI_14" class="fnanchor">14</a> -Ch. 25. For <span xml:lang="zh">王</span> here some editions have <span xml:lang="zh">人</span> man. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_15" href="#FNanchor_VI_15" class="fnanchor">15</a> -Ch. 17. This chapter, however, is susceptible of a totally -different interpretation, <span xml:lang="zh">太上</span> being regarded as meaning the -highest authority. For <span xml:lang="zh">下</span> also some read <span xml:lang="zh">不</span>, not. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_16" href="#FNanchor_VI_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> -Ch. 48. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_17" href="#FNanchor_VI_17" class="fnanchor">17</a> -Chs. 37, 32. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_18" href="#FNanchor_VI_18" class="fnanchor">18</a> -Chs. 66, 68, 39. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_19" href="#FNanchor_VI_19" class="fnanchor">19</a> -Ch. 2. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_20" href="#FNanchor_VI_20" class="fnanchor">20</a> -Chs. 30, 31. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_21" href="#FNanchor_VI_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> -Pensées, Art, VII. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_22" href="#FNanchor_VI_22" class="fnanchor">22</a> -Ch. 46. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_23" href="#FNanchor_VI_23" class="fnanchor">23</a> -Ch. 74. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_24" href="#FNanchor_VI_24" class="fnanchor">24</a> -Ch. 57. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_25" href="#FNanchor_VI_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> -Chs. 57, 8. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_26" href="#FNanchor_VI_26" class="fnanchor">26</a> -Do. Compare Hobbes (Vol. 2, pp. 178–9, Molesworth Ed.). -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_27" href="#FNanchor_VI_27" class="fnanchor">27</a> -Ch. 75. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_28" href="#FNanchor_VI_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> -Chs. 59, 53. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_29" href="#FNanchor_VI_29" class="fnanchor">29</a> -Ch. 17. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_30" href="#FNanchor_VI_30" class="fnanchor">30</a> -Chs. 36, 58. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_31" href="#FNanchor_VI_31" class="fnanchor">31</a> -Ch. 57. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_32" href="#FNanchor_VI_32" class="fnanchor">32</a> -Chs. 10, 19. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_33" href="#FNanchor_VI_33" class="fnanchor">33</a> -Chs. 65, 3. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_34" href="#FNanchor_VI_34" class="fnanchor">34</a> -Ch. 80. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_35" href="#FNanchor_VI_35" class="fnanchor">35</a> -Ch, 3. Wu-ch‘êng’s note. Julien, however, translates “<span xml:lang="fr">il vide -son cœur</span>, &c.” Both translations are in harmony with the other -teachings of Lao-tsŭ. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_36" href="#FNanchor_VI_36" class="fnanchor">36</a> -Chs. 39, 42. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_37" href="#FNanchor_VI_37" class="fnanchor">37</a> -Ch. 49. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_38" href="#FNanchor_VI_38" class="fnanchor">38</a> -Ch. xvii., vs. 14 to 20. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_39" href="#FNanchor_VI_39" class="fnanchor">39</a> -Hobbes’ Works, (Molesworth’s edition), English, Vol. 2, p. 169. -Compare also Bacon’s Essay on Seditions and Troubles (Works, -Vol. 6, p. 406, &c. Ellis and Spedding’s Ed.). -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_40" href="#FNanchor_VI_40" class="fnanchor">40</a> -Chs. 61, 66. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_41" href="#FNanchor_VI_41" class="fnanchor">41</a> -Ch. 69. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_42" href="#FNanchor_VI_42" class="fnanchor">42</a> -See Macaulay’s Essays, Vol, I., Essay 2. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_43" href="#FNanchor_VI_43" class="fnanchor">43</a> -See <cite>The Prince</cite>, chs, 8, 178. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_44" href="#FNanchor_VI_44" class="fnanchor">44</a> -See <cite>The Prince</cite>, ch. 14. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_45" href="#FNanchor_VI_45" class="fnanchor">45</a> -Do. ch. 18. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VI_46" href="#FNanchor_VI_46" class="fnanchor">46</a> -Ch. 16, &c. -</div> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_077">77</span></p> -<h2><span class="larger" id="CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII.</span><br />ETHICS.</h2> -</div> - - -<p>Lao-tzŭ’s notions on ethics are fortunately set forth with much more -fulness than on any other department of knowledge, and in giving a -brief account of them one is rather encumbered by the abundance of -aphorisms than perplexed by their paucity. In saying this, however, I -do not mean to intimate that the philosopher has elaborated a system -of speculative or practical morality, or that he has given full and -explicit statements about the moral sense and many other subjects -familiar to the student of western ethics. On several of these points -he is absolutely silent, and his notions about others are expressed -darkly and laconically, and only occasionally in a connected manner. -We must, however, make the most we can of the obscure text and -discordant commentaries, in order to learn at least an outline of what -our author taught.</p> - -<p>In the first place, Lao-tzŭ seems to have believed in the existence of -a primitive time, when virtue and vice were unknown terms.<a id="FNanchor_VII_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> During -this period everything that man <span class="pagenum" id="Page_078">78</span>did was according to Nature (Tao), and -this not by any effort on man’s part, but merely as the result of his -existence. He knew not good or evil, nor any of the relative virtues -and vices which have since obtained names. This was the period of -Nature in the world’s history, a period of extreme simplicity of -manners and purity of life corresponding to the Garden-of-Eden state -of the Hebrews, before man perceived that he was unclothed, and became -as a God knowing good and evil. To this succeeded the period of Virtue -(德) in two stages or degrees. The higher is almost identical with the -state of Nature, as in it also man led a pure life, without need of -effort and without consciousness of goodness. Of the people of this -period we may speak as the</p> - -<div class="poem"> - <div class="stanza smaller" xml:lang="la"> - <div class="i0">“Saturni gentem, haud vinclo nec legibus æquam,</div> - <div class="i0"> Sponte sua, veterisque dei se more tenentem.”<a id="FNanchor_VII_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_2" class="fnanchor">2</a></div> - </div> -</div> - -<p>In the next and lower stage life was still virtuous, though -occasionally sliding into vice, and unable to maintain the stability -of unconscious and unforced excellence.<a id="FNanchor_VII_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> Then came the time when -humanity and equity appeared, and when filial piety and integrity made -themselves known.<a id="FNanchor_VII_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> These were degenerate days when man was no more -“Nature’s priest” and when the “vision splendid” had almost ceased to -attend him. Finally came the days when craft and cunning were -developed, and when insincerity arose. Propriety <span class="pagenum" id="Page_079">79</span>and carefulness of -external deportment also, according to Lao-tzŭ, indicated a great -falling away from primitive simplicity the beginning of trouble; and -he, accordingly, speaks of them rather slightingly. This is a point on -which Confucius seems to have been of a very different opinion, -although he had studied the ceremonial code under Lao-tzŭ.</p> - -<p>Such is, according to the Tao-tê Ching, the mode in which the world -gradually became what it is at present. The book does not contain any -express statement of opinion as to whether each human creature is born -with a good or a bad nature. From various passages in it, however, we -are authorised in inferring that Lao-tzŭ regarded an infant as good by -nature. Its spirit comes pure and perfect from the Great Mother, but -susceptible to all the evil influences which operate upon it and lead -it astray.</p> - -<p>The standard of virtue to which Lao-tzŭ refers is Nature (Tao), just -as another old philosopher says, “<span xml:lang="la">in hoc sumus sapientes, quod naturam -optimam ducem, tanquam deum, sequimur eique paremus.</span>”<a id="FNanchor_VII_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> By our -philosopher, however, Nature is not regarded as personified and -deified, but is contemplated as the eternal, spontaneous, and -emanatory cause. The manifestation of complete virtue comes from -Nature only.<a id="FNanchor_VII_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> This is the guide and model of the universe, and it -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_080">80</span>itself has spontaneity as guide, that is, it has no guide whatever. -All creatures and man among them, must conform to it or they miss the -end of their existence and soon cease to be. As Tao, however, is very -indefinite and intangible, Lao-tzŭ holds it out to mortals as their -guide chiefly through the medium of certain other ideas more easily -comprehended. Thus Heaven, corresponding somewhat to our notions of -providence, imitates Nature, and becomes to man its visible -embodiment.<a id="FNanchor_VII_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> In its perfect impartiality, its noiseless working, its -disinterested and unceasing well-doing, it presents a rule by which -man should regulate his life.<a id="FNanchor_VII_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> Not less are the material heavens -above him a model in their unerring, and spontaneous obedience to -Nature, and in their eternal purity. The Earth<a id="FNanchor_VII_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> also, with her calm -eternal repose, and the great rivers and seas, are types of the -far-off olden times, whose boundless merit raised them to the height -of fellow-workers with Nature, and to whom all things once paid a -willing homage, are patterns for all after ages.<a id="FNanchor_VII_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_10" class="fnanchor">10</a></p> - -<p>Of a personal deity above all these our author makes no mention, nor -can it be inferred with certainty from his book whether he believed in -the existence of such a being. In one place he speaks of Nature (Tao) -as being antecedent <span class="pagenum" id="Page_081">81</span>to the manifestation of Ti (<span xml:lang="zh">帝</span>), a word which the -commentators usually explain as meaning lord or master of heaven.<a id="FNanchor_VII_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> -The learned Dr. Medhurst translates the passage in question thus, “I -do not know whose son it (viz., Taóu) is; it is prior to the (Supreme) -Ruler of the visible (heavens).” I do not understand how, after this, -the same author can state that the Taoists, that is, with Lao-tzŭ at -their head, understand the word Ti “in the sense of the Supreme -Being.”<a id="FNanchor_VII_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> Ghosts and Spirits (<span xml:lang="zh">鬼</span> and <span xml:lang="zh">神</span>) are referred to in the -Tao-tê Ching, but these are very subordinate beings capable of being -controlled by the saints of the earth. Lao-tzŭ refers, however, as has -been seen, to a supernatural punisher of crime; and in several -passages he speaks of heaven in a manner very similar to that in which -we do when we mean thereby the Deity who presides over heaven and -earth.<a id="FNanchor_VII_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> Yet we must not forget that it is inferior and subsequent -to the mysterious Tao, and in fact produced by the latter. I cannot, -accordingly, agree with the learned Pauthier when he writes thus about -the Sixteenth Chapter of the Tao-tê Ching—“<span xml:lang="fr">Ce chapitre renferme à lui -seul les éléments d’une religion; et il n’est pas étonnant que les -Sectateurs de Lao-tseu, si habiles, comme tous les Asiatiques, à tirer -d’un principe posé toutes les conséquences qui en découlent -logiquement, aient établi un culte et un sacerdoce avec les doctrines -du philosophe; car dès l’instant qu’un Dieu suprême est annoncé, que -les bonnes actions et la connaissance que l’on acquiert de lui sont -les seuls moyens pour l’homme de parvenir a l’ternelle <span class="pagenum" id="Page_082">82</span>félicité dans -son sein, il est bien évident qu’il faut des médiateurs entre ce Dieu -et l’homme pour conduire et éclairer les intelligences ignorantes et -faibles.</span>”<a id="FNanchor_VII_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_14" class="fnanchor">14</a> Tao with Lao-tzŭ is not a deity, but is above all -deities, and, as has been seen, it is not always represented -unchangeable. On the contrary, regarded from one point of view the Tao -is in a state of constant change—“twinkling restlessly,” to use an -expression from Wordsworth. Only when considered as the existence -which was solitary in the universe and eternal, is it spoken of as -unchanging. Long after Lao-tzŭ’s time Tao was, indeed, raised or -rather degraded to be a deity, but the theories of later Taoists are -seldom the logical developments of the doctrines of Lao-tzŭ, and in -this they err widely.</p> - -<p>Of virtue in the abstract little is said by our author, but we know -that his idea of it was that it consisted in following Nature (Tao). -He generally, however, speaks of it in the concrete as the perfect -nature of the world or man and the other creatures of the universe. -Sometimes indeed he refers to Tê, Virtue, as if it were a mysterious, -independent existence and not an inherent quality. At other times he -seems to regard good and bad as merely relative terms, the existence -of the former implying and indeed causing the existence of the latter, -and vice versa.</p> - -<p>Descending from these generalities, however, we now come to the -consideration of Lao-tzŭ’s conception of the ideal sage. The virtues -which characterise the perfect man, and which all should endeavour to -possess, are described in the Tao-tê Ching with greater or less -fulness. Among the most important of these is the negative excellence -of an <span class="pagenum" id="Page_083">83</span>absence of the bustling ostentation of goodness. Not to be fussy -or showy, but to do one’s proper work and lead a quiet life without -meddling in the concerns of others, are virtues which to Lao-tzŭ -seemed of transcendent importance, the expression which I interpreted -as meaning absence of ostentation or bustle is <i>wu-wei</i> (<span xml:lang="zh">無爲</span>).<a id="FNanchor_VII_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_15" class="fnanchor">15</a> -Many Chinese commentators seem to regard this as equivalent to -nothingness, non-existence, or absolute inaction; so Julien also -translates it usually by “<span xml:lang="fr">non-agir.</span>”<a id="FNanchor_VII_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> Though, however, the words -have in many places these meanings, yet there are several passages -which seem to require the explanation given above, and which is also -in harmony with the general tenor of the book. Man’s guide is Nature -(Tao), and it works incessantly but without noise or show. So also it -is not an inactive life that Lao-tzŭ commends, but a gentle one, and -one which does not obtrude itself on the notice of the world. The man -who would follow Nature must try to live virtuously without the -appearance of so doing; he must present a mean exterior while under it -he hides the inestimable jewel.<a id="FNanchor_VII_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_17" class="fnanchor">17</a> The advice which Sir Thomas Browne -gives is very like the teaching of Lao-tzŭ. “Be substantially great in -thyself, and more than thou appearest unto others; and let the world -be deceived in thee, as they are in the lights of heaven.”<a id="FNanchor_VII_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_18" class="fnanchor">18</a> Again, -the man who follows Nature is wise <span class="pagenum" id="Page_084">84</span>but wears the mask of -ignorance<a id="FNanchor_VII_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_19" class="fnanchor">19</a>—to the world he appears silly and stupid, but in his -breast are deep stores of wisdom. So also he does good without the -show of doing it; he helps in the amelioration of his fellows, and -indeed of all things in the world, without talking or making any -display.<a id="FNanchor_VII_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_20" class="fnanchor">20</a> He does his alms not before men but in secret and without -a preluding trumpet. Those are rare who can instruct others without -the necessity of talking, and benefit them without making a show; but -in striving to attain to this excellence man is aiming at the -perfection of Nature.<a id="FNanchor_VII_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> The art of living thus is an art made by -Nature—the silent, informing, universally-operant spirit. By Nature -(Tao) the passions and other impediments to virtue are lessened more -and more <span class="pagenum" id="Page_085">85</span>until man attains to that state of perfection in which he -acts naturally and so can do all things.<a id="FNanchor_VII_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_22" class="fnanchor">22</a></p> - -<p>The virtue of humility is one of which Lao-tzŭ speaks very highly. -Water is always with him the type of what is humble; and the godlike -man, like it, occupies a low position, which others abhor but in which -he can profit all around him.<a id="FNanchor_VII_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_23" class="fnanchor">23</a> “The supremely virtuous is like -water,” are words taken from the Tao-tê Ching, and frequently -inscribed on rocks and other objects. Such a man does not claim -precedence or merit, nor does he strive with any one.<a id="FNanchor_VII_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_24" class="fnanchor">24</a> He never -arrogates honour or preferment, yet they come to him;<a id="FNanchor_VII_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> and he is -yielding and modest, yet always prevails in the end. When success is -obtained, and his desire accomplished, he modestly retires. Pride, on -the other hand, and vaulting ambition, always fail to attain the -wished-for consummation.<a id="FNanchor_VII_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_26" class="fnanchor">26</a> So also the man who is violent and -headstrong generally comes to a bad end.<a id="FNanchor_VII_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_27" class="fnanchor">27</a> Some of the commentators, -however, seem to take this humility in a bad sense, and they would -make us believe that the quality as recommended by Lao-tzŭ is not -virtue but rather a vice, as partaking of the nature of a trick or -artifice. The historical instance which they most frequently quote as -illustrating the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_086">86</span>success of this humility is the career of the famous -Chang Tzŭ-fang (<span xml:lang="zh">張子房</span>), a sort of political Uriah Heep.</p> - -<p>To continence also Lao-tzŭ assigns a high place. The total exemption -from the power of the passions and desire is a moral pre-eminence to -which man should seek to attain—</p> - -<div class="poem"> - <div class="stanza smaller" xml:lang="la"> - <div class="i0">“For not to desire or admire, if a man could learn it, were more</div> - <div class="i0"> Than to walk all day like the Sultan of old in a garden of spice.”</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class="noindent">It is the body, with its inseparably connected emotions and passions, -which is the cause of all the ills that attend humanity;<a id="FNanchor_VII_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> and he -who would return to the state of original innocence must overcome his -body.<a id="FNanchor_VII_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_29" class="fnanchor">29</a> To be without desires is to be at rest, and if man were -freed from the body he would have no cause for fear. To keep the -gateways of the senses closed against the sight, sounds and tastes -which distract and mar the soul within, is the simple metaphor which -Lao-tzŭ uses to express this overcoming of self.<a id="FNanchor_VII_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_30" class="fnanchor">30</a> This conquest he -puts above every other. He who knows others is learned, but he who -knows himself is enlightened; he who overcomes others has physical -force, but he who overcomes himself has moral strength.<a id="FNanchor_VII_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_31" class="fnanchor">31</a> The -disastrous consequence of yielding to the bodily appetites is -beautifully illustrated by a metaphor familiar to us in a Taoist book -to <span class="pagenum" id="Page_087">87</span>which I have already referred. The people of the world following -their desires strive for reputation, grasp at gain, covet wine, and -lust after beauty—they take the bitter for the pleasant and the false -for the real—day and night they toil and moil, morn and even they fret -and care, nor desist even when their vital energies are almost -exhausted. Like the moth which extinguishes its life in the dazzling -blaze of the lamp or the worm which goes to its own destruction in the -fire, these men do not wait for the command of the king of Death, but -send themselves to the grave.<a id="FNanchor_VII_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_32" class="fnanchor">32</a></p> - -<p>Associated with continence is the virtue of moderation, which also -must form part of the good man’s character. To be content is to be -rich and brings with it no danger or shame, while there is no greater -calamity than not to know when to be satisfied.<a id="FNanchor_VII_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_33" class="fnanchor">33</a> He who knows where -to stop will not incur peril, nor will he ever indulge in excess. To -fill a cup while holding it in the hand is not so good as to let it -alone, or, as we say, it is hard to carry a full cup even.<a id="FNanchor_VII_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_34" class="fnanchor">34</a> Too -sharp an edge cannot be kept on a tool, and a hall full of gold and -precious stones cannot be defended; and he who is wanton in prosperity -leaves a legacy of misfortune. Various other metaphors are used to -inculcate the necessity of following the mean, and abstaining from -extravagance. The man who erects himself on tiptoe cannot continue so, -nor can he who takes long strides continue to walk.<a id="FNanchor_VII_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_35" class="fnanchor">35</a> The -intelligent <span class="pagenum" id="Page_088">88</span>and good man will be moderate in all things, not desiring -to be prized like jade or slighted like a stone.<a id="FNanchor_VII_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_36" class="fnanchor">36</a></p> - -<p>It is also a characteristic of the truly virtuous man that he is -always, and especially in privacy, grave and serious, and not -unmindful of his weak points. He who knows his strength and protects -his weakness at the same time will have all the world resorting to him -for instruction and example; eternal virtue will not leave him, and he -will return to the natural goodness of infancy.<a id="FNanchor_VII_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_37" class="fnanchor">37</a> Many things fail -when the goal is nearly attained, but the godlike man is careful about -the end no less than about the beginning.<a id="FNanchor_VII_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_38" class="fnanchor">38</a> So also were the sages -of antiquity whose cautious, hesitating character is portrayed in -outline as a model for others.<a id="FNanchor_VII_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_39" class="fnanchor">39</a></p> - -<p>Mercy is another virtue to which Lao-tzŭ attaches considerable -importance. Nor is the quality of mercy, as he represents it, strained -within any narrow compass. On the contrary, it flows not only over all -mankind, but even to the entire world. As has been seen, Lao-tzŭ would -have all capital punishment reserved for a supernatural agent to -execute, and he would have the correction of wickedness effected by -the quiet influence of a good example. He goes farther than this, -however; for he will have us to abstain from even judging others—from -dividing men into the righteous and the sinners.<a id="FNanchor_VII_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_40" class="fnanchor">40</a> It is Heaven -alone which is to determine the moral worth of human creatures, and -give to each his meed. And we must not even assign worldly misfortunes -to the displeasure of Heaven—must not say that the eighteen on whom -the tower of Siloam fell were greater <span class="pagenum" id="Page_089">89</span>sinners than the other residents -in Jerusalem. The good man must not only not think too harshly of the -man who is not good,<a id="FNanchor_VII_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_41" class="fnanchor">41</a> but he must even love him, and must reward -ill will by virtue—the <i>ne plus ultra</i> of generosity, as one of the -commentators observes.<a id="FNanchor_VII_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_42" class="fnanchor">42</a> So also the feeling of compassion will -cause the good man to keep his good qualities in the back ground, and -not excite the evil passions of the bad man by displaying them -obtrusively before him. After a great dispute has been adjusted some -grudge is sure to remain, so to live peaceably is to be regarded as -virtuous.<a id="FNanchor_VII_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_43" class="fnanchor">43</a> The good man keeps his proof of an agreement, but he -does not claim from the other party to it the fulfillment of the -agreement, that is, he will not sue him at a court of law. This spirit -of mercy and compassion ought not only to prevail in private and -social life, but it ought to extend also to the seat of power and even -to temper the fierce passions of warfare. Then from the circle of -humanity Lao-tsŭ looks abroad over the ample spaces of nature, and -extends to them also a kindly sympathy. The good man never injures -anything in the world; on the contrary he saves the inferior -creatures and assists them in their ever-renewed operations of coming -into existence, growing, and returning to their <span class="pagenum" id="Page_090">90</span>original source.<a id="FNanchor_VII_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_44" class="fnanchor">44</a> -Did the whole creation in his eyes, too, groan and travail in pain?</p> - -<p>Of courage, truth, honesty, and several other virtues Lao-tzŭ does not -make much mention. He seems also to think lightly of conventional -humanity and equity, but Han Wên Kung says this was because he had a -low conception of these two virtues. According to the figure used by -Han, Lao-tzŭ was as a man sitting at the bottom of a well and -pronouncing the sky to be of small dimensions.<a id="FNanchor_VII_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_45" class="fnanchor">45</a> He teaches, -however, the mutual dependence of man upon man, and the consequent -necessity of the interchange of good offices. The good man gives and -asks not—does good and looks not for recompense. He who is virtuous is -master of him who is not virtuous, but respect and affection must -exist between them. The ruler and the ruled also are mutually -dependent, and they too must reciprocate kindness and forbearance.</p> - -<p>Lao-tzŭ repeatedly condemns the vices of much and fine talking. The -wise man, he says, does not talk, and to do without audible words is -to follow Nature.<a id="FNanchor_VII_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_46" class="fnanchor">46</a> Man ought to be silent in his actions as is the -all-working Nature. Faithful words, are not fine, and fine words are -not faithful; the virtuous man is not argumentative and <i>vice versa</i>.</p> - -<p>To learning and wisdom our author does not, I think, assign a -sufficiently high place, but seems rather to condemn <span class="pagenum" id="Page_091">91</span>them.<a id="FNanchor_VII_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_47" class="fnanchor">47</a> -Learning adds to the evils of existence, and if we could put it away -we would be exempt from anxiety. The ancient rulers kept the people -ignorant and they had good government—so the people ought still to be -kept in ignorance. But perhaps Lao-tzŭ refers to the faults of those -persons who drink only slightly of the Pierian spring and then boast -of what they acquire, thereby doing injury to themselves and to -society. It would, however, have been better if he had distinguished -between the pretenders to knowledge, and those who have drunk deeply -at the fountain of wisdom by assigning to intellectual worth its -proper importance.<a id="FNanchor_VII_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_48" class="fnanchor">48</a></p> - -<p>Lao-tzŭ, as has been seen, is not unmindful of the infirmity of noble -minds which expects a recompense for a virtuous life. Nor are the -inducements which he holds out of a slight or unworthy nature. On the -contrary, they are to souls which have begun to delight in the path of -virtue, and also to those still walking in “error’s wandering wood,” -calculated to have a great effect. The desires and appetites must all -be overcome and self must be subdued, but to him who obtains the -victory there remain grand prizes. The gateways of knowledge are open -to him, and he can contemplate the mysterious operations of -nature.<a id="FNanchor_VII_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_49" class="fnanchor">49</a> Fame and greatness come to him unsolicited, and the years -of his life are increased. Having the guileless purity of an -infant—becoming like a little child—he will enjoy an exemption from -the fear of <span class="pagenum" id="Page_092">92</span>noxious animals and wicked men.<a id="FNanchor_VII_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_50" class="fnanchor">50</a> Fierce beasts cannot -gore or tear him, nor the soldier wound him in battle, that is, having -perfect love towards all things he will not fear harm from any.<a id="FNanchor_VII_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_51" class="fnanchor">51</a> -The godlike man does not use his neighbour as a foil to set off his -own excellence, but rather assimilates himself to all. Thus he comes -into intimate union with his fellow creatures and is set on high -without incurring any ill-will. He lives not for himself but for -others, and his life is prolonged by so doing. He does not amass for -himself, nor does he bury his talent in the barren ground of itself. -He spends it in the service of his fellows and it comes back to him -with interest.<a id="FNanchor_VII_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_52" class="fnanchor">52</a> The more he serves the more he has wherewith to -serve, and the more he gives the richer he becomes. It is almost -surprising to find this thought thus expressed by Lao-tzŭ, and the -words of one of his disciples, following out the idea, are somewhat -remarkable—“There is also accumulation which causes deficiency, and a -non-hoarding which results in having something over.”<a id="FNanchor_VII_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_53" class="fnanchor">53</a> There are -several passages in the Tao-tê Ching besides the above, which might be -included among the “<span xml:lang="la">testimonia animæ naturaliter Christianæ.</span>” -Humility, charity, and the forgiveness of injuries which are sometimes -spoken of as purely Christian virtues are certainly inculcated by -Lao-tzŭ.<a id="FNanchor_VII_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_54" class="fnanchor">54</a> But to return to our subject.—Man’s life ought thus to be -continued opposition to self, gaining more and more control over it, -until the passions cease to trouble and self is perfectly <span class="pagenum" id="Page_093">93</span>vanquished. -Then comes the end which crowns the work. When the fleshly appetites -have been subdued, and the spirit has attained that state in which it is</p> - -<div class="poem"> - <div class="stanza smaller"> - <div class="i2">—“equable and pure;</div> - <div class="i0">No fears to beat away—no strife to heal—</div> - <div class="i0">The past unsighed for, and the future sure,”</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class="noindent">then comes death. And what after death? Man returns to Nature, which -delights to receive him, and identifies him with her own mysterious -self. Hither, too, come all the myriad things which had once emanated -from the womb of the same all-producing mother. This in reality means -that man and all other creatures return to nothingness. This is the -dreamless sleep wherewith our life is rounded—this is the end of all -our woe and misery, to be</p> - -<div class="poem"> - <div class="stanza smaller"> - <div class="i2">—“Swallowed up and lost</div> - <div class="i0">In the wide womb of uncreated night</div> - <div class="i0">Devoid of sense and motion.”</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class="noindent">There is at least one passage in which Lao-tzŭ seems to speak of a -life after death,<a id="FNanchor_VII_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_55" class="fnanchor">55</a> but this passage presents great difficulties, -and perhaps refers only to the “fancied life in others’ breath” by -which a man though dead is not lost. That man loses his individuality -and that he loses his existence are two doctrines strongly opposed to -Lao-tzŭ. The individual is everything with the one, nothing with the -other.<a id="FNanchor_VII_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_56" class="fnanchor">56</a> As to the immortality of the soul, this is a doctrine of -which many other excellent philosophers before the rise of -Christianity had little or no conception. We are wont to regard the -theory of the soul’s mortality as dismal and hopeless; yet Lao-tzŭ -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_094">94</span>holds out the hope of annihilation or at least of absorption into -universal Nature as the highest reward for a life of untiring virtue. -Few, he says, understand the matter; and few as yet even understand -the meaning of the immortality of the soul. The belief that the soul -is mortal no less than the opposite belief seems to lead to the -possession of a calm, contented spirit, and an indifference to the -things of this life. The strange but eloquent words of the -Hydriotaphia on this subject will form the closing sentence of this -chapter:—“And if any have been so happy as truly to understand -Christian annihilation, ecstasies, exolution, liquefaction, -transformation, the kiss of the spouse, gustation of God, and -ingression into the divine shadow, they have already had an handsome -anticipation of heaven; the glory of the world is surely over, and the -earth in ashes unto them.”<a id="FNanchor_VII_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_VII_57" class="fnanchor">57</a></p> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_1" href="#FNanchor_VII_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> -See chs. 2, 38, and compare the words of Pascal—“<span xml:lang="fr">la vraie morale -se moque de la morale, c’est a dire que la morale du jugement se -moque de la morale de l’esprit qui est sans règle.</span>” Pensées, -Art. xxv., 56. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_2" href="#FNanchor_VII_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> -Æneid, B. 7, vs. 203–4. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_3" href="#FNanchor_VII_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> -Compare Carlyle,—“Already to the popular judgment, he who -talks much about virtue in the abstract, begins to be suspect,” -&c. Essay on Characteristics. So also Emerson writes—“Our moral -nature is vitiated by any interference of our will.” Essays, -Vol. I., p. 119. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_4" href="#FNanchor_VII_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> -See chs. 18, 38. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_5" href="#FNanchor_VII_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> -The words of Cato in Cic. De Senectute. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_6" href="#FNanchor_VII_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> -Compare Emerson: “The Supreme Critic on the errors of the past -and the present, and the only prophet of that which must be, is -that great Nature in which we rest, as the earth lies in the soft -arms of the atmosphere; that Unity, that Oversoul, within which -every man’s particular being is contained and made one with all -others; that common heart, of which all sincere conversation is -the worship, to which all right action is submission; that -overpowering reality which confutes our tricks and talents, and -constrains every one to pass for what he is, and to speak from his -character, and not from his tongue, and which evermore tends to -pass into our thought and hand, and become wisdom, and virtue, and -power and beauty.” Essays, Vol. I., p. 244. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_7" href="#FNanchor_VII_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> -Chs. 30, 55. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_8" href="#FNanchor_VII_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> -Chs. 7, 77. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_9" href="#FNanchor_VII_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> -Ch. 25. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_10" href="#FNanchor_VII_10" class="fnanchor">10</a> -Chs. 15, 68. Compare the saying of Sir T. Browne—“Live by -old ethicks and the classical rules of honesty.” -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_11" href="#FNanchor_VII_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> -Ch. 4. The word <i>hsiang</i> <span xml:lang="zh">象</span> is also explained here as meaning -<i>probably</i> or <i>it seems</i>; the equivalent of <i>yu</i> (<span xml:lang="zh">猶</span>). -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_12" href="#FNanchor_VII_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> -Dissertation on the Theology of the Chinese, &c., p. 246. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_13" href="#FNanchor_VII_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> -Chs. 73, 77. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_14" href="#FNanchor_VII_14" class="fnanchor">14</a> -Chine, pp. 116–7. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_15" href="#FNanchor_VII_15" class="fnanchor">15</a> -See chs. 2, &c. Wei (<span xml:lang="zh">爲</span>) sometimes means to <i>esteem</i>. and -<i>Wei-wu-wei</i> would then mean to esteem without appearing to do -so. Compare Shĭ-wu-shi (<span xml:lang="zh">事無事</span>), Shang-tê pu-tê (<span xml:lang="zh">上德不德</span>), &c. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_16" href="#FNanchor_VII_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> -In this he is often followed by Mr. Chalmers. Pauthier also so -translates the expression. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_17" href="#FNanchor_VII_17" class="fnanchor">17</a> -See chs. 41, 70. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_18" href="#FNanchor_VII_18" class="fnanchor">18</a> -Christian Morals, Section xix. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_19" href="#FNanchor_VII_19" class="fnanchor">19</a> -So Celsus represents the early Christians as saying—“Wisdom is a -bad thing in life, foolishness is to be preferred.” Neander, -Ch. Hist., Vol. I., p. 164 (Amer. Translation). -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_20" href="#FNanchor_VII_20" class="fnanchor">20</a> -See chs. 45, 71, 77. Compare the statement attributed to Gotama -Buddha. “Great King, I do not teach the law to my pupils, telling -them, Go, ye saints, and before the eyes of the Brahmans and -householders perform, by means of your supernatural powers, -miracles greater than any man can perform. I tell them, when I -teach them the law, Live, ye saints, hiding your good works, and -showing your sins.” Chips from a German Workshop, Vol. I., -p. 249; translated from Burnouf, <span xml:lang="fr">Introduction à l’Histoire du -Buddhisme Indien</span>, p. 170. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_21" href="#FNanchor_VII_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> -Compare Emerson—“The man may teach by doing, and not otherwise. -If he can communicate himself he can teach, but not by word.” -Essay IV., Vol. I., p. 136. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_22" href="#FNanchor_VII_22" class="fnanchor">22</a> -Ch. 48. <i>Wu-wei</i> here may have another meaning. Wu-chʽêng and -Julien regard it as meaning <i>inaction</i>, and make it synonymous -with <i>Wu-shi</i>. See Mr. Chalmers’ extraordinary translation of -this chapter. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_23" href="#FNanchor_VII_23" class="fnanchor">23</a> -Chs. 8, 78. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_24" href="#FNanchor_VII_24" class="fnanchor">24</a> -Chs. 22, 34, 66. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_25" href="#FNanchor_VII_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> -Compare the saying of Solomon,—“Before honour is humility.” -Proverbs, xviii. 12. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_26" href="#FNanchor_VII_26" class="fnanchor">26</a> -See chs. 92, 24. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_27" href="#FNanchor_VII_27" class="fnanchor">27</a> -Ch. 42. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_28" href="#FNanchor_VII_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> -Ch. 13. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_29" href="#FNanchor_VII_29" class="fnanchor">29</a> -Ch. 37. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_30" href="#FNanchor_VII_30" class="fnanchor">30</a> -Chs. 52, 56. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_31" href="#FNanchor_VII_31" class="fnanchor">31</a> -Ch. 33. Compare the words of Sir T. Browne:—“Rest not in an -ovation, but a triumph over thy passions.” Christian Morals, -sect. 2. So also Solomon—“<em>He that is</em> slow to anger is -better than the mighty; and he that ruleth his spirit than he that -taketh a city.” Proverbs, xvi. 32. Compare also Horace’s Ode to -Sallust, vs. 9, &c. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_32" href="#FNanchor_VII_32" class="fnanchor">32</a> -<span xml:lang="zh">悟道錄</span>. Ch. 2, p. 11. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_33" href="#FNanchor_VII_33" class="fnanchor">33</a> -See Chs. 33, 44, 46, 29, 32. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_34" href="#FNanchor_VII_34" class="fnanchor">34</a> -Ch. 9. Compare Horace’s advice:—“<span xml:lang="la">Quod satis est cui contigit, -hic nihil amplius optet.</span>” -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_35" href="#FNanchor_VII_35" class="fnanchor">35</a> -Ch. 24. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_36" href="#FNanchor_VII_36" class="fnanchor">36</a> -Ch. 39. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_37" href="#FNanchor_VII_37" class="fnanchor">37</a> -Chs. 26, 28. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_38" href="#FNanchor_VII_38" class="fnanchor">38</a> -Chs. 63, 64. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_39" href="#FNanchor_VII_39" class="fnanchor">39</a> -Ch. 15. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_40" href="#FNanchor_VII_40" class="fnanchor">40</a> -Chs. 19, 73. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_41" href="#FNanchor_VII_41" class="fnanchor">41</a> -Ch. 27. The word <i>shan</i> (<span xml:lang="zh">善</span>), however, rendered <i>good</i>, is also -susceptible of the interpretation <i>clever or</i> <i>expert</i>. See -Wu-chêng’s note (ch. 22 in his edition). -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_42" href="#FNanchor_VII_42" class="fnanchor">42</a> -Ch. 63. In the Kan-ying-pʽien (<span xml:lang="zh">感應篇</span>) it is said “Look on the -acquisitions of others as if they were yours, and the losses of -others as if they were yours.” Ch. 2. In this book are taught -many other excellent lessons which are apparently derived from -the Tao-tê Ching. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_43" href="#FNanchor_VII_43" class="fnanchor">43</a> -Ch. 79. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_44" href="#FNanchor_VII_44" class="fnanchor">44</a> -See chs. 27, 64. So the Kan-ying-pʽien says:—“The tiny insects -and plants and trees may not be injured.” -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_45" href="#FNanchor_VII_45" class="fnanchor">45</a> -Works, ch. 11 <span xml:lang="zh">原道</span>. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_46" href="#FNanchor_VII_46" class="fnanchor">46</a> -Chs. 23, 56. Compare “Let us be silent, for so are the gods.” -Also the words of the Tatler:—“Silence is sometimes more -significant and sublime than the most noble and most expressive -eloquence, and is on many occasions the indication of a great -mind.” No. 133. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_47" href="#FNanchor_VII_47" class="fnanchor">47</a> -Chs. 65, 20, 48. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_48" href="#FNanchor_VII_48" class="fnanchor">48</a> -Compare Emerson, Essays vol. i., p. 261–2. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_49" href="#FNanchor_VII_49" class="fnanchor">49</a> -Ch. 1. Chalmers, however, translates—“In eternal non-existence, -therefore, man seeks to pierce the primordial mystery, and in -eternal existence, to behold the issues of the Universe.” See -also the German translation given in Hegel, Geschichte, &c. -Vol. i., p. 142. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_50" href="#FNanchor_VII_50" class="fnanchor">50</a> -Chs. 7, 59. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_51" href="#FNanchor_VII_51" class="fnanchor">51</a> -Chs. 50, 55. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_52" href="#FNanchor_VII_52" class="fnanchor">52</a> -See chs. 66, 7, 81. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_53" href="#FNanchor_VII_53" class="fnanchor">53</a> -Quoted by Wu-chʽêng in a note to ch. 81. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_54" href="#FNanchor_VII_54" class="fnanchor">54</a> -Compare Pauthier, Chine, p. 117. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_55" href="#FNanchor_VII_55" class="fnanchor">55</a> -Ch. 23. See Pauthier. Chine Moderne, ps. 356–7. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_56" href="#FNanchor_VII_56" class="fnanchor">56</a> -Emerson, however, also speaks of the “individual soul mingling -with the Universal Soul.” Essays. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VII_57" href="#FNanchor_VII_57" class="fnanchor">57</a> -Ch. 5. -</div> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_095">95</span></p> -<h2><span class="larger" id="CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII.</span><br />LAO-TZŬ AND CONFUCIUS.</h2> -</div> - - -<p>It is not unusual for foreigners no less than for Chinese to speak of -Lao-tzŭ and Confucius as having lived on very bad terms with each -other and as having been diametrically opposite in their teachings. -One Chinese scholar who ought to have known much better sins very -badly in this respect. The excellent little book of Mr. Edkins on the -Religious Condition of the Chinese contains the following: -“Contemporary with Confucius, there was an old man afterwards known as -Laou-tsoo, who meditated in a philosophic mood upon the more profound -necessities and capacities of the human soul. He did so in a way that -Confucius, the prophet of the practical, could not well comprehend. He -conversed with him once, but never repeated his visit, for he could -not understand him. Laou-tsoo recommended quiet reflection. Water that -is still is also clear, and you may see deeply into it. Noise and -passion are fatal to spiritual progress. The stars are invisible -through a clouded sky. Nourish the perceptive powers of the soul in -purity and rest.”<a id="FNanchor_VIII_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> Others have expressed a similar opinion and with -no more accuracy. <span class="pagenum" id="Page_096">96</span>This view, however, is not strictly correct. As has -been seen, Confucius was a disciple of Lao-tzŭ, and there is no -evidence to prove that any other than friendly relations existed -between them. A Confucianist philosopher has somewhere remarked that -Confucius and Lao-tzŭ were not the authors of opposite systems and -founders of rival schools of philosophy, and the observation is quite -correct. It was not until long after the two sages were dead that the -followers of the one came to look on those of the other as heretics -and enemies. Not only, however, did Confucius himself live in -friendship with his instructor, so far as we know, but he also imbibed -not a few of his tenets. The influence of Lao-tzŭ on his disciple, and -the amount of similarity between the doctrines of the two are subjects -well deserving a serious study. That they differ widely on many points -is a fact known to everybody, but few, so far as my knowledge extends, -have studied the affinities between them. To a thorough-going -Confucianist the mere idea of doing such a a thing is horrible, and -the Temple of Literature closed against the reception of the tablets -of the rare individuals who have essayed the task, deters the after -generations. By one, however, not anxious about his posthumous tablet, -and who takes pleasure in finding how near the divergent lines of -orthodoxy and heterodoxy may be found to have originally converged, -the work may be attempted without any misgivings. The present writer -can do nothing more than merely try to sketch a few of the features of -resemblance between the teachings of the two sages in speculative -Physics, Politics and Ethics, following the division adopted above.</p> - -<p>The theories of Lao-tzŭ and Confucius on the physical world being -probably merely the popular and traditional notions of the time, might -naturally be expected to have not <span class="pagenum" id="Page_097">97</span>a little in common. For example, the -emanation of the visible universe, including also all that makes up -man, from an eternal existence at once material and immaterial, seems -to have been an old idea with the Chinese, and it is found in the -teachings of both the sages. Thus, as has been seen, the Tʽai-chi -(<span xml:lang="zh">太極</span>) or Grand Extreme, as it is translated, is only <i>Tao</i> under -another name. Indeed Confucius uses the latter word in this -connection very much after the manner of Lao-tzŭ. In the appendix to -the Yi-ching (<span xml:lang="zh">易經</span>) it is stated that what is antecedent to external -form is called <i>Tao</i>;<a id="FNanchor_VIII_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> and in another passage it is said that one -passive and one active element (one Yin and one Yang) are called -Tao.<a id="FNanchor_VIII_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> In the Li-chi (<span xml:lang="zh">禮記</span>) Confucius says to Tzŭ-kung that <i>Tao</i> is -that which the whole world, (<span xml:lang="zh">天下</span> may also mean the empire), -esteems.<a id="FNanchor_VIII_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> Other writers also, such as the author of the preface to -the Yi-ching, distinctly assert that the two terms Tʽai-chi and Tao -have the same signification. Lao-tzŭ’s doctrine of dualism also, and -his theory that contraries produce each other are found explicitly -taught in the Confucian classics. Thus the Yi-ching says that hard and -soft alternately thrust each other forth,<a id="FNanchor_VIII_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> and in another passage it -is said that the Yin and the Yang, or the passive and active elements -or powers of nature, generate each other. Again Lao-tzŭ teaches that -all the operations of Nature (Tao) and Heaven and earth are carried on -without any show of effort, silently and quietly. So also does -Confucius teach. In the Li-chi, for example, he says that the -Tʽien-tao <span class="pagenum" id="Page_098">98</span>or Way of Heaven is to be without exertion and yet have the -world completed.<a id="FNanchor_VIII_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> In the Chung-yung a similar observation is made -respecting Chʽêng (<span xml:lang="zh">誠</span>) which Legge translates “sincerity” but which is -evidently another designation of Tao, as Mr. Meadows long ago -stated.<a id="FNanchor_VIII_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> Further, it is almost unnecessary to state that in the -quinary classification of such things as tastes and colours our two -sages perfectly agree. Not only, however, do we find the same ideas on -these matters in Confucian classics and the Tao-tê Ching but we also -not seldom find in them similar forms of expression.<a id="FNanchor_VIII_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> Thus, for -instance, the poetical metaphor by which Lao-tzŭ speaks of the sea and -the great rivers as being kings to the small streams which flow into -them is found in the Shu King and the Shi Khing. In the former the -Chiang (<span xml:lang="zh">江</span>) and Han (<span xml:lang="zh">漢</span>) are described as proceeding to the sovereign -Court of the Sea,<a id="FNanchor_VIII_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> and in the latter it is written that the full -tide flows back to pay court to the sea, but the people of the country -forget their allegiance. It may be mentioned that we ourselves speak -of <em>tributary</em> streams, and Tennyson has expressed the Chinese idea -fully in the words</p> - -<div class="poem"> - <div class="stanza smaller"> - <div class="i0">“Flow down, cold rivulet, to the sea,</div> - <div class="i2">Thy tribute wave deliver.”</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p>Coming now to Politics we find that on Government and other matters -connected with the State, the Confucian writings <span class="pagenum" id="Page_099">99</span>contain many opinions -closely resembling those of Lao-tzŭ. Thus in the Lun-yü, Book xv., -Confucius is represented as saying—“May not Shun be instanced as -having governed efficiently without exertion? What did he do? He did -nothing but gravely and reverently occupy his imperial seat.” Here the -very expression of the Tao-tê Ching is used—<span xml:lang="zh">無爲而治</span>—and Dr. Legge has, -I think, rightly translated wu-wei by “without exertion.”<a id="FNanchor_VIII_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_10" class="fnanchor">10</a> So also -in the Shu King it is said of King Wu, after his war with Shou was -finished, that “he had only to let his robes fall down, and fold his -hands, and the empire was orderly ruled.”<a id="FNanchor_VIII_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> Other passages in the -Lun-yü show us that Confucius also disliked war, and the petty -squabbles into which the ambitious feudal chiefs of his time were -constantly falling. Again, Lao-tzŭ has been greatly reproached by -Confucianists and others for declining to continue in office under the -kings of Chow, but he went little farther in this respect than his -more fortunate disciple who was more earthly wise though less -politically consistent. Each kept his precious gem secreted for years, -but there was this difference, that Confucius was eager for a bidder -who would please him, and Lao-tzŭ seeing there was no chance of a -suitable bidder preferred to keep his gem. Not only, however, did -Confucius himself abstain for a considerable time from active official -life, but he also commended those of the past and some of his -contemporaries who had retired into privacy during evil times, and his -approbation of Ning-wu’s conduct is expressed in language worthy of -Lao-tzŭ.<a id="FNanchor_VIII_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> Besides, Confucius <span class="pagenum" id="Page_100">100</span>had the utmost contempt for the -mandarins and chiefs of his time, and regarded them as either utter -villains or as mere nobodies.<a id="FNanchor_VIII_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> Again, just as Lao-tzŭ teaches that -the ruler must first correct himself, making the purity of his own -inner life his first and greatest care and then cultivating moral -excellence in his family, so Confucius repeatedly teaches the same -doctrine and illustrates it by the example of the ancients. Like ruler -like people, is a maxim with him. If the sovereign be wicked the -people also will be wicked, and if he be good they also will be -good.<a id="FNanchor_VIII_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_14" class="fnanchor">14</a> Lao-tzŭ says that government must be conducted by -uprightness or rectitude (<span xml:lang="zh">正</span>). So Confucius says that to govern means -to rectify, and in another passage he depicts the evil results of a -government which is not conducted in uprightness. Another political -doctrine which is stated expressly in the Tao-tê Ching is that capital -punishment is the work of a superhuman agent and that no one on earth -can safely act as proxy for that agent. Through all the Confucian -writings also there runs the idea that it is Heaven or the Upper Ruler -that is offended with wicked states, rebellious chiefs, or oppressive -rulers, and that all national rewards and punishments come from the -same source. Confucius, however, and his followers seem to have -believed that the virtuous neighbouring state, the pious sovereign, or -the successful rebel received a Heavenly edict to annex the wicked -territory, slay the mutinous chief, or dethrone the impious prince—a -political idea not confined to ancient times or to China. Yet there -are several passages in the Classics which seem to represent -Confucius, too, as forbidding, or at least disapproving <span class="pagenum" id="Page_101">101</span>of, capital -punishment. Thus in the Lun-yü he is made to say to Chi-kʽang, who had -asked him about slaying the bad in order to perfect the good—“Why use -capital punishment at all? Do you desire virtue and the people will be -virtuous. The moral character of the ruler is to that of his subjects -as wind is to grass—when the wind blows the grass bends.”<a id="FNanchor_VIII_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_15" class="fnanchor">15</a> And in -another passage he is represented as approving of an old saying that -after good government for a hundred years capital punishment might be -dispensed with.<a id="FNanchor_VIII_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> Another maxim of the Tao-tê Ching also inculcated -by Confucius is this—that the sovereign ought to anticipate and be -prepared for reverses of fortune—that he ought to devise measures for -repressing rebellion while as yet there is no sign of disturbance; -this, says the Shu King, was the method pursued by the ancient -rulers.<a id="FNanchor_VIII_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_17" class="fnanchor">17</a> So also both sages taught that the ruler should always be -grave and serious, mindful of the solemn charge which he has received -from Heaven.<a id="FNanchor_VIII_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_18" class="fnanchor">18</a> In the Confucian writings, again, no less than in the -Tao-tê Ching, rulers are forbidden to covet and strive for rare and -outlandish objects, such things having a tendency to stir up strife -and lead the heart astray.<a id="FNanchor_VIII_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_19" class="fnanchor">19</a> Further in the high pre-eminence -assigned to the sovereign, Confucius is of the same mind with Lao-tzŭ. -As the latter ranks him with Heaven and Earth, so also does the -former.<a id="FNanchor_VIII_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_20" class="fnanchor">20</a> In the opinion of each he reigns by divine right, and is -himself indeed at <span class="pagenum" id="Page_102">102</span>least half divine. Son of Heaven is a frequent -designation of him in the Classics. Confucius indeed in some places is -much more wildly extravagant in his statements about the sovereign -than we would be inclined to expect. Finally, to both sages the great -and paramount consideration for a prince or chief seemed to be the -peace and prosperity of his people. Light taxes, few legal -restrictions, and a general kind treatment are strongly recommended by -both.<a id="FNanchor_VIII_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> They differ, however, in this respect that while Lao-tzŭ -overlooks or slights education, Confucius regards it as of great -importance; but few who know the nature of the education which -Confucius recommended to his son of carp-derived name, but which he -did not give him, would be disposed to regret the want of it in a -ruler or magistrate.</p> - -<p>It now remains to speak of the Ethical teachings of Lao-tzŭ and -Confucius, and here also we find considerable similarity, only a few -instances of which can now be indicated. As Confucius disclaimed the -distinction of being original in his views, I am much inclined to -believe that the resemblance between the doctrines of the classics and -those of the Tao-tê Ching often point to a borrowing on the part of -the former from the latter. The low place which is assigned to -intellectual and mechanical accomplishment in this work seems to be -wrong, and Confucius would scarcely go so far. He too, however, places -virtue above wisdom, and seems sometimes to think that perfect virtue -ensures to its possessor other and less noble qualities. He is not -unmindful of the value of intellectual acquirements and assigns to -them considerable importance. It must be remembered besides that the -accomplishments of which Lao-tzŭ speaks disparagingly <span class="pagenum" id="Page_103">103</span>are those -more for show than utility, and that in this respect Confucius -is at one with him. The vice of talking specious and flattering words -is condemned by the one as strongly as by the other. Artful words and -a clever appearance are seldom virtuous, is a sentence which Confucius -is represented as repeating on several occasions.<a id="FNanchor_VIII_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_22" class="fnanchor">22</a> In the Yi-ching -it is said that the good man talks little and the violent man talks -much.<a id="FNanchor_VIII_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_23" class="fnanchor">23</a> Here it is worthy of notice that the word which is opposed -to <i>chi</i> (<span xml:lang="zh">吉</span>), good, is not <i>hsiung</i> (<span xml:lang="zh">凶</span>), wicked, but <i>tsʽao</i> (<span xml:lang="zh">躁</span>), a -word which means fierce or violent. Indeed Confucius insists on the -gentle life no less earnestly than Lao-tzŭ, although he is not always -consistent. He also recommends abstinence from litigation. Like -Lao-tzŭ he teaches that the man of extensive influence ought to abase -himself before others—ought to yield and never wrangle.<a id="FNanchor_VIII_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_24" class="fnanchor">24</a> On some -occasions Confucius is represented as holding the maxim that what a -man would not desire another to do to him he should not do to -others,<a id="FNanchor_VIII_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> while he is also represented as objecting to the words of -Lao-tzŭ that injury should be repaid by kindness.<a id="FNanchor_VIII_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_26" class="fnanchor">26</a> But on the other -hand he makes it one of the characteristics of the Chŭn-tzŭ (<span xml:lang="zh">君子</span>) or -noble man, that he does not strive, and a yielding, forbearing -disposition is one of the virtues which admiring disciples have -assigned to “the Master” himself. In connection with this it may be -mentioned that the Confucian writings are as bitter as <span class="pagenum" id="Page_104">104</span>the Tao-tê -Ching against the show and consciousness of being virtuous. The words -of the Emperor Shun to Yü as recorded in the Shu King are very like -those of Lao-tzŭ, “Without any prideful presumption, there is no one -in the empire to contest with you the palm of ability; without any -boasting, there is no one in the empire to contest with you the claim -of merit.”<a id="FNanchor_VIII_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_27" class="fnanchor">27</a></p> - -<p>The lofty eminence on which Lao-tzŭ places the God-like man is not -greater than that to which Confucius raises him. This person ranks, -according to both, with Heaven and Earth, and assists these in their -great unceasing labours of producing, nourishing, and ruling the -creatures of the universe.<a id="FNanchor_VIII_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> With Heaven and Earth he makes a -trinity, and is scarcely inferior to them. Like Heaven, which he -imitates, he is free from partialities, and is universal in his -sympathies.<a id="FNanchor_VIII_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_29" class="fnanchor">29</a> One of the philosophers, Chʽêng, a Confucianist after -the most straitest sect, forgets his master’s doctrine in this respect -and through excess of orthodoxy actually becomes heterodox.<a id="FNanchor_VIII_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_30" class="fnanchor">30</a> -Criticising Lao-tzŭ’s statement that Heaven, Earth, and the God-like -man are <i>pu jen</i> (<span xml:lang="zh">不仁</span>), that is, are without any partialities or -particular affection, he says that we may make this remark of Heaven -and Earth but not of the God-like man who feels for and compassionates -his fellow creatures, and thus is able to enlarge his way of life.<a id="FNanchor_VIII_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_31" class="fnanchor">31</a> -This author, however, seems to be here guilty of a <span class="pagenum" id="Page_105">105</span><i>sophisma -equivocationis</i>, as <i>jĕn</i> in the former part of the paragraph is used -in a bad sense while in the latter part it has a good sense. The words -of the King of Chow to the newly appointed Chief Hu on this subject -are very similar to those of Lao-tzŭ—“Great Heaven has no -affections—it helps only the virtuous.”<a id="FNanchor_VIII_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_32" class="fnanchor">32</a> So also, as Lao-tzŭ says -it is Heaven’s way to take from that which has too much and give to -that which wants, the <cite>Shu-ching</cite> says in like terms “It is virtue -which moves Heaven; there is no distance to which it does not reach. -Pride brings loss, and humility receives increase:—this is the way of -Heaven.”<a id="FNanchor_VIII_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_33" class="fnanchor">33</a></p> - -<p>Again, the doctrine of the Tao-tê Ching, that violence and excess -cannot endure, appears also in the Confucian works. It occurs, for -instance, in the Li-chi, and it is worthy of observation that the -illustrious commentator on the passage regards the expression there -used as a quotation, but does not know from what work.<a id="FNanchor_VIII_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_34" class="fnanchor">34</a> Had the -words been identical there could not have been any possibility of -doubt. There is also a common saying among the Chinese, derived from -the Yi-ching, that when the sun has reached his meridian he begins to -decline, and when the moon has reached her full she begins to wane, -thus intimating the fickleness of fortune. This idea is represented in -the Tao-tê Ching under a different figure.</p> - -<p>In many passages of the books which go by his name, Confucius is made -to impress on his disciples the necessity <span class="pagenum" id="Page_106">106</span>of attending to what is -unseen and internal, and taking it for granted that the visible and -external will follow as a natural consequence.<a id="FNanchor_VIII_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_35" class="fnanchor">35</a> In this too he is -nearly like to Lao-tzŭ. One passage of the Lun-yü even speaks of <i>Li</i> -(<span xml:lang="zh">禮</span>), or the full complement of external virtues, on which Confucius -generally lays great stress as something to be postponed to the -genuine qualities of the heart.<a id="FNanchor_VIII_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_36" class="fnanchor">36</a> The whole of the thirty-third -chapter of the Chung-yung may be regarded as a sort of commentary on -what Lao-tzŭ has said on this and some other topics. The passages -quoted in this chapter from the Shi-ching are merely texts which have -not the slightest reference to the homilies on them except in one or -two cases.</p> - -<p>Further, as Lao-tzŭ believed in a long-past time of simplicity and -purity, so also did Confucius, and his love for antiquity and his -esteem for the ancient sages were perhaps even greater than those of -Lao-tzŭ.<a id="FNanchor_VIII_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_37" class="fnanchor">37</a> Of the five characteristics given of the old kings who -had kept good government in their kingdoms the first is that they -honoured those who had Te (<span xml:lang="zh">德</span>), that is, their perfect inborn nature, -and this is explained to mean those who approach <i>Tao</i>. Both sages -represent the ancients as solid and not showy, as wanting in -intellectual arts but perfect in simple virtue. They should be, both -thought, in the conduct of life no less than in affairs of State the -models for all after generations. Turn to the good old paths wherein -our forefathers walked who were better than we, is what Lao-tzŭ and -Confucius <span class="pagenum" id="Page_107">107</span>equally teach. Go back, says the latter, to the days of Yao -and Shun, and Yü, and kings Wên and Wu, and Duke Chou, and make them -your patterns in all things even as they made Heaven theirs. Ascend -still further, says Lao-tzŭ, and follow the lives of those primitive -worthies who died before the arts and vices of civilisation had -appeared on the earth.</p> - -<p>What the inducements are which Lao-tzŭ holds out to a life of -self-subduing and virtue has been seen already, and those which the -Confucian books hold out to such a life are very similar.<a id="FNanchor_VIII_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_38" class="fnanchor">38</a> An -insight into the mysteries of Providence, length of years, a peaceful -death, and a good name among men are the chief rewards for such a -life. Confucius in one place is represented as making perfect -knowledge precede self-purification.<a id="FNanchor_VIII_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_39" class="fnanchor">39</a> This, however, is not, I -think, in accordance with the general spirit of his teachings, and if -he ever did make the statement reported it is probably only one of -those nonsensical utterances which he seems to have occasionally made, -solely for the purpose of having a long string of short sentences. The -statement in question is even on Chu-hsi’s interpretation absurd and -impossible.</p> - -<p>In their views about death, also, our two sages seem to have been much -alike. They do not refer to a state of existence hereafter, and they -seem to have regarded the grave as the end of man, so far as his -consciousness of being was concerned, at least. On this subject, -however, we must speak with caution as the utterances of both are few -and dark.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_108">108</span></p> - -<p>A few general observations will now conclude these rather disjointed -remarks about the points of similarity in the Tao-tê Ching and the -Confucian classics. The Chung-yung, or Constant Mean, called by Dr. -Legge the Doctrine of the Mean, amplifies and illustrates several of -Lao-tzŭ’s teachings, and every reader of the book must have observed -the frequency of the occurrence of the word Tao in it. The expression -Chung-yung is, indeed, sometimes almost convertible with this word, -and Confucius speaks of <em>keeping</em> it in terms very similar to those -which Lao-tzŭ uses about Tao. Again, the Li (<span xml:lang="zh">禮</span>) of the Li-chi, Lun-yü, -and other works is a word of far wider and deeper signification than -our translations usually represent. It seems often to indicate the -carrying out of the theoretical Tao into practical life.<a id="FNanchor_VIII_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_40" class="fnanchor">40</a> Several -passages in the classic, named from the word, might be cited in -support of the above view, and in one remarkable sentence, Confucius -says that Li must have had its origin in the “Great One.”<a id="FNanchor_VIII_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_VIII_41" class="fnanchor">41</a> The -Shu-ching, or Classic of historical excerpts, contains, as has been -seen, many doctrines and sayings similar to those of the Tao-tê Ching, -and a similar remark applies to the Yi-Ching, especially to its -appendix. The collection of early moral and immoral ballads usually -dignified by the title Shi-ching or Classic of poetry, as might have -been expected, does not throw much light on the influence exercised by -Lao-tzŭ over Confucius or the similarity of their teachings, and the -same is true of the Chʽun-chʽiu (<span xml:lang="zh">春秋</span>) or Annals of his Dynasty by -Confucius. <span class="pagenum" id="Page_109">109</span>Descending to Mencius we find in the sayings recorded of -him many doctrines very like some of Lao-tzŭ’s, and it is a remarkable -fact that he never refers to the latter either in praise or in -dispraise. Later Confucianists have regarded their Master as a born -sage, and they would generally scout the idea that he was under -serious obligations to any one, and to Lao-tzŭ in particular.</p> - -<p>While noticing the many points of affinity between Lao-tzŭ and -Confucius, we ought not to forget that there are at the same time -great and important differences between them. The type of mind of the -former does not very much resemble that of the latter. Lao-tzŭ is -chiefly synthetic and Confucius analytic in tendency. The former likes -to sum up particular virtues and existences, and refer them to one -all-embracing idea. The latter shows how one great principle branches -off and becomes separated into many secondary odes and finally -permeates all things. The one is a philosopher at home, and the other -a schoolmaster abroad. The relation between the two may in some -respects be compared to that between Plato and Aristotle, if it be -lawful to compare small things with great. The character of Plato’s -mind also somewhat resembles that of Lao-tzŭ, while Aristotle is very -faintly foreshadowed in Confucius. He was a disciple of Plato and yet -he came to differ very widely from his master, but not more than -Confucius did from Lao-tzŭ. In both cases the disciple became more -practical and less theoretical than his master. Yet it must be borne -in mind that many of Confucius’ teachings in politics and morals are -either nonsensical or at least vague and incomprehensible, and that -Lao-tzŭ’s general theories are not seldom applicable to particulars -and the actual world.</p> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_1" href="#FNanchor_VIII_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> -Page 9. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_2" href="#FNanchor_VIII_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> -Vol. ii., Appendix, ch. 12. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_3" href="#FNanchor_VIII_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> -Vol. ii., Appendix, ch. 5. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_4" href="#FNanchor_VIII_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> -Ch. 10, page 65, compare also the Chung-Yung, ch. 27. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_5" href="#FNanchor_VIII_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> -Vol. ii., Appendix, ch. 2. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_6" href="#FNanchor_VIII_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> -Ch. 9, p. 6. See also the remarks of Callery in his note to this -passage. Li-ki, p. 142. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_7" href="#FNanchor_VIII_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> -Chinese Classics, vol. i., p. 282 3–4. The Chinese and their -Rebellions, p. 351. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_8" href="#FNanchor_VIII_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> -Compare Yi-ching, Vol. ii., Appendix, ch. 11, with the Tao-tê -ching, ch. 6. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_9" href="#FNanchor_VIII_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> -Legge’s Shu, vol. i., p. 113. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_10" href="#FNanchor_VIII_10" class="fnanchor">10</a> -Chinese Classics, vol. 1, p. 159. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_11" href="#FNanchor_VIII_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> -Legge’s Shu King, vol. ii., p. 316. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_12" href="#FNanchor_VIII_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> -Legge’s Ch. Classics, vol, i., p. 44. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_13" href="#FNanchor_VIII_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> -See for instance Legge, Ch. Classics, vol. i., p. 136. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_14" href="#FNanchor_VIII_14" class="fnanchor">14</a> -See Legge, vol. i., ps. 122, 130; also the Li-chi, ch. 4, p. 52. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_15" href="#FNanchor_VIII_15" class="fnanchor">15</a> -Legge, &c., vol. i., p. 122. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_16" href="#FNanchor_VIII_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> -Legge, &c., vol. i., p. 131. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_17" href="#FNanchor_VIII_17" class="fnanchor">17</a> -Legge’s Shu King, vol. ii., p. 525. Vol. i., p. 257. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_18" href="#FNanchor_VIII_18" class="fnanchor">18</a> -Legge’s Shu King, vol. i., p. 74, also vol. ii., p. 532. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_19" href="#FNanchor_VIII_19" class="fnanchor">19</a> -Legge’s Shu King, vol. i., p. 349. Vol. ii., p. 574. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_20" href="#FNanchor_VIII_20" class="fnanchor">20</a> -See Li-chi, ch, 8, p. 70. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_21" href="#FNanchor_VIII_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> -Legge Shu King, &c., vol. i., p. 158. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_22" href="#FNanchor_VIII_22" class="fnanchor">22</a> -See Legge, Ch. Classics, vol. i., 166 and p. 3. Compare also the -memorable words in the Li-chi, ch. 9, p. 489. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_23" href="#FNanchor_VIII_23" class="fnanchor">23</a> -Vol. ii., Appendix, Part 2, ch. 12. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_24" href="#FNanchor_VIII_24" class="fnanchor">24</a> -See Legge Ch. Classics, vol. i, p. 21. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_25" href="#FNanchor_VIII_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> -See Legge, vol. i., p. 165. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_26" href="#FNanchor_VIII_26" class="fnanchor">26</a> -See Legge, vol. i., p. 152. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_27" href="#FNanchor_VIII_27" class="fnanchor">27</a> -Legge’s Shu King, vol. i., p. 60. See also Dr. Legge’s note on -the passage. See also do. p. 257. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_28" href="#FNanchor_VIII_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> -See Li-chi, ch. 4, p. 52. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_29" href="#FNanchor_VIII_29" class="fnanchor">29</a> -See Legge’s Chinese Classics, vol. i., p. 14. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_30" href="#FNanchor_VIII_30" class="fnanchor">30</a> -See the <span xml:lang="zh">性理縹題</span>, ch., 17, p. 2. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_31" href="#FNanchor_VIII_31" class="fnanchor">31</a> -A quotation from the Lun-yü, B. xv, ch. 28. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_32" href="#FNanchor_VIII_32" class="fnanchor">32</a> -Legge’s Shu king, vol. ii., p. 490. See also, vol. i., p. 209. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_33" href="#FNanchor_VIII_33" class="fnanchor">33</a> -Legge’s voL i., p. 65. Reference is apparently made to the -Yi-ching where <span xml:lang="zh">謙</span> and <span xml:lang="zh">損</span> are two of the Diagrams. It is a -wonder that this escaped Dr. Legge’s notice. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_34" href="#FNanchor_VIII_34" class="fnanchor">34</a> -See Li-chi, ch. 1, p. 1, and Chu-hsi’s note. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_35" href="#FNanchor_VIII_35" class="fnanchor">35</a> -Compare on this, other topics mentioned by Lao-tzŭ, the character -of the <span xml:lang="zh">儒</span> in the Li-chi, ch. 10. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_36" href="#FNanchor_VIII_36" class="fnanchor">36</a> -Legge’s Ch. Classics, vol. i., p. 21. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_37" href="#FNanchor_VIII_37" class="fnanchor">37</a> -See Legge’s Shu, &c., vol. ii., p. 491. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_38" href="#FNanchor_VIII_38" class="fnanchor">38</a> -For the duty of self-denial at certain times see the Li-chi, - ch. 3, p. 53, and Callery’s Li-ki, p. 31. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_39" href="#FNanchor_VIII_39" class="fnanchor">39</a> -The Great Learning. See Legge’s Ch. Classics, vol. i., p. 222. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_40" href="#FNanchor_VIII_40" class="fnanchor">40</a> -In the Li-chi, Confucius says that as a parrot does not cease to -be a bird though it can speak, so though creatures have the -appearance of men, yet if they have not Li they are not men. -Ch. 1., p. 4. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_VIII_41" href="#FNanchor_VIII_41" class="fnanchor">41</a> -Li-chi, ch. 4, p. 60. -</div> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_110">110</span></p> -<h2><span class="larger" id="CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX.</span><br />CONCLUSION.</h2> -</div> - - -<p>It would be a very interesting study to examine the points of -similarity and difference in the writings of the early Buddhists and -the teachings of Lao-tzŭ; but this cannot be attempted here. There is -one circumstance, however, to which I shall allude, that is, the -resemblance of the Buddhist Bodhisattva (Pʽusa) Mandjusri to Lao-tzŭ. -The Nepaulese traditions about this Pʽusa also make him to be a -foreigner and to have come to their country from China, though other -accounts represent him as returning from the latter country to his -home in Nepaul. A full and very interesting account of Mandjusri, or -“Mañdjuçri,” as Burnouf writes it, will be found in that accomplished -scholar’s “<span xml:lang="fr">Le Lotus de la bonne Loi.</span>”<a id="FNanchor_IX_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_IX_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> Rémusat and Pauthier insist -on the western origin of Lao-tzŭ’s doctrines, and there are certainly -not a few points of resemblance between them and some of the early -Indian systems of religion and philosophy. Of these the doctrine of -annihilation, or at least of final absorption, is one of the most -striking.</p> - -<p>Another interesting study in connection with Lao-tzŭ <span class="pagenum" id="Page_111">111</span>would be to trace -the history of his opinions among succeeding generations. This would -however, be in great degree a painful study. The metaphysical work of -Chwang-tzŭ, wild and extravagant though it be occasionally, is worthy -of being read, and M. Julien has kindly promised to translate it for -us. Lie-tzŭ and several others of his followers are also worth -reading, but the great majority of so called Taoist books are utterly -despicable at least in our eyes. Mr. Edkins says of the “Taoist -system”—“Its appeal is made to the lower wants of the Chinese. It -invents divinities to promote the physical well-being of the people. -The gods of riches, of longevity, of war, and of particular disease, -all belong to this religion.”<a id="FNanchor_IX_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_IX_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> The pure and spiritual sayings -uttered by Lao-tzŭ have been taken in a gross sense and perverted by -thoughtless, faithless people, who would have a meritorious life -consist solely in external acts, thus entirely reversing their -master’s precepts. He spoke of length of days to be desired as the -result of a calm and philosophic life, but degenerate followers sought -for many years, in ways shameful to relate. They changed his plain and -simple language into euphuistic terms which cause them to be -reproached. The Taoists, says one author, call the chattering of their -teeth the Heavenly drum, they swallow their spittle and call it the -Fairy Spring, they speak of horse’s excrement as magical fuel and of -rats as vivifying medicine. By <em>such</em> means they think they can attain -Tao, but, as the writer asks,—can they attain it?<a id="FNanchor_IX_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_IX_3" class="fnanchor">3</a></p> - -<p>Though his doctrines, however, have become greatly corrupted and -perverted the greatness of Lao-tzŭ himself <span class="pagenum" id="Page_112">112</span>has not diminished. From -the time of the Empress (<span xml:lang="zh">竇</span>) of the West Hans, near the end of the Chou -dynasty, the beginning of his honour dates, and from the time of the -Chin and Liang dynasties down to the Great Tʽang dynasty, his -doctrines and his name were glorified.<a id="FNanchor_IX_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_IX_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> He was promoted to be a -God, and wonderful things were invented about him and the <i>Tao</i> of -which he spoke so much. One of the Tʽang emperors conferred on him the -sublime title—Great Ruler of the very exalted mysterious Beginning. -Nor has he remained without honour among outside barbarians. -Cunningham says:—“He (Lao-tzŭ) was therefore a contemporary of Sakya -Muni, by whom he is said to have been worsted in argument. By the -Tibetan Buddhists he is called Sen-rabs; but this perhaps signifies -nothing more than that he was of the race or family of Sena. His faith -continued paramount in Great Tibet for nine centuries, until Buddhism -was generally introduced by Seong-Stan in the middle of the seventh -century.”<a id="FNanchor_IX_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_IX_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> It seems to me more than doubtful, however, whether these -Tirthikas of India, to whom Cunningham alludes as the adherents of -Lao-tzŭʽs faith, can be regarded as such. A large and influential -school could not be established in so short a time as elapsed between -the time when Lao-tzŭ flourished and the time of Buddha’s preaching, -if indeed any time whatever elapsed. It is perhaps sufficient to -observe that there is a considerable amount of similarity between the -tenets imputed to the Tirthikas and those of the Chinese philosopher.</p> - -<p>The followers of Lao-tzŭ spread his fame among the Japanese islands -also, where Sinto or Shên-tao, that is the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_113">113</span>Spiritual Tao, was known -before Buddhism was introduced. Sir R. Alcock, however, says—“That -there was an indigenous religion as old as their (the Japanese) -history, one formed by and for themselves in long-past ages, the -Sintoo, which survives to this day; that some ten or fifteen centuries -ago or more, this was overlaid by the Confucian doctrines—a code of -moral ethics, not a religion in the proper sense of the term—and about -the seventh century both were in great degree supplemented by the -Buddhist faith derived from China, we do know with tolerable -certainty. But this is nearly the sum.”<a id="FNanchor_IX_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_IX_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> Mr. Edkins has given a -short but very interesting account of Taoism in Japan, derived -principally from Kæmpfer. It is somewhat remarkable that as the -Japanese have their spiritual chief or Mikado so the Chinese Taoists -also have one, and each is supposed to be a present deity having a -sacred title derived through many ages. The Chinese chief, however, is -a much less powerful and important personage than the Mikado. The -first of the Taoist patriarchs in China was Chang Tao-ling (<span xml:lang="zh">張道陵</span>) who -lived in the time of the Han dynasty.<a id="FNanchor_IX_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_IX_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> Lao-tzŭ appeared to him on -the Stork-cry Hill and told him that in order to attain the state of -immortality which he was seeking he must subdue a number of demons. -Tao-ling in his eagerness slew too many, and Lao-tzŭ told him that -Shang Ti required him to do penance for a time. Finally, however, he -was allowed to become an immortal, and the spiritual chiefdom of the -Taoists was given to his family for ever. The descendants of Tao-ling -reside at the Dragon-tiger Hill near Kwei-hsi in the province of -Kiangsi. It is apparently about <span class="pagenum" id="Page_114">114</span>this Chang Tao-ling that Edkins -says—“Chang, one of the genii of Taouist romance, is believed to be -identical with the star cluster of the same name, and he is -represented by painters and idol-makers with a bow in his hands, -shooting the heavenly dog.”<a id="FNanchor_IX_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_IX_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> One title of this spiritual chief in -China is Tʽien-shi, or Heavenly Teacher and the original patriarch -seems to be worshipped in Japan under this name. Commodore Perry says -that of the two and twenty shrines in the kingdom which command the -homage of pilgrimage, “the great and most sacred one is that of the -Sun-goddess, Ten-sio-dai-sin, at Isye.” Previously he had stated—“It -is said that the only object of <em>worship</em> among the Sintoos is the -Sun-goddess, Ten-sio-dai-zin, who is deemed the patron divinity of -Japan *** The Mikado is supposed to be her lineal descendant.”<a id="FNanchor_IX_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_IX_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> Why, -however, the deity should be a female and a Sun-goddess I do not -understand.</p> - -<p>We must now bid farewell to Lao-tzŭ. The study of his work and his -life, as also of the fortunes of his doctrines, is a difficult task -but not without interest and instruction, and the writer is afraid he -has lingered too long over it. He hopes, however, that his efforts -will even in a very small degree help to raise Lao-tzŭ to the place in -the history of Philosophy, and in the history of the benefactors of -humanity, to which he is fairly entitled.</p> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IX_1" href="#FNanchor_IX_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> -Page 498, &c. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IX_2" href="#FNanchor_IX_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> -Religious Condition, &c., p. 68. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IX_3" href="#FNanchor_IX_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> -See the Yuan-chien, &c., ch. 319. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IX_4" href="#FNanchor_IX_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> -See Chu-hsi’s Tsa-cho, ch. 9. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IX_5" href="#FNanchor_IX_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> -Ladak, p. 358. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IX_6" href="#FNanchor_IX_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> -The Capital of the Tycoon, vol. ii., p. 258 -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IX_7" href="#FNanchor_IX_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> -See for this man the <span xml:lang="zh">尙友錄</span> ch. 8. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IX_8" href="#FNanchor_IX_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> -Religious Condition, &c., p. 140. -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<a id="Footnote_IX_9" href="#FNanchor_IX_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> -American Expedition to Japan, ps. 24–5. -</div> - -<hr class="short" /> - -<p class="center">FINIS.</p> - - -<div class="transnote"> -<h2 class="nopagebreak" title="">Transcriber’s Notes.</h2> - -<ul class="disc"> -<li>Obvious minor typographical errors have been silently corrected.</li> -<li>Hyphenation of words and titles has been standardized to the most - commonly used version for a given part of speech.</li> -<li>Spelling has been standardized except in the case of direct quotes - of other writers.</li> -<li>Footnotes have been renumbered and placed at the end of each - chapter.</li> -<li>Chinese romanization standardized to use the Unicode reversed - comma ʽ to mark aspirated stops in initial consonants.</li> -</ul> -</div> - - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Lao-tzu, A Study in Chinese Philosophy, by -Thomas Watters - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LAO-TZU, A STUDY IN CHINESE PHILOSOPHY *** - -***** This file should be named 63958-h.htm or 63958-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/6/3/9/5/63958/ - -Produced by Ronald Grenier from page images generously -made available by Internet Archive (https://archive.org) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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