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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..56bea0d --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #63831 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/63831) diff --git a/old/63831-0.txt b/old/63831-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 6d86615..0000000 --- a/old/63831-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,17384 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Queens of old Spain, by Martin Andrew Sharp -Hume - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this ebook. - -Title: Queens of old Spain - -Author: Martin Andrew Sharp Hume - -Release Date: November 21, 2020 [EBook #63831] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -Produced by: Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team - at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images - generously made available by The Internet Archive) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK QUEENS OF OLD SPAIN *** - - - - - QUEENS OF OLD SPAIN - - -[Illustration: - - MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF ENGLAND AND SPAIN. - - _After a Painting by Sir Antonio More._ -] - - - - - Queens - of - Old Spain - - - BY - - MARTIN HUME - - EDITOR OF THE CALENDARS OF SPANISH STATE PAPERS LECTURER IN SPANISH - HISTORY AND LITERATURE PEMBROKE COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE - - - ILLUSTRATED - - - LONDON - GRANT RICHARDS LTD. - PUBLISHERS - - _Published October 1906_ - _Re-issued July 1911_ - - - - - TO THE SEVERE BUT HONEST PUBLIC - - -The books left by a man whose every thought was about books, are even -more himself than were his actions during life. In fact, at times, I -think it is the case with all who write; for, after all, what a man -writes is really far more important than anything he does. - -Most of us in wandering through a churchyard where we come upon a -friend’s name, on a tombstone, feel a spirit of revolt. It is no good to -tell us death is as natural as life. We all know that, and still feel -that in some strange way we have been defrauded by the death of a dear -friend. Nothing is more unjust than is a natural cause. - -Even the Greeks, with all their joyousness, must have felt this when -they invented Nemesis. - -We Caledonians, who took our faith from Hippo (nane o’ yer Peters, gie -me Paul), perhaps stand up against the stabs of Fate better than those -nurtured in the most damnable doctrine of freewill. Once allow it, and -life becomes a drunken whirligig on which sit grave and reverend -citizens playing on penny whistles, all attired in black. - -If though the name upon the tombstone strikes a chill to the heart, half -of regret and half of fear—for what, when all is said and done, is your -_memento mori_ but blue funk?—when we pick up a dead friend’s book upon -a stall, published at twelve-and-sixpence and ticketed a penny, we must -reflect—that is, the most of us—that to that favour we shall come, and -all the pages, that cost us so much thought in the writing, to be tied -together with a piece of string and sold with the base trash of Smith -and Jones and Brown, fellows who had no style, nor knew the difference -betwixt invention and imagination, humour or wit, and did not know a -colophon from an illuminated capital, and sold all in a lot. - -Therefore I am glad that this edition of one of Hume’s best works is -coming out, and I who saw him laid to rest in the dry, marly earth of -that drear East End cemetery only a year ago—or was it ten, for when a -man is dead time ceases for him and for ourselves in thinking of him—am -writing these few lines to do my best to keep his memory green. - -His ‘Queens of Spain’ was one of the books that he liked best. - -Some say an author always likes his weakest book, but, even if he does, -what does it matter? A mother not infrequently adores the least -desirable of all her sons, but the world judges him; and she who bore -him has to submit to all its judgments of her well-beloved, just as the -author has to bow the head to what it says about his books. - -Hume was a man who valued what the public said about his work. I used to -fancy him, as a good gladiator, some Roman citizen who for his debts, or -some cause or another, was forced to live by push of sword, and took it -up in the same spirit in which my friend took up the pen, and set about -to write. - -Such a man, I fancy, fighting of course like Tybalt, by the book of -arithmetic, would feel a pride in dying well. Just as he fell, -despatched by some rude Dacian who in his life had never come within the -walls of any fencing school, he would wrap his mantle round him -decently, and murmur: ‘Civis Romanus sum,’ as he lay dying in the dust. - -These kind of men are never vanquished. Even if they die, their death -serves as an example to the world, and makes boys miserable at school -who have to put it into Greek hexameters. - -Hume was of these good gladiators and passed laborious days. How many -reams of paper he must have filled; how many miles of writing he must -have traced in his hard-working life, only himself could have been sure -of, and perhaps not he, for who shall say if a silkworm measures the -length of silk that comes from the cocoon. - -When in a music hall I see a man do something easily which seems -impossible, I always think upon the hours he must have passed—missing, -remissing, perspiring, cursing, and at last see him successful, and then -no matter how respectable my neighbours in the stalls appear, or tight -my gloves are, clap with a will. Noise, after all, is the reward, -perhaps the sole reward, that we accord success. - -A modest modicum was all Hume had to show for a self-denying life -spent—that is to say, for the last twenty years of it—in burrowing in -archives and writing ceaselessly upon the facts he found. - -Most certainly he lived the simple life. Up early in the morning, he -used to begin writing just as a mill horse turns round in a mill. Three -or four thousand lines by tea-time, and then perhaps he would review a -book. Then twice a week (no more) he used to walk down to the club, dine -simply, and sit reading till it was time to walk back home, to sleep and -rise again to work. - -With almost lightning speed he wrote, so that, when once he had his -facts, nothing remained but the material labour of the pen. - -‘Martin fa presto’ I used to call him, and certainly, considering how -much he wrote, the level he maintained was high; not perhaps in the vein -of Hallam or of Robertson, but then in history there are many bypaths, -and along them he strayed. Sometimes a ramble in a country lane is -better than a tramp upon the Great North Road. - -I like to fancy that in the Record Office, at Simancas, Brussels, and in -the Archives of the Indies (that great red pile, in Seville), there are -some old librarians who remember him, and talk about his work. I hear -them say, at Seville or Simancas, ‘There was an Englishman who used to -come here, one who spoke Christian. He used to sit and write, and knew -the documents better than we ourselves’ (which was not difficult). ‘I -tell you that that Englishman was like a devil at his work.’ - -If they exist, and Hume could hear of them, I am certain he would smile -in his grave way and say: ‘Ah, yes; old Don Saturino Lopez, or Don -Eustaquio Perez,’ as the case might be, ‘I well remember him. He never -knew where to find anything; he came from Coria, I think.’ - - R. B. CUNNINGHAME GRAHAM. - - - - - INTRODUCTION - - -In a previous volume I have remarked upon the extremely small political -significance of most of the Queens Consort of England, although socially -the country has become what it is mainly through feminine influence. In -Spain the exact reverse has happened, and in no Christian country has -the power of women been less formative of the life and character of the -nation, whilst, largely owing to personal and circumstantial accident, -the share of ladies in deciding the political destinies of the country -from the throne has been more conspicuous than in other European -monarchies. The oriental traditions dominant in Spain for centuries -tended to make wives the humble satellites rather than the equal -companions of their husbands; and the inflated gallantry, before -marriage at least, that sprang from the chivalrous obsession grafted -upon mixed feudal and Islamic ideals, affected to exclude woman from the -harder facts of existence, and from the practical problems that occupied -the minds of men. But whilst these traditions limited the power of -Spanish women generally, they were insufficient to counteract the -extraordinary political influence of a series of remarkable feminine -personalities who, mainly owing to feebleness and ineptitude of -consorts, or to long minorities of sons, have on occasion during the -course of four centuries practically wielded the sceptres of Spain. It -is true that queens regnant in England as well as in Spain have usually, -and quite naturally, been powerful political factors, but in most -instances they necessarily differed but little, either in aims or -methods, from male sovereigns. The difference between the queens of the -two countries is most remarkable in the case of queens consort, who in -Spain have, either as wives or widowed regents, influenced government to -an extent quite unparalleled in England. Apart from the accident of -forceful personal character, or other influential qualities possessed by -some of these ladies, the reason for their importance must be sought in -the fact that most of them represented great dynastic interests or -national alliances, and were supported by powerful parties in Spain or -abroad. In order that their lives should be properly understood, it will -be necessary to keep in view contemporary events in other parts of -Europe which more or less concerned them; and to relate the history of -all the Queens of Spain upon such a plan would exceed the capacity of a -single volume and the patience of the ordinary reader. It is proposed, -therefore, to select for treatment only the lives of some of the Queens -of Spain who, for their greatness, their political significance, their -attractions, or their misfortunes, stand forth most prominently in the -romantic history of their country. The temptation is great to dwell upon -certain of the earlier Queens of the small kingdoms which constituted -Spain before the union of the crowns: to tell the heroic story of the -great Berengaria, the mother of St. Ferdinand, and those of Queen Maria -de Molina and Blanche of Bourbon; to recount the matrimonial vagaries of -Peter the Cruel, and dwell upon Catharine of Lancaster, whose marriage -with the heir of Castile closed the war of succession to the Castilian -crowns waged by her father John of Gaunt. She, especially, stands forth -with almost photographic precision in the pages of the genius who penned -the chronicles of her time. Gigantic in size she seemed to the more -diminutive Spaniard: florid, fat, and fair; a vast eater and drinker, -whose valiant prowess at the festal board astounded the abstemious -people amongst whom she lived; strong and masculine, but idle, and -careless of the feminine arts by which woman’s attraction is increased; -ruled by her favourites, but withal a good woman and a good Queen, who -governed Spain honestly for ten years, during the minority of her weak -son, John II. of Castile. - -But, interesting as some of these earlier personages are, they cannot -rightly be called Queens of Spain; and the first of all Spanish Queens, -the great Isabel of Castile and Aragon, may fittingly begin the volume, -which will contain the stories of other ladies perhaps more loveable, -more feminine, more sympathetic, but none so splendidly steadfast, so -noble of aim, or so strong as she. Her function in the world, aided by -her husband, was to crush the rieving nobles, and bring unity to Spain -by religious exaltation. The end endowed her country with transient -greatness and febrile force, whilst the methods by which it was attained -doomed the nation she loved so well to a long agony of decay, and -ultimate exhaustion. The problems facing Spanish rulers thenceforward -were no longer centred upon the development of the country as a -prosperous Christian land, or even upon the maintenance of the -Mediterranean as a Christian sea. The policy of the ‘Catholic Kings’ -plunged Spain into the vortex of mid-European politics at the critical -period of the world’s history, when new lines of demarcation were being -scored by religious schism across the ancient boundaries: when deep, -unbridgable crevasses were being split between peoples hitherto bound -together by common interests and traditional friendship. At this crucial -time, when the centre of all earthly authority was boldly challenged, -Spain was pledged by Isabel and Ferdinand to a course which -thenceforward made her the champion of an impossible religious unity, -and squandered for centuries the blood and treasure of her people in the -fruitless struggle to fix enduring fetters upon the thoughts and souls -of men. Myriads of martyrs shed their blood to cement the solid Spain -that might serve as an instrument for such gigantic ends; and the -ecstatic Queen, though gentle and pitiful at heart, yet had no pity for -the victims, as her clear eyes pierced the reek of sacrifice, and saw -beyond it the shining glory of her goal. To her and to her descendant -kings the end they aimed at justified all things done in its attainment, -and the touch of mystic madness that in the great Queen was allied to -exalted genius, grew in those of her blood who followed her to the -besotted obsession that blinded them to the nature and extent of the -forces against them, and led them down at last to babbling idiocy, and -their country to impotent decay. The pale figure of Joan the distraught -flits across our page, and forces to our consideration once more the -awful problem of whether she was the victim of a hellish conspiracy on -the part of those who should have loved her best, or a woman afflicted -by the hand of God; whether her lifelong martyrdom was the punishment of -heresy or the need of her infirmity. Pathetic Mary Tudor, Queen Consort -of Spain, demands notice because her marriage with Philip II. marked the -vital need of Spain, at any cost, to hold by the traditional alliance -with England amidst the shifting sands of religious revolt which were to -overwhelm and transform Europe; whilst, later, the desperate attempt of -Philip to form a new group of powers which should enable Spain to -dispense with unorthodox England, is personified in the sweet and noble -figure of his third wife, Isabel of Valois, upon whose life-story, -poignant enough in its bare reality, romancers have embroidered so many -strange adornments. The Austrian princesses, who in turn became consorts -of the Catholic Kings, all represent the unhappy persistence of the -rulers of Spain in clinging to the splendid but unrealisable dream -bequeathed by their great ancestor the Emperor to his suffering realm; -that of perpetuating Spanish hegemony over Europe by means of compulsory -uniformity of creed, dictated from Rome and enforced from Madrid. And in -the intervals of discouragement and disillusionment at the impotence of -Habsburg Emperors to secure such uniformity even within the bounds of -the empire itself, and the patent impossibility for Spain alone to cope -with the giant task, we see the turning of kings and ministers in -temporary despair towards the secular enemy of the house of Austria, and -Spain in search of French brides who might bring Catholic support to the -Catholic champion. When, at last, exhausted Spain could deceive herself -no longer, and was fain to acknowledge that she had been beaten in her -attempt to hold the rising tide and deny to men the God-given right of -unfettered thought, the matrimonial alliances of her Kings, whilst -ceasing to be instruments for the realisation of the vision of her -prime, still obeyed the traditionary policies which drew Spain -alternately to the side of France or Austria. But the end of such -efforts now was not to serve Spanish objects, wise or otherwise, but to -snatch advantage for the rival birds of prey who were hovering over the -body of a great nation in the throes of dissolution, ravening for a -share of her substance when the hour of death should strike. Sordid and -pathetic as the story of these intrigues may be in their political -aspect, the personal share in them of the Queens Consort themselves, -their methods, their triumphs and their failures, are often fraught with -intense interest to the student of manners. The life of the unscrupulous -Mariana of Austria, who in the interests of her house held Spain so long -in the name of her imbecile son, and in her turn was outwitted by Don -Juan and the French interest, presents us with a picture of the times so -intimate, thanks to the plentiful material left behind by a -self-conscious age, as to introduce us into the innermost secrets of the -intrigues to an extent that contemporaries would have thought -impossible. And again the sad, but very human, story of the young -half-English Princess, bright and light-hearted, torn from brilliant -Paris to serve French interests, as the wife of Mariana’s half-witted -son Charles II., only to beat herself to death against the bars of her -gloomy golden cage and break her heart to old Mariana’s undisguised joy, -throws a flood of lurid light upon Spanish society in its decadence, and -proves the baseness to which human ambition will stoop. More repugnant -is the career of poor Marie Louise’s German successor as the Consort of -the miserable Charles the Bewitched in his last years, and the tale of -the extraordinary series of plots woven by the rival parties around the -lingering deathbed of the King, whom they worried and frightened into -his grave, a senile dotard at forty. Only briefly dealt with here are -the Queens of the Bourbon renascence, stout little Marie Louise of -Savoy, and the forceful termagant Isabel Farnese, who, chosen to serve -as a humble instrument of others, at once seized whip and reins herself, -and drove Spain as she listed during a long life of struggle for the -aggrandisement of her sons, in which Europe was kept at strife for years -by the ambition of one woman. - -These and other Queens Consort will pass before us in the following -pages, some of them good, a few bad, and most of them unhappy. There is -no desire to dwell especially upon the sad and gloomy features of their -history, or to represent them all as victims; but it must not be -forgotten, in condonation of the shortcomings of some of them, that they -were sent from their own homes, kin, and country, often mere children, -to a distant foreign court, where the traditional etiquette was -appallingly austere and repellent; sacrificed in loveless marriage to -men whom they had never seen; treated as emotionless pawns in the game -of politics played by crafty brains. No wonder, then, that girlish -spirits should be crushed, that young hearts should break in despair, -or, as an alternative, should cast to the winds all considerations of -honour, duty, and dignity, and seek enjoyment before extinction came. -Some of them passed through the fiery ordeal triumphant, and stand forth -clear and shining. Great Isabel herself, another more colourless Isabel, -the Emperor’s wife, a third, Isabel of the Peace, most beloved of -Spanish Queens, and Anne her successor, as solemn Philip’s wife. Of -these no word of reproach may justly be said, nor of Margaret, the -Austrian consort of Philip III., nor of the spirited Isabel of Bourbon, -daughter of the gay and gallant Béarnais, and sister of Henriette Marie -of England. These and others bore their burden bravely to the last; and -of the few who cast theirs down, and strayed amongst the poisoned -flowers by the way, it may be truly urged that the trespasses of others -against them were greater than their own transgressions. Such of their -stories as are here told briefly are set forth with an honest desire to -attain accuracy in historical fact and impartiality in deduction -therefrom. There has been no desire to make either angels or devils of -the personages described. They were, like the rest of their kind, human -beings, with mixed and varying motives, swayed by personal and political -influences which must be taken into account in any attempt to appraise -their characters or understand their actions. Several of the lives are -here told in English for the first time by the light of modern research, -and in cases where statements are at variance with usually accepted -English teaching, references are given in footnotes to the contemporary -source from which the statements are derived. The opening of the -archives of several European countries, and the extensive reproduction -in print of interesting historical texts in Spain of late years, provide -much of the new material used in the present work; and the labours of -recent English, French, and Spanish historians have naturally been -placed under contribution for such fresh facts as they have adduced. -Where this is the case, acknowledgment is made in the form of footnotes. - - MARTIN HUME. - - - - - CONTENTS - - - BOOK I - - PAGE - ISABEL THE CATHOLIC 1 - - - BOOK II - - JOAN THE MAD 139 - - - BOOK III - - 1. MARY OF ENGLAND 207 - 2. ISABEL OF VALOIS 259 - - - BOOK IV - - 1. ISABEL OF BOURBON 315 - 2. MARIANA OF AUSTRIA 359 - - - BOOK V - - 1. MARIE LOUISE OF ORLEANS 411 - 2. MARIANA OF NEUBURG 485 - - - EPILOGUE 529 - - - INDEX 543 - - - - - ILLUSTRATIONS - - - MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF ENGLAND AND SPAIN. After a Painting - by ANTONIO MORE _Frontispiece_ - - ISABEL THE CATHOLIC AT THE SURRENDER OF GRANADA. After a _to face page_ - Painting by PRADILLA 64 - - JOAN THE MAD AND THE BODY OF HER HUSBAND. After a - Painting by PRADILLA „ „ 176 - - ISABEL OF VALOIS. After a Painting by PANTOJA DE LA CRUZ „ „ 288 - - ISABEL OF BOURBON. After a Painting by VELAZQUEZ „ „ 336 - - MARIANA OF AUSTRIA. After a Painting by VELAZQUEZ „ „ 368 - - ISABEL FARNESE. After a Painting by VAN LOO „ „ 536 - - _The above Illustrations are reproduced from Photographs by J. Lacoste, - Madrid._ - - - - - BOOK I - ISABEL THE CATHOLIC - - - CHAPTER I - -Proudly reared upon a lofty cliff above the trickling Manzanares, there -stood the granite palace that had gradually grown around the ancient -Moorish fortress of Madrid. Like an eagle from its aerie, its tiny -windows blinked across the tawny plain at the far-off glittering snow -peaks of Guadarrama, standing forth clear and sharp against a cobalt -sky. The Alcazar had been the scene of many strange happenings in the -past; and for a hundred years chivalric splendour had run riot in its -broad patios, with their arcades of slender columns, and in its -tapestried halls, whose carved ceilings blazed with gold and colour. -Frivolous, pleasure-loving, Juan II. of Castile, grandson of John of -Gaunt, had through a long reign outdone in vain ostentation the epic -poems and romances of chivalry that filled his brain, and he himself, -with his attendant Nubian lion slouching by his side, had stalked -through the Alcazar upon the cliff, a figure more picturesque than that -of Amadis or Arthur. His lavish, easy-going son, Henry IV., had followed -in his footsteps, and had made his palace of Madrid a home of dissolute -magnificence and humiliating debauchery, unexampled even in that age of -general decadence. - -But rarely had scenes at once so pregnant of evil, and yet so ostensibly -joyous, been enacted in the palace of Madrid as on the 17th March 1462. -Greed, hate and jealousy, raged beneath silken gowns and ermine mantles; -nay, beneath the gorgeous vestments of the great churchmen who stood -grouped before the altar in the palace chapel, though smiling faces and -words of pleasure were seen and heard on every side. For to the King, -after eight years of fruitless marriage, an heiress had been born, and -the court and people of Castile and Leon were bidden to make merry and -welcome their future Queen. Bull fights, tournaments, and cane contests, -the songs of minstrels and plenteous banquets, had for days beguiled a -populace palled with gaudy shows; and now the sacred ceremonies of the -Church were to sanctify the babe whose advent had moved so many hearts -to shocked surprise. The King, a shaggy, red-haired giant with slack, -lazy limbs and feeble face, towered in his golden crown and velvet -mantle over his nine-year-old half-brother Alfonso by his side. The -child, under a canopy, was borne in state up to the font by Count Alba -de Liste, and the stalwart, black-browed primate of Spain, Alfonso -Carrillo, Archbishop of Toledo, who, with three attendant bishops, -performed the ceremony, blessed the baby girl unctuously beneath the -King’s lymphatic gaze, though he had already resolved to ruin her. By -the side of the font stood the sponsors: a girl of eleven and a sturdy -noble in splendid attire, with his wife. All around, the courtiers, -their mouths wreathed in doubtful smiles which their lifted brows -belied, glanced alternately at the little group of sponsors, and at the -noblest figure of all the courtly throng: a young man glittering with -gems who stood behind the King. Tall, almost, as Henry himself, with -flashing dark eyes and jet black hair, a fair skin and gallant mien, -this youth formed with the King, and the group at the font, the elements -of a great drama, which ended in the renascence of Spain. For the young -man was Beltran de la Cueva, the new Count of Ledesma, who, all the -court was whispering, was really the father of the new-born Princess, -and the sponsors, besides the Frenchman Armignac, were the gorged and -spoiled favourite of the King, the all-powerful Juan Pacheco, Marquis of -Villena, and his wife, and the King’s half-sister, Princess Isabel of -Castile. The girl had seen nothing of court life, for up to this time, -from her orphaned babyhood, she had lived with her widowed mother and -younger brother in neglected retirement at the lone castle of Arevalo, -immersed in books and the gentle arts that modest maids were taught; but -she went through her part of the ceremony composedly, and with simple -dignity. She was already tall for her age, with a fair, round face, -large, light blue eyes, and the reddish hair of her Plantagenet -ancestors; and if she, in her innocence, guessed at some of the -tumultuous passions that were silently raging around her, she made no -sign, and bore herself calmly, as befitted the daughter of a long line -of kings.[1] - -Seven weeks afterwards, on the 9th May, in the great hall of the palace, -the nobles, prelates, and deputies of the chartered towns met to swear -allegiance to the new heiress of Castile. One by one, as they advanced -to kneel and kiss the tiny hand of the unconscious infant, they frowned -and whispered beneath their breath words of scorn and indignation which -they dared not utter openly, for all around, and thronging the corridors -and courtyards, there stood with ready lances the Morisco bodyguard of -the King, eager to punish disobedience. And so, though the insulting -nickname of the new Infanta Juana, _the Beltraneja_, after the name of -her assumed father, passed from mouth to mouth quietly, public protest -there was none.[2] - -Already before the birth of the hapless _Beltraneja_, the scandal of -Henry’s life, his contemptible weakness and the acknowledged sexual -impotence which had caused his divorce from his first wife, had made his -court a battle ground for rival ambitions. Like the previous Kings of -his house, which was raised to the throne by a fratricidal revolution, -and himself a rebel during his father’s lifetime, Henry IV. had lavished -crown gifts upon noble partisans to such an extent as to have reduced -his patrimony to nought. Justice was openly bought and sold, permanent -grants upon public revenues were bartered for small ready payments, law -and order were non-existent outside the strong walls of the fortified -cities, and the whole country was a prey to plundering nobles, who, -either separately or in “leagues,” tyrannised and robbed as they -listed.[3] Feudalism had never been strong in the realms of Castile, -because the frontier nobles, who for centuries pushed back gradually the -Moorish power, always had to depend upon conciliating the towns they -occupied, in order that the new regime might be more welcome than the -one displaced. The germ of institutions in Spain had ever been the -municipality, not the village grouped around the castle or the abbey as -in England, and the soldier noble in Spain, unlike the English or German -baron, had to win the support of townsmen, not to dispose of -agricultural serfs. But when the Moors in Spain had been reduced to -impotence, and a series of weak kings had been raised to the throne as -the puppets of nobles; then when feudalism was dying elsewhere, it -attempted to raise its head in Spain, capturing the government of towns -on the one hand and beggaring and dominating the King on the other. By -the time of which we are now speaking, the process was well nigh -complete; and the only safeguard against the absolute tyranny of the -nobles, was their mutual greed and jealousy. - -For years Juan Pacheco, Marquis of Villena, had ruled the King with a -rod of iron. The grants and gifts he had extorted for himself and his -friends made him more powerful than any other force in the land. But -there were those who sulked apart from him, nobles, some of them, of -higher lineage and greater hereditary territories than his; and when the -handsome foot page, Beltran de la Cueva, captured the good graces of the -King and his gay young Portuguese wife, Queen Juana, the enemies of -Villena saw in the rising star an instrument by which he might be -humbled. After the Beltraneja’s birth and christening, honours almost -royal were piled upon Beltran de la Cueva; and Villena and his uncle, -Alfonso Carrillo, Archbishop of Toledo, grew ever more indignant and -discontented. Only a fortnight after the Cortes had sworn allegiance to -the new Princess, Villena drew up a secret protest against the act, -alleging the illegitimacy of the child,[4] and soon open opposition to -King and favourite was declared. - -There is no space here to relate in detail the complicated series of -intrigues and humiliations that followed. The King on one occasion was -forced to hide in his own palace from the assaulting soldiery of -Villena. To buy the goodwill of the jealous favourite towards his little -daughter he went so far as to agree to a marriage between the Beltraneja -and Villena’s son;[5] and more humiliating still, in December 1464, he -consented to the inquiry of a commission of churchmen nominated by -Villena and his friends, to inquire into the legitimacy of his reputed -daughter. The inquiry elicited much piquant but entirely contradictory -evidence as to the virility of the King, who, it was admitted on all -hands, delighted in the society of ladies, and aroused the violent -jealousy of the Queen; but, although with our present lights there seems -to have been no valid reason for disinheriting the princess, the -commission was sufficiently in doubt to recommend the King to make the -best terms he could with the rebels. The King’s sister, Princess Isabel, -who at the time lived at Court, was also used as an instrument by Henry -to pacify the league against him. She had been betrothed when quite a -child at Arevalo to Prince Charles of Viana, eldest son of the King of -Aragon, and in right of his mother himself King of Navarre; a splendid -match which, failing issue from Henry and from her younger brother -Alfonso, might have led to the union of all Spain in one realm. But -Charles of Viana had already in 1461 fallen a victim to the hate and -jealousy of his stepmother, Juana Enriquez, daughter of a great -Castilian noble, Don Fadrique, the Admiral of the realm, and Isabel -became to her brother a valuable diplomatic asset. Before the storm of -war burst Henry attempted to wed his sister to Alfonso V. of Portugal, -his wife’s brother, and so to prevent her claims to the Castilian crown -being urged to the detriment of the Beltraneja; but the match had no -attraction for the clever cautious girl of thirteen; for the suitor was -middle-aged and ugly, and already her own genius or crafty councillors -had suggested to her the husband who would best serve her own interests. -So she gravely reminded her brother that she, a Castilian princess, -could not legally be bestowed in marriage without the formal -ratification of the Cortes. - -In September 1564 Beltran de la Cueva received the great rank of Master -of Santiago, which endowed him not only with vast revenues, but the -disposal of an armed force second to none in the kingdom, and this new -folly of the King was the signal for revolt. A party of nobles -immediately seized Valladolid against the King, and though the -townspeople promptly expelled them and proclaimed the loyalty of the -city, the issue between the factions was now joined. On the following -day, 16th September, an attempt that nearly succeeded was made to -capture and kidnap the King himself near Segovia. He was a poor, -feeble-minded creature, hating strife and danger, and, though some of -his stronger councillors protested against such weakness, he consented -to meet the revolted nobles, and redress their grievances. In October -Villena, the Archbishop of Toledo, Count Benavente, the Admiral Don -Fadrique, and the rest of the rebels, met Henry between Cabezon and -Cigales, and in three interviews, during their stay of five weeks, -dictated to the wretched King their demands.[6] The King was to dismiss -his Moorish guard and become a better Christian: he was to ask for no -more money without the consent of the nobles, to deprive Cueva of the -Mastership of Santiago, recognise his own impotence and the bastardy of -his daughter, and acknowledge as his heir his half-brother Alfonso, whom -he was to deliver to the guardianship of Villena. On the 30th November -the nobles and the King took the oath to hold the boy Alfonso as the -heir of Spain; and then Henry, a mere cypher thenceforward, sadly wended -his way to Segovia, where the commission to inquire into the shameful -question of his virility was still sitting,[7] and Villena and his -uncle, the warlike Archbishop, were thus practically the rulers of -Spain. But though Henry consented to everything he characteristically -tried to avoid the spirit of the agreement. Beltran de la Cueva was -deprived of the Mastership of Santiago, but he was made Duke of -Alburquerque in exchange for the loss, and the poor little disinherited -Beltraneja was treated with greater consideration than before. - -When civil war was seen to be inevitable in the spring of 1465, Henry -carried his wife and child with his sister Isabel to Salamanca, whilst -the Archbishop of Toledo, in the name of the revolted nobles, seized the -walled city of Avila, where within a few days he was joined by Villena -and his friends, bringing with them the Infante Alfonso, who, in -pursuance of the agreement made with the King at Cigales, had received -the oath of allegiance as heir to the crown. From the King it was clear -that the nobles could hope for no more, for he had summoned the nation -to arms to oppose them; but from a child King of their own making, rich -grants could still be wrung, and for the first time since the dying days -of the Gothic monarchy, the sacredness of the anointed Sovereign of -Castile was mocked and derided. In April 1565, at Plascencia, the nobles -swore secretly to hold Alfonso as King; and on the 5th June 1364, on a -mound within sight of the walls of Avila, the public scene was enacted -that shocked Spain like a sacrilege. Upon a staging there was seated a -lay figure in mourning robes, with a royal crown upon its head; a sword -of state before it, and in the hand a sceptre. A great multitude of -people with bated breath awaited the living actors in the scene; and -soon there issued from the city gate a brilliant cavalcade of nobles and -bishops, headed by Villena escorting the little prince Alfonso. Arriving -before the scaffolding, and in mockery saluting the figure, most of the -nobles mounted the platform, whilst Villena, the Master of Alcantara, -and Count Medillin, with a bodyguard, conveyed the Infante to a coign of -vantage some distance away. Then in a loud voice was read upon the -platform the impeachment of the King, which was summed up under four -heads. For the first, it ran, Henry of Castile is unworthy to enjoy the -regal dignity; and as the tremendous words were read the Archbishop of -Toledo stepped forth and tore the royal crown from the brows of the -lifeless doll: for the second, he is unfit to administer justice in the -realm, and the Count of Plascencia removed the sword of state from its -place: for the third, no rule or government should be entrusted to him, -and Count of Benavente took from the figure’s powerless grasp the -sceptre which it held: for the fourth, he should be deprived of the -throne and the honour due to kings, whereupon Don Diego Lopez de Zuñiga -cast the dummy down and trampled it under foot, amidst the jeers and -curses of the crowd. When this was done, and the platform cleared, young -Alfonso was raised aloft in the arms of men that all might see, and a -great shout went up of “_Castilla, Castilla, for the King Don Alfonso_,” -and then, seated on the throne, the boy gave his hand to kiss to those -who came to pay their new sovereign fealty. Like wildfire across the -steppes and mountains of Castile sped the awful news, and Henry in -Salamanca was soon surrounded by hosts of subjects whose reverence for a -sacrosanct King had been wounded by what they regarded as impious -blasphemy. - -Both factions flew to arms, and for months civil war raged, the walled -cities being alternately besieged and captured by both parties. Isabel -herself remained with the King, usually at Segovia or Madrid; though -with our knowledge of her character and tastes, she can have had little -sympathy with the tone of her brother’s court. At one time during the -lingering struggle in 1466, Henry endeavoured to win Villena and his -family from the side of rebellion by betrothing Isabel to Don Pedro -Giron, Master of Calatrava, Villena’s brother. The suitor was an uncouth -boor, and that an Infanta of Castile should be sacrificed in marriage -with an upstart such as he was too much for Isabel’s pride and great -ambition. Nothing in the world, she said, should bring her to such a -humiliation; though the King, careless of her protests, petitioned the -Pope to dispense Don Pedro from his pledge of celibacy as Master of a -monkish military order. Isabel’s faithful friend, Doña Beatriz -Bobadilla, wife of Andres Cabrera, High Steward of the King, and -Commander of the fortress of Segovia, was as determined as her mistress -that the marriage should not take place, and swore herself to murder Don -Pedro, if necessary, to prevent it. A better way was found than by Dona -Beatriz’s dagger, for when the papal dispensation arrived, and the -prospective bridegroom set out in triumph to claim his bride, poison cut -short his career as soon as he left his home. Whether Isabel herself was -an accomplice of the act will never be known. She probably would not -have hesitated to sanction it in the circumstances, according to the -ethics of the time; for she never flinched, as her brother did, at -inflicting suffering for what she considered necessary ends. - -On the 20th August 1467, the main bodies of both factions met on the -historic battlefield of Olmedo, the warlike Archbishop of Toledo, clad -in armour covered by a surcoat embroidered with the holy symbols, led -into battle the boy pretender Alfonso; whilst the royal favourite, -Beltran de la Cueva, now Duke of Alburquerque, on the King’s side, -matched the valour of the Churchman.[8] Both sides suffered severely, -but the pusillanimity of the King caused the fight to be regarded as a -defeat for him, and the capture of his royal fortress of Segovia soon -afterwards proved his impotence in arms so clearly, that a sort of -_modus vivendi_ was arranged, by which for nearly a year each King -issued decrees and ostensibly ruled the territories held by his -partisans.[9] - -At length, in July 1468, the promising young pretender Alfonso died -suddenly and mysteriously in his fifteenth year, at Cardeñosa, near -Avila; perhaps of plague, as was said at the time, but more probably of -poison;[10] and the whole position was at once revolutionised. Isabel -had been in the Alcazar of Segovia with her friends the commander and -his wife when the city was surrendered to the rebels, and from that -time, late in 1567, she had followed the fortunes of Alfonso, with whom -she was at his death. She at once retired broken-hearted to the convent -of Santa Clara in Avila, but not, we may be certain, unmindful of the -great change wrought in her prospects by her brother’s premature death. -She was nearly seventeen years of age, learned and precocious far beyond -her years; the events that had passed around her for the last six years -had matured her naturally strong judgment, and there is no doubt from -what followed that she had already decided upon her course of action. -She was without such affectionate guidance as girls of her age usually -enjoy; for her unhappy widowed mother, to whom she was always tender and -kind, had already fallen a victim to the hereditary curse of the house -of Portugal, to which she belonged, and lived thenceforward in lethargic -insanity in her castle of Arevalo. Isabel’s brother the King was her -enemy, and she had no other near relative: the churchmen and nobles who -had risen against Henry, and were now around her, were, it must have -been evident to her, greedy rogues bent really upon undermining the -royal power for their own benefit; and deeply devout as Isabel was, she -was quite unblinded by the illusion that the Archbishop and bishops who -led the revolt were moved to their action by any considerations of -morality or religion. On the other hand, the rebellious nobles and -ecclesiastics could not persist in their revolt without a royal figure -head. Young Alfonso, a mere child, had been an easy tool, and doubtless -the leaders thought that this silent, self-possessed damsel would be -quite as facile to manage. - -They did not have to wait many days for proof to the contrary. The -Archbishop of Toledo was the mouthpiece of his associates. Within the -venerable walls of the royal convent at Avila he set before Isabel a -vivid picture of the evils of her elder brother’s rule, his shameful -laxity of life, his lavish squandering of the nation’s wealth upon -unworthy objects, and the admitted illegitimacy of the daughter he -wished to make his heiress; and the Archbishop ended by offering to -Isabel, in the name of the nobles, the crowns of Castile. The wearer of -these crowns, wrested painfully through centuries of struggle from -intruding infidels, had always been held sacred. The religious -exaltation born of the reconquest had invested the Christian sovereigns -in the eyes of their subjects with divine sanction and special saintly -patronage. To attack them was not disloyalty alone, but sacrilege; and -the deposition of Henry at Avila had, as we have seen, thrilled Spain -with horror. It was no part of Isabel’s plan to do anything that might -weaken the reverence that surrounded the throne to which she knew now -she might succeed. So her answer to the prelate was firm as well as -wise. With many sage reflections taken from the didactic books that had -always been her study, she declared that she would never accept a crown -that was not hers by right. She desired to end the miserable war, she -said, and to be reconciled to her brother and sovereign. If the nobles -desired to serve her they would not try to make her Queen before her -time, but persuade the King to acknowledge her as his heir, since they -assured her that the Princess Juana was the fruit of adultery. - -At first the nobles were dismayed at an answer that some thought would -mean ruin to them. But the Archbishop, Carrillo, knew the weakness of -Henry, and whispered to Villena as they descended the convent stairs, -that the Infanta’s resolve to claim the heirship would mean safety and -victory for them. Little did he or the rest of the nobles know the great -spirit and iron will of the girl with whom they had to deal. No time was -lost in approaching the King. He was ready to agree to anything for a -quiet life, and Alburquerque, and even the great Cardinal Mendoza, -agreed with him that an accord was advisable; though it might be broken -afterwards when the nobles were disarmed. Before the end of August all -was settled, and the cities of Castile had sent their deputies to take -the oath of allegiance to Isabel as heiress to the crown. A formal -meeting was arranged to take place between Henry and his sister at a -place called the Venta de los Toros de Guisando, a hostelry famous for -some prehistoric stone figures of undetermined beasts in the -neighbourhood. All was amiable on the surface. Henry embraced his sister -and promised her his future affection, settling upon her the -principality of Asturias and Oviedo, and the cities of Avila, Huete, -Medina, and many others, with all revenues and jurisdictions as from the -beginning of the revolt (September 1464).[11] But by the agreement -Isabel was bound not to marry without the King’s consent, and it is -evident that to this condition Henry and his friends looked for -rendering their concessions voidable. - -The intrigues of the two parties of Castile were therefore now centred -upon the marriage of the Princess. Suitors were not lacking. If we are -to believe Hall, Edward IV. of England, before his marriage with -Elizabeth Grey, was approached by the Spaniards, and it is certain that -his brother Richard, Duke of Gloucester, was at one time a wooer. Either -of them would have suited Henry of Castile, because it would have -removed Isabel from Spain. A Portuguese would have also been acceptable -to the same party, because Portugal was naturally on the side of the -Beltraneja and her Portuguese mother. But Isabel had other views, and -the only suitors that were entertained seriously were the Duke of -Guienne, the brother of Louis XI., and the young Ferdinand of Aragon, -the son and heir of John II. and nephew of the doughty old Admiral of -Castile, who had stood by the side of the nobles in their revolt. There -was never any doubt as to which of the suitors Isabel favoured. The -Frenchman was reported to her as a poor, puny creature with weak legs -and watery eyes, whilst Ferdinand, a youth of her own age, was praised -to the skies for his manliness, his good looks, and his abilities, by -those whose judgment she trusted. It is impossible to say whether Isabel -as yet fully understood what such a marriage might mean to Spain; but it -is certain that the wicked old John II. of Aragon was quite aware of its -advantages for his own realm. - -The house of Aragon, with its domains of Sicily and Naples, and its -secular ambition towards the east, had found itself everywhere opposed -by the growing power of France. The Mediterranean, the seat of empire -for centuries, had no finer havens than those under the sceptre of -Aragon, but the Catalans were harsh and independent with their kings, -and sparing of their money for royal purposes. A poor king of Aragon -could not hope, with his own unaided resources, to beat France on the -Gulf of Lyons, and bear the red and yellow banner of Barcelona to the -infidel Levant. But with the resources in men and money of greater -Castile at his bidding, all was possible; and John II., who had not -scrupled to murder his first-born son for the benefit of his second, and -oust his own children from their mother’s realm of Navarre, was ready to -go to any lengths to bring about the union which might realise the dream -of Aragon. - -From Isabel’s point of view, too, the match was a good one, apart from -personal inclination. There is no doubt whatever that she was, even thus -early, determined when her time came to crush the tyrannous nobles who -had reduced Castile to anarchy and the sovereign to a contemptible lay -figure. With her great talent she understood that to do this she must -dispose of force apart from that afforded by any league of nobles in -Castile itself; and she looked towards Aragon to lend her such -additional strength. This fact, however, was not lost upon the greedy -nobles, especially Villena. The turbulent leader of conspiracy already -looked askance at the quiet determined girl who thus early imposed her -will upon her followers, and throwing his power again on the side of the -king he had once solemnly deposed, he seized the mastership of Santiago -as his reward. In a panic at the fear of the Aragonese match, the king -and Villena once more agreed to marry Isabel with the king of Portugal, -Villena and Cardinal Mendoza being heavily bribed by the Portuguese for -their aid.[12] Isabel was at her town of Ocaña at the time, and her -position was extremely difficult and perilous when the Portuguese envoys -came to her with Villena to offer her their king’s hand. As Isabel had -several weeks before secretly bound herself to marry Ferdinand of -Aragon, her reply was a diplomatic refusal to the Portuguese advances; -and Villena, enraged, was disposed to capture her on the spot and carry -her a prisoner to Court. Inconvenient princes and princesses were easily -removed in those days, and Isabel’s danger was great. But she had the -faculty of compelling love and admiration; she was as brave as a lion -and as cunning as a serpent, and the people of Ocaña made it quite -evident to Villena that they would allow no violence to be offered to -her. But clearly something must be done to prevent Isabel from becoming -too strong; and as a last resort after her refusal to entertain the -Portuguese match it was determined to capture her by force of arms. She -was then at Madrigal, and Villena’s nephew, the Bishop of Burgos, bribed -her servants to desert her in her hour of need: the King sent orders to -the townsmen that no resistance was to be offered to his officers; and -Cardinal Mendoza with a strong force marched towards Madrigal to arrest -Isabel. But another archbishop, more warlike than he, Carrillo of -Toledo, was before him. With the Admiral Don Fadrique and a band of -horsemen, he swooped down from Leon and bore Isabel to safety amongst -those who would have died for her, and entered into the great city of -Valladolid after sunset on the 31st August 1469. No time was to be lost. -Envoys were sent in disguise hurrying up to Saragossa, to hasten the -coming of the bridegroom. The service was a dangerous one; for if -Ferdinand had fallen into the hands of the Court party a short shrift -would have been his. But the stake was great, and Juan II. of Aragon and -his son, young as the latter was, did not stick at trifles. One -difficulty, indeed, was overcome characteristically. Isabel was known to -be rigidity itself in matters of propriety; and, as she and Ferdinand -were second cousins, a papal bull was necessary for the marriage. The -Pope, Paul II., was on the side of the Castilian Court, and no bull -could be got from him; but Juan II. of Aragon and the Archbishop of -Toledo carefully had one forged to satisfy Isabel’s scruples.[13] - -Whilst one imposing cavalcade of Aragonese bearing rich presents took -the high road into Castile and occupied the attention of the King’s -officers, a modest party of five merchants threaded the mountain paths -by Soria, after leaving the Aragonese territory at Tarazona on the 7th -October. The first day after entering Castile they rode well-nigh sixty -miles; and late at night the little cavalcade approached the walled town -of Osma, where Pedro Manrique and an armed escort were to meet them. The -night was black, and their summons at the gates of the town was -misunderstood: a cry went up that this was a body of the king’s men to -surprise the place; and from the ramparts a shower of missiles flew upon -the strangers below. One murderous stone whizzed within a few inches of -the head of a fair-haired lad of handsome visage and manly bearing, who, -as a servant, accompanied those who wore the garb of merchants. It was -Ferdinand himself who thus narrowly escaped death, and a hurried -explanation, a shouted password, the flashing of torches followed, and -then the creaking drawbridge fell, the great gates clanged open, and the -danger was over.[14] The next day, with larger forces, Ferdinand reached -Dueñas, in Leon, near Valladolid; and four days later, now in raiment -that befitted a royal bridegroom, for his father had made him king of -Sicily, he rode when most men slept to Valladolid. It was nearly -midnight when he arrived, and the gates of the city were closed for the -night, but a postern in the walls gave access to the house in which -Isabel was lodged; and there the Archbishop of Toledo led him by hand -into the presence of his bride, to whom he was solemnly betrothed by the -Archbishop’s chaplain. It was all done so secretly that no inkling of it -reached the slumbering town; and within two hours the youth was in the -saddle again and reached Dueñas long before dawn.[15] - -On the 18th October 1469, four days later, all was ready for the public -marriage, and Ferdinand entered the city this time in state, with -Castilian and Aragonese men-at-arms and knights around him. Isabel was -staying at the best house in Valladolid, that of her partisan, Juan -Vivero, and the great hall was richly decked for the occasion of this, -one of the fateful marriages of history, though none could have known -that it was such at the time. The celebrant was the warlike Archbishop -who had been so powerful a factor in bringing it about; and the next -day, after mass, the married pair dined in public amidst the rejoicing -of the faithful people of Valladolid. There was little pomp and -circumstance in the wedding, for the times were critical, the realm -disturbed, and money scarce; but imagination is stirred by the -recollection of the great consequences that ensued upon it, and those -who saw the event, even with their necessarily limited vision of its -effects, must have realised that any splendour lavished upon it could -not have enhanced its importance. - -The news of the dreaded marriage filled the King and his court with -dismay. Villena, in close league with Alburquerque and the Mendozas, now -espoused the cause of the Beltraneja,[16] who was declared the -legitimate heiress to the Crown, and betrothed to Isabel’s former -suitor, the Duke of Guienne, in the presence of the assembled nobles, at -the monastery of Loyola, near Segovia. It mattered not, apparently, that -the very men who now swore fealty to Juana, the hapless Beltraneja, had -previously denounced her as a bastard: they wanted a puppet, not a -mistress, as Isabel was likely to be, and they were quite ready to -perjure themselves in their own interests. Isabel was formally deprived -of all her grants and privileges, even of the lordship of her town of -Dueñas, near Valladolid;[17] where she and Ferdinand had kept their -little court, and where their first child had just been born (October -1470), a daughter, to whom they gave the name of Isabel. - -Ferdinand could not remain long in idleness, and was soon summoned by -his father to aid him in a war with France, being absent from his wife -for over a year, winning fresh experience and credit both as soldier and -negotiator. In the meanwhile, things were going badly again for the -Beltraneja. Her French betrothed died in May 1472; and some of the -nobles, jealous of the greed of Villena, were once more wavering, and -making secret approaches to Isabel. She had bold and zealous friends in -the Chamberlain Cabrera, who held the strong castle of Segovia, and his -wife, Beatriz de Bobadilla.[18] In the last weeks of 1473, Doña Beatriz -and her husband urged Henry to forgive and receive his sister. She was, -they told him, being persecuted by the Marquis of Villena, and had meant -no harm in her marriage with the man she loved. Henry was doubtful, but -Cardinal Mendoza and Count Benavente had changed sides again, and now -quietly used their influence in Isabel’s favour. A grudging promise was -given by the King, but it was enough for Doña Beatriz; and, disguised as -a farmer’s wife, she set forth from Segovia on a market pad; and alone -over the snowy roads, hurried to carry the good news to the Princess in -the town of Aranda, which had just been surrendered to her by the -townsfolk. A few days afterwards, on further advice from Doña Beatriz, -Isabel, escorted by the Archbishop of Toledo and his men-at-arms, -travelled through the night, and before the first streak of dawn on the -28th December 1473, they were admitted into the Alcazar of Segovia, -where no force but treachery could harm her. - -Villena’s son, who, fearing betrayal, had refused to enter the city when -he had come with the King weeks before, and had remained in the -neighbourhood at the famous Geronomite monastery of El Parral, founded -by his father, fled at the news. His father, with Alburquerque and the -Constable of Castile, Count of Haro, at once met at Cuellar, and sent an -insolent order to Henry to expel his sister from Segovia. It came too -late, however. The King, by this time, had met Isabel, who had received -him at the gate of the Alcazar, and professed her love and duty to him. -In a speech full of womanly wisdom,[19] she said she had come to pray -him to put aside anger towards her, for she meant no evil; and all she -asked was that he should fulfil his oath taken at Toros de Guisando, and -acknowledge her as heiress of Castile. ‘For by the laws of God and man, -the succession belonged to her.’ Weak Henry swayed from one side to the -other like a reed in the wind, as either party had his ear; and at last -Isabel took the bold course of sending secretly for Ferdinand, who had -just returned from Aragon. The risk was great, but Isabel knew, at -least, that she could depend upon the Commander of the Alcazar of -Segovia, and Ferdinand secretly entered the fortress on the 4th January -1474. It was a difficult matter for Doña Beatriz to persuade the King to -receive his young brother-in-law; but she succeeded at last, and when -Henry had consented, he did the thing handsomely, and they all rode -together through the city in state, with great show of affection and -rejoicing. On Twelfth Day, Doña Beatriz and her husband gave a great -banquet to the royal party[20] at the Bishop’s palace, between the -Alcazar and the Cathedral. Whilst the minstrels were playing in the hall -after dinner, the King suddenly fell ill. Violent vomiting and purging -seemed to point to poison, and the alarm was great. Prayers and -processions continued night and day, and the unfortunate man seemed to -recover; but, though he lived for nearly a year longer, he never was -well again, the irritation of the stomach continuing incessantly until -he sank from weakness. - -In the interim both factions interminably worried him to settle the -succession. Sometimes he would lean to Isabel’s friends, sometimes to -Villena and Alburquerque, but Isabel herself, wise and cautious, knew -where safety alone for her could be found, and took care not to stir -outside the Alcazar of Segovia, in the firm keeping of Cabrera, who -himself was in the firm keeping of his wife, Doña Beatriz. Once in the -summer it was found that the King had treacherously agreed that -Villena’s forces should surreptitiously enter the town and occupy the -towers of the cathedral, whence they might throw explosives into the -Alcazar and capture Isabel on the ground that she was poisoning the -King; but the plan was frustrated, and Henry, either in fear or ashamed -of his part of the transaction, left Segovia to place himself in the -hands of Villena at Cuellar. Greedy to the last, Villena carried the -sick King to Estremadura to obtain the surrender of some towns there -that he coveted; but to Henry’s expressed grief, and the relief of the -country, the insatiable favourite died unexpectedly of a malignant -gathering in the throat on the way, and the King returned to Madrid, -himself a dying man. His worthless life flickered out before dawn on the -12th December 1474, and his last plans were for the rehabilitation of -the Beltraneja. He is said to have left a will bequeathing her the -succession; but Cardinal Mendoza, Count Benavente, and his other -executors, never produced such a document, which, moreover, would have -been repudiated now by the nation at large, passionately loyal, as it -already mainly was, to Isabel.[21] - -There was hardly a private or public shortcoming of which Henry in his -lifetime had not been accused. From the Sovereign Pontiff to frank, but -humble subjects, remonstrances against his notoriously bad conduct had -been offered to the wretched King; and at his death the accumulated -evils, bred by a line of frivolous monarchs, had reached their climax. -There was no justice, order or security for life or property, and the -strong oppressed the weak without reproach or hindrance, the only -semblance of law being maintained by the larger walled cities in their -territories by means of their armed burgess brotherhood. But in the -disturbances that had succeeded the birth of the Beltraneja the cities -themselves were divided, and in many cases the factions within their own -walls made them scenes of bloodshed and insecurity. Faith and religion, -that had hitherto been the mainstay of the throne of Castile, had been -trampled under foot and oppressed by a monarch whose constant companions -and closest servitors had been of the hated brood of Mahomet. Nobles -who, for themselves and their adherents, had wrung from the Kings nearly -all they had to give, and threatened even to overwhelm the cities, were -free from taxation, except the almost obsolete feudal aid in spears -which the Sovereign had nominally a right to summon at need. Such men as -Villena, or Alvaro de Luna in the previous reign, with more armed -followers than the King and greater available wealth, were the real -sovereigns of Castile in turbulent alternation, and the final -disintegration of the realm into petty principalities appeared to be the -natural and imminent outcome of the state of affairs that existed when -Henry IV. breathed his last. - -All Castile and Leon, with their daughter kingdoms, were looking and -praying for a saviour who could bring peace and security; and at first -sight it would seem as if a turbulent State that had never been ruled by -a woman could hardly expect that either of the young princesses who -claimed the crown could bring in its dire need the qualities desired for -its salvation. Isabel’s popularity, especially in Valladolid, Avila and -Segovia, was great; and at the moment of the King’s death her friends -were the stronger and more prompt, for Villena had just died, the -Beltraneja was but a child of twelve, and the Queen-Mother, discredited -and scorned, was lingering out her last days in a convent in Madrid.[22] -The towns, for the most part, awaited events in awe, fearing to take the -wrong side, and a breathless pause followed the death of the King. -Isabel was at Segovia, and under her influence and that of Cabrera, the -city was the first to throw off the mask and raised the pennons for -Isabel and Ferdinand, to whom, in her presence, it swore allegiance and -proclaimed sovereigns of Castile. Valladolid followed on the 29th -December; whilst Madrid, whose fortress was in the hands of Villena’s -son, declared for the Beltraneja. The nobles shuffled again; moved by -personal interest or rivalry, the Archbishop of Toledo, abandoning -Isabel out of jealousy of Cardinal Mendoza; whilst Alburquerque, the -supposed father of the Beltraneja, joined her opponent, and civil war, -aided by foreign invasion from Portugal, was organised to dispute with -Isabel and her husband their right to the crown. - -By rare good fortune the young couple, who were thus forced to fight for -their splendid inheritance, were the greatest governing geniuses of -their age. It is time to say something of their gifts and characters. -They were both, at the time of their accession, twenty-three years of -age, and, as we have seen, their experience of life had already been -great and disillusioning. Isabel’s was incomparably the higher mind of -the two. The combined dignity and sweetness of her demeanour captivated -all those who approached her, whilst her almost ostentatious religious -humility and devotion won the powerful commendation of the churchmen who -had suffered so heavily during the reign of Henry. There is no reason to -doubt her sincerity or her real good intentions any more than those of -her great-grandson, Philip II., a very similar, though far inferior, -character. Like him, she never flinched from inflicting what we now call -cruelty in the pursuance of her aims, though she had no love for cruelty -for its own sake. She was determined that Spain should be united, and -that rigid orthodoxy should be the cementing bond; that the sacred -sovereign of Castile should be supreme over the bodies and souls of men, -for her crown in her eyes was the symbol of divine selection and -inspiration, and nothing done in the service of God by His vice-regent -could be wrong, great as the suffering that it might entail. She was -certainly what our lax generation calls a bigot; but bigotry in her time -and country was a shining virtue, and is still her greatest claim to the -regard of many of her countrymen. She was unmerciful in her severity in -suppressing disorder and revolt; but we have seen the state at which -affairs had arrived in Castile when she acceded to the crown, and it is -quite evident that nothing but a rod of iron governed by a heart of ice -was adequate to cope with the situation. Terrible as was Isabel’s -justice, it entailed in the end much less suffering than a continuance -of the murderous anarchy she suppressed.[23] Her strength and activity -of body matched her prodigious force of mind, and she constantly struck -awe in her potential opponents by her marvellous celerity of movement -over desolate tracts of country almost without roads, riding often -throughout the night distances that appear at the present day to be -almost incredible. - -Ferdinand was as despotic and as ambitious as she, but his methods were -absolutely different. He wanted the strength of Castile to push -Aragonese interests in Italy and the Mediterranean; and, like Isabel, he -saw that religious unity was necessary if he was to be provided with a -solid national weapon for his hand. But for Isabel’s exalted mystic -views of religion he cared nothing. He was, indeed, severely practical -in all things; never keeping an oath longer than it suited him to do so, -loving the crooked way if his end could be gained by it, and he -positively gloried in the tergiversation by which throughout his life he -got the better of every one with whom he dealt, until death made sport -of all his plans and got the better of him. His school of politics was -purely Italian; and he cynically acted upon the knowledge, as Henry VII. -of England also did, that the suppression of feudalism doomed the -sovereign to impotence unless he could hoard large sums of ready money -wrung from subjects. In future he saw that kings would be feared, not -for the doubtful feudatories they might summon, but in proportion to the -men and arms they could promptly pay for in cash; and he went one better -than the two Henry Tudors in getting the treasure he saw was needed. -They squeezed rills of money from religious orthodoxy, and divided their -subjects for a century; he drew floods of gold by exterminating a -heterodox minority, and united Spain for the ends he had in view. -Ferdinand and Isabel might therefore challenge the admiration of -subjects for their greatness and high aims, and command loyalty by their -success as rulers; but they cannot be regarded as loveable human beings. - -Between two such strong characters as these it was not to be expected -that all would be harmonious at first, and the married life of Isabel -began inauspiciously enough in one respect. There is no doubt that both -Ferdinand and his father intended that the former should be King regnant -of Castile, and not merely King consort. Ferdinand indeed, through his -grandfather of the same name, was the male heir to the Castilian crowns; -and as the Salic law prevailed in Aragon, they assumed that it might be -enforced in Castile. This, however, was very far from Isabel’s view; -reinforced as she was by the decision of the Castilian churchmen and -jurists, and she stood firm. For a time Ferdinand sulked and threatened -to leave her to fight out her battle by herself; but better counsels -prevailed, and an agreement was made by which they were to reign -jointly, but that Isabel alone should appoint all commanders, officers -and administrators, in Castile, and retain control of all fiscal matters -in her realms. - -On the 2nd January 1475, Ferdinand joined his wife in Segovia, where a -Cortes had been summoned to take the oath of allegiance to them. Through -the thronged and cheering street he rode to the Alcazar; Beltran de la -Cueva, Duke of Alburquerque, by his side, and nobles, bishops and -burgesses, flocked to do homage to the new sovereigns. Two months later -the faithful city of Valladolid greeted the royal couple with effusive -joy; and a round of festivities drew the lieges and gave time for -adherents to come in. Both parties were mustering forces for the great -struggle; and it needed stout hearts on the part of Isabel and her -husband to face the future. The Archbishop of Toledo was now on the side -of the Beltraneja; and so was Madrid and some of the great nobles of -Andalucia; and, worst of all, Alfonso of Portugal had been betrothed to -his niece the Beltraneja; and was even now gathering his army to invade -Castile and seize the crown. On the 3rd April the new sovereigns held -high festival at Valladolid. Isabel, in crimson brocade and with a -golden crown upon her veiled abundant russet hair, mounted a white -hackney with saddle cloth, housings and mane covered with gold and -silver flowers. She was followed by fourteen noble dames dressed in -parti-coloured tabards, half green brocade and half claret velvet, and -head dresses to imitate crowns; and, as they rode to take the place of -honour in the tilt yard, men said that no woman was ever seen so -beautiful and majestic as the Queen of Spain.[24] Knights and nobles -flocked to the lists, and King Ferdinand rode into the yard mounted upon -his warhorse to break a lance, the acknowledged finest horseman in -Spain. But as he entered the populace stared to see the strange crest he -bore upon his helm, and the stranger motto emblazoned upon his shield. -What could it mean? asked, not without fear, some of those who professed -to be his friends. The crest took the form of a blacksmith’s anvil, and -the motto ran;— - - _Como yunque sufro y callo, - Por el tiempo en que me hallo._ - - I do bear, like anvil dumb, - Blows, until the time shall come.[25] - -which we are told was meant as a warning to those at his side that he -knew they were beguiling him with such pageantry whilst they were -paltering with his enemies. - -It was a gay though ominous feast; but Isabel could not afford much time -for such trifling, and on the second day she mounted her palfrey and -rode out to Tordesillas, forty miles away, to inspect the -fortifications, and then to make an attempt to win back to her cause the -Archbishop of Toledo. With prodigious activity the young Sovereigns -separately travelled from fortress to fortress, animating followers, and -providing for defence; and Isabel was in the imperial city of Toledo -late in May 1475, when the news came to her that the King of Portugal -had entered Spain with a large army, had formally married the Beltraneja -at Palencia, and proclaimed himself King of Castile.[26] Without wasting -a moment Isabel started on horseback for her faithful fief of Avila, -ninety miles away. She was less than two days on the road, and, though -she had a miscarriage on the way at Cabezon she dared not tarry until -safe within the walls of the city, which she entered on the 28th May. - -For some months thereafter the fate of Spain hung in the balance. -Ferdinand strained every nerve, but the forces against him were stronger -than his, and the Archbishop of Toledo with his wealth and following had -reinforced the Portuguese. The invading army lay across the Douro at -Toro, a frontier fortress of Leon of fabulous strength, and Ferdinand -from Valladolid attempted to push them back and was beaten. All Leon, -and the plain of Castile as far as Avila, looked at the mercy of the -invaders. But the Portuguese was slow of action, and at this critical -juncture the splendid courage of Isabel saved the situation.[27] -Summoning Cortes at her city of Medina, the centre of the cloth industry -and the greatest mart for bills of exchange in Europe, she appealed to -their patriotism, their loyalty, and their love. Her eloquent plea was -irresistible. Money was voted without stint, merchants and bankers -unlocked their coffers, churches sold their plate, and monasteries -disinterred their hoards. Aragonese troops marched in, Castilian levies -came to the call of their Queen, and by the end of 1475 Ferdinand was at -the head of an army strong enough to face the invaders. Isabel took her -full share of the military operations. On the 8th January 1476, she rode -out of Valladolid through terrible weather, in the coldest part of -Spain, to join Ferdinand’s half-brother, Alfonso, before Burgos. For ten -days the Queen travelled through the deep snowdrifts before she reached -the camp, to find that the city had already surrendered; and on the -evening of her arrival, in the gathering dusk, she entered the city of -the Cid, to be received by kneeling, silk-clad aldermen with heads bowed -for past transgressions, to be graciously pardoned by the Queen. The -pardon was hearty and prompt; for these, and such as these, Isabel meant -to make her instruments for bringing Spain to heel. - -In the meanwhile Ferdinand had marched to meet the invading army of 3000 -horse and 10,000 foot which lay across the Douro at Toro. First he set -siege to Zamora, between the invading army and its base, and the King of -Portugal ineffectually attempted to blockade him. Failing in this, the -invaders on the 17th February raised their camp and marched towards Toro -again. They stole away silently, but Ferdinand followed them as rapidly -as possible, and caught up with them twelve miles from Toro, late in the -afternoon, on the banks of the Douro. The charge of the Aragonese upon -the disorganised army on the march was irresistible, and a complete rout -of the invaders ensued, no less than 300 of the fugitives being drowned -in the river in sheer panic. King Alfonso of Portugal fled, leaving his -royal standard behind him, and before nightfall all was over, and the -last hope of the Beltraneja had faded for ever. - -A month afterwards Zamora, the almost impregnable fortress, surrendered -to Ferdinand; and then the King marched to subdue other towns, whilst -Isabel laid siege to Toro. The Queen scorned to avail herself of the -privilege of her sex, and suffered all the hardships and dangers of a -soldier’s life. Early and late she was on horseback superintending the -operations, and ordered and witnessed more than one unsuccessful assault -upon the town. At length, after a siege of many months, Toro itself -fell, the last great fortress to hold out, and Isabel rode into the -starving city in triumph. Then indeed was she Queen of Castile, with -none to question her right. - -The waverers hastened to join the victorious side, the nobles who had -helped the Beltraneja, even the Archbishop of Toledo, came penitently, -one by one, to make such terms as their mistress would accord; whilst -the Beltraneja herself, unmarried again by an obedient Pope, retired to -a Portuguese convent, and the King of Portugal afterwards laid aside his -royal crown and assumed the tonsure and coarse gown of a Franciscan -friar. Never was victory more complete; and when three years later, -early in 1479, the old King of Aragon, Ferdinand’s father, went to his -account, Isabel and Ferdinand, for ever known as ‘the Catholic kings,’ -by grace of the Pope, reigned over Spain jointly from the Pyrenees to -the Pillars of Hercules, one poor tributary Moorish realm, Granada, -alone remaining to sully with infidelity the reunited domains of the -Cross. - -But the elements of aristocratic anarchy still existed, especially in -Galicia and Andalucia, where certain noble families assumed the position -of almost independent sovereigns, and at any time might again imperil -the very existence of the State. With the great ambitions of Ferdinand -and the exalted fervour of Isabel to spread Christianity, it must have -been clear to both sovereigns that they must make themselves absolutely -supreme in their own country before they could attempt to carry out -their views abroad. The realms of Aragon offered no great difficulty, -since good order prevailed, although the strict parliamentary -constitutions sorely limited the regal power, and gave to the estates -the command of the purse. In Castile, however, the nobles, eternally at -feud with each other, were quite out of hand, and Isabel’s first -measures were directed towards shearing them of their power for -mischief. All the previous kings of her line—that of Trastamara—had been -simply puppets in the hands of the nobility; she was determined, as a -preliminary of greater things, to be sole mistress in her realm. Her -task was a tremendous one, and needed supreme diplomacy in dividing -opponents, as well as firmness in suppressing them. Isabel was a host in -herself; and to her, much more than to her husband, must be given the -honour of converting utter anarchy into order and security in a -prodigiously short time. - -The only semblance of settled life and respect for law in Castile was to -be found in the walled towns. The municipal government had always been -the unit of civilisation in Spain, and the nobility being untaxed, the -Castilian Cortes consisted entirely of the representatives of the -burgesses. With true statesmanship Isabel therefore turned to this -element to reinforce the crown as against lawless nobles. The proposal -to revive in a new form the old institution of the ‘Sacred Brotherhood’ -of towns was made to her at the meeting of the Cortes at Madrigal in -April 1476, and was at once accepted. A meeting of deputies was called -at Dueñas in July, and within a few months the urban alliance was -complete. An armed force of 2000 horsemen and many foot-soldiers was -formed and paid by an urban house tax.[28] They were more than a mere -constabulary, although they ranged the country far and wide, and -compelled men to keep the peace, for the organisation provided a -judicial criminal system that effectually completed the task of -punishment. Magistrates were appointed in every village of thirty -families for summary jurisdiction, and constables of the Brotherhood -were in every hamlet, whilst a supreme council composed of deputies from -every province in Castile judged without appeal the causes referred to -it by local magistrates. The punishments for the slightest transgression -were terrible in their severity, and struck the turbulent classes with -dismay. In 1480 a league of nobles and prelates met at Cabeña, under the -Duke of Infantado, to protest against the Queen’s new force of -burgesses. In answer to their remonstrance she showed her strength by -haughtily telling them to look to themselves and obey the law, and at -once established the Brotherhood on a firmer footing than before, to be -a veritable terror to evildoers, gentle as well as simple. - -Isabel was no mild saint, as she is so often represented. She was far -too great a woman and Queen to be that; and though for the first two or -three years of her reign diplomacy was her principal weapon, no sooner -had she divided her opponents and firmly established the Holy -Brotherhood, than the iron flail fell upon those who had offended. In -Galicia the nobles had practically appropriated to themselves the royal -revenues, and the Queen’s writ had no power. That might suit weak Henry, -but Isabel was made of sterner stuff than her brother had been, and in -1481 she sent two doughty officers to summon the representatives of the -Galician towns to Santiago, and to demand of them money and men to bring -the nobles to their senses. The burgesses despaired, and said that -nothing less than an act of God would cure the many evils from which -they suffered. The act of God they yearned for came, but Isabel was the -instrument. Forty-seven fortresses, which were so many brigand -strongholds, were levelled to the ground in the province; and some of -the highest heads were struck from noble shoulders. The stake and the -gibbet were kept busy, the dungeons and torture chambers full; and those -of evil life in sheer terror mended their ways, or fled to places were -justice was less strict. - -But it is in the suppression of the anarchy at Seville that Isabel’s -personal action is most clearly seen. For years the city had been a prey -to the sanguinary rivalry between two great families who lorded it over -the greater part of Andalucia, the Guzmans and the Ponces de Leon; and -at the time of Isabel’s accession the feud had assumed the form of -predatory civil war, from which no citizen was safe. The cities of the -south were less settled in Christian organisation than those of the -north, and their municipal governments not so easy to combine; and -Isabel, in 1477, determined by her personal presence in Seville to -enforce the hard lessons she had taught the rest of her realms. The -armed escort that accompanied her was sufficient, added to the awe -already awakened by her name, to cow the turbulent spirits of Seville. -Reviving the ancient practice of the Castilian kings, Isabel, alone or -with her husband by her side, sat every Friday in the great hall of the -Moorish Alcazar at Seville, to deal out justice without appeal to all -comers. Woe betided the offender who was haled before her. The barbaric -splendour, which Isabel knew how to use with effect, surrounding her, -gave to this famous royal tribunal a prestige that captured the -imagination of the semi-oriental population of Seville, whilst the -terrible severity of its judgments and the lightning rapidity of its -executions reduced the population to trembling obedience whilst Isabel -stayed in the city. No less than four thousand malefactors fled—mostly -across the frontier—to escape from the Queen’s wrath, whilst all those -who in the past had transgressed, either by plundering or maltreating -others, and could be caught, were made to feel to the full what -suffering was. So great was Isabel’s severity that at last the Bishop of -Cadiz, accompanied by the clergy and notables of Andalucia, and backed -by hosts of weeping women, came and humbly prayed the Queen to have -mercy in her justice. Isabel had no objection. She did not scourge and -slay because she loved to do it, but to compel obedience. Once that was -obtained she was content to stay her hand; and before she left the city, -a general amnesty was given for past offences except for serious crimes. -But she left behind her an organised police and criminal tribunals, -active and vigilant enough to trample at once upon any attempt at -reviving the former state of things. - -A more difficult task for Isabel was that of reforming the moral tone of -her court and society at large. The Alcazar of Henry IV. had been a sink -of iniquity, and the lawlessness throughout the country had made the -practice of virtue almost impossible; whilst the clergy, and especially -the regular ecclesiastics, were shamefully corrupt. Isabel herself was -not only severely discreet in her conduct, but determined that no -countenance should be given to those who were lax in any of the -proprieties of life; and it was soon understood by ecclesiastics and -courtiers that the only certain passport to advancement in Castile was -strict decorum. It is probable that much of the sudden reform thus -effected was merely hypocrisy; but it lasted long enough to become a -fixed tradition, and permanently raised the standard of public and -private life in Spain. - -In all directions Isabel carried forward her work of reform. The great -nobles found to their dismay, when the Queen was strong enough to do it, -that she, fortified by the Cortes of Toledo, had cancelled all the -unmerited grants so lavishly squandered by previous kings upon them. -Some of those who had been most active in the late troubles, such as the -Dukes of Alburquerque and Alba and the Admiral of Castile, Ferdinand’s -maternal uncle, were stripped almost to the skin. Isabel’s revenue on -her accession had only amounted to 40,000 ducats, barely sufficient for -necessary sustenance; but in a very few years (1482) it had multiplied -by more than twelvefold, and thirty millions of maravedis a year had -been added to the royal income from resumed national grants. To all -remonstrances from those who suffered, Isabel was firm and dignified, -though conciliatory in manner. Her voice was sweet and her bearing -womanly; she always ascribed her measures, however oppressive they might -seem, to her love for the country and her determination to make it -great. Upon this ground she was unassailable; and enlisted upon her side -even those who felt the pinch by appealing to their national pride. - -There was no one measure that added more to Isabel’s material power than -her policy towards the religious orders of knighthood. These three great -orders, Calatrava, Santiago, and Alcantara, had grown out of the long -crusade against the Moors; devout celibate soldiers receiving in -community vast grants of territory which they wrested from the infidel. -By the time of Isabel they had grown to be a scandal, for the -grandmasters disposed of revenues and forces as large as those of the -crown, and were practically independent of it. Isabel’s treatment of -them was diplomatic and wise as usual. As each mastership fell vacant -she granted it to her husband; and thus the three most dangerous rivals -to the royal authority were made thenceforward appanages of the crown, -to which the territories were afterwards appropriated.[29] - -The Queen’s activity and strength of body and mind must have been -marvellous. We hear of her travelling vast distances, almost incessantly -in the saddle, visiting remote parts of her husband’s and her own -dominions for State business, to settle disputed points, to inspect -fortifications, to animate ecclesiastical or municipal bodies, and to -suppress threatened disorder. No difficulty seemed to dismay her, no -opposition to deflect her from the exalted purpose she had in view. For -it must not be supposed that this strenuous activity was sporadic and -without a central object which inspired it all. In this supreme object -the key to Isabel’s life must be sought. Isabel’s mother was mad: after -the death of her husband she had sunk into the gloomy devotional lunacy -which afflicted in after years so many of her descendants; and in the -impressionable years of Isabel’s youth, passed in the isolated castle of -Arevalo, the whole atmosphere of her life had been one of mystic -religious exaltation. - -The Christian Spaniard of Castile had through seven centuries gradually -regained for Christ his lost kingdom by a constant crusade against the -infidel. The secular struggle had made him a convinced believer in his -divine mission to re-establish the reign of the cross on earth. To this -end saints had led him into battle in shining armour, blazing crosses in -the sky had heralded victory to God’s own militia, and holy relics, -miraculously revealed, had served as talismans which ensured success. -Mysticism and the yearning for martyrdom was in the air in Isabel’s -youth, and she, a saintly neurotic, who happened also to be a genius and -a queen, shared to the full the Castilian national obsession. The man -who fostered the growth of this feeling in the young princess at Arevalo -might have been useful in spurring a sluggish mind to devotion; but to -further inflame the zeal of a girl of Isabel’s innate tendency was -unnecessary, and of this alone was he capable. He was a fiery, -uncompromising, Dominican monk, called Tomas de Torquemada. The -Dominicans, centuries before, had been entrusted by the Pope with the -special duty to maintain the purity of the faith, and as its guardians, -spiritual pride and arrogance had always been the characteristic of the -order. Torquemada, as Isabel’s confessor and spiritual tutor, had -abundant opportunities of influencing her, and never ceased to keep -before her the sacred duty imposed upon rulers of extirpating heresy, -root and branch, at any cost. Her own brother Henry had been surrounded -by the hated infidel, the enemy of Christ and Spain. Failure as a king, -ruin as a man, and a miserable death, had been his portion. And so the -lesson was ceaselessly dinned into Isabel’s ear, that no ruler could be -happy or successful who did not smite heretics, infidels and doubters, -hip and thigh, for the glory of God. The Moor, she was told, still -defiled in Granada the sacred soil of Spain, suffered by an unworthy -Christian king to linger for the sake of the paltry tribute paid. - -To establish the rule of Christ on earth, which she was taught was her -sacred duty, Isabel knew that a strong weapon was needed. Only a united -and centralised Spain could give her that, and Spain must be unified -first of all. Her marriage with Ferdinand was a great step in advance; -her suppression of the nobles and the masterships of the orders another, -the submission of the country to her will and law a third, the increase -of her revenues a fourth; but a greater than all was the reawakening in -the breasts of all Spaniards the mystic exaltation and spiritual pride -that gave strength to their arms against the Moor in the heroic days of -old. The character of the Spanish people, and the state of the public -mind at the time, made it easy to stir up the religious rancour of the -majority against a minority already despised and distrusted. Throughout -Spain there were numerous families of the conquered race nominally -Christians, but yet living apart in separate quarters, and unmixed in -blood with their neighbours. They were, as a rule, industrious and -well-to-do handicraftsmen and agriculturists, whose artistic traditions -and skill gave them the monopoly in many profitable and thriving -avocations. The Christian Spaniard had not, as a rule, developed similar -qualities, and were naturally jealous of the so-called new Christians -who lived with them, but were not of them. - -There was, however, at first but little open enmity between these two -races of Spaniards, though distrust and dislike existed. It was -otherwise in the case of the Jews. They, during the centuries of Moorish -rule, had grown rich and numerous, and had in subsequent periods almost -monopolised banking and financial business throughout Spain, marrying in -many cases into the highest Christian families. As farmers of taxes and -royal treasurers they had become extremely unpopular, especially in -Aragon; and although, for the most part, professed Christians, they were -eyed with extreme jealousy by the people at large, and on many occasions -had been the victims of attack and massacre in various places.[30] -Nevertheless, so far as can be seen, the first steps towards religious -persecution by Isabel and her husband do not appear to have been -prompted, although they may have been strengthened, by this feeling. -There had for centuries existed in Aragon and Sicily an Inquisition for -the investigation of cases of heresy. It was a purely papal institution, -and its operations were very mild, though extremely unpopular. In -Castile, the papal Inquisition had never been favoured by rulers, who -were always jealous of the interference of Rome, and at the time of -Isabel’s accession it had practically ceased to exist. - -When the sovereigns were holding Court at Seville in 1477, a Sicilian -Dominican came to beg for the confirmation of an old privilege, giving -to the Order in Sicily one-third of the property of all the heretics -condemned there by the Inquisition. This Ferdinand and Isabel consented -to, and the Dominican, whose name was Dei Barberi, suggested to -Ferdinand that as religious observance had grown so lax under the late -King Henry, it might be advisable to introduce a similar tribunal into -Castile. Ferdinand’s ambitions were great. He wanted to win for -Barcelona the mastership of the Mediterranean and the reversion of the -Christian Empire of the East, and, as a preliminary, to clear Spain -itself of the taint of dominant Islam at Granada. He understood that -times had changed, and that the nerve of war was no longer feudal aids, -but the concentration in the hands of the King of the ready money of his -subjects. The people who had most of the ready money in Spain were the -very people whose orthodoxy was open to attack, and he welcomed a -proposal that might make him rich beyond dreams. - -Isabel was not greedy for money as her husband was: she was too much of -a religious mystic for that; but to spread the kingdom of Christ on -earth, to crush His enemies and raise His cross supreme in the eyes of -men, seemed to promise her the only glory for which she yearned. By her -side was her confessor Torquemada, the Dominican Ojeda, and the Papal -Nuncio, all pressing upon her that to strike at heresy in her realms was -her duty. So Isabel took the step they counselled, and begged the Pope -for a bull establishing the Inquisition in Castile. The bull was granted -in September 1478, but no active steps were taken for nearly two years. - -In 1480, Isabel and her husband were again in Seville, and the -Dominicans were ceaseless in their exhortations to them to suppress the -growing scandal of obstinate Judaism. The complaints of the clergy -against the Jews were such as they knew would be supported by the -populace. Amongst other things, they said that the Jews bought up and -ate all the meat in the market for their Sabbath, and there was none -left for Christians on Sunday;[31] that they were hoarding coin to such -an extent that there was a lack of currency; that they donned rich -finery and ornaments only fit for their betters, and so on.[32] - -The various modern apologists of Isabel have striven to minimise her -share in the establishment of the dread tribunal that sprang out of -these and similar complaints. There seems to me no reason for doing so: -she herself probably considered it a most praiseworthy act, and her only -hesitation in the matter was caused by her dislike of strengthening the -papal power over the church of Castile.[33] There could have been no -repugnance in her mind to punishing, however severely, those whom she -looked upon as God’s enemies, and consequently unworthy of the -privileges of humanity. Ferdinand added his persuasion to the clamours -of the churchmen; and from Medina del Campo, Isabel, in September 1480, -commissioned two Dominicans to act as Inquisitors, and to establish -their tribunal at Seville. - -The Jews of Seville took alarm at once, and large numbers of them fled -from the city to the shelter of some of the neighbouring great nobles, -who looked with dislike at this new development of priestly power. A -decree of the sovereign’s at once forbade all loyal subjects to withhold -suspected heretics from their accusers, and those fugitive Jews who -could escape sought the safety of Moorish Granada. In the first days of -1481, the Inquisition got to work, striking at the highest first, and -before the end of the year 2000 poor wretches were burnt in Andalusia -alone.[34] All Spain protested against it. Deputations from the chief -towns came and demanded the abolition of a foreign tribunal over -Spaniards. The Aragonese, rough and independent as usual, resorted to -violence, and hunted the Inquisitors, whilst in Old Castile the tribunal -could only sit, in many places, surrounded by the Queen’s soldiers. But -Isabel’s heart was aflame with zeal, and Ferdinand, with gaping coffers, -was rejoicing at the showers of Jewish gold that flowed to him; and all -remonstrance was in vain. The Pope himself soon took fright at the -severity exercised, and threatened to withdraw the bull, but Ferdinand -silenced him with a hint that he would make the Inquisition an -independent tribunal altogether, as later it practically became, and -thenceforward the horrible business went on unchecked until Spain was -seared from end to end, and independent judgment was stifled for -centuries in blood and sacrificial smoke. - -The heartless bigot Torquemada, Isabel’s confessor, was appointed -Inquisitor-General in 1483, and he, the most insolent, because the -humblest, man in Spain, became the greatest power in the land, master of -Isabel’s conscience and feeder of Ferdinand’s purse. Isabel’s Spanish -biographers continue to assert that she was tireless in her endeavours -to soften the rigour of her own tribunal, and to intercede for her ‘dear -Castilians.’ There is not a scrap of real evidence known to prove that -she did so, and certainly her contemporaries did not believe it.[35] Her -administration, however, had already been extremely successful. Peace -and order reigned, the pride of Spaniards, which she so sedulously -fostered, had been worked up to a high pitch, the Queen herself was -personally popular, in consequence of her dignity, her activity, and her -patriotism; and the urban populations, who had so greatly aided her, and -were now so powerful, dreaded to cause disturbance that might have -thrown the country again into the clutches of the nobles. Terrible, -therefore, as was the action of the Holy Office, acquiesced in by the -Queen, there were many reasons why no combined opposition to it in -Castile was offered, although for the first years of its existence it -was bitterly hated. - -To the Queen during these first few years of ceaseless activity, no -other child had been born but the Infanta Isabel, the first fruit of her -marriage in 1470. The constant long journeys on horseback, the hardships -and risk entailed by her work, thus for eight years prevented the birth -of a male heir. But during Isabel’s stay at Seville, on the 30th June -1478, the prayed for Prince of Asturias, Juan, was born. Ferdinand was -away in the north at the time, but all the pomp and splendour, which -Isabel knew so well how to use, heralded the birth of the Prince. On the -15th July the Queen was sufficiently well to ride in state to the -cathedral from the Moorish Alcazar where she lived, and to present her -first-born son to the Church. Through the narrow, tortuous lanes of the -sunny city, packed with people, Isabel rode on a bay charger; her -crimson brocade robe, all stiff with gold embroidery, trailing almost to -the ground, over the petticoat covered with rich pearls. Her saddle, we -are told, was of gold, and the housings black velvet, with bullion lace -and fringe. Ferdinand’s base brother Alfonso, and his kinswoman the -Duchess of Vistahermosa, followed close behind, and the Queen’s bridle -was held by the Constable of Castile and Count Benavente. The merry -music of fife, tabor, and clarion preceded the royal party; and behind -there came on foot the nobles and grandees, and the authorities of the -city. The baby Prince was borne in the arms of his nurse, seated upon a -mule draped with velvet, and embroidered with the scutcheons of Castile, -Leon, and Aragon, and led by the Admiral of Castile. At the high altar -of the famous Mudejar Cathedral, Isabel solemnly devoted her child to -the service of God, and then, with splendid largess to all and sundry, -she returned to the palace.[36] - -Isabel was unremitting always in the performance of her religious -duties, and wherever she stayed, endowments for purposes of the Church -commemorated her visit. Her humility and submission to priests and nuns -is cited with extravagant praise by her many ecclesiastical eulogists, -and they tell the story of how, when Father Talavera first succeeded -Torquemada as her confessor, he bade her kneel at his feet like an -ordinary penitent. When she reminded him that monarchs always sat by the -side of the confessor, as she had always done before, he rebuked her by -saying that his seat was the seat of God, before whom all kneeled -without distinction; and the Queen thenceforward kept upon her knees -before the priest, whom she honoured thenceforward for what in our days -we should consider unpardonable arrogance. - -There was little of repose for Isabel, even after the birth of her -child. To Seville came the news a few months afterwards that the old -soldier Archbishop of Toledo and the Pachecos had once more persuaded -Alfonso of Portugal to strike a blow for his niece and wife the -Beltraneja. Raising what troops she could, Isabel rode through -Estremadura at the head of her force, determined to end for good claims -that she thought had already been disposed of. Ferdinand was in Aragon, -where, his father having just died, his presence could not be dispensed -with; but Isabel was undismayed. In vain her councillors begged her to -refrain from undertaking the campaign in person. The country was -devastated by famine and war, they said; pestilence prevailed in the -towns, and the raids of the Portuguese and rebels would expose her to -great danger. ‘I did not come hither,’ Isabel replied, ‘to shirk danger -and trouble, nor do I intend to give my enemies the satisfaction, nor my -subjects the chagrin, to see me do so, until we end the war we are -engaged upon or make the peace we seek.’[37] Isabel, in command of the -Castilians, finally crushed the Portuguese at the battle of Albuera; and -then, after reducing to submission the rebel noble fortresses, she -negotiated a peace with Portugal and France at Alcantara, by which both -powers were compelled to recognise her as Queen of Spain. Suppressing -revolt, deciding disputes, and punishing transgressions on her way, -Isabel then rode to Toledo, where Ferdinand joined her, and there her -third child, Joan, was born, in November 1479. - - - CHAPTER II - -Castile and Aragon, now being indissolubly united, and internal peace -secured, it was time for the sovereigns to prepare for the execution of -the great designs that had respectively moved them to effect what they -had done. These designs were to some extent divergent from each other. -Ferdinand’s main object was to cripple his rival, France, in the -direction of Italy, and assume for Aragon the hegemony of the -Mediterranean and of the sister Peninsula, of which Sicily already -belonged to him and Naples to a member of his house. Castile, on the -other hand, had for centuries cultivated usually harmonious relations -with France, the frontiers not being conterminous except at one point, -the mouth of the Bidasoa; and the ambitions of Castile were -traditionally towards the absorption of Portugal, the domination of the -coast of North Africa, and the spread of the Christian power generally -to the detriment of Islam, its secular enemy. Its own Moorish -populations were as yet but imperfectly assimilated, and the existence -of the realm of Granada in the Peninsula kept hopes alive in the breasts -of the Castilian Moors. The presence of many thousands of potential -enemies in the midst of Christian Spain, and the wealth and number of -the Jews, who, in a struggle, would probably side with the Moors, -undoubtedly influenced greatly in causing the severity of the -Inquisition against them and their subsequent expulsion. The first step, -therefore, to be taken towards the objects either of Aragon and Castile, -was to reduce to impotence any Moorish power in Spain itself that might -cause anxiety to the Christian rulers whilst they were busy upon plans -abroad, though this step was mainly important to Castile rather than to -Aragon. - -This was the state of affairs in the beginning of 1481. The Castilians -were subdued and prepared to do the bidding of their Queen, but the -Catalans and Aragonese, rough and independent, had to be conciliated -before they could be depended upon to give their aid to an object -apparently for the advantage of Castile. Isabel had summoned a Cortes of -her realms to the imperial city of Toledo late in 1480, to take the oath -of allegiance to her infant son Juan as heir to the throne: and thence, -with a splendid train, she rode to visit for the first time her -husband’s kingdoms, to receive their homage as joint sovereign. -Ferdinand met his wife at Calatayud in April 1481, and there, before the -assembled Cortes of Aragon, the oath of allegiance to the sovereigns and -their heir was taken. The Aragonese were rough-tongued and jealous, and -even more so the Catalans, dreading the centralising policy of Isabel -and their assimilation by Castile; and throughout Ferdinand’s dominions -Isabel was forced to hear demands and criticisms to which the more -amenable Cortes of Castile had not accustomed her. It was gall and -wormwood to her proud spirit that subjects should haggle with monarchs, -and in Barcelona she turned to her husband, when the Cortes had refused -one of his requests, and said: ‘This realm is not ours, we shall have to -come and conquer it.’ But Ferdinand knew his subjects better than she, -and gradually made them understand that in all he did he had their -interests in view. He was forced, indeed, by circumstances and his wife -to allow precedence to Castilian aims, the better to compass those of -Aragon. - -The turbulent Valencians were being won to benevolence by the presence -of their King and the smiles of his wife in the last days of 1481, when -the news reached the sovereigns that the pretext they needed for their -next great step had been furnished by the Moors of Granada. From the -fairy palace of the Alhambra for the previous two hundred and fifty -years, the Kings of Granada had ruled a territory in the South of -Andalucia, running from fifteen miles north of Gibraltar along the -Mediterranean coast two hundred and twenty miles to the borders of -Murcia, and including the fine ports of Malaga, Velez, and Almeria. The -industry of the people and the commerce of their important seaboard, -facing the African land of their kinsmen, made the population prosperous -and their standard of living high; but a series of petty despots, -successively reaching the throne by usurpation and murder, had enabled -the Kings of Castile, by fomenting the consequent discord, to reduce -Granada to the position of a tributary. When Isabel succeeded, and the -treaties between Castile and Granada had to be renewed in 1476, -Ferdinand had demanded the prompt annual payment of the tribute in gold. -Muley Abul Hassan had paid no tribute to Isabel’s brother, and intended -to pay none to her. ‘Tell the Queen and King of Castile,’ he replied, -‘that steel and not gold is what we coin in Granada.’ From the day they -received the message Isabel and Ferdinand knew that they could not wield -a solid Spain to their ends until the Cross was reared over the Mosque -of Granada. When, therefore, all the rest of Spain was pacified, and the -sovereigns were at Valencia at Christmas 1481, the pretext for action -came, not unwelcome, at least for Isabel. The Moors of Granada had swept -down by night and captured the Christian frontier fortress of -Zahara.[38] Isabel and her husband had never ceased since their -accession to prepare for the inevitable war. The civil conflict they had -passed through had proved the superiority for their purpose of paid -troops of their own over feudal levies, and already the organisation of -a national army existed. The Royal Council appointed by Isabel had -brought from France, Italy, and Germany the best skilled engineers and -constructors of the recently introduced iron artillery; great quantities -of gunpowder had been imported from Sicily, and improved lances, swords, -and crossbows had been invented and manufactured in Italy and Spain. - -The troops that had been expelled from Zahara, and those that at first -revenged the insult by the capture and sack of the important Moorish -fortress of Alhama, between Malaga and Granada, were the vassals of the -princely Andalucian nobles, the Duke of Medina Sidonia and the Marquis -of Cadiz; but the sovereigns, hurrying from Valencia to the Castilian -town of Medina del Campo, set about organising the coming war with -national forces. The efficiency and foresight shown were extraordinary, -and, up to that time, unexampled. Nothing seems to have been forgotten -or left to chance; flying hospitals, field ambulances, and army -chaplains, testify to Isabel’s personal influence. Whatever may have -been the case with Ferdinand, his wife approached the struggle as to a -sacred crusade. Torquemada, though not yet Inquisitor-General, was busy -with the Holy Office, and had just been replaced as Isabel’s confessor -by the saintly Father Talavera, whose influence over the Queen was -greater still; and whose zeal for the conquest of Granada for the cross -was a consuming passion, only comparable in its strength with his proud -humility.[39] - -The kingdom of Granada was girt around with mountain fortresses of -immense strength upon the spurs and peaks of the Sierra Nevada; and in -the midst stood the lovely city, as it stands to-day, with its twin -fortresses upon their sister cliffs, the Alhambra and the Albaycin, each -capable of housing an army. The task of reducing the mountain realm was -a great one, for the outlying fortresses had to be subdued separately -before the almost impregnable capital could be attacked, whilst the long -line of coast had to be watched and blockaded to prevent, if possible, -succour being sent from Africa by kinsmen across the sea. In the first -days of March 1482, the news of the capture of Alhama by the Andalucian -nobles, and the awful slaughter of the women and children, as well as -the men, who so heroically defended it, reached Isabel at Medina; and -the splendid exploit and vast booty won uplifted all Castilian hearts. -It is said by many historians, but is not true, that Isabel herself set -out barefooted on a pilgrimage to Compostella, to thank Santiago for the -victory. But though she had no time for this, she bade the Church -throughout Castile sing praises for the boon vouchsafed to the Christian -cause. But then came tidings less bright. The Moorish King, with all his -force of 80,000 men, was besieging the Marquis of Cadiz in Alhama: the -water supply had been cut off, food was scarce, and the Christians -surrounded. Within a week of the news Ferdinand was on the march with -his army, and the Duke of Medina Sidonia, with his 40,000 armed -retainers, was rapidly approaching Alhama to succour his ancient foe the -Marquis of Cadiz. The slaughter of Moors in the constant unsuccessful -assaults upon Alhama had been immense; the King, Muley Abul Hassan, had -bitter domestic enemies, and daring not to face the approaching -Christians, he raised the siege and returned to Granada. The rich booty -taken in the town by the original captors aroused the cupidity of the -relieving force, and dissensions between the Christians arose over the -division of the spoil. Medina Sidonia and his army marched away, and -again Muley Abul Hassan beleaguered Alhama, with artillery this time, -and a powerful army. Once more deeds of unheard of gallantry and -hardihood were done by the Moorish chivalry; but, as before, -unavailingly. By the end of March Ferdinand’s great host, with 40,000 -beasts of burden carrying supplies and munitions, approached, and again -Muley Abul Hassan retreated to his disaffected capital. It was a blow -from which the Moorish power in Spain never recovered, and thenceforward -Granada fought hopelessly with her back to the wall. - -Into the fertile vega of Granada swept Ferdinand’s host in the midsummer -of 1482, carrying devastation and ruin in its van. From the heights of -Granada the Moors, with impotent hate and rage, saw their blazing -villages, their raided flocks and herds, their murdered countrymen, and -desolated fields; and yet within the fair city treason and civil discord -numbed all hearts, and paralysed the warrior’s arms. For Muley Abul -Hassan was fighting foes within his own harem more deadly than the -Christians who raided beneath his walls; and a palace revolution led by -his wife and his undutiful son, Abu Abdalla (Boabdil), was already -plotting his downfall. To secure his position in the vega of Granada, it -was necessary for Ferdinand to capture the frowning fortress that -crowned the height of Loja, and commanded the pass into Castile. It had -long been a thorn in the Christian flesh, and now Ferdinand, with all -the chivalry of Spain, were pledged to capture it at any cost. Though -brave and cool, Ferdinand was no great tactician, and was easily -outwitted by the wily Moors, who led his forces into ambush and utterly -routed the Christian host. Panic and flight ensued, with the loss of -baggage, standards, and arms; and Ferdinand himself escaped only by the -efforts of a small devoted band of Castilian knights. The ruin was -complete, and when Ferdinand joined his heroic wife at the ancient -Moorish Alcazar of Cordova, even her faith and steadfastness for a time -wavered. - -But not for long. Talavera, Torquemada, and Mendoza, the Cardinal of -Spain, with fiery zeal for the extirpation of heresy, were at her side. -Not for territory alone, but to fix God’s realm on earth freely, must -sacrifice be made and final victory won: and, though Ferdinand with -longing eyes towards his own aims, yearned to use his arms against -France for the recapture of his own provinces of Rosellon and Cerdagne, -and tried to persuade his wife that though ‘her war might be a holy one, -his against the French would be a just one,’ Isabel had her way, and -with unflinching zeal set about organising to snatch conquest from -defeat.[40] Muley Abul Hassan, expelled from his city of Granada, but -holding his own in Malaga and the south, had been succeeded in his -capital by the weak, rebellious Boabdil. The old King and his brother, -El Zagal, were still fighting doughtily, and even successfully raiding -the Christian land near Gibraltar; and Boabdil, jealous of their -activity, determined to sally from Granada and strike a blow for his -cause, at the instigation of his masculine mother. At the head of 9000 -Moors, all glittering and confident, the Prince sallied out of Granada -in April 1483, and, collecting the veteran guard of Loja on the way, -marched towards Cordova. The Moors were undisciplined, loaded with loot, -and led by a fool, when they approached the Christian Cordovese city of -Lucena, and their ostentatious march into Christian land had been -heralded. Their attack upon the city was repulsed with great valour, and -whilst they were meditating a renewed assault, a relieving force of -Christians approached. The Moors retired, but were overtaken and utterly -routed. Boabdil the King, garbed in crimson velvet mantle heavy with -gold, and armed in rich damascened steel, was singled out from amongst -the mob of fugitives, captured by a Castilian man-at-arms, and borne in -triumph by the Christian chief, the Count of Cabra, to the strong castle -of Porcuna, there to await the sovereign’s decision as to his fate. -Isabel and her husband were far away at the time; for, after the birth -of her fourth child, Maria, in the previous summer of 1482, she and -Ferdinand had travelled north to Madrid to meet the Castilian Cortes, -and ask for supplies for carrying on the war. Thence, on a more -questionable errand, they had moved further north. The little mountain -realm of Navarre on the Pyrenees, a buffer state between Castile and -France, belonged to the descendants of Ferdinand’s father by his first -wife. The desire of the Aragonese King to unite Navarre to Ferdinand’s -kingdoms, had removed by murder one Navarrese sovereign after another, -until now, in 1482, the beautiful young half French Francis Phœbus was -King. He was one more obstacle to be removed; for after him a sister -would come to the throne, and she might be easily dealt with: so poison -ended the budding life of Francis Phœbus—by Ferdinand’s orders, it was -credibly said at the time;[41] and Ferdinand and his wife hurried up to -Vitoria, bent, if possible, upon adding one more crown to the brows of -the Queen of Castile.[42] It was a cynically clever move of Ferdinand’s, -for it would bring Castile in touch with France, and thus play into the -hands of the Aragonese, but the threatening attitude of Louis XI. -convinced Ferdinand that he must wait for a more fitting opportunity, -which he did for thirty years, when Isabel had long been dead. When the -news came to Tarazona, where the Cortes of Aragon were in session, that -Boabdil was captured, Ferdinand hurried south to Cordova to reap the -fruits of victory, leaving Isabel in Castile. - -In the great hall of the Alcazar of Cordova, Ferdinand sat in council in -August 1483, surrounded by the soldiers who in his absence had overrun -the vega, and two Moorish embassies claimed audience. One came from the -old King, Muley Abul Hassan, in Malaga, begging with heavy bribes the -surrender of his rebellious son Boabdil. This embassy Ferdinand refused -to receive; but the other from the Queen Zoraya, Boabdil’s mother, with -offers of ransom, submission, and obedience, was admitted. Ferdinand was -the craftiest man of his age, and saw that the imprisonment of Boabdil -gave unity to the Granadan Moors, whilst his presence amongst them would -again be the signal for fratricidal conflict. But the King of Aragon -drove a hard bargain, as he always did, and the foolish, vain Boabdil -only bought his liberty at a heavy price. He was to do homage to the -Christian kings, to pay a heavy ransom and yearly tribute, and give -passage to the Christian armies to conquer his father in Malaga. Boabdil -meekly subscribed to any terms, and then paying homage on bended knee to -his master, he wended his way to Moorish land, a mark for the scorn of -all men, ‘Boabdil the Little’ for the rest of time. - -Anarchy thenceforward reigned through the kingdom of Granada, as -Ferdinand had foreseen. I shall pluck the pomegranate, seed by seed, -chuckled the Christian king. And so he did; for, although a two years’ -truce had been settled with Boabdil, the civil war gave to the Christian -borderers constant opportunities of overrunning the land, on the pretext -of aiding or avenging one of the combatants and attacking the old King. -Ferdinand would fain have attacked the new King of France, Charles -VIII., but Isabel was firm; and though Ferdinand was thereafter obliged -to stay a time in his own dominions to placate the discontented -Catalans, Isabel was tireless in her insistence upon the Christian -crusade that she had undertaken, though, for appearance sake, she -consented to both wars being carried on at the same time, which she knew -was impracticable.[43] The spirit of the woman was indomitable. -Travelling south towards the seat of war in 1484 with the new Archbishop -of Toledo, Cardinal Mendoza, she herself took command of the campaign -against the Moor. - -It was, verily, her own war. In counsel with veteran soldiers she -surprised them with her boldness and knowledge; and her harangues to the -soldiery, and care for their welfare, caused her to be idolised by men -who had never yet regarded a woman as being capable of such a stout -heart as hers. She managed even to spur Ferdinand into leaving Aragon, -and once more taking the field against the old King of Granada, and, one -by one, the Moorish fortresses fell, and the Christian host encamped -almost before the walls of Granada: the Queen herself, though -approaching childbirth (in 1485), travelling from place to place in the -conquered country, encouraging, supervising, and directing. The -following year, 1486, Isabel and her husband again travelled to Cordova -from Castile, and now with a greater force than ever before. For news of -this saintly warrior Queen, who was fighting for the cross, had spread -now through Christendom, and not Iberian knights alone, but the chivalry -of France and Italy, Portugal and England, were flocking to share the -glory of the struggle. - -At the conquest of Loja in May 1486, Lord Rivers, Conde de Escalas, as -the Spaniards called him, aided greatly with his men in capturing the -place, and earned the praise of Isabel.[44] As each church was dedicated -to the true worship in the conquered towns, Isabel herself contributed -the sacred vessels and vestments necessary for Christian worship; relics -of the saints, and blessed banners sent by her, went always with the -Castilian hosts; and soon the spiritual pride, which had been the secret -of all Spain’s strength in the past, became again the overwhelming -obsession, which, whilst it strengthened the arms, hardened the hearts -of all those who owned the sway of Isabel. - -In December 1485, Isabel’s last child, Katharine, was born at Alcalá de -Henares, and through most of the stirring campaigns of 1486 the Queen -accompanied the army in their sieges of Moorish towns, and thence rode -with her husband right across Spain to far Santiago, crushing rebellion -(that of Count Lemos), holding courts of justice, punishing offences and -rewarding services on the way. The next spring again saw her in the -field against the important maritime city of Velez-Malaga, which was -captured in April; and in the autumn the great port of Malaga fell after -an heroic defence. But heroism of infidels aroused no clemency in the -breast of the Christian Queen. By her husband’s side, with cross borne -before them, and a crowd of shaven ecclesiastics around them, they rode -in triumph through the deserted city to the mosque, now purified into a -Christian cathedral. Christian captives in chains were dragged from -pestilent dungeons that the manacles might be struck from their palsied -limbs in the victors’ presence, and when the Christians had given thanks -to the Lord of Hosts, the whole starving population of Malaga were -assembled in the great courtyard of the fortress, and every soul was -condemned to slavery for life: some to be sent to Africa in exchange for -Christian captives; some to be sold to provide funds for the war, some -for presents for the Pope and other potentates and great nobles, whilst -all the valuables in the wealthy city were grabbed by greedy Ferdinand, -by one of his usually clever and heartless devices.[45] - -[Illustration: - - ISABEL THE CATHOLIC AT THE SURRENDER OF GRANADA. - - _After a Painting by Pradilla._ -] - -The want of magnanimity and common humanity to these poor people, who -had only defended their homes against the invader, is usually ascribed -entirely to Ferdinand; but there is nothing whatever to show that Isabel -thought otherwise than he, except that she objected to a suggestion that -they should all be put to the sword. She was a child of her age, an age -that did not recognise the right of others than orthodox Christians to -be regarded as human beings; and in Isabel all instinctive womanly -feeling was dominated by her conviction of the greatness of her duty as -she understood it, and the sacred mission of her sovereignty. The fall -of Malaga rendered inevitable that of the city of Granada, only held, as -it was, under the nominal rule of the miserable Boabdil, supported by -the Christian troops under Gonzalo de Cordova. Every week his little -realm grew smaller, and every hour the streets of Granada rang with -Moslem curses of his name. Outside the walls rapine and war, inside -treachery and murder, scourged Granada; and whilst the pomegranate was -rotting to its fall, in the intervals of fresh conquests Isabel and her -husband progressed through Aragon and Valencia, everywhere carrying -terror to evildoers and strengthening the arm of the Inquisition. The -next year, 1488, the same process was continued, and in 1489 the large -cities of Baza, Almeria and Guadix were conquered from Boabdil’s rebel -uncle. Baza was the strongest fortress in the kingdom, and offered a -resistance so obstinate that the Christians, despairing of taking it, -sent to Isabel at Jaen, asking her permission to raise the siege. She -commanded them to redouble their efforts. Fresh men, money and munitions -were sent to them. The Dukes of Alba and Najera, and the Admiral of -Castile, were bidden to lead their men to aid Ferdinand before Baza. New -field hospitals were supplied, and all the Mancha and Andalucia were -swept for food and transport, no less than 14,000 mules, for the relief -of the besiegers. Floods broke down the bridges and made the roads -impassable, but still Isabel did not lose heart. A body of 6000 men were -raised to repair the ways. The cost exhausted the Queen’s treasury, but -she laid hands on the church plate and the treasures of the convents, -pledged her own crown with the Jews to overcome the obstacle, and raised -a hundred million maravedis for her purpose. Her ladies followed her -example and poured their gold and jewels into her coffers, and yet Baza -still held out, and winter was close at hand. Ferdinand was for -abandoning the siege, but the stout-hearted Queen herself set out from -Jaen in November, and rode undaunted through the bitter weather, night -and day, to join her troops at Baza. Her presence struck the Moors with -dismay, and filled the Christian hearts with confidence, for both knew -that there she would stay, at any cost, until the place surrendered, as -it did, to her, on the 4th December 1489,[46] whereupon Almeria and -Guadix gave up the struggle, and the Queen and her husband returned to -winter at Seville, knowing now that Granada itself was theirs for the -plucking when the season should arrive. - -All through the year 1490 the preparations for the crowning feat went on -throughout Castile. Patriotism, in the sense of a common pride of -territory, did not exist in Spain; but already in the nine years that -the Inquisition had been at work, and Isabel’s fiery zeal against the -Moors had continued, the spiritual arrogance, always latent, had knit -orthodox Spaniards together as they had never been bound before. To the -majority, the persecution of a despised and hated minority was -confirmation of their own mystic selection. Isabel was the -personification of the feeling, and to her, as to her people now, the -oppression of the unbeliever was an act that singled her out as the -chosen of God to vindicate His faith. So Torquemada and the Inquisition, -with the approval of the Queen, harried the wretched Jews, who professed -Christianity, more cruelly every day.[47] If a ‘New Christian’ broke -bread with a Jew it was the former who was punished. If he dared to wear -clean linen on Saturday, or used a Hebrew name, the Dominican spies, who -dogged his footsteps, accused him, and the flames consumed his carcass -whilst Ferdinand emptied his coffers. The revenue of the Jewish -confiscations had provided much of the treasure needed for the constant -war of the last eight years; but Ferdinand wanted more, and ever more, -money before Granada could be made into a Christian city. Isabel would -conquer Granada, and at any cost gain the undying glory of recovering -for Christ the last spot in Spain held by the infidel. Injustice, -cruelty, robbery, and the torture of innocent people were nothing, less -than nothing, to the end she aimed at; and when the flames were found -all too slow for feeding Ferdinand’s greed, Isabel easily consented to a -blow being struck at the unbaptised Jews, in a body, whenever it was -necessary to collect a specially large sum of money for _her_ war. - -In April 1491, the siege of the lovely city, set in its vast garden -plain, was begun. The Moors inside were gallant and chivalrous, -determined to sell their city dearly, however their spiritless King -might deport himself; but their dashing cavalry sallies where almost -futile against an army so carefully organised and disciplined as that of -Isabel. The head quarters of the Christian Queen were about two leagues -from Granada, and when Isabel joined her army the siege opened in grim -earnest. The many contemporary chroniclers of the campaign have left us -astonishing descriptions of the dazzling splendour which surrounded the -Queen. She, who in the privacy of her palace was sober in her attire, -and devoted to housewifely duties, could, when she thought desirable, as -she did before Granada, present an appearance of sumptuous splendour -almost unexampled. Her encampment, with its silken tents magnificently -furnished, its floating banners and soaring crosses, were such as had -never been since the time of the Crusades. On a white Arab charger, with -floating mane and velvet trappings to the ground, the Queen, herself -dressed in damascened armour and regal crimson, was everywhere -animating, consoling, and directing. Cardinals and bishops, princes, -nobles and ladies, thronged around her; and every morning as the sun -tipped with gold the snow peaks of the Sierra, all in that mighty host, -from the Queen down to the poorest follower, bowed before the gorgeous -altar in the midst of the camp, whilst the Cardinal of Spain (Mendoza) -performed the sacred mystery of the mass. - -One night in the summer (14th July) the Queen had retired to her tent -and was sleeping, when, two hours after midnight, a lamp by her bedside -caught the hangings, stirred by the breeze, and in a minute the great -pavilion was ablaze. Isabel in her night garb had barely time to escape, -and witnessed the conflagration spread from tent to tent till much of -the encampment was reduced to ruin. At the cries and bugle calls of the -distressed Christians, the Moors afar off on the walls beheld with joy -the discomfiture of their enemies; and if another leader than Boabdil -had been in command, it would have gone ill with Isabel and her men. But -there was no defeat for a woman with such a spirit as hers. The -suggestions that the siege should be raised until the next year, she -rejected in scorn. Once again her virile spirit had its way. More money -was raised, mostly squeezed out of the miserable Jews; the army was -quartered in neighbouring villages, and within eighty days a city of -masonry and brick replaced the canvas encampment, and here, in the city -of Santa Fe,[48] Isabel solemnly swore to stay, winter and summer, until -the city of Granada should surrender to her. - -Granada was entirely cut off from the world. The coast towns were no -longer in Moorish hands, and no succour from Africa could come to the -unhappy Boabdil. The desperate warriors of the crescent were for -sallying _en masse_ and dying or conquering, once for all; but Boabdil -was weak and incapable; and less than a month after the completion of -Isabel’s new city of Santa Fe, he made secret advances to his enemy at -his gates for a capitulation. The Queen entrusted the greatest of her -captains, Gonzalo de Cordova, who understood Arabic, with the task of -negotiation; but soon the news was whispered inside the city, and twenty -thousand furious Moorish warriors rushed up the steep hill to the -Alhambra, to demand a denial from the King. Seated in the glittering -hall of the ambassadors, Boabdil received the spokesmen of his indignant -people, and pointed out to them with the eloquence of despair the -hopelessness of the situation; and the wisdom of making terms whilst -they might. Stupefied and grief-stricken the populace acknowledged the -truth, bitter as it was, and with bowed heads and coursing tears left -the beautiful palace that was so soon to pass from them. - -The negotiations were protracted, for Granada was divided and might -still have held out, and the Moors begged hard for at least some vestige -of independence as a State. But at last, on the 28th November 1491, the -conditions were agreed to. The Granadan Moors were to enjoy full liberty -for their faith, language, laws and customs; their possessions and -property were to be untouched, and those who did not desire to owe -allegiance to Christian sovereigns were to be aided to emigrate to -Africa. The tribute to be paid was the same as that rendered to the -Moorish King, and the city was to be free from other taxation for three -years; whilst Boabdil was to have a tiny tributary kingdom (Purchena) of -his own in the savage fastnesses of the Alpujarra mountains, looking -down upon the splendid heritage that had been his. The terms were -generous to a beaten foe, and their gentleness is usually ascribed to -Isabel. Since, however, they were afterwards all violated with her full -consent, it matters little whether the Queen or her husband drafted -them. But mild as the conditions of surrender were, many of the -heartbroken Moors of the city were still for fighting to the death in -defence of the land of their fathers and their faith; and Boabdil, in -deadly fear for his life, begged the visitors to hasten the taking -possession of the city. On the last day but one of the year 1491, the -Christian men-at-arms entered the Alhambra; and on the 2nd January 1492, -a splendid cavalcade went forth from the besieging city of Santa Fe to -crown the work of Isabel the Catholic. Surrounded by all the nobles and -chivalry of Castile and Aragon, the Queen, upon a splendid white -charger, rode by her husband’s side, followed by the flower of the -victorious army. Upon a hill hard by the walls of the city, Isabel -paused and gazed upon the towers and minarets, and upon the two -fortresses that crowned the sister heights, for which her heart had -yearned. This must have seemed to her the most glorious moment of her -life: for the last stronghold of Islam was within her grasp; and well -she must have known that, capitulations notwithstanding, but a few short -years would pass before the worship of the false prophet would disappear -from the land where it had prevailed so long. - -At a signal the gates of the city opened, and a mournful procession came -towards the royal group upon the rise. Mounted upon a black barb came -Boabdil the Little, dusky of skin, with sad, weeping eyes downcast. His -floating haik of snowy white half veiled a tunic of the sacred green, -covered with barbaric golden ornaments. As he approached the group upon -the mound, the conquered King made as if to dismount, and kneel to kiss -the feet of the Queen and her husband. But Ferdinand, with diplomatic -chivalry, forbade the last humiliation, and took the massive keys of the -fortress, whilst Boabdil, bending low in his saddle, kissed the sleeve -of the King as he passed the keys to the Queen, who handed them to her -son, and then to the Count of Tendilla, the new governor of the city. -Four days later, Granada was swept and garnished, purified with holy -water, ready for the entry of the Christian Sovereigns.[49] The steep, -narrow lane leading to the Alhambra from the Gate of Triumph was lined -by Christian troops, and only a few dark-skinned Moors scowled from -dusky jalousies high in the walls, as the gallant chivalry of Castile, -Leon, and Aragon, flashed and jingled after the King and Queen. As they -approached the Alhambra, upon the tower of Comares there broke the -banner of the Spanish Kings fluttering in the breeze, and at the same -moment, upon the summit of the tower above the flag, there rose a great -gilded cross, the symbol of the faith triumphant. - -Then, at the gates, the heralds cried aloud, ‘Granada! Granada! for the -Kings Isabel and Ferdinand;’ and Isabel, dismounting from her charger, -as the cross above glittered in the sun, knelt upon the ground in all -her splendour, and thanked her God for the victory. The choristers -intoned Christian praise in the purified mosque, whilst the Moors, who -hoped to live in favour of the victors, led by the renegade Muza, added -the strange music of their race to the thousand instruments and voices -that acclaimed the new Queen of Granada. Amidst the rejoicing and -illuminations that kept the city awake that night, Boabdil the beaten -was forgotten. When he had delivered the keys of the Alhambra, he had -refused to be treated by his followers any longer with royal honours, -and had retired weeping to the citadel, soon to steal forth with a few -followers and his masculine mother to the temporary shelter of his -little principality.[50] When the sad cavalcade came to the hill called -Padul, ‘The last sigh of the Moor,’ thenceforward tears coursed down the -bronze cheeks of the King as he gazed upon the lost kingdom he was to -see no more. ‘Weep! weep!’ cried his mother, ‘weep! like a woman for the -city you knew not how to defend like a man.’ - -Throughout Christendom rang the fame of the great Queen, whose -steadfastness had won so noble a victory; and even in far-off England -praise of her, and thanks to the Redeemer whose cause she had -championed, were sung throughout the land. For the conquest of Granada -marked an epoch, and sealed with permanence and finality the -Christianisation of Europe, the struggle for which had begun eight -centuries before, from the mountains of Asturias. The imagination of the -world was touched by the sight of a warrior-crusading Queen, more -splendid in her surroundings than any woman since Cleopatra, who yet was -so modest, meek, and saintly in the relations of daily life, so -exemplary a mother, so faithful a wife,[51] so wise a ruler; and the -cautious, unemotional Ferdinand, whose ability as a statesman was even -greater than that of his wife, was overshadowed by her radiant figure, -because she fought for an exalted abstract idea, whilst his eyes were -for ever turned towards the aggrandisement of himself and Aragon. She -could be cruel, and deaf to pleas for mercy, because in her eyes the -ends she aimed at transcended human suffering; he could be mean and -false, because his soul was baser and his objects all mundane. - -In the Christian camp before Granada there had wandered a man who was -not a warrior, but a patient suitor, waiting upon the leisure of the -Sovereigns to hear his petition. He was a man of lofty stature, with -light blue eyes that gazed afar away, fair, florid face and ruddy hair, -already touched with snow by forty years of toil and hardship. He had -long been a standing joke with some of the shallow courtiers and -churchmen that surrounded the Queen, for he was a dreamer of great -dreams that few men could understand, and, worst offence of all, he was -a foreigner, a Genoese some said. He had followed the Court for eight -long years in pursuit of his object, the scoff of many and the friend of -few; but the war, and the strenuous lives that Isabel and Ferdinand -lived, had again and again caused them to postpone a final answer to the -prayer of the Italian sailor, who had, to suit Spanish lips, turned his -name from Cristoforo Colombo to Cristobal Colon. - -At the end of 1484,[52] the man, full of his exalted visions, had sailed -from Lisbon, disgusted at the perfidy of the Portuguese, who had feigned -to entertain his proposals only to try to cheat him of the realisation -of them. His intention was first to sail to Huelva in Spain, where he -had relatives, and to leave with them his child Diego, who accompanied -him, whilst he himself would proceed to France, and lay his plans before -the new King, Charles VIII. Instead of reaching Huelva, his pinnace was -driven for some reason to anchor in the little port of Palos, on the -other side of the delta, and thence the mariner and his boy wended their -way to the neighbouring Franciscan Monastery of St. Maria de la Rabida, -to seek shelter and food, at least for the child. Colon, as we shall -call him here, was an exalted religious mystic, full of a great -devotional scheme, and himself, in after years, wore a habit of St. -Francis. It was natural, therefore, that he should be well received by -the brothers in that lonely retreat overlooking the delta of the Rio -Tinto; for he was, in addition to his devotion, a man of wide knowledge -of the world as well as of science and books, and in the monastery there -was an enlightened ecclesiastic who had known courts and cities, one -Friar Juan Perez, who had once been a confessor of Queen Isabel. With -him and the physician of the monastery, Garcia Hernandez, Colon -discussed cosmogony, and interested them in his theories, and the aims -that led him on his voyage. The mariner needed but little material aid, -two or three small ships, which could easily have been provided for him -by private enterprise. But his plans were far reaching, and well he knew -that to be able to carry them out, the lands he dreamed of discovering -could only produce for him the means to attain the result he hungered -for, if a powerful sovereign would hold and use them when he had found -them.[53] - -There was a great magnate within a few days’ journey of the monastery, -who himself was almost a sovereign, and not only had ships in plenty of -his own, but could, if he pleased, obtain for any plan he accepted the -patronage of powerful sovereigns. This was the head of the Guzmans, the -Duke of Medina Sidonia, the Andalucian noble who controlled the port of -Seville and the coasts of the south. It must have seemed worth while to -Colon to address himself to this neighbouring noble before setting out -on his long voyage to France; for he journeyed from La Rabida towards -Seville, leaving his child, Diego, to be educated and cared for by the -friars of the monastery. He found the Duke of Medina Sidonia -irresponsive to his approaches, and was again thinking of taking ship to -France, when he was brought into contact, by what means is not known, -with another great noble almost as powerful as the head of the Guzmans, -the Duke of Medina Celi, who, from his palaces at Rota and Puerto de -Santa Maria, on the Bay of Cadiz, disposed of nearly as many sail as -Medina Sidonia. - -The magnate listened, often and attentively, to the eloquent talk of the -sailor seer whom he lodged in his house: how, far away across the -western ocean, beyond the islands that the Portuguese had found, lay -Asia, the home of gems and spices rare, now only reached painfully -across the forbidden lands of the infidel and by the Levant Sea, or -perchance, though that was not sure, around the mighty African -continent; that wealth untold lay there in pagan hands, awaiting those -who, with cross and sword, should capture it, and win immortal souls for -Christ, and so eternal glory. He, Colon, was the man destined by God to -open up the new world foretold to Saint John in the tremendous dream of -the Apocalypse, for some vast object of which he yet refrained to speak. -Books, Seneca, Ptolemy, and the Arab geographers, the Fathers of the -Church, legends half forgotten, the conclusions of science, the course -of the stars, and the concentrated experience of generations of sailor -men, were all used by the Genoese to convince the Duke. The prospect was -an attractive one, and Medina Celi promised to fit out the expedition. - -In the building yards of Port Santa Maria the keels of three caravels -were laid down to be built under Colon’s superintendence. They were to -cost three or four thousand ducats, and be fitted, provisioned and -manned, for a year at the Duke’s expense; and Colon must have thought -that now his dream was soon to come true, and that his doubt and toil -would end. But for the inner purpose he had in view beyond the discovery -of the easy way to Asia, he needed a patron even more powerful than -Medina Celi; and it may have been the discoverer who took means to let -the Queen of Castile know the preparations that were being made, or, as -Medina Celi himself wrote afterwards, the information may have been sent -to Court by the Duke, fearing to undertake so great an expedition -without his sovereign’s licence.[54] In either case, when Isabel was -informed of it in the winter of 1485, she and her husband were in the -north of Spain, and instructed the Duke to send Colon to court, that -they might hear from his own mouth what his plans were. - -The mariner arrived at Cordova on the 20th January 1486, with letters of -introduction from the Duke to the Queen and his friends at court. The -sovereigns were detained by business in Madrid and Toledo for three -months after Colon came to Cordova; but his letters procured for him -some friends amongst the courtiers there, with whom he discussed the -theories he had formed, especially with the Aragonese Secretary of -Supplies, the Jewish Luis de Sant’angel, who, throughout, was his -enlightened and helpful friend. Most of the idle hangers-on of the court -at Cordova, clerical and lay, made merry sport of the rapt dreamer who -lingered in their midst awaiting the coming of the sovereigns. His -foreign garb and accent, his strange predictions, absurd on the face of -them—for how could one arrive at a given place by sailing directly away -from it?—all convinced the shallow pates that this carder of wool turned -sailor was mad. - -When Isabel and Ferdinand at last arrived at Cordova, on the 28th April -1486, the season was already further advanced than usual to make -preparations for the summer campaign: and there was little leisure for -the sovereigns to listen to the vague theories of the sailor. But early -in May Colon was received kindly by Isabel and her husband, and told his -tale. Their minds were full of the approaching campaign, and of the -trouble between Aragon and the new King of France about the two counties -on the frontier unjustly withheld from Ferdinand; and after seeing Colon -for the first time Isabel instructed the secretary, Alfonso de -Quintanilla to write to the Duke of Medina Celi that she did not -consider the business very sure; but that if anything came of it the -Duke should have a share of the profits. - -In the meanwhile Ferdinand and his wife were too busy to examine closely -themselves into the pros and cons of Colon’s scheme, and followed the -traditional course in such circumstances, that of referring the matter -to a commission of experts and learned men to sift and report. The -president of the commission was that mild-mannered but arrogant-minded -confessor of the Queen, Father Talavera; the man of one idea whom the -conquest of Granada for the cross blinded to all other objects in life. -With him for the most part were men like himself, saturated with the -tradition of the church, that looked upon all innovation as impiety, and -all they did not understand as an invention of the evil one. So, when -Colon sat with them and expounded his theories to what he knew were -unsympathetic ears, he kept back his most convincing proofs and -arguments; for his treatment in Portugal had taught him caution.[55] -There were two, at least, of the members of the commission who fought -hard for Colon’s view, Dr. Maldonado and the young friar Antonio de -Marchena, but they were outvoted; and when the report was presented it -said that Colon’s project was impossible, and that after so many -thousands of years he could not discover unknown lands, and so surpass -an almost infinite number of clever men who were experienced in -navigation.[56] - -Hardly had Talavera and his colleagues assured the sovereigns that the -whole plan was impossible and vain, unfit for royal personages to -patronise,[57] than Ferdinand again took the field (20th May), and once -more Cristobal Colon was faced by failure. But he was a man not easily -beaten. During his stay at Cordova he had made many friends, and gained -many protectors at Court. First was his close acquaintance, Luis de -Sant’angel, by whose intervention he was so promptly received by the -sovereigns after their arrival at Cordova; but others there were of much -higher rank: the great Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo, Mendoza, the tutor -of the Prince Don Juan, Friar Diego Deza, Friar Juan Perez, who had -first received Colon at La Rabida, and was now at court, Alonso de -Quintanilla, the Queen’s secretary, Juan Cabero, the intimate Aragonese -friend and chamberlain of the King; and one who probably did more in his -favour quietly than any one else, that inseparable companion of Isabel, -Beatriz de Bobadilla, now Marchioness of Moya. - -But it was weary waiting. As we have seen, the energies of the -sovereigns were absorbed in the war. Ferdinand, moreover, was -desperately anxious to finish it successfully, and get to Aragonese -problems that interested him more directly; the intended war with France -and that world-wide combination he was already planning, by which not -the strength of Spain alone but that of all Christendom should be at his -bidding, to humble his rival and exalt Aragon in Italy, the -Mediterranean and the East. It was too much to expect that Ferdinand -would welcome very warmly any project for frittering away in another -direction the strength of the nation he was hungering to use for his own -ends. Isabel, on the other hand, would naturally be inclined to listen -more sympathetically to such a project as that of Colon. Here was half a -world to be won to Christianity under her flag, here was wealth -illimitable to coerce the other half, and, above all, here was the -fair-faced mystic with his lymphatic blue eyes, like her own, showing -her how the riches that would fall to his share were all destined for a -crusade even greater than that of Granada, the winning of the Holy -Sepulchre from the infidel, and the fixing for ever of the sovereign -banner of Castile upon the country hallowed by the footsteps of our -Lord. To Isabel, therefore, more than to Ferdinand, must it be -attributed, that when the campaign of 1486 was ended the Italian mariner -was not dismissed, notwithstanding the unfavourable report of Talavera’s -commission. - -The sovereigns were obliged to start out to far Galicia, as has been -related on page 64; but before they went they replied to Colon that, -‘though they were prevented at present from entering into new -enterprises, owing to their being engaged in so many wars and conquests, -especially that of Granada, they hoped in time that a better opportunity -would occur to examine his proposals and discuss his offers.’[58] This -answer, at all events, prevented Colon’s supporters in Spain from -despairing; and whilst the monarchs were in Galicia in the winter of -1486, the Dominican Deza, the Prince’s tutor, who was also a professor -at Salamanca, conceived the idea that an independent inquiry by the -pundits of the university might arrive at a different conclusion from -that of Talavera’s commission, and undo the harm the latter had -effected. Though there is no evidence of the fact, it is certain that -Deza, who was a Castilian and a member of the Queen’s household, would -not have taken such a step as he did without Isabel’s consent. In any -case, Colon travelled to Salamanca; and there, as the guest of Deza in -the Dominican monastery of Saint Stephen, he held constant conference -with the learned men for whom the famous University was a centre. - -Isabel and her husband themselves arrived at Salamanca in the last days -of the year 1486, and heard from Deza and other friends that, in the -opinion of most of them, the plans of Colon were perfectly sound. The -effect was seen at once: the mariner accompanied the Court to Cordova in -high hopes, no longer an unattached projector of doubtful schemes, but a -member of the royal household. Before once more taking the field in the -spring of 1487, the Queen officially informed Colon that ‘when -circumstances permitted she and the King would carefully consider his -proposal’; and in the meantime a sum of 3000 maravedis was given to him -for his sustenance, a grant that was repeated, and sometimes exceeded, -every few months afterwards. In August 1487, Colon was summoned by the -sovereigns to the siege of Malaga, probably to give advice as to some -maritime operations; but thenceforward he usually resided in Cordova, -awaiting with impatience the convenience of the Queen and King. - -During the heartbreaking delay he entered again into negotiation with -the Kings of Portugal, France, and England, but without result; and it -was only when the city of Granada was near its fall, and the end of the -long war in sight, that Colon, following the sovereigns in Santa Fe, saw -his hopes revive. Now, for the first time, he was invited to lay before -them the terms he asked for if success crowned his project. Isabel had -been already gained to Colon’s view by the transparent conviction of the -man and his saintly zeal. His friends at Court were now many and -powerful, and Ferdinand himself had not failed to see that the promised -accession of wealth to be derived from the discovery would strengthen -his hands. Perhaps he, like Isabel, had been dazzled with Colon’s life -dream of the recovery of the Holy Sepulchre; for that would, if it were -effected, tend to realise the highest ambitions of Aragon. But -Ferdinand, as a prudent man of business, never allowed sentiment, -however exalted, to override practical considerations. When, therefore, -the terms demanded by Colon were at length submitted to him and the -Queen, he unhesitatingly rejected them as absolutely out of the -question. Much obloquy has been heaped upon Ferdinand for his lack of -generosity in doing so; but a perusal of the conditions, with a -consideration of the circumstances and ideas of the times, will convince -any impartial person that Ferdinand’s first rejection of them was more -to his credit than his subsequent acceptance with the obvious intention -of violating them. - -They were, indeed, extravagant and impracticable to the last degree. The -title of Admiral had only been given in Spain to nobles of the highest -rank and greatest possessions. The office, usually hereditary, carried -with it seignorial rights over the coasts and ports that were -practically sovereign, as in the case of the Enriquezs in Castile and of -Medina Sidonia in Andalucia. And yet Colon, a plebeian Italian sailor, -dropped as if from the clouds, made as his first demand, that he should -be recognised as ‘Admiral of all the islands and continents that may be -discovered or gained by his means, for himself during his life, and for -his heirs and successors for ever, with all the prerogatives and -pre-eminences appertaining to such office, as they are enjoyed by Don -Alonso Enriquez, your Admiral of Castile.’ The Admiral of Castile was -Ferdinand’s uncle, and the second person in realm after the blood royal; -and, although the office was hereditary in his house, the sovereigns of -Castile had never surrendered the power of withdrawing the title if they -pleased, whereas the Italian mariner demanded that for ever he and his -should be practically independent of the sovereigns. The second -condition was, that Colon was to be Governor and Viceroy of all islands -and continents discovered, with the right of nominating three persons -for each sub-governorship or office from which the sovereigns were bound -to choose one. This latter condition was also an infraction of the right -of the kings to choose their own officers freely. The discoverer claimed -for himself and his heirs for ever one clear tenth of all merchandise, -gold, gems, pearls, and commodities of every sort, bought, bartered, -found, gained, or possessed, in the territories discovered. It was just, -of course, that Colon should be splendidly rewarded if success crowned -his efforts, but the imagination reels at the idea of the stupendous -wealth that would have been his by virtue of such a claim as this. But -this was not all. Colon claimed the right, if he pleased, of taking -one-eighth share in every expedition and trading venture leaving Spain -for the Indies, and, to crown all, if any dispute arose with regard to -the discoverer’s rights and profits, under the capitulation, he and his -nominees were to be the sole judges of the case. - -Most of these demands could not be legally granted under the laws of -Castile, and it is no wonder that when Colon refused to modify them, he -was curtly dismissed by Ferdinand, and told to go about his business and -propose his plans elsewhere. There is no reason to doubt, in spite of -romantic legends unsupported by evidence, that Isabel acquiesced in this -action of her husband. She was, it is true, strongly in favour of the -proposed undertaking; but she was a greater stickler than Ferdinand for -her regal prerogatives, and it is unlikely that she would have lightly -surrendered them thus any more than he. In any case, Colon, in high -dudgeon, left Santa Fe with the intention of offering his plans to -France. First visiting in Cordova the lady with whom he had lived, he -proceeded on his way to La Rabida, where his son Diego was still living, -thence to embark for France. In the monastery there he again met the -guardian, Fray Juan Perez, the Queen’s confessor, to whom he told his -tale of disappointment; and the physician, Hernandez, was summoned to -the conference. - -Colon, with his earnestness and eloquence, impressed them more than ever -with the glowing prospects of wealth unlimited for Spain, and glory -undying for the Christian Queen, who should bring pagan Asia into the -fold of the Church; and, unknown to the explorer, Juan Perez sent post -haste by a trusty messenger a letter to the Queen urging her not to let -Colon go elsewhere with his plans. It is well-nigh two hundred miles, -and a bad road, from Palos to Granada, and Isabel was in the midst of -taking possession of the conquered city; but yet she found time to send -back an answer within a fortnight to Perez, who, by one pretext or -another, had detained Colon in the monastery, bidding her late confessor -himself to come and see her without delay, that she might discuss with -him the subject of his solicitude. Perez lost no time; for at midnight -the same day, without a word to Colon, he rode out of La Rabida towards -Granada. - -What arguments he used to Isabel we do not know, probably he told her -that Colon was inclined now to modify his pretensions. In any case, the -good friar hurried back to the monastery with the cheering news that the -Queen had promised to provide three caravels for the expedition, and -summoned Colon to court again, sending him, in a day or two, two -thousand maravedis to buy himself some new clothes, and make him fit to -appear before her. It is extremely unlikely—indeed impossible—that -Isabel should have taken this step without Ferdinand’s consent. She was -the stronger vessel, and may have won him over to her way of thinking, -aided probably by the representations of Juan Perez, that Colon’s terms -would be modified. - -The explorer arrived at Granada shortly after the triumphal entry of the -conquerors, and saw Isabel (and presumably her husband) on several -occasions at their quarters at Santa Fe. To Ferdinand’s annoyance he -found that Colon still insisted upon the same impracticable conditions -as before. Talavera, the new Archbishop of Granada, full of zeal for the -Christianisation of his new diocese, frowned at all suggestions that -might divert attention to another direction; and finally, the King and -Queen decided to dismiss Colon for good as impossible to deal with. -Rather than bate a jot of his vast claims, for, as he solemnly asserted -afterwards, he needed not the wealth for himself, but to restore the -Holy Land to Christendom, he wended his way heartbroken towards his home -at Cordova; his red hair now blanched entire to snow. The glory for -Spain of discovering a new world for civilisation was trembling in the -balance. The great dreamer, hopeless, had turned his back upon the court -after seven years of fruitless waiting, and Ferdinand, this time, had no -intention of recalling him. - -Then the keen business prescience of the Jew Secretary of Supplies, Luis -de Sant’angel, pained that such bright hopes should be carried to other -lands, took what, for a man of his modest rank, was a very bold step. He -was a countryman of Ferdinand, and in his confidence, but it was to -Isabel he went, and with many expressions of humility and apology for -his daring,[59] urged her not to miss such a chance as that offered by -the Genoese. Sant’angel appears to have been under the impression that -the main reason for Colon’s dismissal was the difficulty of the -Castilian treasury providing the money he asked for, as he offered to -lend the million maravedís necessary. It is quite likely, indeed, that -he did not know the details of the explorer’s demands as to reward. -Isabel appears to have thanked Sant’angel for his offer and opinion, -with which she said she agreed; but asked him to defer the matter until -she was more at leisure. - -This was something gained; but the principal difficulty was to persuade -Ferdinand. Another Aragonese it was who undertook it; that inseparable -companion of the King, the Chamberlain, Juan Cabero. What arguments he -employed we know not, but he was as astute as Ferdinand himself, and -probably we shall not be far from the truth when we presume that he and -his master agreed that, since the Queen was so bent upon the affair, it -would be folly to haggle further over terms, which, after all, if they -were found inconvenient, could be repudiated by the sovereigns, and it -is probable that Isabel may have been influenced by the same view. So, a -few hours only after Colon had shaken the dust of Santa Fe from his -feet, a swift horseman overtook him at the bridge of Los Pinos, and -brought him back to court. - -Again he stood firm in his immoderate pretensions, and the chaffering -with him was resumed, for it must have been evident to Ferdinand that -the terms could never be fulfilled. It must not be forgotten that Colon -had come with a mere theory. The plan was not to discover a new -continent: there was no idea then of a vast virgin America, but only of -a shorter way to Japan and the realms of the great Khan. Such a project, -great as the profit that might result, would naturally loom less in the -sight of contemporary Spaniards than the Christianisation of Granada, -and it is unjust to blame Ferdinand for holding out against terms which -were even a derogation of his own and his wife’s sovereignty. Isabel, -far more idealist than her husband, was ready to accede to Colon’s -demands, and her advocacy carried the day. Possibly, to judge from what -followed, even she assented, with the mental reservation that she, as -sovereign, could, if she pleased, cancel the concessions she granted to -Colon if she found them oppressive. - -The terms demanded, however, were not the only difficulty in the way. -There was the question of ready money; and the war had exhausted the -treasury. It is an ungracious thing to demolish a pretty traditional -story, but that of Isabel’s jewels, sacrificed to pay for Colon’s first -voyage, will not bear scrutiny.[60] As a matter of fact, her jewels were -already pawned for the costs of the war, and although Las Casas, -Bernaldez, and Colon’s son Fernando, say that the Queen offered to -Sant’angel to pawn her jewellery for the purpose, and it is probable -enough that in the heat of her enthusiasm she may have made such a -suggestion figuratively, it is now quite certain that the money for the -expedition was advanced by Luis de Sant’angel, although not as was, and -is, usually supposed, from his own resources, but from money secretly -given to him for the purpose from the Aragonese treasury, of which he -was a high officer.[61] - -The agreement with Colon was signed finally in Santa Fe on the 17th -April 1492, and at the end of the month the great dreamer departed, this -time with a light heart and rising hopes, to Palos and La Rabida to fit -out his caravels, and sail on the 3rd August 1492 for his fateful -voyage. With him went Isabel’s prayers and hopes; and during his -tiresome and obstructed preparations at Palos, she aided him to the -utmost by grants and precepts,[62] as well as by appointing his -legitimate son, Diego, page to her heir, Prince Juan, in order that the -lad might have a safe home during his father’s absence. Although -Isabel’s action in the discovery may be less heroic and independent of -her husband, than her enthusiastic biographers are fond of representing, -it is certain that but for her Ferdinand would not have patronised the -expedition. Looking at the whole circumstances, and his character, it is -difficult to blame him, except at last for agreeing to terms that he -knew were impossible of fulfilment, and which he probably never meant to -fulfil. But Isabel’s idealism in this case was wiser than Ferdinand’s -practical prudence, so far as the immediate result was concerned, and to -Isabel the Catholic must be given the glory of having aided Columbus, -rather than to her husband, who was persuaded against his will. - -Granada was conquered for Isabel, and it was now Ferdinand’s turn to -have his way. For years Aragonese interests had had to wait, though, as -Ferdinand well knew, the unifying process, which he needed for his ends, -was being perfected the while. Under the stern rule of Torquemada the -Inquisition had struck its tentacles into the nation’s heart, and, crazy -with the pride of superiority over infidels, the orthodox Spaniard was -rapidly developing the confidence in his divine selection to scourge the -enemies of God, which made the nation temporarily great. Isabel was the -inspiring soul of this feeling. A foreigner, visiting her court soon -after Granada fell, wrote, as most contemporaries did of her, in -enthusiastic praise of what we should now consider cruel bigotry. -‘Nothing is spoken of here,’ he says, ‘but making war on the enemies of -the faith, and sweeping away all obstructions to the Holy Catholic -Church. Not with worldly, but with heavenly aim, is all they undertake, -and all they do seems inspired direct from heaven, as these sovereigns -most surely are.’[63] - -This eulogium refers to the plan then under discussion for ridding -Isabel’s realms of the taint of Judaism. We are told that to the Queen’s -initiative this terrible and disastrous measure was due. ‘The Jews were -so powerful in the management of the royal revenues that they formed -almost another royal caste. This gave great scandal to the Catholic -Queen, and the decree was signed that all those who would not in three -months embrace the faith, were to leave her kingdoms of Castile and -Leon.’[64] Ferdinand was quite willing, in this case, to give the -saintly Queen and her clergy a free hand, because, to carry out his -world-wide combination to humble France, he would need money—very much -money—and the wholesale confiscation of Jewish property that accompanied -the edict of expulsion was his only ready way of getting it. On the 30th -March 1492, less than three weeks before the signature of the agreement -with Colon, the dread edict against the Jews went forth. Religious -rancour had been inflamed to fever heat against these people, who were -amongst the most enlightened and useful citizens of the State, and whose -services to science, when the rest of Europe was sunk in darkness, make -civilisation eternally their debtor. They were said to carry on in -secret foul rites of human sacrifice, to defile the Christianity that -most of them professed, and Isabel’s zeal, prompted by the churchmen, -was already climbing to the point afterwards reached by her -great-grandson, Philip II., when he swore that, come what might, he -would never be a king of heretic subjects. - -By the 30th July 1492 not a professed Jew was to be left alive in -Isabel’s dominions. With cruel irony, in which Ferdinand’s cynical greed -is evident, the banished people were permitted to sell their property, -yet forbidden to carry the money abroad with them. At least a quarter of -a million of Spaniards of all ranks and ages, men, women, and children, -ill or well, were driven forth, stripped of everything, to seek shelter -in foreign lands. The decree was carried out with relentless ferocity, -and the poor wretches, straggling through Spain to some place of safety, -were an easy prey to plunder and maltreat. It was a saturnalia of -robbery. The shipmasters extorted almost the last ducat to carry the -fugitives to Africa or elsewhere, and then, in numberless cases, cast -their passengers overboard as soon as they were at sea. It was said -that, in order to conceal their wealth, the Jews swallowed their -precious gems, and hundreds were ripped up on the chance of discovering -their riches. There was no attempt or pretence of mercy. The banishment -was intended, not alone to remove Judaism as a creed from Spain—that -might have been done without the horrible cruelty that ensued—but as a -doom of death for all professing Jews; for Torquemada had, five years -before, obtained a Bull from the Pope condemning to major -excommunication the authorities of all Christian lands who failed to -arrest and send back every fugitive Jew from Spain.[65] Isabel appears -to have had no misgiving. Her spiritual guides, to whom she was so -humble, praised her to the skies for her saintly zeal: her subjects, -inflated with religious arrogance, joined the chorus raised by servile -scribes and chroniclers, that the discovery of the new lands by Colon -was heaven’s reward to Isabel for ejecting the Hebrew spawn from her -sacred realm; and if her woman’s heart felt a pang at the suffering and -misery she decreed, it was promptly assuaged by the assurance of the -austere churchmen, who ruled the conscience of the Queen. - -Leaving Talavera as archbishop, and Count de Tendilla as governor of -conquered Granada, Isabel and her husband, with their children and a -splendid court, travelled in the early summer of 1492 to their other -dominions where their presence was needed. Ferdinand, indeed, was -yearning to get back to his own people, who were growing restive at his -long absence, and for the coming war with France, it was necessary for -him to win the love of his Catalan subjects, who, at first, still -remembering his murdered half-brother, the Prince of Viana, had borne -him little affection. He had treated them, however, with great -diplomacy, respecting their sturdy independence, and had asked little -from them, and by this time, in the autumn of 1492, when he and Isabel, -with their promising son, Juan, by their side, rode from Aragon through -the city of Barcelona to the palace of the Bishop of Urgel, where they -were to live, the Catalans were wild with enthusiasm for the sovereigns -with whose names all Christendom was ringing. - -Ferdinand nearly fell a victim to the attack of a lunatic assassin in -December, as he was leaving his hall of justice at Barcelona, and during -his imminent danger Isabel’s affection and care for him gained for her -also the love of the jealous Catalans.[66] Throughout the winter in -Barcelona Ferdinand was busy weaving his web of intrigue around France -and Europe, to which reference will presently be made, and in March 1493 -there came flying to the court the tremendous news that Colon had run -into the Tagus for shelter after discovering the lands for which he had -gone in search. No particulars of the voyage were given; but not many -days passed before Luis de Sant’angel, the Aragonese Treasurer Gabriel -Sanchez, and the monarchs themselves, received by the hands of a -messenger sent by the explorer from Palos, letters giving full details -of the voyage.[67] No doubt as to the importance of the discovery was -any longer entertained, and when the Admiral of the Indies himself -entered Barcelona in the middle of April, after a triumphal progress -across Spain, honours almost royal were paid to him. He was received at -the city gates by the nobles of the court and city, and led through the -crowded streets to the palace to confront the sovereigns, at whose feet -he was, though he and they knew it not, laying a new world. With him he -brought mild bronze-skinned natives decked with barbaric gold ornaments, -birds of rare plumage, and many strange beasts; gold in dust and nuggets -had he also, to show that the land he had found was worth the claiming. - -Ferdinand and Isabel, with their son, received him in state in the great -hall of the bishop’s palace; and, rising as he approached them, bade him -to be seated, an unprecedented honour, due to the fact that they -recognised his high rank as Admiral of the Indies. With fervid eloquence -he told his tale. How rich and beautiful was the land he had found; how -mild and submissive the new subjects of the Queen, and how ready to -receive the faith of their mistress. Isabel was deeply moved at the -recital, and when the Admiral ceased speaking the whole assembly knelt -and gave thanks to God for so signal a favour to the crown of Castile. -Thenceforward during his stay in Barcelona, Colon was treated like a -prince; and when he left in May to prepare his second expedition to the -new found land, he took with him powers almost sovereign to turn to -account and bring to Christianity the new vassals of Queen Isabel. - -It is time to say something of Isabel’s family and her domestic life. As -we have seen, she had been during the nineteen years since her accession -constantly absorbed in state and warlike affairs; and the effects of her -efforts to reform her country had already been prodigious, but her -public duties did not blind her to the interests of her own household -and kindred; and no personage of her time did more to bring the new-born -culture into her home than she. She had given birth during the strenuous -years we have reviewed to five children. Isabel, born in October 1470; -John, the only son, in 1478; Joan in 1479, Maria in 1482, and Katharine -at the end of 1485: and these young princesses and prince had enjoyed -the constant supervision of their mother. Her own education had been -narrow under her Dominican tutors, and that of Ferdinand was notoriously -defective. But Isabel was determined that her children should not suffer -in a similar respect, and the most learned tutors that Italy and Spain -could provide were enlisted to teach, not the royal children alone, but -the coming generation of nobles, their companions, the wider culture of -the classics and the world that churchmen had so much neglected. And not -book learning alone was instilled into these young people by the Queen. -She made her younger ladies join her in the work of the needle and the -distaff, and set the fashion for great dames to devote their leisure, as -she did, to the embroidering of gorgeous altar cloths and church -vestments, whilst the noble youths, no longer allowed, as their -ancestors had been, to become politically dangerous, were encouraged to -make themselves accomplished in the arts of disciplined warfare and -literary culture. - -Isabel, like all her descendants upon the throne, set a high standard of -regal dignity, and in all her public appearances assumed a demeanour of -impassive serenity and gorgeousness which became traditional at a later -period; but she could be playful and jocose in her family circle, as her -nicknames for her children prove. Her eldest girl, Isabel, who married -the King of Portugal, bore a great resemblance to the Portuguese mother -of Isabel herself, and the latter always called her child ‘mother,’ -whilst her son Juan to her was always the ‘angel,’ from his beautiful -fair face. She could joke, too, on occasion, though the specimens of her -wit cited by Father Florez are a little outspoken for the present day; -and her contemporary chroniclers tell many instances of her keen caustic -wit. Her tireless and often indiscreet zeal for the spread of the faith -has been mentioned several times in these pages; but submissive as she -was to the clergy, she was keenly alive even to their defects, and the -laxity of the regular orders, which had grown to be a scandal, was -reformed by her with ruthless severity. Her principal instrument, -perhaps the initiator, of this work was the most remarkable -ecclesiastical statesman of his time, and one of the greatest Spaniards -who ever lived, Alfonso Jimenez de Cisneros. - -A humble Franciscan friar of over fifty, living as an anchorite in a -grot belonging to the monastery of Castañar, near Toledo, after a -laborious life as a secular priest and vicar-general of a diocese, would -seem the last man in the world to become the arbiter of a nation’s -destinies; and yet this was the strange fate of Jimenez. When Talavera -was created Bishop of Granada, Isabel needed a new principal confessor; -and, as usual in such matters, consulted the Cardinal Primate of Spain, -Mendoza, who years before had been Bishop of Sigüenza, and had made -Father Jimenez his chaplain and vicar-general, because his rival -archbishop, that stout old rebel Carrillo, had persecuted the lowly -priest. Mendoza knew that his former vicar-general had retired from the -world, and was living in self-inflicted suffering and mortification; and -he was wont to say that such a man was born to rule, and not to hide -himself as an anchorite in a cloister. When, after the surrender of -Granada, a new royal confessor was required, Jimenez, greatly to his -dismay, real or assumed, was at the instance of the Cardinal summoned to -see the Queen. Austere and poorly clad, he stood before the sovereign -whom he was afterwards to rule, and fervently begged her to save him -from the threatened honour. In vain he urged his unfitness for the life -of a court, his want of cultivation and the arts of the world; his -humility was to Isabel a further recommendation, and she would take no -denial. - -Thenceforward the pale emaciated figure, in a frayed and soiled -Franciscan frock, stalked like a spectre amidst the splendours that -surrounded the Queen; feared for his stern rectitude and his iron -strength of will. His mind was full, even then, of great plans to reform -the order of Saint Francis, corrupted as he had seen it was in the -cloisters; and when the office of Provincial of the Order became vacant -soon afterwards the new Confessor accepted it eagerly. Through all -Castile, to every monastery of the Order, Jimenez rode on a poor mule -with one attendant and no luggage; living mostly upon herbs and roots by -the way. When, at last, Isabel recalled him peremptorily to her side, he -painted to her so black a picture of the shameful licence and luxury of -the friars, that the Queen, horrified at such impiety, vowed to sustain -her Confessor in the work of reform. It was a hard fought battle; for -the Priors were rich and powerful, and in many cases were strongly -supported from Rome. All sorts of influences were brought to bear. -Ferdinand was besought to mitigate the reforming zeal of Isabel and -Jimenez, and did his best to do so. The Prior of the Holy Ghost in -Segovia boldly took Isabel to task personally, and told her that her -Confessor was unfit for his post. When Isabel asked the insolent friar -whether he knew what he was talking about he replied, ‘Yes, and I know -that I am speaking to Queen Isabel, who is dust and ashes as I am.’ But -all was unavailing, the broom wielded by Jimenez and the Queen swept -through every monastery and convent in the land; the Queen herself -taking the nunneries in hand, and with gentle firmness examining for -herself the circumstances in every case before compelling a rigid -adherence to the conventual vows. When Mendoza died in January 1495, the -greatest ecclesiastical benefice in the world after the papacy, the -Archbishopric of Toledo, became vacant. Ferdinand wanted it for his -illegitimate son, Alfonso of Aragon, aged twenty-four, who had been -Archbishop of Saragossa since he was six. But Toledo was in the Queen’s -gift, and to her husband’s indignation she insisted upon appointing -Jimenez. The Pope, Alexander VI., who had just conferred the title of -‘Catholic’ upon the Spanish sovereigns, was by birth a Valencian subject -of Ferdinand; and there was a race of the rival Spanish claimants to win -the support of Rome. But Castile had right as well as might on his side -this time, and, again to his expressed displeasure, Jimenez became -primate of Spain, and the greatest man in the land after the King who -distrusted him.[68] - -From their births Ferdinand had destined his children to be instruments -in his great scheme for humbling France for the benefit of Aragon; and -Isabel, in this respect, appears usually to have let him have his way. -It was a complicated and tortuous way, which, in a history of the Queen, -cannot be fully described. Suffice it to say that when Ferdinand found -himself by the fall of Granada free to take his own affairs seriously in -hand, he had for years been intriguing for political marriage for his -children. First he had endeavoured to capture the young King of France, -Charles VIII., on his accession in 1483, by a marriage with Isabel, the -eldest daughter of Spain. Charles VIII. was already betrothed to -Margaret of Burgundy, but Anne of Brittany, with her French dominion, -was preferred to either, and then (1488) Ferdinand, finding himself -forestalled, betrothed his youngest daughter, Katharine, to Arthur, -Prince of Wales, to win the support of Henry Tudor in a war against -France,[69] to prevent the absorption of Brittany. All parties were -dishonest; but Ferdinand outwitted allies and rivals alike. Henry VII. -of England was cajoled into invading France; whilst Ferdinand, instead -of making war on his side as arranged, quietly extorted from the fears -of Charles VIII. an offensive and defensive alliance against the world, -with the retrocession to Aragon of the counties of Roussillon and -Cerdagne; and England was left in the lurch. - -There is no doubt that the object of the King of France in signing such -a treaty was to buy the implied acquiescence of Ferdinand in making good -his shadowy claims to the kingdom of Naples, then ruled by the unpopular -kinsman of Ferdinand himself. As was proved soon afterwards, nothing was -further from Ferdinand’s thoughts than thus to aid the ambition of the -shallow, vain King of France in the precise direction where he wished to -check it. But in appearance the great festivities held in Barcelona on -the signature of the treaty in January 1493, heralded a cordial -settlement of the long-standing enmity between the two rivals. Isabel -took her share in the rejoicings; and rigid bigots appear to have -written to her late Confessor, Archbishop Talavera, an exaggerated -account of her participation in the gaiety. Isabel, in answer to the -letter of reprimand he sent her, defended herself with spirit and -dignity, after a preface expressing humble submission. ‘You say that -some danced who ought not to have danced; but if that is intended to -convey that I danced, I can only say that it is not true; I have little -custom of dancing, and I had no thought of such a thing.... The new -masks you complain of were worn neither by me nor by my ladies; and not -one dress was put on that had not been worn ever since we came to -Aragon. The only dress I wore had, indeed, been seen by the Frenchmen -before, and was my silk one with three bands of gold, made as plainly as -possible. This was all my part of the festivity. Of the grand array and -showy garments you speak of, I saw nothing and knew nothing until I read -your letter. The visitors who came may have worn such fine things when -they appeared; but I know of no others. As for the French people supping -with the ladies at table, that is a thing they are accustomed to do. -They do not get the custom from us; but when their great guests dine -with sovereigns, the others in their train dine at tables in the hall -with the ladies and gentlemen; and there are no separate tables for -ladies. The Burgundians, the English and the Portuguese, also follow -this custom; and we on similar occasions to this. So there is no more -evil in it, nor bad repute, than in asking guests to your own table. I -say this, that you may see that there was no innovation in what we did; -nor did we think we were doing anything wrong in it.... But if it be -found wrong after the inquiry I will make, it will be better to -discontinue it in future. The dresses of the gentlemen were truly very -costly, and I did not commend them, and, indeed, moderated them as much -as I could, and advised them not to have such garments made. As for the -Bull feasts, I feel, with you, though perhaps not quite so strongly. But -after I had consented to them, I had the fullest determination never to -attend them again in my life, nor to be where they were held. I do not -say that I can of myself abolish them; for that does not appertain to me -alone, nor do I defend them, for I have never found pleasure in -them.[70] When you know the truth of what really took place, you may -determine whether it be evil, in which case it had better be -discontinued. For my part all excess is distasteful to me, and I am -wearied with all festivity, as I have written you in a long letter, -which I have not sent, nor will I do so, until I know whether, by God’s -grace, you are coming to meet us in Castile.’[71] - -This letter gives a good idea of Isabel’s submission to her spiritual -advisers, as well as of her own good sense and moderation, which -prevented her from giving blind obedience to them. Another instance of -this is seen by Isabel’s attitude towards the chapter of Toledo -Cathedral after the death of her friend Cardinal Mendoza (January 1495), -the third King of Spain, as he had been called. The Queen travelled from -Madrid to Guadalajara to be with him at his death, and tended him to the -last, promising, personally, to act as his executor, and to see that all -his testamentary wishes were fulfilled. Amongst these was the desire of -the prelate to be buried in a certain spot in the chancel of the -cathedral. To this the chapter had readily assented in the life of the -archbishop, but when he had died they refused to allow the structural -alterations necessary, and the matter was carried to the tribunals, -which decided in favour of the executors. The chapter still stood firm -in their refusal, and then the Queen, as chief executrix, took the -matter in her own hands, and herself superintended the necessary -demolition of the wall of the chapel at night, to the surprise and -dismay of the chapter, who no longer dared to interfere.[72] - -On leaving Aragon after the signature of the hollow Treaty of Barcelona -(1493), Isabel and her husband took up their residence in the Alcazar of -Madrid, where, with short intervals, they remained in residence for the -next six years. During this period, spent, as will be told by Ferdinand, -in almost constant struggle for his own objects in Italy and elsewhere, -Isabel was tireless in her efforts for domestic reform. The purification -of the monasteries and convents went on continually under the zealous -incentive of the new Archbishop of Toledo, Jimenez: the roads and -water-sources throughout Castile were improved; the municipal -authorities, corrupt as they had become by the introduction of the -purchase of offices, and the effects of noble intrigue, were brought -under royal inspection and control; and this, though it improved the -government of the towns, further sapped their independence and -legislative power. The Universities and high schools, which had shared -in the universal decadence, were overhauled, and a higher standard of -graduation enforced: the coinage, which had become hopelessly debased, -in consequence of the vast number of noble and municipal mints in -existence, was unified and rehabilitated: sumptuary pragmatics, mistaken -as they appear to us now, but well-intentioned at the time, endeavoured -to restrain extravagance and idle vanity: measures for promoting -agriculture, the great cloth industry of Segovia and oversea commerce, -and a score of other similar enactments during these years, from 1494 to -the end of the century, show how catholic and patriotic was Isabel’s -activity at the time that Ferdinand was busy with his own Aragonese -plans. The annals of Madrid at this period give a curious account of -Isabel’s prowess in another direction. The neighbourhood of the capital -was infested with bears, and one particular animal, of special size and -ferocity, had committed much damage. By order of the Queen a special -battue was organised, and the bear was killed by a javelin in the hands -of Isabel herself, upon the spot where now stands the hermitage of St. -Isidore, the patron of Madrid.[73] - -Ferdinand’s marvellous political perspicacity, and the far-reaching -combinations he had formed, now began to produce some of the -international results for which he had worked. The Treaty of Barcelona -had bound Ferdinand to friendship with France, and abstention from -marrying his children in England, Germany or Naples, and implied the -leaving to Charles VIII. of a free hand in Italy: but no sooner had -Ferdinand received his reward by the retrocession of Roussillon and -Cerdagne to him, than he broke all his obligations under the treaty. -Charles VIII. had marched through Italy, to the intense anger of the -native princes, and took possession of Naples, and then Ferdinand, in -coalition with the Valencian Pope, Alexander VI., formed the combination -of Venice, and Spanish troops under the great Castilian, Gonzalo de -Cordova, expelled the French from Naples, and set up the deposed -Aragonese-Neapolitan king, until it should please, as it soon did, -Ferdinand to seize the realm for himself. - -This war was an awakening to all Europe that a new fighting nation had -entered into the arena. Already the proud spirit of superiority by -divine selection was being felt by Spaniards as a result of the -religious persecution of the minority, and the devotional exaltation -inspired by the example of the Queen: and under so great a commander as -Gonzalo de Cordova Spanish troops for the first time now showed the -qualities which, for a century at least, made them invincible.[74] -Whilst this result attended the policy of Isabel and her husband in -religious affairs, their action in another direction simultaneously, -whilst for the moment seeming to give to Ferdinand the hegemony of -Europe, really wrought the ruin of Spain by bringing her into the vortex -of central European politics, and burdening her with the championship of -an impossible cause under impossible conditions. - - - CHAPTER III - -Amidst infinite chicanery and baseness on both sides the marriage treaty -of Isabel’s youngest daughter, Katharine, with Arthur, Prince of Wales, -had been alternately confirmed and relaxed, as suited Ferdinand’s -interests. But he took care that it could be at any time revived when -need should demand it. This made Ferdinand always able to deal a -diverting blow upon France in the Channel. But Ferdinand’s main stroke -of policy was the double marriage of his children, Juan, Prince of -Asturias, with the Archduchess Margaret, daughter of Maximilian, -sovereign of the Holy Roman Empire; and of Joan, Isabel’s second -daughter, with Philip, Maximilian’s son, and, by right of his mother, -sovereign of the dominions of the Dukes of Burgundy with Holland and -Flanders; whilst Isabel’s eldest daughter, already the widow of the -Portuguese prince, Alfonso, was betrothed to his cousin, King Emmanuel. -Imagination is dazzled at the prospect opened out by these marriages. -The children of Philip and Joan would hold the fine harbours of -Flanders, and would hem in France by the possession of Artois, Burgundy, -Luxembourg, and the Franche Comté; whilst their possession of the -imperial crown and the German dominions of the house of Habsburg would -identify their interests with those of Ferdinand in checking the French -advance towards Italy. On the other side of the Channel the -grandchildren of Ferdinand and Isabel would rule England, and hold the -narrow sea; whilst the friendship between England and Scotland, prompted -by Ferdinand, and the marriage of Margaret Tudor with James IV., -deprived France of her ancient northern ally. The King of Aragon might -then, with the assurance of success, extend his grasp from Sicily to the -East, and become the master of the world. The plan was a splendid one; -and for a time it went merry as the marriage bells that heralded it. -With his family seated on the Portuguese throne, Ferdinand had, -moreover, no attack to fear on that side from French intrigue, such as -had often been attempted; and for a brief period it seemed as if all -heaven had smiled upon the astute King of Aragon. - -Isabel had always been an exemplary mother to her children, who, on -their side, were deeply devoted to her. She had rarely allowed them to -be separated from her, even during her campaigns; and had herself cared -for their education in letters, music, and the arts under the most -accomplished masters in Europe.[75] When they had to be sacrificed one -by one for the political ends of their father, Isabel’s love as a mother -almost overcame her sense of duty as a queen, and in the autumn of 1496 -she travelled through Spain with a heavy heart to take leave of her -seventeen-year old daughter, Joan, for whom a great fleet of 120 sail -was waiting in the port of Laredo, near Santander. The King was away in -Catalonia preparing his war with France; the times were disturbed, and a -strong navy with 15,000 armed men were needed to escort the young bride -to Flanders, the home of her husband, Philip of Burgundy, heir of the -empire, and to bring back to Spain the betrothed of Prince Juan, -Philip’s sister, Margaret, who, in her infancy, had been allied to the -faithless Charles VIII. of France. For two nights after the embarkation -Isabel slept on the ship with her daughter, loath to part with her, as -it seemed, for ever; and when, at last, the fleet sailed, on the 22nd -August 1496, the mother, in the deepest grief, turned her back upon the -sea, and rode sadly to Burgos to await tidings of her daughter. - -Storms and disasters innumerable assailed the fleet. Driven by tempest -into Portland, one of the largest of the ships came into collision and -foundered; and though the young Archduchess received every courtesy and -attention from the English gentry, she was not even yet at the end of -her troubles; for on the Flemish coast another great ship was wrecked, -with most of her household, trousseau, and jewels. Eventually the whole -fleet arrived at Ramua, sorely disabled, and needing a long delay for -refitting before it could return to Spain with the bride of Isabel’s -heir.[76] Whilst Joan was being married, with all the pomp traditional -in the house of Burgundy, to her handsome, good-for-nothing husband, -Philip, at Lille, Queen Isabel, at Burgos, in the deepest distress, was -mourning for the loss of her own distraught mother, as well as for her -daughter.[77] Every post from Flanders brought the Queen evil news. The -fleet that had carried Joan over, and was refitting to bring Margaret to -Spain, was mostly unseaworthy: Philip neglected and ill-treated his -wife’s countrymen to the extent of allowing 9000 of the men on the fleet -at Antwerp to die from cold and privation, without trying to help them; -already his young wife was complaining of his conduct. Her Spanish -household were unpaid; and even the income settled upon her by Philip -was withheld, on the pretext that Ferdinand had not fulfilled his part -of the bargain, which was, of course, true. - -At length, after what seemed interminable delay, the Archduchess -Margaret arrived at Santander early in March 1497. Ferdinand, with a -great train of nobles, received his future daughter-in-law as she -stepped upon Spanish soil, and a few days later Queen Isabel welcomed -her in the palace of Burgos, where, with greater rejoicing than had ever -been seen in Castile, the heir of Ferdinand and Isabel was married to -gentle Margaret, one of the finest characters of her time. Seven months -afterwards the Prince of Asturias, at the age of twenty-one, was borne -to his grave, and his wife gave birth to a dead child.[78] The blow was -one from which Isabel never recovered. Juan was her only son, her -‘angel,’ from the time of his birth; and the dearest wish of her heart -had been the unification of Spain under him and his descendants. The -next heiress was Isabel, her eldest daughter, just (August 1497) married -to King Emmanuel of Portugal, and the jealous Aragonese and Catalans -would hardly brook a woman sovereign; and, above all, one ruling from -Portugal, when Ferdinand should die.[79] Hastily Cortes of Castile was -summoned at Toledo, and swore allegiance to the new heiress and her -Portuguese husband as princes of Asturias in April 1498, but she, too, -died in childbed in August, when the heirship devolved upon her infant -son, Miguel, who, if he had lived, would have united not only Spain, but -all the Iberian Peninsula under one rule. But it was not to be, and the -babe followed his mother to the grave in a few months. - -Troubles fell thick and fast upon Isabel and her husband. Death within -three years had made cruel sport of all their plans; and the support of -England, long held in the balance by Ferdinand, to be bought when it was -worth the price demanded, had now to be obtained almost at any cost. The -price had increased considerably; for Henry Tudor was as keen a hand at -a bargain as Ferdinand of Aragon, and closely watched events. With the -usual grasping dishonesty on both sides, the treaty for the marriage of -Isabel’s youngest daughter, Katharine, to the heir of England was again -signed and sealed, and the young couple were married by proxy in May -1499. But Katharine was young. Her mother could hardly bring herself to -part with her last-born, and send her for ever to a far country amongst -strangers; and she fought hard for two years longer to delay her -daughter’s going, with all manner of conditions and claims as to her -future life. At length Henry of England put his foot down, and said he -would wait no longer; and, worse still, he hinted that he would marry -Arthur elsewhere, and throw his influence on the side of Philip of -Burgundy, Ferdinand’s son-in-law, in the struggle that was already -looming on the horizon. Isabel and her daughter both knew that the -latter was being sent to serve her father’s political interests against -her own sister and brother-in-law; but, from her birth, Katharine had -been brought up in her mother’s atmosphere of uncompromising duty, -surrounded by the ecstatic devotion which demanded serene personal -sacrifice for higher ends; and, on the 21st May 1501, the Princess of -Aragon bade a last farewell to her mother in the elfin palace of the -Alhambra, to see her no more in her life of martyrdom.[80] - -Isabel’s health was already breaking down with labour and trouble. -Disappointment faced her from every side, and as tribulations fell, -bringing her end nearer, and ever nearer, the stern religious zeal that -inflamed her grew more eager to do its work in her day. She had never -been a weakling, as we have seen. From her youth the persecution of -infidels had been as grateful to her sense of duty, as the crushing of -her worldly opponents had been satisfying to her love of undisputed -dominion. In all Castile, no man but her confessor, and he at his peril, -had dared to say her nay; but at this juncture, when health was failing -and her strength on the wane, there came to her tidings from across the -sea that turned her heart to stone. Joan, her daughter, had always been -somewhat wayward and rebellious at the gloomy, devout tone that pervaded -her mother’s life, and Isabel had coerced her, on some occasions by -forcible means, to take her part in the religious observances that -occupied so large a share of attention at the Spanish court.[81] - -Joan was young and bright: the life in her palace at Brussels was free -from the gloom that hung over crusading Castile. Philip, her husband, -cared for little but pleasure, and, though he was but a faithless -husband, she was desperately in love with him. The new culture, -moreover, which had even found its way, with Peter Martyr, into Isabel’s -court, had, in rich, prosperous Flanders, brought with it the freedom of -thought and judgment that naturally came from the wider horizon of -knowledge that men gained by it, and doubtless the change from the rigid -and uncomfortable sanctimony of her native land to the gay and debonair -society of Flanders had seemed to Joan like coming out of the darkness -into the daylight. The Spanish priests who surrounded her sounded a note -of warning to Isabel only a few months after Joan had arrived in -Flanders. She was said to be lax in her religious duties: her old -confessor, who continued to write to her fervent exhortations to -preserve the faith as it was held in Spain, could get no reply to any of -his letters, and he learnt that the gay Parisian priests, who flocked in -the festive court, were leading Joan astray. - -Isabel sent a confidential priest, Friar Matienzo, to Flanders to -examine and report on all these, and the like accusations. He saw Joan -in August 1498, and found her, as he says, more handsome and buxom than -ever, though far advanced in pregnancy; but when he began to press her -about religion, though she had plenty of reasons ready for what she did, -she was as obstinate as her mother could be in holding her own way. She -refused to confess at the bidding of the friar, to accept any confessor -appointed by her mother, or to dismiss the French priests who were with -her, and the friar sent the dire news to Isabel that her daughter had a -hard heart and no true piety.[82] - -This was bad enough, but on the death of the Queen of Portugal, Isabel’s -eldest daughter and heiress, leaving her infant son as heir to the -united crowns, Philip assumed for himself and his wife, Joan, the title -of Prince and Princess of Castile. This was a warning for Ferdinand.[83] -Already Philip and his father, the Emperor Maximilian, had shown that -they had no idea of being the tools of Ferdinand’s foreign policy, but -if Philip of Burgundy successfully asserted Joan’s right to succeed her -mother as Queen of Castile, then all Ferdinand’s edifice of hope fell -like a house of cards, for most of Spain would be governed by a -foreigner, with other ends and methods, and poor, isolated Aragon, by -itself, must sink into insignificance. - -When the infant Portuguese heir, Miguel, died, early in 1499, the issue -between Ferdinand and his son-in-law was joined. Isabel was visibly -failing, and it was seen would die before her husband, in which case -Joan would be Queen of Castile, in right of her mother. Philip, her -husband, with the riches of Flanders and Burgundy, and the prestige of -the empire behind him, would come, perhaps in alliance with the French, -and reduce greedy, ambitious Ferdinand to the petty crown of Aragon. -Thenceforward it was war to the knife between father and son-in-law, who -hated each other bitterly; and Isabel’s distrust of her daughter Joan -grew deeper as religious zeal and ambition for a united Spain joined in -adding fuel to the fire. With true statesmanship Isabel, under the great -influence of Jimenez, clung more desperately than ever to the idea of a -Spain absolutely united. Ferdinand’s object in working for the -consolidation of the realms had always been to forward the traditional -objects of Aragon in humbling France, but those of Isabel and Jimenez -were different. To them the spread of Christianity in the dark places of -the earth, for the greater glory of Castile, was the end to be gained by -a united Spain, and for that end it was necessary that the people should -be unified in orthodoxy as well as in sovereignty. The cruel and -disastrous expulsion of the Jews[84] served this object in Isabel’s -mind, though to Ferdinand its principal advantage was the filling of his -war chest. The squandering of Castilian blood and treasure in Naples and -Sicily was to Isabel and Jimenez a means of strengthening the Spaniards -in their future Christianisation of north Africa, whilst to Ferdinand it -meant the future domination of Italy, the Adriatic, and gaining the -trade of the Levant for Barcelona. - -When Isabel and her husband went to Granada, after a long absence, in -1499, with the all-powerful Jimenez in his dirty, coarse, Franciscan -gown, the difference of view of the husband and wife was again seen. The -Moors of Granada had lived, since their capitulation, contented and -prosperous in the enjoyment of toleration for their customs and faith -under the sympathetic rule of the Christian governor, the Count of -Tendilla, and the ardent, but always diplomatic, religious propaganda of -Archbishop Talavera. If these two men had been allowed to continue their -gentle system for a generation, there is no doubt that in time Granada -would have become Christian without bloodshed, even if it had retained -its Arabic speech. But Jimenez and the Queen could not wait, and -determined upon methods more rapid than those of Talavera. In the seven -years that had passed since Granada surrendered to Isabel, the crown of -Spain had become much more powerful. The prestige and wealth of the -sovereigns had been increased; the discovery of America had considerably -added to the importance of Castile, whilst the expulsion of the French -from Naples had magnified Aragon. The Jews had been expelled from Spain, -and, above all, the Inquisition, under the ruthless Torquemada, had -raised the arrogance both of people and priests on the strength of the -stainless orthodoxy of Spain. - -Jimenez doubtless felt that the circumstances demanded, or at least -excused, stronger measures towards the Moslems in Granada. He soon -persuaded or stultified Talavera, and set about converting the Moors -wholesale. Bribery, persuasion, flattery, were the first instruments -employed, then threats and severity. Thousands of Moors were thus -brought to baptism, with what sincerity may be supposed. Jimenez, a book -lover himself, and afterwards the munificent inspirer of the polyglot -Bible in his splendid new University of Alcalá, committed the vandalism -of burning the priceless Arabic manuscripts that had been collected by -generations of scholars in Granada. Five thousand magnificently -illuminated copies of the Koran were cast into the flames, whilst many -thousands of ancient Greek, Hebrew, and Arabic texts were sacrificed to -the blind bigotry and haste of Jimenez and Isabel, who, even in -learning, drew the line at Christian writings. From sacrificing books to -sacrificing men was but a step for Jimenez. Isabel and her husband had -sworn to allow full toleration to the Moors, but what were oaths of -monarchs as against the presumed interests of the faith? Soon the -dungeon, the rack, and the thumbscrew came to fortify Jimenez’s -propaganda, and, though the Moslems bowed their heads before -irresistible force, they cursed beneath their breath the day they had -trusted to the oath of Christian sovereigns. - -The absence of Ferdinand and Isabel in Seville early in 1500, gave to -Jimenez full freedom; and soon the strained cord snapped, and the -outraged Moors rebelled. Like a spark upon tinder an excess of insolence -on the part of one of Jimenez’s myrmidons set all Granada in a blaze; -and the Primate was besieged in his palace, in imminent danger of death. -He acted with stern courage even then, and refused to escape until Count -de Tendilla with the soldiery dispersed the populace, and drove them -into their own quarter, the Albaicin. There they were impregnable, and -Tendilla, who was popular, with Talavera, even more beloved, took their -lives in their hands, and unarmed and bareheaded entered the Albaicin to -reassure the Moors. ‘We do not rise,’ cried the latter, ‘against their -highnesses, but only to defend their own signatures,’[85] and the -beloved Archbishop and Governor, who left his own wife and children in -the Albaicin as hostages of peace, soothed the Moors into quietude -almost as soon as the storm had burst. - -The news flew rapidly to Seville, though Jimenez’s version was not the -first to arrive, and when he heard it, Ferdinand turned in anger to -Isabel. ‘See here, madam,’ he said, handing her the paper, ‘our -victories, earned with so much Spanish blood, are thus ruined in a -moment by the rashness and obstinacy of your Archbishop.’[86] Isabel -herself wrote in grave sorrow to Jimenez, deploring that he had given -her no proper explanation of what had happened; and after sending his -faithful vicar, Ruiz, to placate the monarchs somewhat, the Archbishop -himself appeared before the Queen and her husband. He was a man of -tremendous power. Over Isabel his religious influence was great, and he -proved now that he knew how to get at the weak side of Ferdinand. The -Moors, he urged, had been converted by thousands; and so far, his work -had been successful. But rebellion on the part of subjects could never -be condoned, no matter what the cause, and he appealed to both -sovereigns only to pardon Granada for its revolt on condition that every -Moor should become a Christian or leave Spain. It was a shameful -violation of a sacred pledge given only seven years before, but the -rising of the Albaicin was the salve which Jimenez applied to the -wounded honour of his Queen and King. - -To Granada he returned triumphant, with the fell decree in the pocket of -his shabby grey gown. More converts flocked in than ever when the -alternative was presented to them. But up in the wild Alpujarras, the -Moslem villagers and farmers looked with hatred and dismay at the lax -townsmen abandoning Allah and his only prophet at the bidding of a -ragged, sour-faced priest who broke his monarch’s word. Like an -avalanche the mountaineers swept down from their fastnesses upon Malaga, -beating back the Christian force from Granada which came to rescue the -city. But Ferdinand from Seville and the greatest soldier in Europe, -Gonzalo de Cordova, hastened with an army to crush the desperate handful -who had defied an empire; and every Moor in arms, with many women and -children, were pitilessly massacred. The repression was carried out with -a savage ferocity and heartlessness only equalled by the despairing -bravery of the insurgents; but at last, by the end of 1500, the few who -were still left unconverted were brought to their knees: all except the -fierce mountaineers of Ronda, a separate African tribe, notable even -to-day for their lawlessness and indomitable independence. From their -savage fortress over the gorge they repelled one Christian force after -another, until Ferdinand himself, with vengeance in his heart against -all rebels, came with an army strong enough to crush them. A ruinous -ransom and instant conversion were dictated to them, and confiscation -and death, or deportation to Africa, for those who hesitated. - -Then came the turn of Granada itself. Jimenez and the new -Inquisitor-General, Deza, the friend of Colon, demanded of Isabel and -Ferdinand the establishment of the Inquisition in the city. This was -considered too flagrant a violation of all promises; but what was -refused in the letter was granted in the spirit; and the Inquisition of -Cordova was given power to extend its operations over Granada. What -followed will always remain a blot upon the name of Isabel, who with -Jimenez was principally responsible. In July 1501, she with her husband -issued a decree forbidding the Moslem faith throughout the kingdom of -Granada, on pain of death and confiscation; and in February 1502, the -wicked edict went forth, that the entire Moslem population, men, women, -and all children of over twelve years, should quit the realm within two -months, whilst they were forbidden to go to a Mahommedan country. -Whither were the poor wretches to go but to Africa, opposite their own -shores? and some found their way there. This was a pretext a few months -afterwards for prohibiting any one to emigrate from Spain at all; and -such Moors as still remained in Spain had only the alternatives of -compulsory conversion or death.[87] By the end of 1502 not a single -professed Moslem was left in Spain; and Isabel, with saintly joy in her -heart, could thank God that she had done her duty, and that in her own -day the miracle had come to pass: the Jews expelled, the Moors -‘converted,’ the Inquisition scourging religious doubt with thongs of -flame; all men in very fear bowing their heads to one symbol and -muttering one creed. This was indeed a victory to be proud of, and it -made Spain what it was and what it is. - -To Isabel, in broken health and sad bereavement, it was the one ray of -glory that gilded all her sorrow. Not the least of her troubles were -those arising from her new domain across the sea. The impossible terms -insisted upon by the discoverer had, as we have seen, been accepted with -the greatest unwillingness by Ferdinand, and probably with no intention -of fulfilling them; and when Colon began to prepare his second -expedition on a great scale, and thousands of adventurers craved to -accompany him, the King realised the danger that threatened his own -plans in Europe if such an exodus continued; and, at the same time, the -tremendous power that this foreign sailor, now Admiral of the Indies and -perpetual Spanish Viceroy, with riches untold, would hold in his hands. -So the process of undermining him began. The Council of the Indies was -formed to control all matters connected with the new domain, and the -priests that ruled it obstructed and thwarted the Admiral at every turn. -Isabel was mainly concerned in winning her new subjects to Christianity; -and four friars went this time in the fleet to baptise. All of them but -his friend Marchena were disloyal to the chief, and so were the crowd of -Aragonese who accompanied the expedition. Of the fifteen hundred -adventurers who at last were selected, the great majority were greedy, -reckless men whom the end of the Moorish war had left idle. - -At first the news from Colon on his second voyage were bright and -hopeful. New lands, richer than ever, were discovered, and the prospects -of coming wealth from this source, whilst delighting the King, only made -the downfall of the Admiral more inevitable. But soon the merciless -violence of the colonists provoked reprisals, and every ship that -returned to Spain brought to Isabel bitter complaints of Colon’s -rapacity and tyranny; whilst he, on his side, denounced the want of -discipline, of industry, and of justice, on the part of those who were -rapidly turning a heaven into a hell. At length the complaints, both of -friars and laymen, against the high-handed Admiral of the Indies, became -so violent that the sovereigns summoned him to Spain to give some -explanation of the position. Colon saw the Queen at Burgos in 1496, and -found her, at least, full of sympathy for him in his difficulties, and -still firmly convinced that his golden hopes would be fulfilled. But the -reaction had set in against the extravagant expectations aroused by his -second expedition. The idlers, many of them, had come back disappointed, -fever-stricken and empty-handed, and had much evil to say of the -despotic Italian who had lorded over land granted by the Viceregent of -Christ at Rome to the Spanish sovereigns; and though Isabel herself, -full of zeal for winning all Asia, as she thought, for the faith, did -her best, the treasury was empty after the wars of Granada and Italy, -and the heavy expense of the royal marriages then in progress. - -Amidst infinite obstruction from the Council of the Indies, and with -little but frowning looks from Ferdinand, Colon’s third expedition was -painfully and slowly fitted out. Few adventurers were anxious to go now; -and condemned criminals had to be enlisted for the service; but, withal, -at length in May 1498, the Admiral sailed on his third voyage to his new -land. When he arrived at his centre, the isle of Hispanola (Haiti), he -found that a successful revolt of the lawless ruffians he had left -behind had overturned all semblance of order and discipline. The mines -were unworked, the fields untilled, the natives atrociously tortured, -and violence everywhere paramount. Isabel’s verbal instructions to the -Admiral when she took leave of him had been precise. Her first object, -she said, was to convert the Indians to Christianity, and to carry to -them from Spain, not slavery and oppression, but the gentle, Christian, -virtues. This doubtless to some extent was the desire of Colon himself, -with his mystic devotional soul, though wholesale slavery of natives was -part of his system, and he set about his work of the reconciliation of -the Indians, whose horrible sufferings had driven them to armed -opposition or flight. The undisciplined Spaniards had the whip hand, and -the Admiral could only with much diplomacy, and perhaps unwise -concessions to them, at length bring some semblance of peace and order -to the colony. But mild as his methods were on the occasion, they were -bitterly resented by arrogant Spaniards, indignant that a foreigner -should wield sovereign powers over them in their own Queen’s territory. - -Complaints and accusations more bitter than ever came to the King and -Queen by every ship. The men who returned to Spain assured Ferdinand -that Colon was sacrificing every interest to his own insatiable greed; -and Isabel, favourably disposed as she was to the discoverer generally, -at length lost patience when she found that he was shipping cargoes of -Indians to Spain to be sold for slaves. To enslave infidels was not -usually held to be wrong, and Colon considered it a legitimate source of -profit: but Isabel’s new subjects, mild and gentle as they were, had -been looked upon by her as actual or potential Christians, and her -indignation was great when she saw that Colon was treating them -indifferently as chattels of his own.[88] At length it was decided to -send an envoy to Hispanola, with full powers to inquire into affairs and -to take possession of all property and dispose of all persons in the new -territories. The man chosen thus to exercise unrestrained power was -Francisco de Bobadilla, probably a relative of the Queen’s great friend, -Beatriz de Bobadilla, Marchioness of Moya; but in any case an intolerant -tyrant, who considered it his business, as, by Ferdinand, it was -probably intended to be, to degrade the Admiral in any case. With -unexampled insolence and harshness, he loaded the great explorer with -manacles almost as soon as he arrived in Hispanola; and then, whilst -Colon lay in prison, the whole of the charges against him were raked -together, and, without any attempt to sift them judicially, were -embodied in an act of accusation, and sent to Spain by the same caravel -as that which carried in chains the exalted visionary, whose dream had -enriched Castile with a new world. - -The shameful home-coming of Colon in December 1500, struck the -imagination and shocked the conscience of the people; and Isabel herself -was one of the first to express her indignation. She and Ferdinand were -at Granada at the time, and sent to the illustrious prisoner a dignified -letter of regret, ordering him at once to be released, supplied with -funds, and to present himself before them. The Queen received him in her -palace of the Alhambra, and as he stood before his sovereign, with his -bared white head bowed in grief and shame for the insult that had eaten -into his very soul,[89] Isabel lost her usual calm serenity and wept, -whereupon the Admiral himself broke down, and he cast himself at the -foot of the throne that he had so nobly endowed. The title of Admiral -was restored to him: though in his stead as Viceroy was sent out Nicolas -de Ovando, with thirty-two vessels and a great company of gentlemen. But -disaster overtook the fleet; and, though Ovando arrived, most of the -ships and men were lost, and thenceforward Isabel’s zeal for maritime -adventure grew cooler. - -The cost and drain of men for the enterprise had been very great. The -fame of the discovery had rung through the world, and had exalted Isabel -and Castile as they had never been exalted before, but up to this period -the returns in money had been insignificant, whilst the unsettling -influence of the adventure upon the nation at large had been very -injurious. Ferdinand, for reasons already explained, always regarded it -coldly; and the loss of Ovando’s fleet seemed to prove him right. When, -therefore, Colon begged for the Queen’s aid to sail with a fourth -expedition early in 1502, she was unwilling to help; though she was -sufficiently his friend still to prevent others from hindering him; and -he sailed for the last time in March 1502, to see his patroness no more; -for when he came back, two years and nine months later, broken with -injustice, and with death in his heart, Isabel the Catholic was dead. - -Even greater sorrows than those of America came to Isabel in her last -years, troubles that stabbed her to the very heart, and from which one -of the great tragedies of history grew. From Flanders came tidings of -grave import for the future of the edifice so laboriously reared by -Ferdinand and Isabel. The heiress of Spain, the Archduchess Joan, with -her cynical, evil-minded husband, Philip the Handsome, were daily -drifting further away from the influence of Joan’s parents. Dark -whispers of religious backsliding on the part of the Court of Brussels -were rife in the grim circle of friars and devotees that accompanied -Isabel. It was said that Joan and her husband openly slighted the rigid -observance of religious form considered essential in Spain, and that the -freedom of thought and speech common in Flanders was more to the taste -of Joan than the terror-stricken devotion of her Inquisition-ridden -native land. Isabel had dedicated her strenuous life and vast ability to -the unification of the faith in Spain. She had connived at cruelty -unfathomable, and had exterminated whole races of her subjects with that -sole object. Throughout her realms and those of her husband no heresy -dared now raise its head, or even whisper doubt; and the thought that -free-thinking, mocking Burgundian Philip, with his submissive wife, so -alienated from her own people that she refused to send a message of -loving greeting to her mother, should come and work their will upon the -sacred soil of Castile, must have been torture to Isabel. To Ferdinand -it must have been as bad; for it touched him, too, in his tenderest -part. His life dream had been to realise the ambitions of Aragon. For -that he had plotted, lied, and cheated; for that he had plundered his -subjects, kept his realms at war, bartered his children and usurped his -cousin’s throne. But it would be all useless if Castile slipped through -his fingers when his wife died, and his deadly enemy, his son-in-law, -became king of Castile in right of his wife Joan. - -The difficulty became more acute when Joan gave birth to her son at -Ghent in February 1500, because, according to the law of succession, the -child christened Charles, a name unheard of in Spain before, would -inherit, not Castile and Leon alone, but Aragon as well, with Flanders, -Burgundy, Artois, Luxembourg, the Aragonese kingdoms in Italy, and, -worst of all, Austria and the empire. Where would the interests of -Aragon, nay, even of Spain, be amongst such world-wide dominions; and -how could such a potentate devote himself either to aggrandising Aragon, -or to carrying the Cross into the dark places of Moorish Africa? What -added to the bitterness in Ferdinand’s case was, that Philip was even -now intriguing actively with the Kings of France, Portugal, and England -against Aragon; and was, with vain pretexts, evading the pressing -invitations of his wife’s parents to bring her to Spain, to receive with -him the oath of allegiance as heirs of the realms. - -It was necessary somehow to conciliate Philip and Joan before they went -too far; for Philip’s plan, to marry the infant Prince Charles to a -French princess, struck at the very root of Ferdinand’s policy. Envoy -after envoy was sent to Flanders to expedite the coming of Philip and -Joan, if possible, with the infant Charles; but the Archduke had no -intention of becoming the tool of his astute father-in-law, and was -determined to be quite secure before he placed himself in his power. He -was anxious enough to obtain recognition as heir of Castile jointly with -his wife, but desired to leave Spain immediately afterwards, which did -not suit Ferdinand, who wished to have time to influence him towards his -policy, and alienate him from his Flemish and French favourites.[90] -Joan herself flatly refused to come without her husband; of whom, with -ample reason, she was violently jealous; and neither would allow the -infant Charles to come without them. At length, after Joan had been -delivered of her third child, a daughter named Isabel, the prayers and -promises of Queen Isabel and her husband prevailed, and the Archduke and -Archduchess consented to come to Spain. But it was under conditions that -turned the heart of Ferdinand more than ever against his son-in-law. -They would travel to Spain through France, and ratify in Paris the -betrothal of their one-year old son Charles, heir of Spain, Flanders, -and the empire, with Claude of France, child of Louis XII. Philip went -out of his way during the sumptuous reception in Paris to show his -submission to the King of France; and even did homage to him as Count of -Flanders; but Joan, mindful for once, at least, that she belonged to the -house of Aragon, and was heiress of Spain, refused all tokens implying -her subservience. - -On the 7th May 1502, Joan and her husband entered the imperial city of -Toledo with all the ceremony that Castile could supply. At the door of -the great hall in the Alcazar, Isabel stood to receive her heirs. Both -knelt before her and tried to kiss her hand, but the Queen raised them, -and embracing her daughter, carried her off to her private chamber. Soon -afterwards the Archduchess and her husband took the oath as heirs of -Castile in the vast Gothic Cathedral; and the splendid festivities to -celebrate the event were hardly begun before another trouble came in the -announcement of the death of Arthur, Prince of Wales, husband of -Isabel’s youngest daughter, Katharine. The event immediately changed the -aspect of the game. The next heir of England was a boy of eleven, who -might be married to a French princess, and thus cause one other blow to -Ferdinand’s carefully arranged schemes. This made it more necessary than -ever that Joan and Philip should be brought into entire obedience to -Spanish views. War broke out between France and Spain at once, and -strenuous efforts were made by Ferdinand to expel from Spain the -councillors of Philip, who were known to be in the French interest.[91] -The Archduchess and her husband were then taken to Aragon, to receive -the homage of the Cortes there as heirs of Ferdinand, and then Philip, -in spite of all remonstrance, hurried back again to his own country. -Isabel gravely took her son-in-law to task when he announced his -intention to return to Flanders by land through France whilst Spain was -at war. It was, she said, his duty to recollect, moreover, that he was, -in right of his wife, heir to one of the greatest thrones in the world, -and should stay at least long enough in the country to know the people -and their language and customs. To her entreaties the Archduchess, now -far advanced in pregnancy, and unable to travel, added her prayers and -tears. But all in vain; Philip, against the respectful protest even of -the Cortes, would go, and insisted upon travelling through France, the -enemy of Spain.[92] So, almost in flight, Philip of Burgundy crossed the -frontiers of his father-in-law, leaving his wife Joan and their unborn -child in Castile, in December 1502. - -Never in their lives had Ferdinand and Isabel suffered such a rebuff as -this. That the man, who on their death would succeed them, was a -free-living German Fleming, who cared nothing for Spain, to promote -whose glory they had lived and laboured so hard, was bitter enough for -them. But that he should be so lost to all duty and respect towards them -and to their country as to leave them thus, to rejoice with the enemy in -arms against them, convinced them that under him and his wife Spain and -the faith had nothing to expect but neglect and sacrifice for other -interests. Isabel’s frequent conversations with her daughter Joan, -during the months she had been in Spain, had more than confirmed the -worst fears she had formed from the reports sent to her from Flanders. -Joan, though of course a Catholic, obstinately refused to conform to the -rigid ritual of Castile; and, both in acts and words, showed a strange -disregard of, and, indeed, captious resistance to, her mother’s wishes. -She was inconstant and fickle; sometimes determined, notwithstanding her -condition, to go and rejoin her husband, sometimes docile and amiable. - -It had become evident to Isabel and her husband not many weeks after -Joan and Philip’s arrival, that these were no fit successors to continue -the policy that was to make Spain the mistress of the world and the -arbiter of the faith; and to the Cortes of Toledo, which took the oath -of allegiance to Philip and his wife, it was secretly intimated that the -Queen wished that, ‘if, when the Queen died, Juana was absent from the -realms, or, after having come to them, should be obliged to leave them -again, or that, although present, she might not choose, or _might not be -able to reign and govern_,’[93] Ferdinand should rule Castile in her -name. This was a serious departure both from strict legality and from -usage, and has been considered by recent commentators to indicate that, -even thus early, Isabel wished to exclude her daughter from the throne, -either for heresy or madness, or with that pretext. That Joan was -hysterical, obstinate, and unstable, is evident from all contemporary -testimony, and that she defied her mother in her own realm is clear from -what followed; but it seems unnecessary to seek to draw from these facts -the deduction that Isabel at this juncture meant to disinherit her -daughter _in any case_. Philip’s flagrant flouting of what Isabel and -her husband considered the best interests of Spain, and his laxity in -religion, as understood in Castile, furnished ample reason for the -desire on the part of Isabel, when she felt her health failing, to -ensure, so far as she could do it, that the policy inaugurated by her -and her husband should be continued by him after her death, instead of -allowing Spain to be handed over by an absentee prince to a Flemish -viceroy. The suggestion that Joan _might not be able_ to govern, even if -she was in Spain, was not unnatural, considering that her conduct, as -reported to Isabel from Flanders, had certainly been strangely -inconsistent, whilst her behaviour since she had arrived in Spain had -not mended matters.[94] - -Joan gave birth in March 1503 at Alcalá de Henares to a son, who, in -after years, became the Emperor Ferdinand; and immediately after the -christening in Toledo Cathedral the Archduchess declared that she would -stay in Spain no longer, but would join her husband in Flanders. Isabel -humoured her as best she could, persuading her to accompany her from -Alcalá to Segovia, on the pretext that it would be more easy to arrange -there the sea voyage from Laredo. The Princess was held in -semi-restraint under various excuses for a time, but at last she -extracted from her mother a promise that she would let her go by sea -(but not through France, with which they were still at war), when the -weather should be fair, for it was still almost winter. - -From Segovia the Queen took her daughter to Medina del Campo, as she -said, to be nearer the sea; but there the worry of the situation threw -Isabel into some sort of apoplectic fit, and for a time her life was -despaired of. Ferdinand was with his successful army on the French -frontier; and the physicians, in their reports to him of his wife’s -illness, attribute the attacks she suffered entirely to the life that -Joan was leading her. ‘The disposition of the Princess is such, that not -only must it cause distress to those who love and value her so dearly, -but even to a perfect stranger. She sleeps badly, eats little, and -sometimes not at all, and she is very sad and thin. Sometimes she will -not speak, and in this, and in some of her actions, which are as if she -were distraught, her infirmity is much advanced. She will only take -remedies either by entreaty and persuasion, or out of fear, for any -attempt at force produces such a crisis that no one likes or dares to -provoke it.’[95] This trouble, the doctor adds, together with the usual -constant worries of government, is breaking the Queen down entirely, and -something must be done. The Secretary, Conchillos, writing at the same -time, gives the same testimony. ‘The Queen,’ he says, ‘is better, but in -great tribulation and fatigue with this Princess, God pardon her.’[96] - -Isabel soon had to travel to Segovia, after praying her daughter not to -leave Medina until her father returned. But she took care to give secret -instructions to the Bishop of Cordova, who had charge of Joan, ‘to -detain her, if she tried to get away, as gently and kindly as possible.’ -Nothing, however, short of force would suffice to prevent Joan from -joining her husband, who, on his side from Flanders, constantly urged -her coming, and protested against delay.[97] At last Joan became so -clamorous that a message was sent to her from her mother, saying that -the King and herself were coming to see her at Medina, and ordering her -not to attempt to leave until they arrived. Joan seems to have taken -fright at this, and, horses being denied her, she attempted to escape -alone and on foot from the great castle of La Mota, where she was -lodged. Finding when she arrived at the outer moat that the gates were -shut against her by the Bishop of Cordova, she fell into a frenzy and -refused to move from the barrier where she was stayed. All that day and -night, in the bitter cold of late autumn, the princess remained -immovable in the open, deaf to all remonstrance and entreaty, refusing -even to allow a screen of cloth to be hung for her shelter. Isabel was -gravely ill at Segovia, forty miles away, but she instantly sent Joan’s -uncle, Enriquez, to pacify the princess and persuade her at least to go -to her rooms again. But neither he nor the powerful Jimenez, Cardinal -Primate of Spain, could move her, and at last Isabel, sick as she was, -had to travel to Medina, and prevailed upon her daughter again to enter -the castle, where she remained on the assurance of the Queen that she -should go and rejoin her husband in Flanders when the King arrived. - -In the meanwhile peace was made with France, and Isabel and her husband -tried their hardest to persuade Philip to send the infant Charles to -Spain to replace his mother. Promise after promise was given that -Charles should go to his grandparents; but Philip had no intention of -entrusting his heir to Ferdinand’s tender mercies, and all the promises -were broken. Isabel’s death was seen to be approaching, and already a -strong Castilian party, jealous of Aragon and of the old King, was -looking towards Isabel’s heiress in Flanders and drifting away from -Ferdinand. The detention of Joan against her will at Medina was regarded -sourly by Castilians generally, and at length the scandal had to be -ended. In March 1504, the princess therefore was allowed to leave her -place of detention at Medina, and after two months further delay in -Laredo, took ship for Flanders, to see her mother no more. - -No sooner was she safe in her husband’s territory than the plot that had -long been hatching against her father came to a head. In September 1504 -Philip, his father Maximilian, Louis XII., and a little later the Pope, -joined in a series of leagues, from which Ferdinand was pointedly -excluded. It was intended as a notice to Ferdinand, that when his wife -died he would no longer be King of Spain, but only King of Aragon, -unable to hold what he had grasped; and, though the wily King fell ill -and was like to die at the news, he was not beaten yet, and in time to -come was more than a match for all his enemies. But Isabel was sick unto -death. A united orthodox Spain had been her life’s ideal. With labour -untiring she and her husband had attained it, and now she saw the -imminent ruin of her work through the undutifulness of her daughter’s -foreign husband. It was no fault of Isabel’s, for she had been -single-minded in her aims; but Ferdinand had been brought to this pass -by his own overreaching cleverness. In yoking stronger powers than -himself to his car he had enlisted forces that he could not control, and -which were now pulling a different way from that in which he wanted to -go. Those that he depended upon to be his prime instruments had been -removed by death, whilst those who he had hoped to make subsidiary -factors in his favour were now principals and against him. - -The accumulating troubles at length, in the autumn of 1504, threw Isabel -into a tertian fever, which was aggravated by the fact that Ferdinand, -being also ill in bed, could not visit his wife. Isabel’s anxiety for -her husband was pitiable to witness; and though her physicians assured -her that he was in no danger, his absence from her bedside increased the -fever and threw her into delirium. Symptoms of dropsy, and probably -diabetes, since constant insatiable thirst and swelling of the limbs are -mentioned as symptoms, ensued, and for three months the Queen lay -gradually growing worse and worse. Rogations for her recovery were -offered up in every church in Castile, but by her own wish, after a -time, this was discontinued, and the heroic Queen, strong to the last, -faced death undismayed, confident that she had done her best, yet humble -and contrite. When the extreme unction was to be administered she -exhibited a curious instance of her severe modesty, almost prudery, by -refusing to allow even her foot to be uncovered to receive the sacred -oil, which was applied to the silken stocking that covered the limb -instead of to the flesh. - -To the last she was determined that, if she could prevent it, Joan and -her husband should not rule in Castile as absentee sovereigns whilst -Ferdinand lived. Her will, which was signed in October, is a notable -document, showing some of Isabel’s strongest characteristics. She would -be buried very simply, and without the usual royal mourning, in the city -of her greatest glory, the peerless Granada; ‘but if the King, my lord,’ -desires to be buried elsewhere, then her body was to be laid by the side -of his. Her debts were to be paid, and many alms distributed and -religious benefactions founded, and all her jewels were to be given to -Ferdinand, ‘that they may serve as witness of the love I have ever borne -him, and remind him that I await him in a better world, and so that with -this memory he may the more holily and justly live.’ What does not seem -so saintly a provision was, that all the royal grants she had given, -except those to her favourite Beatriz de Bobadilla, were cancelled on -her death. With a firm hand she signed this will later in October 1504, -providing in it also that her daughter Joan should succeed her on the -throne of Castile:[98] but before she died, almost indeed in the last -act of her life, her fears for Spain conquered her love for her -daughter. In a codicil signed on the 23rd November, three days before -her death, she left to Ferdinand the governorship of Castile in the name -of her daughter Joan; and enjoined him solemnly to cause the Indians of -America to be brought to the faith gently and kindly, and their -oppression to be redressed. - -With trembling hands and streaming eyes she handed the codicil to -Jimenez, solemnly entrusting him with the fulfilment of all her wishes, -a trust which he obeyed far better than did her husband, and then Isabel -the Catholic had done with the world. Thenceforward she was serene; -eyewitnesses say as beautiful as in youth. ‘Do not weep,’ she said to -her attendants, ‘for the loss of my body; rather pray for the gain of my -soul.’ - -And so at the hour of noon, on the 26th November 1504, the greatest of -Spanish queens gently breathed her last, a dignified, devout, great lady -to the end. Days afterwards, when Ferdinand was busy plotting how he -could oust his daughter from her heritage, the body of Isabel was -carried across bleak Castile, with soaring crucifixes and swinging -censers, by a great company of churchmen to far away Granada, there to -lay for all time to come, under the shadow of the red palace that she -had won for the cross. As the velvet hearse with the body of the Queen -of Castile, dressed in death as a Franciscan nun, wound its way over the -land she had made great, the wildest tempest in the memory of man roared -her requiem. Earthquake, flood and hurricane, scoured the way by which -the corpse was borne: skies of ink by night and day for all that three -weeks’ pilgrimage lowered over the affrighted folk that accompanied the -bier, convinced that heaven itself was muttering mourning for the mighty -dead. But it is related that when at last Granada was reached, and the -Christian mosque received the corpse of its conqueror, the glorious sun -burst out at its brightest for the first time, and all the vega smiled -under a stainless sky. - -Isabel the Catholic was a great queen and a good woman, because her aims -were high. She was not tender, or gentle, or what we should now call -womanly. If she had been, she would not have made Castile one of the -greatest powers in Europe in her reign of thirty years. She was not -scrupulous, or she would not have been so easily persuaded to displace -her niece the Beltraneja. She was not tender-hearted, or she would not -have looked unmoved upon the massacre or expulsion, in circumstances of -atrocious inhumanity, of Jews and Moors, to whom she broke her solemn -oath upon a weak pretext. She was none of these pleasant things; nor was -she the sweet, saintly housewife she is usually represented. If she had -been, she would not have been Isabel the Catholic—one of the strongest -personalities, and probably the greatest woman ruler the world ever saw: -a woman whose virtue slander itself never dared to attack; whose saintly -devotion to her faith blinded her eyes to human things, and whose -anxiety to please the God of mercy made her merciless to those she -thought His enemies. - - - - - BOOK II - JOAN THE MAD - - -On the same day (26th November 1504) that Isabel died, Ferdinand, with -sorrow-stricken face, and tears coursing down his cheeks, sallied from -the palace of Medina del Campo, and upon a platform hastily raised in -the great square of the town, proclaimed his daughter Joan Queen of -Castile, with the usual ceremony of hoisting pennons and the crying of -heralds: ‘Castile, Castile, for our sovereign lady Queen Joan.’ Then the -clause of the dead Queen’s will was read, giving to Ferdinand power to -act as King of Castile whenever Joan was absent from Spain, or was -unable or unwilling to govern, and enjoining upon Joan and her husband -obedience and submission to Ferdinand. Castile was in a ferment; for all -men knew that the death of the Queen opened infinite possibilities of -change. The Castilian nobles, so long humbled by Isabel, dared again to -hope that better times for them might come in the contending interests -around the throne; and there were not a few, especially Aragonese, that -counselled Ferdinand to claim the throne of Castile for himself[99] by -right of descent, instead of governing in his daughter’s name. - -But Ferdinand’s way was always a tortuous one, and the letters from him -the same night that carried to Flanders the news of his wife’s death -were addressed to Joan and Philip, by the grace of God Sovereigns of -Castile, Leon, Granada, Princes of Aragon, etc., etc.’; whilst every -city in the realms was informed that henceforward the title of King of -Castile would be borne no more by Ferdinand, but only that of -Administrator for Joan.[100] The step was profoundly diplomatic, for all -Europe and half Spain was distrustful of Ferdinand, and the open -usurpation of Castile would have been forcibly resisted. And yet, as we -shall see, he intended to rule Castile; and in the end had his way. -Philip and Joan, in reply to their loving father, declined to commit -themselves as to Ferdinand’s proceedings, and announced their coming to -take possession of their realm of Castile. They were equally cool to -Ferdinand’s envoy, Fonseca, Bishop of Cordova, whom Joan had no reason -to love. In the meanwhile, Cortes was convoked at Toro (January 1505) in -the name of Joan; and there Ferdinand played his first card, by -claiming, under the clause in Isabel’s will, the right to govern Castile -until Joan should be present and demonstrate her fitness to rule.[101] -The nobles of Castile, already jealous of Aragon, were determined to -resist this, though the Cortes agreed; and Juan Manuel, the most notable -diplomatist in Castile, descended from the royal house, and Ferdinand’s -deadly enemy, was sent to Philip, over whom his influence was complete, -as the envoy of the Castilian nobles; thenceforward from Flanders to -animate and direct the diplomatic campaign against Ferdinand. - -The situation thus became daily more strained. Ferdinand’s confidential -agents endeavoured to sow discord between Joan and her husband, not a -difficult matter; and on one occasion the Queen, in a fit of jealousy, -was persuaded by the Aragonese Secretary Conchillos to sign a letter -approving of her father’s acts. The messenger to whom it was entrusted -betrayed it to Philip, and Conchillos was cast into a dungeon; all -Spaniards were warned away from Court, and Joan completely isolated, -even from her chaplain. Thinking that in the palace of Brussels Joan was -too easy of access, Philip arranged that she should be secretly removed. -Whilst the Burgomaster and Councillors were discussing at dead of night -in the palace the details of the secret flitting, poor Joan herself -learnt what was in the wind; and being denied an interview with the -Spanish bishop who attended her, she peremptorily summoned the Prince of -Chimay. He dared not enter her chamber alone; but accompanied by another -courtier he obeyed the Queen’s summons. They found her in a violent -passion, and with difficulty escaped personal attack; with a result -that, though the Queen was not immediately removed, she was -thenceforward kept strictly guarded in her chambers, a prisoner.[102] - -When news came of the decision of the Cortes of Toro that Joan was unfit -to rule, Philip prevailed upon his wife to sign a remarkable letter[103] -for publication in Castile. ‘Since they want in Castile to make out that -I am not in my right mind, it is only meet that I should come to my -senses again, somewhat; though I ought not to wonder that they raise -false testimony against me, since they did so against our Lord. But, -since the thing has been done so maliciously, and at such a time, I bid -you (M. de Vere) speak to my father the king on my behalf, for those who -say this of me are acting not only against me but against him; and -people say that he is glad of it, so as to have the government of -Castile, though I do not believe it, as the King is so great and -catholic a sovereign and I his dutiful daughter. I know well that the -King my Lord (_i.e._ Philip) wrote thither complaining of me in some -respect; but such a thing should not go beyond father and children! -especially as, if I did fly into passions and failed to keep up my -proper dignity, it is well known that the only cause of my doing so was -jealousy. I am not alone in feeling this passion; for my mother, great -and excellent person as she was, was also jealous; but she got over it -in time, and so, please God, shall I. Tell everybody there (_i.e._ in -Castile) ... that, even if I was in the state that my enemies would wish -me to be, I would not deprive the King, my husband, of the government of -the realms, and of all the world if it were mine to give.’...—Brussels, -3rd May 1505. - -We can see here, and in the several reports sent, that Joan had little -or no control over herself. In the conflict, daily growing more bitter, -between her husband and her father, she swayed from one side to another -according to the influences brought to bear upon her. Her gusts of -jealous rage and frenzied violence gave to both sides the excuse of -calling her mad when it suited them to do so, or to declare that such -temporary fits were compatible with general sanity when they wanted her -sane. Joan’s affection for her husband was fierce, and monopolous, and -his influence over her was great, especially when he appealed to her -pride and her rights as Queen of Castile, but her sense of filial duty -was also high; and whenever she understood that a measure was intended -to be against her father, she indignantly refused to countenance it. -Ferdinand knew that the King of France had been enlisted by Philip and -Maximilian against him; and that an army was being mustered in Flanders; -whilst a project was on foot for Philip to come to Castile without Joan. -This he was determined to prevent; and warned his son-in-law that he -would not be allowed to act as King without his wife. To this warning -Philip retorted by ordering his father-in-law to leave Castile, and -return to his own realm of Aragon. - -In this contest poor hysterical Joan was but a cypher, with her gusts of -jealous passion and her lack of fixed resolution. When she had arrived -in Flanders after her detention in Spain, she had discovered that her -husband, whose coolness she noted from the first, was carrying on a -liaison with a lady of the court. We are told that she sought out the -lady in a raving fury and seriously injured her; as well as causing all -her beautiful hair, of which she was proud, to be cut off close to the -scalp. This led to a violent scene between Philip and Joan, in which not -only hard words but hard blows were exchanged; and Joan took to her bed, -seriously ill both in body and mind. These scenes continued at -intervals, either with or without good reason, but with the natural -result that Philip in his relations with his father-in-law acted almost -independently of his wife; who, as Ferdinand afterwards said, was really -a good dutiful daughter, proud of Spain and her people. - -Ferdinand had at his side at this juncture the great Cardinal Jimenez. -The stern Franciscan had been no friend of the King, who had opposed his -appointment as primate; but he was a patriotic Spaniard, and could not -fail to see that if Flemish Philip was paramount in Spain, the work of -Isabel for the faith would be in peril. Ferdinand, he knew, was an able -and experienced ruler, who would not greatly change the existing system; -and he threw all his powerful influence on the side of an arrangement -that might leave Ferdinand real power in Castile, without entirely -alienating Philip. Above all, Jimenez was determined to prevent the -ambitious Castilian nobles from again dominating the government; which -they hoped to do if an inexperienced foreigner like Philip took the -reins. It was, indeed, quite as much a struggle between Ferdinand and -Jimenez and the Castilian nobles, as between Ferdinand and his -son-in-law. But Jimenez’s patriotic efforts met with little success, so -far as Philip was concerned; and, in the meantime, Ferdinand, whilst -ostensibly solacing himself in hunting, was quietly planning a -characteristic stroke at his enemy. - -He was fifty-five years of age and still robust, and he bethought -himself that he might yet win the game by a second marriage. It was -almost sacrilege to contemplate such a thing in the circumstances; but -to Ferdinand of Aragon any crooked way was straight that led him to his -goal. So he sent his natural son, Hugo de Cardona, to propose secretly -to the King of Portugal that the forgotten Beltraneja should leave her -convent and become Queen of Aragon, joining her claims to Castile to -those of Ferdinand and ousting Joan and Philip.[104] It was a wicked -cynical idea, for it made Isabel a usurper; but neither the King of -Portugal nor his cousin, the Beltraneja, would have anything to say to -it; so Ferdinand turned towards a solution, which, if not quite so -iniquitous morally, was even more inimical to the interest of Spain as a -nation. This was nothing less than to outbid Philip for the friendship -of the King of France, upon which he mainly depended to frustrate his -father-in-law’s plans. Ferdinand had broken all his former covenants -with Louis XII. The French had been turned out of Naples, and the great -Gonzalo de Cordova was there as Ferdinand’s viceroy. He was a Castilian; -and already Ferdinand’s spies had reported that the Castilian nobles, in -union with Philip and France, were tampering with Cordova’s loyalty and -endeavouring to establish the claim of Castile, instead of Aragon, to -Naples. Ferdinand, with what sincerity may be supposed, rapidly patched -up an alliance with Louis XII., by which the widowed King of Aragon was -to marry the niece of the King of France, Germaine de Foix, a spoiled -and petted young beauty of twenty-one. Any heirs of the marriage were to -inherit Aragon, Sicily, and Naples; but in the case of no children being -left, Naples was to be divided between France and Aragon; great -concessions were made at once to the French in Naples, and a million -gold crowns were to be paid by Ferdinand to France as indemnity for the -late war. - -This, it will be seen, quite isolated Philip, threatened again to -separate Aragon and Castile, and at one blow to undo the work both of -Isabel and her husband. But as Ferdinand never kept more of a treaty -than suited him at the moment, it may be fairly assumed that he signed -this only to bridge his present difficulty and with such mental -reservation as was usual with him. When the news reached Brussels -Maximilian himself was there with his son, and they at once tried their -best to deal a counterstroke. When certain papers were presented to Joan -for signature denouncing to the Castilian people Ferdinand’s treaty and -second marriage, she stood firm in her refusal to sign. Philip exerted -the utmost pressure upon his wife; but at last, worn out by his and -Maximilian’s importunity, the unhappy lady burst into ungovernable rage, -flinging the papers from her and crying that she would never do anything -against her father. The isolation and close guard over the Queen was -indeed working its natural effect upon her highly wrought nervous -system; and Ferdinand’s ambassadors, who had come to announce his -marriage with his French bride, and to offer terms of friendship to his -son-in-law, were scandalised at the treatment of their Queen. When, -after much difficulty, they were allowed to see her at the palace of -Brussels it was only on condition that they should have no conversation -with her. - -Shortly afterwards, in September 1505, Joan was delivered of a daughter -(Maria, afterwards Queen of Hungary and Governess of the Netherlands), -and Philip then decided that the time had come to carry her to Castile -and claim the throne. First issuing a manifesto to the Castilian nobles -and towns, ordering them not to obey Ferdinand in anything, he made -overtures to the King of France to allow him to pass overland to Spain. -This was flatly refused. The French princess, Germaine, was now -Ferdinand’s wife, and all the help that Louis XII. could give would be -against Philip and Joan. It was therefore decided to make the voyage by -sea, and a large fleet of sixty ships, with a retinue of three thousand -persons, was mustered in one of the ports of Zeeland. In the meanwhile -ceaseless intrigue went on both in Spain and abroad. France having -abandoned him, Philip turned to England. Juan Manuel’s sister, Elvira, -was the principal lady-in-waiting upon Katharine, Princess of Wales, and -through her and Katharine secret negotiations were opened for a marriage -between Henry VII. and Philip’s sister, the Archduchess Margaret, the -widow of Juan, Prince of Asturias and of the Duke of Savoy, with an -alliance between England and Philip—though Katharine probably did not -understand at first how purely this was a move against her father. So, -although Henry VII. still professed to be on Ferdinand’s side in the -quarrel, he was quite ready for a secret alliance with Philip and Joan -against him and the King of France. - -The King and Queen of Castile left Brussels early in November to join -the waiting fleet, but from the slowness of their movements and the -ostentatious publicity given to them, it is clear that their first -object was to prepare Castile in their favour. Philip, for a time, -scouted all idea of arrangement with Ferdinand. He knew that the -Castilian nobles were on his side, and that his wife’s legal right was -unimpeachable. The wily old King of Aragon saw that his best policy was -to temporise, and to do that he must seem strong. His first move was to -declare to the Castilians that Joan was sane, but was kept a prisoner by -her husband, and he proposed to send a fleet to rescue her and bring her -and her son Charles to Castile. Philip’s Flemish subjects were -discontented at his proposed long absence, and also threatened trouble. -Then Ferdinand hinted that he would mobilise all his force to resist -Philip’s landing. - -This series of manœuvres delayed the departure of Philip and his wife -month after month; until Ferdinand, by consummate diplomacy, managed to -patch up an agreement with Philip’s ambassadors at Salamanca at the end -of November; which, though on the face of it fair enough, was really an -iniquitous plot for the exclusion of Joan in any circumstances. Philip -and Joan were to be acknowledged by Castile as sovereigns, and their son -Charles as heir; but, at the same time, Ferdinand was to be accepted as -perpetual governor in his daughter’s absence: and in the case of Queen -Joan being unwilling or unable to undertake the government, the two -Kings, Ferdinand and Philip, were to issue all decrees and grants in -their joint names. The revenues of Castile and of the Grand Masterships -were to be equally divided between Philip and Ferdinand. - -When once this wicked but insincere agreement was ratified there was no -further need for delay, and Philip’s fleet sailed for Spain on the 8th -January 1506 to engage in the famous battle of wits with his -father-in-law, which only one could win. All went well until the Cornish -coast was passed, and then a dead calm fell, followed by a furious -south-westerly gale which scattered the ships and left that in which -Philip and Joan were without any escort. To add to the trouble a fire -broke out upon this vessel, and a fallen spar gave the ship such a list -as to leave her almost waterlogged. Despair seized the crew, and all -gave themselves up for lost. Philip played anything but an heroic part. -His attendants dressed him in an inflated leather garment, upon the back -of which was painted in staring great letters, ‘The King, Don Philip,’ -and thus arrayed, he knelt before a blessed image in prayer, alternating -with groans, expecting every moment would be his last. Joan does not -appear to have lost her head. She is represented by one contemporary -authority[105] as being seated on the ground between her husband’s -knees, saying that if they went down she would cling so closely to him -that they should never be separated in death, as they had not been in -life. The Spanish witnesses are loud in her praise in this danger. ‘The -Queen,’ they say, ‘showed no signs of fear, and asked them to bring her -a box with something to eat. As some of the gentlemen were collecting -votive gifts to the Virgin of Guadalupe, they passed the bag to the -Queen, who, taking out her purse containing about a hundred doubloons, -hunted amongst them until she found the only half-doubloon there, -showing thus how cool she was in the danger. A king never was drowned -yet, so she was not afraid, she said.’[106] - -At length, mainly by the courage and address of one sailor, the ship was -righted, the fire extinguished, and the vessel brought into the port of -Weymouth on the 17th January 1506. Henry VII. of England had been -courted and conciliated by Philip for some time past, but it was a -dangerous temptation to put in the wily Tudor’s way to enable him to -make his own terms for an alliance. Above all, he wanted to get into his -power the rebel Earl of Suffolk, who was in refuge in Flanders, and this -seemed his opportunity. Philip had had enough of the sea for a while. We -are assured by one who was there that he was ‘fatigate and unquyeted in -mynde and bodie,’ and he yearned to tread firm land again. His -councillors urged him to take no risk, but Philip and Joan landed at -Melcombe Regis to await a fair wind for sailing again. From far and near -the west country gentry flocked down with their armed bands, ready for -war or peace, but when they found that the royal visitors were friendly -their hospitality knew no bounds. Sir John Trenchard would take no -denial. The King and Queen must rest in his manor-house hard by until -the weather mended; and, in the meanwhile, swift horses carried the news -to King Henry in London. - -As may be supposed, when he heard the news, ‘he was replenyshed with -exceeding gladnes ... for that he trusted it should turn out to his -profit and commodity,’ which it certainly did. But Philip grew more and -more uneasy at the pressing nature of the Dorsetshire welcome. The armed -bands grew greater, and though the weather improved, Trenchard would not -listen to his guests going on board until the King of England had a -chance of sending greeting to his good brother and ally. At length -Philip and Joan realised that they were in a trap, and had to make the -best of it, which they did with a good grace, for they were welcomed by -Henry with effusive professions of pleasure. Philip was conveyed with a -vast cavalcade of gentlemen across England to Windsor, where he was met -by Henry and his son, the betrothed of Katharine, Joan’s sister. Then -the King of Castile was led to London and to Richmond with every -demonstration of honour. But, withal, it was quite clear that Henry -would not let his visitors go until they had subscribed to his terms, -whatever they might be. And so the pact was solemnly sworn upon a -fragment of the true cross in Saint George’s Chapel, Windsor, by Philip -and Henry, by which Suffolk was to be surrendered to his doom, Philip’s -sister Margaret, with her fat dowry, was to be married to the widowed -old Henry, and England was bound to the King of Castile against -Ferdinand of Aragon. - -Joan was deliberately kept in the background during her stay in England. -She had followed her husband slowly from Melcombe, and arrived at -Windsor ten days later, the day after Philip, with great ceremony, had -been invested with the Order of the Garter and had signed the treaty. On -her arrival at Windsor on the 10th February she saw her sister -Katharine, though not alone, and Katharine left the next day to go to -Richmond. Three days later, on the 14th February, Joan set out from -Windsor again towards Falmouth, whilst Philip joined Henry at Richmond; -and soon after the King of Castile was allowed to travel into the west -and once more take ship for his wife’s kingdom. The cynical exclusion of -Joan from all participation in the treaty with England,[107] and the -fact that she was only allowed to see her sister once, and in the -presence of witnesses in the interests of Philip, seems to prove that -she was purposely kept in the dark as to the real meaning of the treaty, -which was directed almost as much against herself as against her father, -because, with England on his side, Philip could always paralyse France -from interfering with him in Spain; and it is clear that, whether Joan -was really incapacitated at the time or not, both Ferdinand and Philip -had already determined to make out that she was. - -Like a pair of wary wrestlers the two opponents still played at arms’ -length. Ferdinand, after celebrating his second marriage—as he had -celebrated his first, nearly forty years before—at Valladolid, awaited -at Burgos, so as to be near on arrival of his daughter and her husband -at one of the Biscay ports, as was expected. But nothing was further -from Philip’s thoughts than to land at any place near where Ferdinand -was waiting. His idea was to go to Andalucia, so as to be able to march -through Spain before meeting the old King, and to gather friends and -partisans on the way. Contrary winds, however, drove the fleet into -Corunna, on the extreme north-west of the Peninsula, on the 26th April; -and Ferdinand, when he got the news, for a moment lost his smooth -self-control, and was for flying at his undutiful son-in-law sword in -hand. But the outbreak was not of long duration, for the circumstances -were serious, and needed all the great astuteness of which Ferdinand was -capable. He was determined to rule Castile whilst he lived for the -benefit of his great Aragonese aims. - -He had, indeed, some cause for complaint against fortune; for, with the -exception of the kingdom of Naples, he had not yet gathered the harvest -that he had reckoned upon as the result of the union of the realms. His -son-in-law, now that, by the death of other heirs, Joan had become Queen -of Castile, was an enemy instead of an ally, and his defection had -rendered necessary the pact between Ferdinand and France, which had -stultified much of the advantage previously gained by the Castilian -connection. At any cost Castile must be held, or all would be lost. If -Joan herself took charge of the government, as was her right, then -goodbye to the hope of Ferdinand employing for his own purposes the -resources of Castile; for around her would be jealous nobles hating -Aragon; whereas, with Philip as King, it was certain that his -imprudence, his ignorance of Spain, and the Castilian distrust of -foreigners, would soon provoke a crisis that might give Ferdinand his -chance. Both opponents, therefore, were equally determined to keep Joan -away from active sovereignty, whatever her mental state; and as Philip -and his wife rode through Corunna, smiling and debonair, gaining friends -everywhere, but surrounded with armed foreigners, German guards, -archers, and the like, strange to Spaniards, as if in an enemy’s -country, the plot thickened between the two antagonists. - -Everywhere Philip took the lead, and Joan was treated as a consort.[108] -In the verses of welcome it was Don Philip’s name that came first; and -Joan showed her discontent at the position in which she was placed by -refusing to confirm the privileges of the cities through which they -passed until she had seen her father, though Philip promised readily to -do so. No sooner did Philip find himself supported by the northern -nobles, than he announced that he would not be bound by the treaty of -Salamanca, and generally gave Ferdinand to understand that he, Philip, -alone, intended to be master. Ferdinand travelled forward to meet his -son-in-law, making desperate attempts at conciliation and to win Juan -Manuel to his side, but without success: whilst Philip tarried on the -way and exhausted every means of delay in order to gain strength before -the final struggle. To Philip’s insulting messages Ferdinand returned -diplomatic answers; in the face of Philip’s scornful rejection of -advances, Ferdinand was amiable, conciliatory, almost humble; he who, -with the great Isabel, had been master of Spain for well nigh forty -years. But he must have chuckled under his bated breath and whispering -humbleness, for he knew that he was going to win, and he knew how he was -going to do it. - -Slowly Ferdinand travelled towards the north-west, sending daily -embassies to Philip soliciting a friendly interview, and at every stage, -as he came nearer, his son-in-law grew in arrogance. When Ferdinand left -Astorga in the middle of May, Juan Manuel sent a message to him that if -he wished to see the King of Castile, he must understand three things: -first, that no business would be discussed; second, that Philip must -have stronger forces than he; and third, that he must not expect that he -would be allowed to obtain any advantage by, or through, his daughter, -Queen Joan, as they knew where that would lead them to. Therefore, -continued Manuel, King Ferdinand had better not come to Santiago at all. -In the meanwhile the inevitable discord was brewing in the Court of Joan -and Philip at Corunna. The proud Castilian nobles, greedy and touchy, -who had flocked to Philip’s side, found that Flemings and Germans always -stood between them and the throne, and intercepted the favours for which -they hungered. The Teutons, who thought they were coming to Spain to -lord over all, found a jealous nobility and a nation convinced of its -own heaven-sent superiority, ready to resist to the death any -encroachment of foreigners, whom they regarded with hate and scorn. - -The Castilians deplored most the isolation of Joan, and endeavoured by a -hundred plans to persuade her to second her husband’s action towards her -father. Philip ceased now even to consult her, since she had refused to -oppose Ferdinand; and in the pageantry of the entrance into Santiago and -the triumphal march through Galicia, with a conquering army rather than -a royal escort, Joan, in deepest black garments and sombre face, passed -like a shadow of death. As the Kings gradually approached each other, -Ferdinand, in soft words, begged Philip to let him know what alterations -he desired to make in the agreement of Salamanca. After much fencing, -Philip replied that if his father-in-law would send Cardinal Jimenez -with full powers, he would try to arrange terms. The great point, he -wrote, was that of Queen Joan; and the King of Aragon knew full well -that upon this point the issue between him and Philip would be joined. -Ferdinand had little love or trust in the great Castilian Cardinal, -Jimenez, though the latter was faithful to him, not for his own sake, -but for the good of Spain; but the Cardinal went to Philip with full -powers, and bearing a private letter, saying that, as Joan was -incapacitated from undertaking the government, Ferdinand besought Philip -to join and make common cause with him, in order to prevent her, either -of her own accord or by persuasion of the nobles, from seizing the -reins. This was the line upon which Philip was pleased to negotiate, and -Cardinal Jimenez found a ready listener. Ferdinand, however, was ready -with the other alternative solution if this failed. If Philip would not -join with him to exclude Joan, he would join Joan to exclude Philip, and -all preparations were quietly made to muster his adherents at Toro, make -a dash for Benavente, the place where Philip was to stay, rescue Joan, -and govern, with her or in her name, to the exclusion of -foreigners.[109] But it was unnecessary. Jimenez’s persuasion and -Ferdinand’s supple importunity conquered; and, though with infinite -distrust and jealousy on all sides, the Kings still slowly approached -each other, stage by stage, whilst the negotiations went on. - -The Teutons and Castilians were at open loggerheads now; Queen Joan, -reported Jimenez, was more closely guarded and concealed than ever, and -Philip less popular in consequence. But, at length, the two rival Kings, -on the 20th June 1506, found themselves in neighbouring villages; and on -that day at a farmhouse half-way between Puebla and Asturianos they met. -Ferdinand, in peaceful guise, was attended only by the Duke of Alba and -the gentlemen of his household, not more than two hundred in all, mostly -mounted on mules and unarmed; whilst Philip came in warlike array with -two thousand pikemen and hundreds of German archers in strange garments -and outlandish headgear, whilst the flanks of his great company of -nobles were protected by a host of Flemish troops. When Philip -approached his father-in-law, with steel mail beneath his fine silken -doublet, and surrounded by armed protectors, it was seen that his face -was sour and frowning, whilst Ferdinand, almost alone and quite unarmed, -came smiling and bowing low at every step. When the Castilian nobles -came forward one by one shamefacedly, to kiss the hand of the old -monarch they had betrayed, Ferdinand’s satiric humour had full play, and -many a sly thrust pierced their breasts, for all their hidden armour. -After a few empty polite words between the Kings the conference was at -an end, and each returned the way he came; Ferdinand more than ever -chagrined that he had not been allowed even to see his daughter. - -For the next few days the Kings travelled along parallel roads towards -Benavente; Philip continuing to treat his father-in-law as an intruder -in the most insulting fashion. At length their roads converged at a -small village called Villafafila, at the time when the long discussed -agreement had been settled by their respective ministers; and here, in -the village church, the two rivals finally met to sign their treaty of -peace on the 27th June 1506. It was a hellish compact, and it sealed the -fate of unhappy Joan whatever might happen. Ferdinand came, as he said, -with love in his heart and peace in his hands, only anxious for the -happiness of his ‘beloved children,’ and of the realm that was theirs: -and, after warmly embracing Philip, he led him towards the little -village church to sign and swear to the treaty. With them, amongst -others, were Don Juan Manuel and Cardinal Jimenez, and when the treaty -was signed and the church cleared, the great churchman took the arm of -Manuel, and whispered, ‘Don Juan, it is not fitting that we should -listen to the talk of our masters. Do you go out first, and I will serve -as porter.’ And there alone, in the humble house of prayer, the two -Kings made the secret compact which explains the treaty they had just -publicly executed. In appearance Ferdinand gave up everything. He was, -it is true, to have half the revenues from the American discoveries, and -to retain much plunder from the royal Orders and other grants of money, -but he surrendered completely all share and part in the government of -Castile, and allied himself to Philip for offence and defence against -the world. - -The secret deed, the outcome of that sinister private talk between two -cruel scoundrels in the village church, allows us to guess, in -conjunction with what followed, the reason for Ferdinand’s meek -renunciation of the government. ‘As the Queen Joan on no account wishes -to have anything to do with any affair of government or other things; -and, even if she did wish it, it would cause the total loss and -destruction of these realms, having regard to her infirmities and -passions, which are not described here for decency’s sake’; and then the -document provides that, ‘if Joan of her own accord, or at the instance -of others, should attempt to interfere in the government or disturb the -arrangement made between the two Kings, they will join forces to prevent -it.’ ‘And so we swear to God our Lord, to the Holy Cross, and the four -saintly evangelists, with our bodily hands placed upon His altar.’ And -the two smiling villains came out hand in hand, both contented; each of -them sure that the best of the evil bargain lay with him, and Ferdinand -made preparations for departure to his own Aragon, and so to his realm -of Naples and Sicily, delighted that his ‘beloved children’ should -peacefully reign over the land of Castile. - -It was more than two years and a half since Ferdinand had seen his -daughter Joan. During that time both he and Philip had alternately -declared she was quite sane and otherwise, as suited their plans. Now -both were agreed, not only that she did not _wish_ to govern her -country: but that if ever she _did_ wish, or Castilians wished for her -to do so, then her ‘passions and infirmities,’ so vaguely referred to, -would make her rule disastrous. It ensured Philip being King of Castile -_so long as he lived_, and Ferdinand being master if he survived, and -until the majority of his grandson Charles. There is no reason to deny -that Joan was wayward, morbid, and eccentric; subject to fits of jealous -rage at certain periods or crises, and that subsequently she developed -intermittent lunacy. But at this time, according to all accounts, she -was not mad in a sense that justified her permanent exclusion from the -throne that belonged to her. Philip, heartless, ambitious, and vain, -wished to rule Castile alone, according to Burgundian methods, which -were alien to Spain and to the Queen. Ferdinand knew that, in any case, -such an attempt could not succeed for long; and by permanently excluding -Joan he secured for himself the reversion practically for the rest of -his life. And so Joan was pushed aside and wronged by those whose sacred -duty it was to protect and cherish her, and as Joan the Mad she goes -down to all posterity. - -But old Ferdinand had not yet shot his last bolt, for symmetry and -completeness in his villainy was always his strong point. On the very -day that the secret compact was signed, he came again to that humble -altar of Villafafila, accompanied this time only by those faithful -Aragonese friends who would have died for him, Juan Cabrero, who had -befriended Colon, and his secretary, Almazan. Before these he swore and -signed a declaration that Philip had come in great force whilst he had -none, and had by intimidation and fear compelled him to sign a deed so -greatly to the injury of his own daughter. He swore now that he had only -done so to escape his peril, and never meant that Joan should be -deprived of her liberty of action: on the contrary, he intended when he -could to liberate her and restore to her the administration of the realm -that belonged to her: and he solemnly denounced and repudiated the -former oath he had just taken on the same altar. And then, quite happy -in his mind, Ferdinand the Catholic went on his way, having left heavily -bribed all the men who surrounded doomed Philip, including even the -all-powerful favourite Juan Manuel. - -Philip lost no time. Before Ferdinand had got beyond Tordesillas, a -courtier reached him from his son-in-law giving him news of Joan’s anger -and passion when she learnt that she was pushed aside and was not to see -her father. What would Ferdinand recommend? asked Philip. But the old -King was not to be caught; he would not be cajoled into giving his -consent to Joan being shut up, but he sent a long sanctimonious -rigmarole enjoining harmony, but meaning nothing. Philip then appealed -to the nobles one by one, asking them to sign a declaration assenting to -Joan’s confinement. The Admiral of Castile, Ferdinand’s cousin, led a -strong opposition to this, and demanded a personal interview with the -Queen to which Philip consented, and the Admiral and Count Benavente -went to the fortress of Murcientes, where Joan and her husband were -staying. At the door of the chamber stood Garcilaso de la Vega, a noble -in Philip’s interest, and Cardinal Jimenez was just inside; whilst in a -window embrasure in the darkened room sat the Queen alone, garbed in -black with a hood which nearly obscured her face. She rose as Admiral -Enriquez approached, and with a low curtsey, asked him if he came from -her father. ‘Yes,’ he replied, ‘I left him yesterday at Tudela on his -way to Aragon.’ ‘I should so much have liked to see him,’ sighed poor -Joan; ‘God guard him always.’ For many hours that day and the next the -noble spoke to the Queen, saying how important it was to the country -that she should agree well with her husband, and take part in the -government that belonged to her. He reported afterwards that in all -these conferences she never gave a random answer. - -The Admiral was too important a person to be slighted, and Philip was -forced to listen to some plain warnings from him. He must not venture to -go to Valladolid without the Queen, or ill would come of it: the people -were jealous already, and if Joan was shut up their fears would be -confirmed. So Joan was borne by her husband’s side to Valladolid in -state, though her face was set in stony sorrow beneath the black cowl -that shrouded it. Near there one other interview took place between the -two kings with much feigned affection, but no result as regards Joan. On -the 10th July 1506, Joan and her husband rode through the city of -Valladolid with all the pomp of Burgundy and Spain. Two banners were to -be carried before the royal pair, but Joan knew she alone was Queen of -Castile, and insisted that one should be destroyed before she would -start. She was mounted upon a white jennet, housed in black velvet to -match her own sable robes, and a black hood almost covered her -face.[110] Shows, feasts and addresses were arranged for their -reception, but they rode straight through the crowded, flower-decked -streets without staying to witness them; and this joyous entry, we are -told by an eyewitness, meant to be so gay, was blighted by an -all-pervading gloom, as of some great calamity to come. - -On the following day the Cortes took the oath of allegiance to Joan as -Queen, and to Philip only as consort, and she personally insisted upon -seeing the powers of the deputies. The ceremonies over, Philip came to -business. Great efforts were made to persuade the Cortes to consent to -Joan’s confinement and Philip’s personal rule; and Jimenez did his best -to get the custody of her.[111] But the stout Admiral Enriquez stood in -the way, and insisted that this iniquity should not be, so that Philip -was obliged to put up with the position of administrator for his wife, -since he could not be King in her stead. Flemings, Germans and -Castilians, in the meanwhile, vied with each other in rapacity. Philip -was free enough with the money of others, but even he had to go out -hunting by stealth to escape importunity when he had given away all he -had to give and more. But of all the greedy crew there was none so -rapacious as Juan Manuel, little of body but great of mind, who, like -the Marquis of Villena forty years before, grabbed with both hands -insatiate. Fortresses, towns, pensions, assignments of national revenue, -nothing came amiss to Manuel, and at last his covetous eyes were cast -upon the fortress-palace of Segovia, still in the keeping of that stout -Andrés Cabrera and his wife, Beatriz de Bobadilla, Marchioness of Moya, -the lifelong friend of the great Isabel. Philip gave an order that the -Alcazar of Segovia was to be surrendered to Manuel. Surrender the -Alcazar! after fifty years of keeping! No, forsooth, said big-hearted -Dona Beatriz; only to Queen Joan will we give the fortress that her -great mother entrusted to our keeping. - -And so it happened that Philip, with Joan still in black by his side, -rode out of Valladolid in August towards Segovia, to demand the fortress -from its keeper. When the cavalcade reached Cogeces, half way to -Segovia, Joan would go no further. They were taking her to Segovia, she -cried, to imprison her in the Alcazar, and she threw herself from her -horse writhing upon the ground, and refused to stir another step on the -way. The prayers and threats of Philip and his councillors, whom she -hated, were worse than useless, and all that night she rode hither and -thither across country refusing to enter the town. When the morning came -Philip learnt that Cabrera had surrendered the Alcazar of Segovia to -Manuel; and as there was no reason now for going thither, they rode back -to Burgos. As they travelled through Castile, brows grew darker and -hearts more bitter at this fine foreign gallant with his fair face and -his gay garments, who kept the Queen of Castile in durance in her own -realms, and packed his friends and foreign pikemen in all the strong -castles of the land. When Burgos was reached on the 7th September, -Philip deepened the discontent by ordering the immediate departure of -the wife of the Constable of Castile, an Enriquez by birth, and -consequently a cousin of Ferdinand, in order that Joan should have no -relative near her, although they lodged in the Constable’s palace. The -Admiral of Castile and the Duke of Alba were also attacked by Philip, -who demanded their fortresses as pledges of loyalty; and soon all -Castile was in a ferment, clamouring for the return of the old King -Ferdinand, and the liberation of their Queen Joan. - -The King, not content with conferring upon his favourite Manuel the -Alcazar of Segovia, now entrusted to his keeping the castle of Burgos, -where it was determined to celebrate the surrender by entertaining -Philip at a banquet. After the feast the King was taken ill of a -malignant fever, it was said, caused by indulgence or over-exercise, and -Philip lay ill for days in raging delirium. Joan, dry-eyed and cool, -never left his side, saying little, but attending assiduously to the -invalid. At one o’clock on the 25th September 1506 Philip I., King of -Castile, breathed his last, in his twenty-eighth year: but yet Joan, -without a tear or a tremor, still stayed by his side, deaf to all -remonstrance and condolence, to all appearance unmoved. She calmly gave -orders that the corpse of her husband should be carried in state to the -great hall of the Constable’s palace upon a splendid catafalque of cloth -of gold, the body clad in ermine-lined robes of rich brocade, the head -covered by a jewelled cap, and a magnificent diamond cross upon the -breast. A throne had been erected at the end of the hall, and upon this -the corpse was arranged, seated as if in life. During the whole of the -night the vigils for the dead were intoned by friars before the throne, -and when the sunlight crept through the windows the body, stripped of -its incongruous finery, was opened and embalmed and placed in a lead -coffin, from which, for the rest of her life, Joan never willingly -parted.[112] - -Joan, in stony immobility, dazed and silent, gave no indication that she -understood the tremendous importance of her husband’s death; but -courtiers and nobles, Castilians and Teutons alike, did not share her -insensibility. Dismay fell upon the rapacious crew, fierce denunciations -of poison,[113] scrambling for such plunder as could be grasped,[114] -and dread apprehensions as to what would happen to them all when the -King of Aragon should return. Joan had to be forcibly removed from the -corpse; and for days remained shut up in a darkened room without -speaking, eating, or undressing. When, at length, she learnt that the -coffin had been carried to the Cartuja de Miraflores, near Burgos, she -insisted upon going thither, and ordered an immense number of new -mourning garments fashioned like nun’s weeds. Arriving at the church, -she heard mass, and then caused the coffin to be raised from the vault -and broken open, the cerecloths removed from the head and feet, which -she kissed and fondled until she was persuaded to return to Burgos, on -the promise that the coffin should be kept open for her to visit it when -she pleased; which she did thenceforward every few days whilst it -remained there. - -The Flemish chronicler, whom I have quoted several times, gives a -curious description of Joan’s jealous amorous obsession for her husband. -Philip is represented as being libidinous to the last degree, as well as -being the handsomest man of his time; whilst Joan herself is praised for -her beauty, grace, and delicacy. ‘The good Queen fell into such jealousy -that she could never get free from it, until at last it became a bad -habit which reached amorous delirium, and excessive and irrepressible -rage, from which for three years she got no repose or ease of mind; as -if she was a woman possessed or distraught.... She was so much troubled -at the conduct of her husband that she passed her life shut up alone, -avoiding the sight of all persons but those who attended upon and gave -her food. Her only wish was to go after her husband, whom she loved with -such vehemence and frenzy, that she cared not whether her company was -agreeable to him or not. When she returned to Spain, she would not rest -until all the ladies that had come with them were sent home, or she -threatened to make a public scandal. So far did she carry this mania, -that it ended by her having no woman near her but a washerwoman, whom, -at any hour that seized her caprice, she made to wash the clothes in her -presence. In this state, without any women attendants, she kept close to -her husband, serving herself like a poor, miserable woman. Even in the -country she did not leave him, and went by his side, followed sometimes -by ten thousand men, but not one person of her own sex.’[115] - -The frantic jealousy of her husband during life, together with the -knowledge that he was determined to confine her as a lunatic, whilst -ruling her kingdom at his will, turned into gloomy misanthropy and -rebellion at her fate at his death; and her refusal to sign the formal -documents presented to her as Queen in the first days of her widowhood, -made evident to the few nobles who kept their heads that some sort of -government would have to be improvised, pending the return of Ferdinand -from Naples. Juan Manuel, fiercely hated by every one, kept in the -background; only hoping to save his life and some of his booty; but the -stern old man in his coarse grey frock, to whom money and possessions -were nothing, though, next to the Pope, he was the richest churchman in -Christendom, Cardinal Jimenez, who perhaps was not taken by surprise by -the opportune disappearance of Philip, had everything ready, even before -the King died, for the establishment of a provisional government; and on -the day of the death a meeting of all the nobles and deputies in Burgos -confirmed the arrangements he had made. All parties of nobles were -represented upon the governing council; but Jimenez himself was -president, and soon became autocrat by right of his ability. Order was -temporarily guaranteed, and all the members, in a self-denying -ordinance, undertook not to try to obtain possession of the Queen or of -her younger son, Ferdinand, who was in Simancas Castle,[116] the elder, -Charles, being in Flanders. Joan, sunk in lethargy, refused to sign the -decrees summoning Cortes; and the latter were irregularly convoked by -the government. But when they were assembled, carefully chosen under -Jimenez’s influence in favour of Ferdinand, Joan would not receive the -members, until, under pressure, she did so only to tell them to go home -and not meddle with government any more without her orders. Thus with a -provisional government, whose mandate expired with the year 1506, a -Queen who refused to rule, and already anarchy and rebellion rife in the -South, Castilians could only pray for the prompt return of King -Ferdinand, who, but a few short weeks before, had been expelled with -every circumstance of insult and ignominy the realm he had ruled so -long. - -No entreaty could prevail upon Joan to fulfil any of the duties of -government. Her father would see to everything, she said, when he -returned; all her future work in the world was to pray for the soul of -her husband, and guard his dead body. On Sunday, 19th December 1506, -after mass at the Cartuja, Joan announced her intention of carrying the -body for sepulture in the city of Granada, near the grave of the great -Isabel, in accordance with Philip’s last wish.[117] The steppes of -Castile in the depth of winter are as bleak and inhospitable as any -tract in Europe. For scores of miles over tableland and mountain the -snow lay deep, and the bitter blast swept murderously. The Queen cared -for nothing but the drear burden that she carried upon the richly -bedizened hearse; and with a great train of male servitors, bishops, -churchmen, and choristers, she started on her pilgrimage on the 20th -December.[118] The nights were to be passed in wayside inns or -monasteries, and at each night’s halt the grisly ceremony was gone -through of opening the coffin that the Queen might fondle and kiss the -dead lips and feet of what had been her husband. At one point on the -way, when after nightfall the cortège entered the courtyard of the -stopping place, Joan learnt that, instead of being a monastery for men, -it was a convent of nuns. Instantly her mad jealousy of women flared up, -and she peremptorily ordered the coffin to be carried out of the -precincts. Through the crude winter’s night Joan and her attendants kept -their vigil in the open field over the precious dust of Philip the -Handsome, until daylight enabled them to go again upon their dreary way. -Such experiences as this could not be long continued, for Joan was far -advanced in pregnancy; and when she arrived at Torquemada, only some -thirty miles from her starting-place, the indications of coming labour -warned her that she could go no further; and here, on the 14th January -1507, her youngest child, Katharine, was born. - -There is no doubt whatever that Joan was throughout carefully watched by -the agents of her father and Jimenez; and that, although ostensibly a -free agent, any attempt on her part to act independently or enter into a -political combination would have promptly checked. Her mental malady was -certainly not minimised by her father or his agents; who were as anxious -to keep her in confinement now as her husband had been. Nevertheless, -when every deduction has been made, it is indisputable that in her -morbid condition it might have been disastrous to the country to have -allowed her to exercise full political power at this time, even if she -had consented to do so; though if Ferdinand had not been, as he was, -solely moved by his own interests, the unhappy woman might after his -arrival have been associated with him in the government, and have -retained, at least, her personal liberty and ostensible sovereignty. - -Jimenez, in the meanwhile, kept his hand firmly on the helm of State. -The great military orders, of which Ferdinand was perpetual Grand -Master, were at his bidding, and enabled him to hold the nobles in -check,[119] as well as the Flemish party, which claimed for the Emperor -Maximilian the regency of Castile as representing the dead King’s son -Charles. The great Cardinal, far stronger than any other man in Spain, -thus kept Castile from anarchy until the arrival of Ferdinand in July -1508. His methods were, of course, arbitrary and unconstitutional; for -the Queen either would not, or was not allowed to, do anything; but, at -least, Jimenez governed in this time of supreme crisis, as he did at a -crisis even more acute on the death of Ferdinand eight years later: and -when Ferdinand eventually came from Naples everything was prepared for -him to govern Castile as he listed for the ends of Aragon. - -So far Ferdinand had triumphed both at home and abroad. The death of -Philip made it necessary for Henry of England to change his attitude and -court the friendship of the King of Spain. Katharine of Aragon, the -neglected and shamefully treated widowed Princess of Wales, once more -found her English father-in-law all smiles and amiability. To please him -further she consented to try to bring about a marriage between Henry -VII., recently a widower by the death of Queen Elizabeth of York, and -poor Joan, languishing by her dead husband’s side at Torquemada. The -proposal was a diabolical one; for Joan’s madness and morbid attachment -to her husband’s memory had been everywhere proclaimed from the -housetops: but Katharine of Aragon made no scruple at urging such a -match, in order to improve her own position in England. Ferdinand gently -dallied with the foul proposal. It was a good opportunity for gaining -some concession as to the payment of Katharine’s long overdue dowry, -without which Henry threatened to break off her match with his son and -heir. So Ferdinand wrote in March 1507 from Naples, praying that the -proposal to marry Joan should be kept very secret until he arrived in -Spain, or Joan ‘might do something to prevent it’; but if she ever -married again he promised that it should be to no one but to his good -brother of England. - -Whatever may have been Ferdinand’s real intention, and it would appear -very unlikely that he would have permitted so grasping a potentate as -Henry Tudor to gain a footing, as regent or otherwise, in Castile, his -agent in England was quite enamoured of this plan for getting Joan out -of the way in Spain. ‘No king in the world,’ he wrote on the 15th April -1507, ‘would make so good a husband (as Henry VII.) for the Queen of -Castile, whether she be sane or insane. She might recover her reason -when wedded to such a husband; but even in that case King Ferdinand -would, at all events, be sure to retain the Regency of Castile. On the -other hand, if the insanity of the Queen should prove incurable, it -would perhaps be not inconvenient that she should live in England. The -English do not seem to mind her insanity much; especially as it is -asserted that her mental malady will not prevent child-bearing.[120] - -Whilst Katharine in England was, as she says, ‘baiting’ Henry VII. for -her own benefit with the tempting morsel of the marriage with Joan, and -the King of France was offering the hand of a French prince, the Queen -of Castile remained in lethargic isolation at Torquemada, though the -plague raged through the summer in the over-crowded village. Joan had -been told by some roguish friar that Philip would come to life again -there, and she obstinately stayed on in the face of danger; saying when -she was urged to go to the neighbouring city of Palencia, where there -was more accommodation, that it was not meet that a widow should be seen -in public, and the only move she would consent to make was to a small -place called Hornillos, a few miles from Torquemada, in April.[121] She -spoke little, and with the exception of listening to music, of which she -was fond, she had no amusement; but it is evident from at least one -incident that, however strange her conduct might be, she was not -deprived entirely of her reason. Jimenez had obtained from her a decree -dismissing all the Councillors appointed by Philip. These favourites of -her husband were naturally furious, and demanded audience of the Queen -at Hornillos. They were received by her in the church where the corpse -of Philip was deposited. ‘Who put you into the Council?’ she asked them. -‘We were appointed by a decree issued and signed by your Highness,’ they -replied. An angry exchange of words then took place, and Joan, turning -to the Marquis of Villena,[122] who was behind her, told him that it was -his smartness that brought such affront as this upon her. Then she -declared in a resolute tone that it was her wish that every one should -return to the office or position he held before she and her husband -landed in Spain; so that when King Ferdinand arrived he should find -everything as it used to be in his time. This, of course, was a victory -for Ferdinand’s party, but it is clear that Joan knew what she was -talking about on this occasion.[123] - -At length, in the early autumn of 1507, came the happy news that King -Ferdinand had landed at Valencia; and, accompanied by a large force, was -entering Castile; being generally welcomed by nobles and people.[124] As -soon as Joan learnt that her father had entered her realm, she caused a -_Te Deum_ to be sung in the church of Hornillos, and set forth to -receive him, carrying always the corpse of her husband, and travelling -only by night, as was now her custom. At a small place called Tortoles, -about twenty-five miles beyond Valladolid, father and daughter met. The -King approached, surrounded and followed by great crowds of nobles and -prelates. He was met at the door of the house by Joan, attended by her -half-sister and the Marchioness of Denia; and as he doffed his cap she -threw back the black hood which she wore as a Flemish widow, and bared -the white coif with which her hair was covered. Casting herself upon her -knees she sought to kiss her father’s hand; but he also knelt and -embraced her tenderly; leading her afterwards by the hand into the -house. Every sign of dutiful submission was given by Joan to her father; -and after several long private conferences between them, Ferdinand -announced that she had delegated to him the government of Castile. - -[Illustration: - - JOAN THE MAD WITH THE UNBURIED BODY OF HER HUSBAND. - - _After a Painting by Pradilla._ -] - -A few days afterwards the whole court moved to another small place, -called Santa Maria del Campo, a few miles nearer Burgos, Joan, as usual, -travelling by night, accompanied by the coffin; and here, at Santa -Maria, the grand anniversary funeral service for Philip was celebrated -(25th September 1507), and Jimenez received the Cardinal’s hat, though -Joan would not allow that joyous ceremony, as she said, to be held in -the church that held her husband’s remains. With infinite trouble -Ferdinand at length persuaded his daughter to accompany him to a larger -town, where more comfort could be obtained, and in early October they -set forth, Ferdinand travelling by day and Joan by night. Suddenly, -however, Joan guessed that they were taking her to Burgos, that dreadful -city where Philip had died. No consideration would induce her to go -another step in that direction; and she took up her residence at Arcos, -a few miles away, whilst Ferdinand established himself at Burgos with -his young French wife, whom Joan received politely. - -At Arcos Joan, with her two children, Ferdinand and Katharine, lived her -strange, solitary life for eighteen months, broken only when Ferdinand, -going in July 1508 to reduce Andalusia to order, decided to take his -favourite little grandson and namesake with him. Joan flew into a fury -when she learnt that her child was to be taken from her; and there is no -doubt that the disturbance thus caused aggravated her malady for a time, -although it is said that she forgot the boy in a few days. A curious -idea of her life at Arcos is given in a letter sent on the 9th October -1508 by the Bishop of Malaga, her confessor, to the King. ‘As I wrote -before, since your Highness left, the Queen has been quiet, both in word -and action; and she has not injured or abused any one. I forgot to say -that since then she has not changed her linen, nor dressed her hair, nor -washed her face. They tell me also that she always sleeps on the ground, -as before.’ There follow some medical details, from which the Bishop -draws the conclusion that the Queen would not live long. ‘It is not -meet,’ he says, ‘that she should have the management of her own person, -as she takes so little care of herself. Her lack of cleanliness in her -face, and they say elsewhere, is very great, and she eats with the -plates on the floor, and no napkin. She very often misses hearing mass, -because she is breakfasting at the hour it is celebrated, and there is -no opportunity of her hearing it before noon.’[125] - -Before leaving to suppress the revolt in Andalucia, Ferdinand took -effective measures to prevent Joan from being made a tool of faction. He -had tried without success to prevail upon her to remove to the remote -town of Tordesillas, on the river Douro, where there was a commodious -castle-palace fit for her habitation, and the climate was good; but he -posted around Arcos strong forces, commanded by faithful partisans, with -orders that if the Queen at last gave way to the persuasion of her -attendants, and removed to Tordesillas, the troops were to guard her -just as closely and secretly there. But Joan obstinately refused to -move; and Ferdinand found her still there when he returned from the -South in February 1509. Whilst he had been absent, the great magnate in -whose district of Burgos Arcos was situated, the Constable of Castile -(Count de Haro) had been coquetting with the Emperor Maximilian to -displace Ferdinand by his grandson Charles, now nine years old; and the -possession of the person of Joan was of the highest importance. -Ferdinand decided, therefore, that, either willingly or unwillingly, -Joan should be placed where she would be safe from capture by surprise. -When he visited her at Arcos, he found her thin and weak with the cold, -unhealthy climate.[126] ‘Her dress was such as on no account could be -allowed, or is fit even to write about, and everything else looked -similarly, and as if it would be totally impossible for her to go -through another winter if she continued to live in the same way.’ - -The King stayed with her for some days, without broaching the sore -subject of removing her; but on the 14th February 1509, he had her -aroused at three o’clock in the morning—since he knew she would not -travel in daylight—and told her she must prepare to be gone. She offered -no resistance, but only pleaded for one day to prepare, which was -granted; and she consented to cast away the filthy rags which she had -been wearing, and don proper garments before setting out on the journey -to her new home; carrying her little daughter, Katharine, with her; the -corpse of Philip on its great hearse drawn by four horses, as usual, -leading the way. Although it was evening when she started, great crowds -of people had flocked over from Burgos to see their Queen, who had been -invisible for so long, and was by many thought to be dead. - -As the morning sun on the third day was glinting with horizontal rays -the bare brown cornlands that stretch for many miles around Tordesillas -on both sides of the turbid Douro, the wan and weary cavalcade rode over -the ancient bridge. Between the main street and the river stood a -fortress-palace with frowning walls and little windows looking across -the road at the convent of Saint Clara, with its florid Gothic church -and cloisters. Into the palace rode, by her father’s side, with her face -shrouded, Joan, Queen of Castile; and thenceforward, for forty-seven -dreary years, the palace was her prison, until, an old, broken woman of -seventy-six, but wayward and rebellious to the last, she joined her -long-lost husband in the splendid sepulchre in Granada. From the windows -of Joan’s early apartment in the palace, she could see the coffin of -Philip deposited in the convent cloister, and in the first years of her -confinement, she kept her vigil over the corpse in most of her waking -hours, as well as on rare occasions, and closely guarded, attending -commemoratory services in the convent in honour of the dead, until her -undutiful son, the Emperor Charles, either overcoming her resistance, or -perhaps finding the dismal caprice outworn, transferred the mouldering -remains of Philip the Handsome to its last abiding place; whilst Joan -the Mad waited for her release with fierce defiance in her heart, and -revilings on her tongue for all that her oppressors held sacred. - -It would not be profitable, even if it were possible, to follow closely -the monotonous life of Joan during her long years of confinement; but, -at certain crises in the political history of her country, her -personality assumed temporary importance, and on these occasions a flood -of light is thrown upon her, which, to some extent, will enable us to -see the reality and extent of her malady, and to judge how far her -laxity in religious observance was the cause of her continued -incarceration. Mr. Bergenroth, in his introduction to the early volumes -of the Calendars of Spanish State Papers, very forcibly urges the view -that Joan was not really mad at all, and that she was sacrificed solely -to the ambition of her husband, her father and her son, in succession. -After carefully considering all the documents adduced by my learned -predecessor as Editor of the Calendars, and many in the Spanish Royal -Academy of History which were unknown to him, I find myself unable to -come to the same conclusion. The separate accounts of her behaviour are -so numerous, and many of them so disinterested, as to leave in my mind -no reasonable doubt that after Philip’s death, whatever may have been -the case before, Joan was not responsible for all her actions. She -appears to have been able on many occasions to discuss complicated -subjects quite rationally, as is not infrequent with people undoubtedly -insane, but her outbursts of rage against religious ceremonies, her -neglect of her person, her persistence for days in refusing food, and -other aberrations, are not only clearly indicative of lunacy, but were -the symptoms repeated exactly in the case of her great-grandson, Don -Carlos, who was undoubtedly insane. At the same time it is clear to see -that there was no reason for keeping her closely confined and isolated -under strong guard, except the dread of Ferdinand, and afterwards of -Charles, that leagues of nobles might make use of her to weaken the -power of the Castilian crown.[127] That this fear was not groundless has -already been shown, and at one point, as will be related presently, the -peril was imminent. That Joan did not seize the opportunity when it was -offered to her after her bitter complaints of her treatment is, in my -view, the best proof that she was not capable of independent rule. - -Ferdinand died in January 1516, leaving the whole of his realms to his -grandson Charles in Flanders, in view of Joan’s ‘mental incapacity.’ He -tried almost with his last breath to divide Spain for the benefit of his -younger son, Ferdinand; but was overborne by the remonstrances of his -Council. Jimenez was appointed to be Regent until the new King arrived; -and when Cardinal Adrian, Charles’s ambassador, claimed the Regency in -virtue of a secret authority he produced, Jimenez accepted him as -colleague, but made him a cypher. Up to this period Joan had been under -the care of Ferdinand’s faithful Aragonese friend, Mosen Ferrer, the man -whom rumour accused of having poisoned Philip: whilst her principal lady -in waiting was the Dowager Countess of Salinas. The personal guard of -the Queen was entrusted to the incorruptible _Monteros de Espinosa_, and -there were some companies of Castilians on duty in, and around, the -palace. Mosen Ferrer was hated, especially by the townspeople of -Tordesillas and by the Castilian attendants of Joan, because it was -asserted that he had treated the Queen cruelly, and had not attempted to -cure her. He gave strict orders that Joan should not be told of her -father’s death; but such news could not be hidden, for all Castile was -astir to know what was coming next. - -Many of the nobles were around young Ferdinand, and were claiming -Castile for him, in accordance with the old King’s penultimate wish; and -not a few were looking towards Queen Joan. When she first heard the news -she was disturbed to know that Jimenez was not on the spot when the King -died, but was tranquilised to learn that he was on the way, and would -promptly assume the government. No sooner was it known in Tordesillas -that Ferdinand was dead than the townspeople and the Castilian guards -endeavoured to enter the Queen’s apartments and expel Mosen Ferrer: but -the latter and the _Monteros de Espinosa_[128] stood firm, and for weeks -the feud continued. The Guards brought an exorcising priest to cast out -the devils that afflicted the Queen; but Ferrer would not let them enter -the room; though they got into an ante-chamber, where, quite unknown to -the Queen, the exorciser performed his futile incantations through a -hole in the door. As soon as Jimenez had established himself in the -regency, he sent the Bishop of Majorca to set matters right in -Tordesillas. Ferrer, intensely indignant at the accusations against him, -wrote a letter to the Regent, which, being read between the lines, tells -us much. How could he hope to cure the Queen when her own father could -not do so? and how could he be so bad a man as they say, if wise King -Ferdinand entrusted his daughter to his care? This does not seem very -convincing: but when he tries to excuse himself Ferrer makes matters -much worse. It was, he says, only to prevent the Queen from starving -herself to death that he had put her to the torture (_dar cuerda_). He -complains bitterly that though he is not dismissed he is not allowed to -go near the Queen, for fear he should injure her health. Jimenez, -probably recognising that Ferrer had thought more of Aragonese interests -than of the health of Joan, thereupon let him go, and appointed the Duke -of Estrada to be her Keeper. - -The first instructions sent by the new King Charles, whose age was -barely sixteen, to the Regent Jimenez concerned Joan. Her custody was so -important, he said, that he agreed, in view of the dissensions amongst -Spaniards, that a Fleming should guard her. Until one was appointed he -directed that ‘whilst she was to be very well treated, she was to be so -closely guarded that if any body should attempt to thwart my good -intentions they may not be able to do it. It is more my duty than that -of any one to care for the honour, contentment, and solace of the Queen; -and if any one else attempts to interfere it will be with an evil -object.’[129] Nevertheless many did attempt to interfere by whispering -doubts to Joan of her Flemish eldest son, in the interests of his young -brother Ferdinand, whom his mother and all Spaniards loved best; and -when in September 1517 one of the _monteros_ approached her and said: -‘Madam, our sovereign lord King Charles, your highness’ son, has arrived -in Spain,’ Joan burst forth in a great rage. ‘I alone am Queen: my son -Charles is but the prince,’ and she always resisted calling him King -thenceforward. - -Charles and his sister Leonora came to Tordesillas to see their mother -in December. Charles’s tutor and counsellor, Chièvres, first saw Joan to -break to her the news of the presence of her children; and when, -immediately afterwards, they entered the room and knelt before their -mother, she was overcome with joy to see those whom she had left as -little children twelve years before, now in the best period of -adolescence. When Charles and his sister had retired, Chièvres lost no -time in saying that in order to relieve the Queen, and accustom Charles -to rule, it would be well to entrust the government of Spain to him. -Joan made no great objection to this; but it is clear that her intention -was, that he should administer the government for her and not rule on -his own account as he subsequently did; and when, a few months -afterwards, Charles met the Cortes at Valladolid they would only confirm -his power as joint sovereign, jealous as they were of Flemings, on -condition that he swore that if ever Joan recovered her faculties he -would resign the government to her.[130] Thenceforward Joan, though her -name appeared for years on decrees and proclamations, was politically -dead. - -During his stay at Tordesillas, Charles was distressed to see the sad -fate of his young sister, Katharine, now aged eleven. Joan was fiercely -attached to her, and would hardly let her out of her sight. The child’s -rooms were behind those of the Queen, and could only be reached with -Joan’s knowledge; little Katharine’s sole amusement being to look -through a window which had been specially cut for her, and watch the -people going to the opposite church, and the children playing in the -side lane that led to the river, who were encouraged by money to play -there for her amusement. She never left the palace, and was dressed in -mean rags, such as the Queen herself wore, and Charles, knowing that the -Queen would never let the child go willingly, somewhat cruelly planned -to have her kidnapped. He caused a way into her apartment to be broken -through a tapestry-covered wall from an adjoining gallery; and the girl -and her female attendants were carried away at dead of night to a large -force of horsemen and ladies awaiting her on the opposite side of the -bridge across the Douro; and thence spirited away to Valladolid, where, -dressed in fitting splendour, she was lodged in her sister Leonora’s -palace. When, in the morning, Joan discovered her loss, she was -inconsolable. She would neither eat, drink, nor sleep, she said, until -her child was restored to her, and after two days had passed, and she -still stood firm, the King had to be asked what was to be done. He was -loath to give up the education of his sister; for princesses were -valuable dynastic and international assets; but there was no other way -but to send her back. Charles accompanied her to Tordesillas, and made -terms with Joan; the girl must have proper companions and attendants, -she must dress suitably to her rank, and she must be allowed some little -relaxation and liberty outside the palace. To this Joan consented, and -Katharine lived with her until her marriage with the King of Portugal -six years later. - -In March 1518, Charles appointed to the custody of the Queen, the -Marquis of Denia, who held her until his death, and was succeeded by his -son. Soon after his appointment, he wrote a letter to the King which -lifts the veil considerably on Joan’s condition. She tried, he says, -persistently and with artful words, remarkable for one in her condition, -to persuade him to take her out of her prison, and to summon the nobles -of Castile, as she was discontented at the way she was being kept out of -the government, and wished to complain. He details the excuses with -which he put her requests aside, and evidently looks upon her -blandishments as wiles to escape; but assures Charles, as he did for -many years afterwards, that ‘nothing should be done against his -interests,’ whatever that may have meant. But even in this letter we see -signs of Joan’s undoubted madness. A day or two before she had thrown -some pitchers at two of her women, and hurt them; and when Denia went -with a grave face to her and said, ‘How is this, my lady? This is a -strange way to treat your servants; your mother treated hers better;’ -Joan rose hurriedly, and the very act of her rising sent her servants -scurrying off in a fright. ‘I am not so violent as to do you any -injury,’ she said; and so began again, and for the next five hours, to -try by wheedling to get him to take her out, ‘for she could not bear -these women.’ - -In reply to this, Charles warned Denia that his conversations with the -Queen must never be overheard by anybody, and that all his letters about -her must be strictly secret. Thus every few days news of his mother -reached the young King, sometimes reporting improvement, sometimes the -reverse; but always harping upon her desire to get out, her dislike of -her woman attendants, and her extreme irregularity in getting up and -eating, which she often did only at intervals of two days. At this time, -too, began to develop her great repugnance to attend mass. The women -seem to have been a great source of trouble to every one. They were, it -appears, always gadding about the town, telling people of what passed in -the palace, and what the Queen said, especially about religion, and her -desire to go out, and to summon the grandees. What was worse, they -defied Denia to dismiss them, until the King gave him full authority -over them, and brought them to reason. In the autumn of the same year, -1518, there was a visitation of plague in the country, though -Tordesillas had not suffered much, owing to the scrupulous care taken to -isolate the place. The removal of the Queen, however, had to be -considered. ‘If it be necessary,’ wrote the Marquis, ‘we shall want -saddle mules with black velvet housings for the Queen and the -Infanta.... It will also be necessary to take the body of the King, your -father, and if this has to be done, we must put into proper order the -car in which it was brought here, as it is now dismantled. Charles was -against any removal if it could possibly be avoided, but if quite -unavoidable, the Queen might be taken to the monastery of St. Paul at -Moralejo, near Arevalo. If she refused to go, she must be taken by -force; but with as much respect as possible, and with every precaution -against her endeavouring to stay in the open on the way. If she wanted -the corpse of Philip to go with her, a dummy coffin might be made up and -carried, whilst the real one with the body remained behind at -Tordesillas. - -The plague passed away, and the move was not made; and so things passed -with Joan as before. Squalid and unhappy, she resisted as obstinately as -ever the pressure put upon her to attend mass, though more than once she -was violently desirous of going over in Holy Week, or other -anniversaries, to the convent church of St Clara, and on several -occasions had her clothes washed in preparation for the great event; -which Denia himself was inclined to allow, under strict guard, as people -in the town were tattling about her being kept a prisoner. Great efforts -were made by Juan de Avila, the chaplain, to bring Joan to a better -frame of mind about religion; and in June 1519 he writes a curious -letter to the King, beseeching him to do his duty by his mother; -‘especially for the salvation of her soul.’ Perhaps in answer to this -Charles ordered Denia to insist that the Queen should hear mass. She had -wished it to be said at the end of a corridor, instead of in a special -room adjoining her own, as Denia desired, and, at last, rather than she -should not hear it at all, she was allowed to have her way; and an altar -and chapel were screened off by black velvet hangings at the end of the -corridor. She went through the service with great devotion until the -_evangelium_ and the _pax_ were brought to her, when she refused them, -but motioned that they should be administered to her daughter. - -This attendance at mass continued for some time, to the immense -jubilation of Denia and the priests; but as the day approached when -Charles was to leave Spain for Germany to claim the imperial crown, in -consequence of Maximilian’s death (January 1519), the effervescence and -discontent in Castile at the prospect of an absentee King drawing money -from Spain for foreign purposes, penetrated in some mysterious way the -prison-palace of Joan the Mad. For hours the Queen railed at Denia for -not having summoned the Grandees, as she had requested him to do so -often. She was being disgracefully treated, she said; everything -belonged to her, and yet she was being denied what she required. She -excitedly summoned the treasurer, and demanded money of him, which he -was not allowed to give her. So vehement did she become, that at last -Denia forbade any one to speak to her at all. She would go to -Valladolid, she said; and at another time she would dress to go over to -the convent church, though she was not allowed to go. She ordered Denia -to write to her son, asking that she should be better treated; and that -the grandees should come to her to consult about the realm. Denia, at -his wit’s end to pacify her, on one occasion, for, as he says, ‘she uses -words fit to make the very stones rise,’ had the inspiration to mention -her father, as if he were still alive, and at the head of affairs; and -for a time all the disagreeable answers given to her were said to be by -order of King Ferdinand, for whose wisdom she had a great respect. But -this lie gave her a new idea. If her father were alive, he could help -her; and she ordered Denia to write and tell him that she could no -longer stand the life she led. She was badly treated, and as a prisoner, -her son, Ferdinand, had been taken away from her, and she feared they -were going to rob her of her daughter Katharine; but, if they did, she -would kill herself. Denia fell more and more into her black books, as -the discontent at Charles’s departure grew in the country, and echoes -reached the Queen’s prison of the public indignation at her seclusion, -and wild rumours of intentions to rescue her. On one occasion (July -1520) she ordered Denia to open a doorway from her apartments into the -corridor where mass was said. He was suspicious and refused, whereupon -she fell into a violent rage with him, and heaped upon him outrageous -words without measure. No wonder the poor man deplores that everybody -believes he keeps her prisoner (as indeed he did, though he says not), -and he advocates her entire seclusion, although the best way to -undeceive the people, he says, would be to let them see her, and -recognise her sad condition. - -Charles sailed from Corunna on 20th May 1520. During the time he had -been in Spain he, or rather his rude, greedy gang of Flemings, had -driven Castilians to desperation. Jimenez, who had held the country for -him in his absence in the face of the nobles and young Ferdinand, had -been contemptuously dismissed—and probably poisoned on Charles’ arrival: -young Ferdinand had been packed off to Flanders: Flemings had crowded -all the great posts, to the exclusion of Spaniards: Joan was not -presented before the Cortes as Queen jointly with her son, as she should -have been; and now, to crown all, the Constitution of Castile had been -violated by the insolent young foreigner who was to rule, not Spain -alone, but half the world. He had held a Castilian Cortes outside the -limits of Castile itself, and had coerced the deputies to vote him large -sums of money to be spent away from Spain. The nobles were already -seething with discontent, and now the people in the towns, who paid all -the taxes, rose and hanged some of the deputies who had voted away their -money for an absent king. - -Then, like a well-laid train, all Castile blazed into revolt. It was a -great social, industrial and political struggle, which ended in the -financial impotence of the Cortes of Castile, and the decadence of the -Castilian nobility. The complicated details of the revolt cannot here be -told, but only those points in which Joan was personally concerned. The -governing committee of the revolutionary Comuneros met at Avila at the -end of July 1520, headed by the gentry, and, to some extent, secretly -encouraged by the great nobles. The Flemish Regent, Cardinal Adrian, was -paralysed with dismay at the extent of the rising, and did nothing; -whilst to the cry of ‘Long live the King and Queen: down with evil -ministers,’ every Spanish heart responded. The manifesto published by -the committee announced that the revolutionaries had risen in the -interests of the imprisoned Queen Joan; and early in August a committee -of the council of Castile, the supreme executive body of the Regent’s -government, with its president, Bishop Rojas, presented themselves -before Joan in her palace of Tordesillas, to beg her to sign decrees -against those who were in arms. Joan was to all appearance calm, and -replied to the demand for her signature, ‘It is now fifteen years that I -have been kept from the government and badly treated; and this marquis -here’ (pointing to Denia), ‘is he who has lied to me most.’ Denia, -confused, replied: ‘It is true, my lady, that I have lied to you, but I -have done so to overcome certain prejudices of yours. I may tell you -now, that your father is dead, and I buried him.’ The Queen shed tears -at this, and turning to Rojas, murmured between her sobs, ‘Bishop, -believe me, all that I see and hear is like a dream.’ Rojas pressed his -point. ‘My lady, I can assure you that your signature to these papers -will work a greater miracle than Saint Francis; for, after God, in your -hands now rests the salvation of these realms.’ ‘Rest now,’ replied the -Queen, ‘and come back another day.’ - -On the morrow the committee of the council saw the Queen again, and as -there was no seat but hers in the room, the president mentioned that it -was not meet that they should be kept standing. ‘Bring a seat for the -council,’ directed the Queen; but, as the attendants were bringing in -chairs, she said, ‘No, no, not chairs, but a bench; that was the rule in -my mother’s time: but the bishop may have a chair.’ After another long -conference the Queen directed the committee to return to Valladolid and -discuss again, in full council the papers to which they requested her -signature; and thus, unsatisfied, the members left her, only to find -themselves prisoners at Valladolid, which was now in the hands of the -rebels, who were rapidly marching upon Tordesillas at the urgent request -of the townspeople of the latter place, to save Queen Joan from being -carried away by the government party. - -The rebels had no time to communicate with Joan as to their aims before -they appeared outside the walls of the town on the 29th August. As soon -as Joan learnt of their coming she ordered the townspeople to welcome -them; and so, amidst salute of cannon and enthusiastic cheers, Padilla, -the rebel leader, and his host were escorted into the town, and passed -before the Queen, who stood in a balcony of the palace. After resting -and changing their garments, Padilla and other chiefs sought audience of -the Queen. Joan received him smilingly. ‘Who are you?’ she asked, as he -knelt before her. ‘I am Juan Padilla, my lady,’ he replied, ‘son of the -captain-general of Castile, a servant of Queen Isabel, as I am a servant -of your Highness.’ And then the insurgent chief told the astonished -Queen all that had happened since old King Ferdinand died: how the evil -foreign advisers of young Charles had brought all Spain into revolt, and -that Padilla and the commons of Castile were ready to die in the service -of their own Queen Joan. She expressed her wonderment at all this. She -had been kept a prisoner, she said, for nearly sixteen years, and Denia, -her gaoler, had hidden everything from her. If she had been sure of her -father’s death she would have gone forth and have prevented some of this -trouble in her realm. Then, addressing Padilla, she said: ‘Go now; I -order you to exercise the authority of captain-general of the realm. -Look to all things carefully, until I order otherwise.’ - -Joan thus made herself the ostensible head of the revolution; and on -many subsequent occasions conferred with the leaders in arms at -Tordesillas, fully approving of their proceedings and aims. She tried to -exonerate Charles on account of his youth and inexperience of Spain, but -clearly indicated her intention to govern for herself in future. Most -important of all, she authorised the leaders to summon the Cortes to -meet at Tordesillas. The weak, foreign Cardinal Regent could only -ascribe Joan’s attitude to her madness; though, as he wrote to Charles, -the people regard it as a proof of her sanity. Denia was now almost a -prisoner, but the revolutionary leaders could never persuade Joan to -sign his formal dismissal, though they, on their own authority, turned -both the marquis and his wife unceremoniously out of the town when -Tordesillas became the centre of the rebel government in September, and -the Cortes held its sittings there.[131] - -Joan met her Parliament in the hall of the palace, and listened -patiently to the lengthy harangues of the deputies. In her reply, which -seems to have been extempore, she spoke at great length of her father, -whose death had been concealed from her. During his life she was at -ease, because she knew no one would dare to do harm. But she now saw how -the country and herself had been abused and deceived, to the injury of -the people whom she loved so much. She wished she were in some place -where she could direct affairs better; but as her father had placed her -there, either because of the woman who took her mother’s place, or for -some other reason, she could do no more than she had done. She wondered -that the Spaniards had not avenged themselves before upon the foreigners -who had come with her son. She thought at first that these foreigners -had meant well to her boys; whom they had, she was told, taken back to -Flanders; but she saw differently now, and she hoped no one here had any -evil meaning towards her sons. Even if she were not the Queen she ought -to have been better treated, for, at least, she was the daughter of -great sovereigns; and she was in favour of the Comuneros, because she -saw they were anxious to remedy the abuses of which she complained. All -this seemed quite sane, but at the end of the speech there is a pathetic -ring of self-distrust that tells the sad tale. ‘To the extent of my -power I will see to affairs, either here or elsewhere. But if, whilst I -am here, I cannot do much it will be because I am obliged to spend some -time in calming my heart and strengthening my spirit, on the death of -the King, my husband. But as long as I am in disposition for it, I will -attend to affairs.’[132] - -The democratic excesses of the revolutionary Committee, together with -the diplomacy of Charles, were gradually enlisting the great nobles on -the side of the government. Although Joan’s attendants generally were in -her favour, and continued to assert her sanity now they had got rid of -the Denias, her confessor, Juan de Avila, was always secretly faithful -to the Regent; and whispered warnings constantly in the Queen’s ear. It -was evident after a short time also to the revolutionary junta that Joan -was not sane; as they wrote from Tordesillas to the city of Valladolid -saying that they had summoned all the best physicians in Spain to her; -and, apparently finding human aid powerless, they had ordered -processions and prayers for her restoration to health. The Regent, -indeed, writing to Charles in October, says that the Queen cannot last -long if she does not escape from the power of the rebel government; as -she was much worse after Denia went. She no longer sleeps in a bed, he -says, nor eats regularly, but keeps her food all around her cold until -it goes bad. At another time, after she had eaten nothing for three -days, she was given the accumulated food of the whole period at once. -The government party asserted that all the poor woman’s crazy caprices -were acceded to, and even threats resorted to by the junta, in order to -get her to sign the decrees necessary to legitimise their action; but -she continued obstinate in her refusal to put her hand to anything.[133] - -The junta began to grow desperate; for the forces against them were -growing daily, whilst they made no progress, depending, as they did, for -legality upon obtaining the signature of a lunatic. They tried to bribe -the poor woman to sign by promising to take her away from Tordesillas; -but that was fruitless: on another occasion, in the middle of the night, -a hue and cry was raised that the Constable of Castile with a great -force of government troops was outside, and the Queen was told that the -‘tyrants’ had come to seize her. ‘Tell the Constable,’ she replied, ‘not -to do anything until the daylight comes; and then I will see about it.’ -Things thus went from bad to worse for the rebellion. This was the one -chance of Joan’s life, and she missed it. For months she trifled and -smiled upon the rebel junta, but would sign nothing; and early in -December the government troops were strong enough to make a dash for -Tordesillas, which they took by assault after four hours of desperate -fighting; the rebel junta flying in a panic from the place. Joan -welcomed the victors with a smiling face. She had been expecting and -wishing they would come, she said; and had ordered that the nobles -should be admitted before the fight began. - -During the battle she with the Infanta had left the palace, carrying her -jewels with them, and had ordered the corpse of Philip to be taken from -the church and carried with them out of the town. Before it could be -done, in the confusion, the royal troops entered, and they found the -Queen and her daughter crouched in the doorway of the palace trembling -with fright. The great nobles who came to the capture of Tordesillas -were full of lip service to Joan, and she, flattered apparently by their -deference, professed delight at their coming; but from the moment the -rebel junta fled before the Constable’s troops at Tordesillas without -her signature, Joan was a closely watched prisoner. Denia and his wife, -with their harsh methods, came back, to the loudly expressed disgust, -not only of Joan, but of some of the greatest of the Castilian nobles, -who saw how his presence irritated her;[134] but Charles would permit no -change in his mother’s keeper, for he knew he could depend upon Denia to -keep her close. - -In April 1521, the Comuneros were finally crushed at the battle of -Villalar, and the yoke of imperialism forged unwittingly by Ferdinand -the Catholic, and open-eyed by Charles the Emperor, was fixed upon the -neck of Spain until it strangled her. Thenceforward Joan was but a -shadow in the world, to which she no longer appertained. - -The person most to be pitied, until marriage rescued her in 1524, was -the poor young Infanta Katharine. The Denias came back vowing vengeance -against every one who they thought had been polite to the rebels, and -the Infanta, as well as the Queen, had to feel their petty tyranny. The -girl wrote indignantly to her brother of the wretched straits to which -she was reduced by them, and also of the persecution of her mother by -them. Amongst other complaints, the following may be quoted. ‘For the -love of God, pray order that if the Queen wishes to walk in the gallery -looking on to the river, or in the matted corridor, or to leave her -chamber for pastime, they shall not prevent her from doing so. And pray -do not allow the servants and daughters of the marchioness, or others, -to go to my closet through the Queen’s rooms, but only the persons who -serve; because, in order that the Queen may not see them, the -marchioness orders the women to shut the Queen up in her chamber, and -will not allow her to go into the passages or hall, but keep her in the -chamber where there is no light but candles; for there is nowhere else -for her to go, and she will not leave the chamber until she is dragged -out: or, if she would, the women are there to prevent her.’ This is the -Infanta’s own version; but the Denias’ story is that the young princess -is not allowed by her mother to see any one but a common servant, and -has not the fit company of ladies. To make matters worse for the girl -the Denias accused her of favouring the rebels, which she indignantly -denied, and made peace successfully with her brother. Her departure from -Tordesillas for her marriage afflicted Joan greatly, and for the rest of -the Queen’s life there was no one to stand between the emperor and her -gaolers. - -During the long years of Joan’s seclusion, the principal feature of her -aberration was its anti-religious tendency. It is true that she often -demanded the summoning of the nobles, and continued her eccentricity in -eating and sleeping, but the strange antipathy she showed, and often -violently expressed, to the services of her church, was a scandal worse -than any in a country where thousands of people were being burnt for a -tenth part of what the Queen allowed herself to say and do. The whole of -the emperor’s system was based upon the enforcement of universal -religious orthodoxy by Spain: and it was a bitter affliction for him to -know that his mother, and rightful Queen, was madly opposed, at -intervals, to the ceremonies imposed upon the rest of Spaniards. Denia -in his letters to the Emperor, on several occasions, drops dark hints -that torture should be applied—as it evidently had been applied to Joan -years before by Mosen Ferrer. Speaking of her obstinacy soon after the -rebel defeat, and advising that she should be transferred to the -fortress of Arevalo, which he thought safer and more loyal to Charles, -he says: ‘Your Majesty may be sure that this will not be done with the -Queen’s goodwill, for it is not to be expected that a person who refuses -to do anything beneficial, either for her body or her soul, but does -quite the contrary, will agree to this. And, in good truth, if your -Majesty would use pressure[135] upon her in many things, you would serve -God and benefit her Highness, for people in her condition really need -it. Your grandmother, Queen Isabel, served her Highness, her daughter, -in this way, but your Majesty will do as you think best.’ - -Denia, whilst recommending the employment of force for the removal of -the Queen, did not wish to appear personally as the instrument, but -recommended that the President of the Council of Castile should be sent -with the Emperor’s order for her to submit, and if she resisted, to have -her seized and put into a litter by force in the night time, and carried -off. The removal of the Queen, often urged by Denia for years, on the -ground of the accessibility of Tordesillas to disaffected people, does -not seem ever to have taken place.[136] Denia’s desire to lodge Joan in -a strong isolated fortress is also explained by him on the ground of the -scandal caused by the Queen’s religious attitude. In the letter just -quoted, where he recommends torture, he relates that on Christmas night, -whilst early matins were being sung in the presence of the Infanta, the -Queen came in search of her daughter, and screamed out in anger for them -to clear the altar of everything upon it; and she had to be forcibly -taken back to her rooms. He relates also that: ‘She often goes into the -gallery overlooking the river, and calls to any one she sees to summon -the troops to kill each other. Your majesty may judge from all this what -is best to do, and what we have to put up with.’ - -These hints at personal punishment of the Queen are repeated again and -again over a series of years by Denia, though, so far as can be gathered -from the Emperor’s replies, he gave no instructions for it to be done. -In 1525 Denia writes: ‘Nothing would do so much good as some pressure -(_i.e._, punishment or torture), although it is a very serious thing for -a subject to think of applying such to his Sovereign. Perhaps it will be -best to try what effect a good priest would have upon Her Highness ... a -Dominican would be best, as she does not like Franciscans.’ On another -occasion soon afterwards, when Charles had decided to have his mother -secretly carried by night to the impregnable castle of Toro, not far -from Tordesillas, Denia remarks that he had taken measures that no -persons should be in the streets to witness her arrival, ‘for, in good -truth, I myself am ashamed of what I hear and see.’ - -And so from year to year the Queen’s religious aberrations consigned her -to constantly increased seclusion to avoid scandal. The Emperor and his -only son Philip visited the Queen at least on one occasion at -Tordesillas, and during the regency of Philip in 1552, whilst Charles -was in Germany, the Prince, much more rigidly devout even than his -father, and shocked at the continued refusal of his grandmother to -attend the services of the Church and fulfil her religious duties, sent -to Tordesillas the saintly Jesuit Francis of Borgia, Duke of Gandia, to -exert his influence upon the Queen. His success was very small. For -weeks Joan refused to conform, until, at last Borgia persuaded her to -make what is called a ‘general confession,’ and he thereupon gave her -absolution;[137] but directly he left she relapsed into her former -indifference again. - -When Philip was leaving Spain to marry Mary, Queen of England, in 1554, -he sent Father Borgia again to try to bring Joan to her religious -duties. She heard the good father patiently, and when he had finished -his exhortations, she endeavoured to make terms. Yes, she would hear -mass, and confess, and receive absolution, and the rest of it, if the -women attendants upon her were sent away, as they always mocked her -whilst she was at her devotions. ‘If that be so,’ replied Father Borgia, -‘the Inquisition shall deal with them as heretics;’ and he at once wrote -to Philip recommending that they should pretend to hand the women over -to the Holy Office, place crosses and images of saints about the Queen’s -rooms, say daily mass on the corridor altar, and if the Queen objected, -tell her that it was done by the order of the Inquisition. He also -proposed to bring some priestly exorcisers to cast out the devils that -afflicted the Queen; but this Philip would not allow. The effect of -Borgia’s efforts on this occasion was, that when Prince Philip on his -way to Corunna to sail for England called at Tordesillas, he found Joan -to his delight going through the ordinary religious rites without -resistance. But her devotion was clearly only on the surface, and her -new confessor Friar Luis de la Cruz, soon reported that he dared not -expose himself to the peril of committing a grave act of sacrilege by -administering the sacraments to the Queen, and resigned his office. It -appears, amongst other things, that she always shut her eyes at the -elevation of the Host at the mass, and on one occasion she violently -told her attendants to throw away the blessed tapers they carried before -her, as she said they stank. - -Since the summer of 1553, Joan, then an old woman, had suffered from -swelling of the lower limbs, which almost crippled her; and in February -1555, after a bath of very hot water, the legs broke out into open -wounds. Thenceforward the course of her illness presented an -extraordinary resemblance to that which proved mortal in the case of her -grandson, Philip II. Dreadful gangrenous sores, which she refused to -have dressed or washed, caused her the most awful torment. She paid no -heed to the directions of doctors or nurses; and when her -grand-daughter, the Infanta Joan, came over from Valladolid with the -best medical men procurable, the Queen violently refused to see them or -allow them to examine her. Thus, lying in repulsive squalor and filth, -the poor creature was told that Father Borgia had come to see her. She -angrily refused to listen to him at first, but she was weak, and his -persistence seems finally to have conquered. By and bye she admitted -that she was sorry for her errors, and deplored the divagations of her -spirit. At the request of Borgia she repeated the apostle’s creed and -confessed; but just as he was about to administer the _viaticum_, she -expressed some scruple at receiving it. Learned theologians were -summoned in haste from Salamanca; and a few days afterwards, on the 11th -April 1555, the famous Dr. Soto was closeted with her for hours. His -report was that, though she had privately told him things that consoled -him, the Queen was not fit to receive the Eucharist; though extreme -unction might be administered. - -That same night the last rites were performed. Leaning over the dying -woman with a crucifix, the priest told her that the last hour for her -was come, and that it behoved her to ask God for pardon. By signs and -gestures of grief and contrition, she expressed what her poor palsied -tongue refused to utter; and Father Borgia, believing her beyond speech, -asked her to signify whether he should recite the creed for her. To the -astonishment of every one she suddenly recovered her power of utterance, -and replied, ‘You begin it, and I will repeat it after you.’ When the -last amen was said, the saintly Jesuit placed a crucifix to the lips of -the dying woman. ‘Christ crucified aid me,’ she had strength yet to say, -and then Joan the Mad passed to the land where all are sane. For twenty -years her body lay in the Convent of St. Clara, opposite her prison -palace; upon the same spot where the coffin of her husband had rested -for so many years; and then, in 1574, she was carried at last to the -sumptuous tomb at Granada, to join for the rest of time the dust of him -that she had loved not wisely but too well. - -The foregoing account of the life of this most unfortunate of queens, -gathered entirely from the contemporary statements of persons who knew -her, tends irresistibly to the conclusion that her early rigid training, -followed by her life in Flanders, had implanted in her mind a dislike of -the stern bigotry which characterised the religion of Spain under the -influence of the Inquisition; and that this dislike grew to hatred when -her mind became permanently unsettled. Her strict seclusion and cruel -treatment do not appear to have been so necessary for her own health, or -even primarily for the public welfare, as for the interests of her -father and son, whose autocratic power was threatened by any combination -of nobles acting in her name, and whose policy largely depended upon the -maintenance of strict religious orthodoxy. To leave at liberty and -accessible a feeble-minded Queen who desired to govern through the -nobles, and hated the religion of the Inquisition, would have been to -invite disaster to the very basis upon which the vast edifice of Spanish -autocratic power at its grandest was erected. It might have been better -for Spain in the long run, but it would have been ruin for Ferdinand and -Charles; and to their interests successively Joan the Mad was -sacrificed. - - - - - BOOK III - I - MARY TUDOR - QUEEN OF ENGLAND AND SPAIN - - -In the noble gallery at the Prado there hangs the full-length seated -portrait of a lady of peculiarly modern aspect, painted by Titian from -sketches and descriptions in his extreme old age.[138] Her sad, sweet -smile, vague, lymphatic eyes, and high prominent forehead, give to the -face a character of far away ideality, such as marked so many of the -members of her house: for this is Isabel, the consort of the Emperor, -and she, like the greater Isabel’s mother, belonged to the fated royal -family of Portugal, whose tainted blood so often carried to its -possessors the mysticism that degenerates into madness. Throughout the -poor lady’s life of barely thirty-six years, she was overshadowed by the -tremendous responsibility of being the mother of the Cæsar’s children. -During the long and frequent absences from Spain of Charles V. in his -life-struggle against France and heresy on the one side, and the powers -of Islam on the other, the Empress Isabel, as Regent, controlled by a -council mainly of churchmen, had to squeeze funds for the imperial wars -from the commons of Castile, well nigh crushed into financial impotence -since the defeat of the parliamentary champions at Villalar. - -Like all those who came into immediate contact with Charles in his -imperial capacity, his wife was humbly subordinate to the overwhelming -magnitude of the policy which he directed, and she had no share in -moulding events. For her the glory was sufficient to have borne her -husband a son who lived, besides daughters and two boys who died of -epilepsy in infancy. The mother of Philip of Spain looked with -reverential awe upon her own child, so great and important to mankind -was held to be the inheritance to which he was to succeed; and when she -flickered out of life in 1539, the boy of twelve was her main -contribution and justification to a world which had only known her as -Cæsar’s wife, and only remembered her as Philip’s mother. - -In the atmosphere of hushed reverence and rigid sacrifice to imperial -ends that filled the monastic court of Spain in the absence of the -Emperor, Philip was never allowed to forget for an hour the destiny, -with all its duties, its responsibilities, and its power, for which he -was taught that God had specially selected him as son of his father. As -a boy regent in the Emperor’s first great trial of strength with the -German Lutherans, his heart had ached at the sufferings of Spain from -the cruel drain of blood and treasure for the war in which she had no -direct concern; but when he dared, almost passionately, to remonstrate -with his father at the ruin which he himself was forced to impose upon -the people he loved, he was coldly reminded that it was the cause of God -that he and his were fighting, and all earthly considerations must be -sacrificed for its triumph. Philip was the son of his forbears, and he -learnt his lesson well. Like his grandmother Isabel, he had no love of -cruelty for its own sake, but like her he held the mystic belief that he -and the Most High were linked in community of cause, and that the -greater the suffering the greater the glory. He never spared himself or -others when the cause for which he lived, the unification of the faith, -demanded sacrifice; but fate was cruel in the era she chose for him. The -age when Charles and his son were pledged to force all men to take their -faith unquestioned from Rome at the tips of Spanish pikes was that in -which the rebellious Monk of Wittemburg had challenged Rome itself, and -the world was throbbing with the new revelation, that beyond the -trappings that man had hung upon the church, there was a God to whom all -were equal, and to whom all might appeal direct. - -So, throughout the century of strife, both Charles and his son, rigid as -they were, were always obliged to conciliate England, whatever its faith -might be; for France, and heresy in their own dominions, were ever the -nearest enemies; and for England permanently to have thrown in its lot -with either of them would have consigned Spain to impotence. Henry VIII. -might defy the Pope, despoil the Church, and insultingly repudiate his -blameless Spanish wife, but the Emperor dared not quarrel with him for -long together, or provoke him too far. But, withal, it was a hard trial -for the champion of orthodoxy to have to speak fair and softly to his -heterodox, excommunicated uncle, and welcome alliance with the power -that was a standing negation of the cause for which he lived. Still -harder was it when Henry was dead; for his personal prestige was great, -and his professions of orthodoxy were emphatic, apart from his personal -quarrel with the Papacy. But to him there succeeded a child-king ruled -by men of small ability, determined to alter the faith of England -itself, and make a durable friendship with Spain impossible. - -Then almost suddenly the whole aspect of affairs changed. It had been -known for some time that the young King of England, Edward VI., was -failing, and would probably die without issue; but the uncertain element -had been the extent of the Duke of Northumberland’s power and the -strength of English Protestantism. Edward VI. died on the 7th July 1553, -and the undignified collapse of Northumberland at once decided the -Emperor’s plans. The treachery of Maurice of Saxony had brought Charles -to the humiliating peace of Passau, and had made for ever impossible the -realisation of the great dream of making Philip Emperor as well as King. -It was the heaviest blow that Charles had ever suffered; and, if he -could have appreciated its significance, he would have seen that it -proved the impossibility of the task he had undertaken. He was still at -war with the enemy, France, who had supported his Lutheran princes, and -he was burning to avenge the crowning disaster of Metz, when the death -of the boy King of England opened to his mind’s eye the gates of a -shining future. The hollow crown of the Empire might go, with its poor -patrimony and its turbulent Lutheran subjects, the fat Portuguese dowry -he coveted for his son Philip might be cheerfully sacrificed; but if -only rich England could be joined in lasting bonds to Spain, then France -would indeed be in the toils, Flanders and Italy safe, the road to -unlimited expansion in the East open, and Spain, supreme, might give -laws to Latin Christendom, and to heathendom beyond. The prize was worth -bidding for, and Charles lost no time. - - * * * * * - -In the brilliant summer weather of late July in 1553, a faded little -woman with a white pinched face, no eyebrows, and russet hair, rode in a -blaze of triumph through the green-bordered roads of Suffolk and Essex -towards London. Around her thronged a thousand gentlemen in velvet -doublets and gold chains, whilst a great force of armed men followed to -support if need be the right of Mary Queen of England. It was not much -more than a fortnight since her brother had died, but into that time the -poignant emotions of a century had been crammed. The traitors who had -proclaimed Queen Jane had tumbled over each other to be the first to -betray some of their companions, and all to disown the despotic craven -who had led them, the wretched Northumberland; Protestant London, even, -had greeted with frantic joy the name of the Catholic Queen, whose right -it knew, and whose unmerited sufferings it pitied; but at thirty-seven, -an old maid, disillusioned and wearied by years of cruel injustice, Mary -Tudor came to her heritage resigned rather than elated. - -Amongst the crowds of officials and gentlemen who rode out of London to -pay homage to the new Queen, were two men, each pledged to outwit the -other in his quest. They were of similar age, about fifty, both -Frenchmen, though one was born in the Burgundian territory of the -Franche Comté, and both were ambassadors; one, Simon Renard, -representing the Emperor, and the other, Antoine de Noailles, the King -of France, and they went racing towards Chelmsford, each to try to win -Queen Mary to the side of his master. Noailles was the more courtly and -aristocratic; and his insinuating grace made him a dangerous rival, for -it hid a spirit that stopped at no falsity or treachery if it would -serve his turn. But in gaining Mary Tudor he was fatally handicapped, -though when she received him at New Hall she spoke so fairly that he -thought he had succeeded.[139] For Simon Renard represented the power -that throughout all the bitter trials of her life Mary had looked to as -her only friend. Again and again the imperial ambassadors alone had -dared to claim better treatment for her and her outraged mother; and had -threatened her father with vengeance if ill befell her; whilst France -had always taken the opposite side, and egged King Henry on to work his -own will in despite of Spain and the empire. So, though Mary was -diplomatic to Noailles she was friendly to Renard, for to him and his -master she looked to keep secure her trembling throne. - -Already it was seen that the Queen must marry. She had been betrothed -times out of number as an instrument of policy, but of her own will she -desired no husband; and when Renard, in a long private chat with her at -New Hall on the 1st August, broached the subject, she told him that she -knew her duty in that respect and would do it, but prayed for the -guidance of the Emperor in her choice of a husband. She was no longer -young, she said, and hoped that too youthful a husband would not be -recommended to her. Renard knew that already English people had chosen -as the Queen’s prospective bridegroom young Courtenay, still in the -Tower as a prisoner; and that failing him, some had thought of Cardinal -Pole; but he knew well, as did the Emperor, that Mary was too proud to -marry a subject, and looked to her marriage as a means of strengthening -her throne; and soon afterwards even Noailles saw that Courtenay had -spoilt his chance by dissoluteness of life, though he continued to make -use of him as a tool for conspiracy against Mary and her Spanish -friends. - -On the 3rd August the new Queen, dressed in violet velvet, and mounted -on a milk-white pony, came to her city of London through the gaily -decked portal of Aldgate, and so to the Tower, where she released those -who had lain there in prison to suit the policy of the men who had ruled -Edward VI. Events moved apace. Gardiner from a prison was suddenly -raised to the post of chief minister. Bonner, the hated Bishop of -London, came from the Marshalsea to his throne in Saint Paul’s; and -everywhere, though yet illegal, the mass was already being introduced. -The Emperor kept warning Mary to be moderate, and to walk warily; whilst -the churchmen, burning with zeal to come upon their own again, were -obstinately shutting their eyes to all that had happened since bluff -Henry’s death. Renard it was who almost daily saw the Queen with these -messages of modern counsel from his master; and the subject of marriage -was mentioned more than once. Noailles and Gardiner were pushing as hard -as they might the suit of Courtenay; but on the 7th August Mary told -Renard that she saw no fit match for her in her own country, and had -decided to marry a foreigner. - -Then gently and tentatively the ambassador mentioned the Emperor’s only -son Philip. She affected to laugh at the idea, for the Prince was only -twenty-seven—the same age as Courtenay, by the way—and, as she said on -another occasion, most of the bridegrooms they offered her might have -been her sons. But Renard saw that his suggestion was not altogether an -unwelcome one, and hastened to ask his master for further instructions. -‘Do not overpress her,’ wrote Granvelle, ‘to divert her from any other -match; because if she have the whim she will carry it forward if she be -like other women.’ But Mary Tudor’s birth and trials had made her not -like other women; and she listened to the tale of marriage, not because -she hankered for a husband, but because she hungered for a son to -present to her people. - -Noailles soon got wind of the plan to marry Mary to the Emperor’s son, -and wherever French gold or interest could reach the enemies of the new -regime they were plied with hints of the terrible results that would -come if Spain ruled England by Torquemada’s methods. A gust of panic -swept over London at the idea of an Inquisition; for the Queen had come -at first with promises of toleration, and already the zeal of the -churchmen had darkened the horizon. On the eve of the Queen’s -coronation, on the 1st October, a Spanish resident in London, whilst -professing to despair of the probability of the match, writes words that -show how well aware even private citizens were of the advantage that it -would bring to Spain. ‘And if the Lord vouchsafed us to behold this -glorious day, what great advantage would befall our Spain, by holding -the Frenchmen in check, by the union of these kingdoms with his Majesty. -And if it were only to preserve Flanders his Majesty and his son must -greatly desire it, ... for when the Lord shall call his Majesty away the -Low Countries will be in peril of the Frenchmen attacking them, or of -the Germans (_i.e._, Lutherans) invading them by their help, the succour -from Spain being so remote, and the people (_i.e._, of Flanders) not -being well affected towards our nation. It would also be most -advantageous to Spain, because if aught should happen to the Prince’s -son (_i.e._, Don Carlos) the son born here would be King of both -countries, and, in sooth, this would be advantageous to the English -also.’[140] - -We may be sure that Mary’s coyly sympathetic attitude was not lost on -the Emperor. But Philip was a man of twenty-seven, a widower since his -boyhood, with a mistress (Isabel de Osorio) whom he loved; and for many -years past he had been his own master, and practically King of Spain, -though nominally only Prince Regent. His marriage, moreover, to a -Portuguese cousin with a rich dowry was in active final negotiation, and -the Emperor could not be sure how the Prince would receive the -suggestion of marriage with an unattractive foreign woman more than ten -years his senior, and living in a far country. He need have had no -distrust. Philip under his system had been brought up from his birth to -regard sacrifice to his mission as a supreme duty. He was a statesman -and a patriot, and he saw as clearly as his father the increment of -strength that the union with England would bring to the cause to which -their lives were pledged; and his reply, given, as Sandoval says, ‘like -a second Isaac ready to sacrifice himself to his father’s will and for -the good of the church,’ was, ‘I have no other will than that of your -Majesty, and whatever you desire, that will I do.’ - -Promptly on the heels of the courier that bore the dutiful letter to the -Emperor went two nobles of Philip’s household, Don Diego Hurtado de -Mendoza and Don Diego de Geneda, to offer congratulations and greetings -to the new Queen of England in his name. Geneda bore a secret message to -her of a warmer character than mere greeting; and before the sumptuous -coronation in Westminster Abbey on the 1st October, Mary had practically -made up her mind to marry her second cousin. She knew that England, -under Noailles’ artful incitement, was in a ferment of alarm at the -idea; but she was a Tudor; she had some long scores to settle, she -needed strength to do it, and opposition only made her firmer. -Parliament met on the 5th October, and, under pressure from Mary, made a -clean sweep of all the anti-Papal laws that had severed England from -Rome; but when, influenced by Gardiner and prompted by Noailles, the -House of Commons voted an address to the Queen praying her not to marry -a foreigner, Mary sent for the members to wait upon her. The Speaker and -a deputation of twenty parliament men stood trembling before her and -presented their humble address, whilst the angry Queen muttered that she -would be a match for Chancellor Gardiner’s cunning. Her reply to the -Speaker was haughty and minatory: ‘Your desire to dictate to us the -Consort whom we shall choose we consider somewhat superfluous. The -English parliament has not been wont to use such language to its -sovereigns, and when private persons on such matters suit their own -tastes, sovereigns may reasonably be allowed to choose whom they -prefer.’[141] This was the true Tudor way of dealing with the Commons, -and Mary having obtained the religious legislation she needed to -legalise her own position on the throne, promptly dissolved the -parliament she had flouted. - -It was only after much prayerful heart-searching that Mary had so far -made up her mind to prefer the Prince of Spain. At first she had tried -to make it a condition that the Emperor should not ask her to marry any -candidate before she had seen him; but this in Philip’s case was -impossible. He was too great a catch to be trotted out for inspection -and approval, and when this was gently put to her by Renard, she -tearfully implored the ambassador, whose hands she seized and held -between her own, not to deceive her with regard to the Prince’s -character. Was he really well conducted and discreet, as he had been -described to her? The ambassador emphatically protested on his honour -that he was; but still the Queen, almost doubting still, wished that she -might see him before she gave her word. A good portrait by Titian was -sent to her, representing the Prince rather younger than he was, a -good-looking young man with the fair Austrian skin and yellow hair, the -slight curly beard hardly masking the heavy jaw and underlip he -inherited from his father. The portrait appears to have banished the -last doubts in Mary’s mind. She had never had a love affair before, -often as she had been betrothed: even now her idea had been to marry -because her position entailed it. But the contemplation of the face of -him who was to be her husband, and Renard’s reiteration of his good -qualities, gradually worked in her mind an intense yearning for the -affection for which she had hungered in vain during her persecuted -youth. - -On Sunday evening, the 31st October, she summoned Renard to a room -containing an altar upon which the monstrance with the Host was placed. -The Queen was alone, except for her devoted nurse Mrs. Clarencius, when -the ambassador entered; and with much emotion she told him that since he -had presented the Emperor’s letter asking her hand for Philip, she had -been sleepless, passing her time in weeping and prayers for guidance as -to her choice of a husband. ‘The Holy Sacrament is my resource in all my -difficulties,’ she said, ‘and as it is standing upon the altar in this -room, I will appeal to it for counsel now;’ and, kneeling, as did Renard -and Clarencius, she recited _Veni Creator Spiritus_ almost below her -breath. After a short silent prayer she rose, calm and self-possessed, -and told the ambassador that she had chosen him for her father confessor -with the Emperor. She had considered carefully all that had been told -her about Philip, and had consulted Arundel, Paget, and Petre[142] on -the subject; and, bearing in mind the good qualities and disposition of -the Prince, she prayed the Emperor to be indulgent with her, and agree -to the conditions necessary for the welfare of her realm; to continue to -be a good father to her, since henceforward he would be doubly her -father, and to urge Philip to be a good husband. Then solemnly upon the -altar, before the Sacred Presence, she promised Renard that she would -marry Philip, Prince of Spain, making him a good and faithful wife, -loving him devotedly without change.[143] She had wavered long in doubt, -she said, but God had illumined her, and her mind was now made up: she -would marry Philip and no one else. - -Renard was overjoyed at the news, which he sent flying to the Emperor, -but kept inviolably secret from all others. But though no one knew, -every one suspected; and the muttering of coming trouble sounded on all -sides. Lady Jane Grey, Northumberland’s three sons, Cranmer, Ridley, and -others, were tried and condemned to death. Risings here and there in the -country burst out sporadically, for disaffection was everywhere; -Noailles’ confabulations with Elizabeth and Courtenay were discovered -and denounced; Pole was stopped by the Emperor on his way to England; -and Gardiner, kept in the dark as to the Queen’s irrevocable promise, -still battled against the project of a Spanish match. But the secret had -to be let out at last, and the Spanish adherents in Mary’s council were -obliged to consult Gardiner as to the marriage treaty. They drove a hard -bargain, notwithstanding all the bribes and blandishments, for they were -determined that the marriage should not mean the political subjugation -of England by Spain; and the King Consort’s power was so fenced around -by safeguards and limitations that when Philip finally heard the -conditions, he was well nigh in despair, for he knew that if they were -fulfilled to the letter the marriage would be useless to Spanish -interests, and that his sacrifice would be in vain. But of this the -populace knew nothing. What they did know was, that a Spaniard was -coming to be their King, and London at least shuddered at the plenteous -hints that Noailles had spread, that the Inquisition and the _auto de -fe_ were coming too. - -So when, on the 1st January 1554, a troop of foreign servants and -harbingers rode through the city of London to prepare the lodgings of -the brilliant imperial embassy that was to arrive next day, even the -’prentices gathered as they passed and greeted them with curses and -volleys of snowballs.[144] The brilliant Count of Egmont and his train -landed duly at the Tower wharf on the morrow, to ask formally for the -hand of the Queen for the Emperor’s son. ‘They were met by Sir Anthony -Browne, he being clothed in a very gorgeouse apparel. At the Tower Hill -the earle of Devonshire (_i.e._, Courtenay), with the lorde Garrett and -dyvers others, receyved him in most honorable and famylier wyse; and so -the lorde of Devonshire, gevyng him the right hand, brought him -thoroughte Chepsyde, and so fourthe to Dyrram Place (_i.e._, Durham -House in the Strand), the people nothing rejoysing, helde downe their -heddes sorrowfully.’[145] The formalities were soon got through with a -few solemn banquets and courtly ceremonies, and on the 13th January -Gardiner, with as good a face as he could put upon the matter, made an -oration in the Chamber of Presence at Westminster to the lords and -officials, declaring the Queen’s purpose to marry Philip of Spain: ‘in -most godly lawfull matrimonye: and further, that she should have for her -joynter xxx.^{mil}.. ducketes by the yere, with all the Lowe Country of -Flanders; and that the issue betweene them two lawfully begotten -shoulde, yf there were any, be heir as well to the Kingdome of Spayne, -as also to the sayde Lowe Country. He declared further that we were much -bounden to thanck God that so noble, worthye, and famouse a prince, -would vouchsafe so to humble himself in this maryadge to take upon him -rather as a subject than otherwise: and that the Quene should rule all -thinges as nowe: and that there should be of the Counsell no Spanyard, -nether should have the custody of any fortes or castells, nether have -rule or offyce in the quene’s house or elsewhere in all England.’[146] -Gardiner made the best of it, but the bare fact was enough to send the -friends of the late regime, and not a few of those who had profited by -the plunder of the church, into a delirium of fear. Carews, Wyatts, and -Greys protested, rebelled and collapsed, for England, in the main, was -loyal to Mary, and the vast majority of the people, except in and about -London, bitterly resented the iconoclastic changes of Edward’s reign. -The Queen knew her own mind too, and in the face of danger was as firm -as a rock, for in her sight the Spanish marriage meant the resurrection -of her country and the salvation of her people. Charles and his son -doubtless thought so too in a general way, but that was not their first -object. What they wanted was to humble France permanently by means of -their command of English resources, and to make Spain the dictatress of -the world. - -On the very day that poor Wyatt’s ‘draggletayles,’ all mud-stained and -weary with their march from Kingston Bridge, were toiling up Fleet -Street to final failure and the gallows, a dusty courier rode into -Valladolid with the news for Philip, that the offer of his hand had been -accepted by the Queen of England. The prince was at Aranjuez, a hundred -miles away, planning his favourite gardens, when the news reached him, -with the premature addition that the Earl of Bedford was already on the -way to Spain with the marriage contract. Philip stopped his pastime at -once and started the same day for Valladolid with his bodyguard of -horsemen in the scarlet and gold of Aragon. In haste the old city put -itself into holiday garb, and organised tourneys, cane-tiltings and -fireworks, to celebrate the agreement which was to make the beloved -Prince of Spain King of England. The looms and broidery-frames of all -the realms were soon busy making the gorgeous garb and glittering -trappings to fit out the nobles and hidalgos who were to follow their -prince to England, each, with Spanish ostentation, bent upon -outstripping his fellows in splendour. Alba, Medina Celi, Aguilar, -Pescara, Feria, Mendoza and Enriquez, and a hundred other haughty -magnates, were bidden to make ready with their armies of retainers all -in fine new clothes, in spite of Renard’s warning that: ‘_Seulement sera -requis que les Espaignolez qui suyuront vostre Alteze comportent les -façons de faire des Angloys, et soient modestes._’ - -Philip’s steward, Padilla, was sent hurrying to the coast to receive the -Earl of Bedford, who did not start from England for another month; and -the Marquis de las Novas, loaded with splendid presents from Philip to -his bride, set out for England. Mary was conspicuously fond of fine -garments and jewels, and Philip in his youth, and on state occasions, -wore the richest of apparel; but even they must have been sated at the -piled-up sumptuousness for which their wedding was an excuse. Philip’s -offering to Mary, sent by Las Novas, consisted of ‘a great table -diamond, mounted as a rose in a superb gold setting, valued at 50,000 -ducats; a collar or necklace of eighteen large brilliants, exquisitely -mounted and set with dainty grace, valued at 32,000 ducats; a great -diamond and a large pearl pendant from it (this was Mary’s favourite -jewel, and may be seen in the accompanying portrait), the most beautiful -gems, says a contemporary eyewitness, ever seen in the world, and worth -25,000 ducats; and then follows a list of pearls, diamonds, emeralds and -rubies, without number, sent to Mary and her ladies by the gallant -bridegroom.[147] - -Whilst all these fine preparations were going on in Spain, the Emperor -more than once questioned the wisdom or safety of allowing his son to -risk himself amongst a people so incensed against the match as the -English, and in partial rebellion against it; and Renard held many -anxious conferences with Mary and her council on the subject. The Queen -declared again and again that she would answer for Philip’s safety; and -she put aside, as gently as she could, Renard’s incessant promptings of -greater severity upon Elizabeth, Courtenay and the rest of the suspects -and rebels. Once, at the end of March, Renard told her that if she was -so lenient to rebels, he doubted whether Prince Philip could be trusted -in her realm, ‘as he could not come armed; and if anything befell him it -would be a most disastrous and lamentable scandal. Not only would the -person of his Highness suffer, but also the lords and gentlemen who -accompanied him: and I could not help doubting whether she had taken all -the necessary steps to ensure safety.’ To this she answered, with tears -in her eyes, ‘that she had rather never been born than that any outrage -should happen to the Prince; and she fervently hoped to God that no such -thing would occur. All the members of her Council would do their duty in -their reception of the Prince, and were going to great expense about it. -Her Council shall be reduced to six members, as Paget and Petre had -advised; and she would do her best to dispose the goodwill of her -subjects who wish for the Prince’s coming.’[148] - -Mary was overwhelmed with anxiety. ‘She had neither rest nor sleep,’ she -said, ‘for thinking of the means of security for Philip in England.’ But -she would not sacrifice Elizabeth for all the clamouring of Renard, and -even of Gardiner. She knew that the French were almost openly -subsidising rebellion against her; and that her people grew more -apprehensive daily that her marriage with Philip would mean a war with -France for Spanish objects, but she had now set her mind upon the -marriage, and nothing in the world would shake her. Philip, though he -was not personally brave, was equally firm about coming, even at risk of -his life; for his was a spirit of sacrifice and his marriage was a -sacred duty. From duty Philip never shrank, whatever the suffering it -entailed. - -On the 14th May 1554 Philip rode out of Valladolid with nearly a -thousand horsemen in gaudy raiment. First going south west to near the -Portuguese frontier to meet his sister Joan, who had just lost her -husband, the Prince of Portugal, he turned aside to take a last farewell -to his grandmother, Joan the Mad, in her prison-palace at Tordesillas, -and then passed on from town to town, through Leon and Galicia; his -puny, hydrocephalic heir, Don Carlos, by his side, towards Santiago and -Corunna. Loving greeting and good wishes followed him everywhere; for -was he not going to fix upon yet another land, and that a rich one, the -seal that marked it as within the circle of the Spanish realms? Proud -were these hidalgos who rode behind him, proud the Spaniards, high and -low, who welcomed him and sped him on his way, proud the very lackeys in -the smallest squireling’s train; for they were all Spaniards, and they -felt that this was a Spanish victory. - -On the vigil of St. John, 23rd June, Philip was received at the gates of -Santiago by kneeling citizens with golden keys as usual; and as he and -his train, all flashing in the southern sun, pranced through the streets -of the apostolic capital, two English lords, Bedford and Fitzwalter, sat -at a window with their mantles before their faces, watching the progress -of their future King. The next morning the English special envoys were -publicly led into Philip’s presence. He met them at the door of the -chamber leading into the great hall, and as the Englishmen bent the knee -and doffed their bonnets the Prince uncovered and bowed low. Bedford, ‘a -grandee and a good Christian,’ we are told by an eyewitness, then handed -the marriage contract to him, and kissed hand, as did his colleagues. On -leaving the room one Englishman said to another, apparently delighted at -Philip’s demeanour, ‘O! God be praised for sending us so good a King as -this’; and the Spaniard who heard the remark and understood English was -only too glad of an opportunity of repeating it to his gratified -compatriots. The envoys had good reason to be pleased with Philip, for -though he was usually a bad paymaster to those who served him, he could -be very liberal when it suited him; and on the day after the state -interview a splendid piece of gold plate, magnificently worked, and -standing nearly five feet high, was presented to Bedford, all the rest -of the Englishmen being dealt with in similar generous fashion. - -In the harbour a fine fleet of vessels rode at anchor with several -English royal vessels; and Bedford prayed that Philip would make the -voyage in one of the latter. This, however, was not considered prudent -or dignified; but the English envoys were given the privilege of -choosing amongst the Spanish vessels that which should carry the King. -It was a fine ship they selected, belonging to Martin de Bertondona, one -of the first sailors in Spain; and when Philip went to inspect it the -next day it must have presented a splendid sight, with its towering -gilded poop and forecastle, its thousand fluttering pennons; and over -all the proud royal standard of crimson damask thirty yards long.[149] -At length, after much ceremonious junketing, the heralds announced that -the King would embark the next day, 12th July. There were over a hundred -sail, fully armed and carrying a body of over six thousand men to -reinforce the Emperor, besides six thousand sailors; and when the King -stepped upon his beautiful twenty-four-oared galley, all decked with -silk and cloth of gold, with minstrels and rowers clad in damask -doublets and plumed bonnets to go on board the ship that was to bear him -to England, the ‘Espiritu Santo,’ the great crowd on shore cried aloud -to God and Santiago to send the royal traveller a safe and happy voyage, -and confusion to the French. On the fifth day out a Flemish fleet of -eighteen sail hove in sight off the Land’s End, and convoyed the Prince -past the Needles with some ships of the English navy; and on Thursday, -19th July 1554, the combined fleets anchored in Southampton Water amidst -the thunderous salutes of the English and Flemish ships at anchor there -to greet them. - -The English and Flemish sailors had not got on well together during the -stay of the Flemish fleet at Southampton. The officers suspected the -Lord Admiral of England (Lord William Howard) of intriguing with the -French to capture Philip on his way; and reported that he made little -account of the Flemish Admiral, de la Chapelle, and called his ships -mussel shells. When some of the Flemings had landed the English soldiers -had hustled and insulted them in the streets; and by the time Philip -arrived in Southampton water the two naval forces were not on speaking -terms.[150] On shore things were no better. The nobility of England, -usually so lavish, except those around the Queen, were for the most part -sulking as much as they dared. They were too poor, they declared, to -make great and costly preparations to receive the King, and even a -majority of the Queen’s Council were suspected of plotting in favour of -Elizabeth; whilst Noailles was tireless in his efforts to spread alarm -and disaffection. - -Bedford had reported that Philip was a bad sailor, but fortunately the -voyage had been a calm one, and he remained at anchor for twenty hours -before he landed for the first time in England; so that he was quite -able to carry out the instructions of his father, and the -recommendations of Renard, to conciliate the English in every possible -way. During his visit years before to Germany and Flanders he had -offended the subjects there by his cold precision of manner and his -Spanish abstemiousness; but from the first hour of his stay in England, -his whole behaviour underwent a change, for at the call of duty he was -even willing to sacrifice all his usual tastes and habits. A crowd of -English nobles and courtiers who were to be Philip’s household came off -at once to salute him on board the ‘Espiritu Santo’; and when the next -day he stepped into the magnificent royal barge that was to bear him to -land, the Earl of Arundel invested him with the badge of the Garter in -the name of the Queen. With him, besides the English lords, there went -in the barge a stately crowd of Spanish grandees, Alba, Feria, Ruy -Gomez, his only friend, Olivares, with Egmont, Horn, and Bergues; but no -soldier or man-at-arms was allowed on shore on pain of death. Philip had -learnt from Renard the agony of distrust felt in England of Spanish -arms, and at the same time came the even less welcome news that the -Emperor had suffered a defeat in Flanders, and needed urgently every -soldier that could be sent to him. So the Spanish fleet was not even -allowed to enter the port of Southampton, but after some delay and much -grumbling on the part of the Spaniards at what they considered churlish -treatment, was sent to Portsmouth to revictual for their voyage to -Flanders. - -As Philip stepped ashore, Sir Anthony Browne in a Latin speech announced -that the Queen had appointed him her consort’s master of the horse, and -had sent him the beautiful white charger, housed in crimson velvet and -gold, that was champing its bit hard by. The King would have preferred -to walk the short distance to the house prepared for him; but Browne and -the lords in waiting told him that this was not usual, and the former -‘took him up in his arms and placed him in the saddle, then kissing the -stirrup, marched bareheaded by the side of his new master to the Church -of Holy Rood.’ The King must have looked a gracious figure as he passed -through the curious crowd smiling and bowing, dapper and erect on his -steed, with his short yellow beard and close-cropped yellow head; -dressed as he was in black velvet and silver, with massive gold chains -and glittering gems on his breast, around his velvet bonnet, and at his -neck and wrists; and every one around him, so far as fine clothes went, -was a fit pendant to him. All the English guards, archers, and porters -wore the red and yellow of Aragon; and the nobles in attendance, both -English and Spanish, were splendid in the extreme; but beneath the silk -and jewels beat hearts full of hate. The Spanish servants, 400 of them, -who landed, were not allowed by the jealous English to act for their -master in any way; and at Philip’s public dinner the day before he left -Southampton, Alba forcibly asserted his right to hand the napkin to his -master; whilst all the lowlier courtiers stood by, idly scoffing and -sneering at the clumsy service of their English supplanters. - -During the four days of Philip’s stay at Southampton, whilst his -belongings were being landed, splendid presents and loving messages -passed almost hourly to and fro between Mary and her betrothed. Hundreds -of gaily clad servitors, with finely houselled horses, diamond rings and -gold chains galore, came from the Queen at Winchester, though a -continuous pelting rain was falling; and on Monday, 23rd July, the great -cavalcade set out from Southampton 3000 strong. To the disgust of the -Spaniards the King was surrounded by Englishmen alone; and on the way -600 more English gentlemen in black velvet and gold chains met him, sent -by the Queen as an additional bodyguard; followed a few miles further on -by another embassy from her of six pages clad in crimson brocade and -gold sashes, with six more beautiful horses.[151] The rain never ceased, -and soon Philip’s felt cloak failed to keep dry his black velvet surcoat -and his trunks and doublet of white satin embroidered with gold. So wet -was he, indeed, that he had to stay at St. Cross to don another suit -just as splendid, consisting of a black velvet surcoat covered with gold -bugles, and white velvet doublet and trunks. And so clad he and his -train rode to the stately cathedral of Winchester to hear mass; and then -to the Dean’s house close by, where he was to lodge. - -That night at ten o’clock, after he had supped, the Earl of Arundel came -and told him that the Queen awaited him at the Bishop’s palace on the -other side of the Cathedral. Once more he donned a change of garments: -this time of white kid covered with gold embroidery; and with a little -crowd of English and Spanish nobles, he crossed the narrow lane between -the two gardens, and entered that of the Bishop by a door in the -wall.[152] A private staircase gave access to the Queen’s apartment, and -there Philip saw his bride for the first time. The apartment was a long -narrow gallery, where Gardiner and several other elderly councillors -were assembled; and as Philip entered the Queen was pacing up and down -impatiently. She was, as usual, magnificently dressed, with many jewels -over her black velvet gown, cut high, with a petticoat of frosted -silver. When her eyes lighted on him who was to be her husband, she came -rapidly forward, kissing her hand before taking his, whilst he gallantly -kissed her upon the mouth, in English fashion. - -In her case, at all events, it was love at first sight. The poor woman, -starved and hungry for love all her life, betrayed and ill-treated by -those who should have shielded her, with a soul driven back upon itself, -at last had found in this fair, trim built, young man, ten years her -junior, a being whom she could love without reproach and without -distrust. He confronted the match in a pure spirit of sacrifice; for to -him it meant the victory of the cause for which he and his great father -lived. It meant, sooner or later, the crushing of France, the -extirpation of heresy, and the hegemony of Spain over Europe; and though -Mary was no beauty, Philip was a chivalrous gentleman, and, having -decided to offer himself as a sacrifice for the cause, he did so with a -good grace. Sitting under the canopy side by side, the lovers chatted -amicably; he speaking in Spanish and she in French, though she made some -coquettish attempts to teach him English words. - -The next day brought fresh changes of gorgeous raiment, this time of -purple velvet and gold, and the public reception of Philip by his bride -in the great hall. There, under the canopy of state, the betrothed -pledged each other in a cup of wine, whilst the Spanish courtiers -sneered at everything English, and the Englishmen frowned at the -Spaniards. On the day of St. James, the patron saint of Spain (25th -July), the ancient cathedral was aglow with brilliant colour. All the -pomp that expenditure could command, or fancy devise, was there to -honour a wedding which apparently was to decide the fate of the world -for centuries. The Queen, we are told, blazed with jewels to an extent -that dazzled those who gazed upon her, as she swept up to her seat -before the altar, with her long train of cloth of gold over her black -velvet gown sparkling with precious stones. Philip wore a similar -mantle, covered with gems, over a dress of white satin almost hidden by -chains and jewels. Upon a platform erected in the midst of the nave, -Philip and Mary were made man and wife by Bishop Gardiner, who -afterwards proclaimed to the assembly that the Emperor had transferred -to his son the title of King of Naples. - -At the wedding banquet in the bishop’s palace that afternoon Mary took -precedence of her husband. She sat on the higher throne, and ate off -gold plate, whilst Philip was served on silver; and Spaniards scowled at -the idea that their prince should be second to any. The solid -sumptuousness and abundance of everything struck the Spaniards with -amazement, both at the banquet and at the ball and supper which -followed. But the richer the country the greater their disappointment. -Already they were grumbling that the sacrifice the King had made was -vain. Philip, after all, was not to be master in England, and must go to -a council to ask permission to do anything with English resources. Nay, -said the courtiers, so far from being master, it is he who has to dance -as these Englishmen play: he must bend to their prejudices and caprices, -not they to his, as was fitting for vassals. The English, on their side, -were just as dour under the terrifying predictions of French agents; and -as the royal lovers travelled to Basing, and so to Windsor, Richmond and -London, matters grew worse and worse. - -Philip and Renard did their best to smooth ruffled susceptibilities. All -acts of clemency were ostentatiously coupled with Philip’s name, and the -King surpassed himself in amiability and generosity.[153] Mary, in the -meantime, was perfectly infatuated with her young husband, and he was -kind and gentle to her, as he was to each of his wives in turn. ‘Their -Majesties,’ writes a Spanish courtier, ‘are the happiest couple in the -world, and are more in love with each other than I can say. He never -leaves her, and on the road is always by her side, lifting her into the -saddle and helping her to dismount. He dines with her, publicly -sometimes, and they go to mass together on feast days.’ Then the same -writer continues: ‘These English are the most ungrateful people in the -world, and hate Spaniards worse than the devil. They rob us, even in the -middle of the city, and not a soul of us dares to venture two miles away -for fear of molestation. There is no justice for us at all. We are -ordered by the King to avoid disputes and put up with everything whilst -we are here, and to endure all their attacks in silence.... We are told -that we must bear everything for his Majesty’s sake.’[154] - -Spanish nobles were openly insulted in the streets of London, and -Spanish priests stoned in the churches: but this was not the worst. What -galled most was the growing conviction that all this humiliation was in -vain. Instead of a submissive people ready to bow the neck to the new -King and his countrymen, the Spaniards found a country where the -sovereign’s power was strictly circumscribed, and where a foreigner’s -only hope of domination was by force of arms. ‘This marriage will, -indeed, have been a failure if the Queen have no children,’ wrote one of -Philip’s chamberlains. ‘They told us in Castile that if his Highness -became King of England we should be masters of France ... but instead of -that the French are stronger than ever, and are doing as they like in -Flanders. Kings here have as little power as if they were subjects; the -people who really govern are the councillors, who are the King’s -masters.... They say openly that they will not let our King go until -they and the Queen think fit, as this country is quite big enough to -satisfy any one King.’ - -But still Philip struggled on, gaining ascendency over his wife and -gradually influencing the councillors by gifts and graciousness.[155] -The fifty gallows that had borne as many dead sympathisers of Wyatt were -cleared from the streets, and the skulls of the higher offenders were -banished from London Bridge, so that the triumphant entry of Philip and -Mary into the capital should be marred by no evil reminders; but though -London was loyal to Mary, it hated Spaniards more than any city in the -realm; and the crowd that hailed the Queen effusively when, on the 18th -August, she and her husband went in state from Southwark through the -city to Whitehall, listened and believed the wild and foolish rumours -that a great army of Spaniards was coming to fetch away the crown of -England; that a Spanish friar was to be Archbishop of Canterbury, that -English treasure was being sent from the Tower to fill the Emperor’s -coffers, and much else of the same sort that French agents set afloat; -so, withal, there were few who smiled upon the Queen’s consort, let him -smile as he might upon them. Fair pageants decked the street corners, -and far-fetched compliments were recited to the King and Queen by -children dressed as angels, for the corporation of London had been -warned that there must be no lack of official signs of welcome; but to -prove how sensitive and apprehensive both the court and the people were, -the story is told of how the Conduit in Gracechurch Street was decked -with painted figures of kings, one of whom, Henry VIII., was represented -with a bible labelled ‘_Verbum Dei_’ in his hand; whereupon Gardiner, in -a towering rage, thinking this quite innocent representation was -intended as an insult to the Catholic idea of the Bible, sent for the -painter and threatened him with all sorts of punishments. - -Philip’s patience, however, was gradually breaking down the distrust -entertained in him. It was seen that wherever his influence was exerted -it was on the side of moderation; though of course it was not understood -that this and all his sweetness was only part of the deep plan of the -Emperor to obtain for his son full control of English policy. Mary’s -position at the time was a most difficult one. She was deeply in love -with her husband; and she desired fervently the aggrandisement of Spain, -which would mean the triumph of Catholicism over heresy and security for -her throne; but she was an English Queen, determined if she could to -rule for the good of her people, and to bring about peace with France -before she was drawn into the war. When Noailles saw Mary to give his -tardy and insincere congratulations on the marriage that he had tried so -hard to thwart, she assured him that her friendship with France was -unchanged, and Philip immediately afterwards added his assurance that he -would maintain intact all the alliances contracted by England, whilst -they were for England’s good.[156] - -After Pole had been made to understand that the full restitution of -church property in England must not be pressed, or revolution would -result, he was allowed to come to England as legate, and the country -formally returned to the pale of the church in November 1554. On the -very day that Pole arrived it was officially announced that the Queen -was pregnant; and all England, and still more all Spaniards, greeted the -great news as a special favour vouchsafed by heaven. To Philip and his -father it meant very much; for if a son was born the hold of Spain over -England would be complete for generations, at least long enough for the -great task of unification of the faith to be effected. Its significance, -even in anticipation, was made use of by Philip at once, and during the -jubilation to which it gave rise, he caused his spokesman in parliament -to propose the sending of an armed English contingent to aid the Emperor -in the war against France, and the appointment of himself as Regent of -England in case the expected child outlived his mother. The zeal of -Bonner and Gardiner, however, spoilt it all. They had already begun -their fell work of religious persecution; and the reaction that -naturally resulted against Spain compelled the Queen to dissolve -parliament in a hurry before Philip’s turn was served. - -Not only was Philip personally opposed to the persecution in England, -which he saw would injure his object, but he caused his chaplains openly -to denounce from the pulpit the policy pursued by the English bishops. -Renard ceaselessly deplored in his letters to the Emperor this over zeal -of the English churchman, whose one idea of course was to serve, as they -thought, their church, and not Spanish political ends. For six months -Philip stood in the breach and dammed the tide of persecution: but his -father was growing impatient for his presence in Flanders. The deadly -torpor was creeping over him, though he was not yet old, as it had crept -over others of his house; and he had begged for months that his son -should come and relieve him of his burden. Philip had waited week after -week in the ever deluded hope that Mary’s promise of issue would be -fulfilled; but, at last, even the unhappy Queen herself had become -incredulous, and her husband could delay his departure no longer. By -August 1555 the rogations and intercessions to the Almighty for the safe -birth of a prince were ordered to be discontinued, and the splendid plot -of the Emperor and Philip to bring England and its resources permanently -to their side against France and heresy, was admitted to be a failure. - -The conviction that she was to be childless was only gradually forced -upon Mary; for she had prayed and yearned so much for motherhood that -she could hardly believe that heaven would abandon her thus. In her mind -a son born of her and Philip would have made England, as she said, -Catholic and strong for ever; and as the bitter truth of her barrenness -came home to the Queen she sank deeper into gloomy despondency, -increased by the knowledge that her beloved husband, polite and -considerate though he was to her, was obliged to leave her, with the -tacit understanding that their marriage had failed in its chief object. -Mary passionately longed to bring about peace between her husband’s -country and France. She knew that the revolutionary movement in and -about London was being actively fomented by French intrigue; that the -crowd of pamphlets and scurrilous publications attacking her and her -faith were being paid for with French money; and that unless peace was -soon made or the agitation stopped England would be drawn into the war -and her throne would be in peril. But her efforts towards peace met with -little real aid from the French, for any step that consolidated her -position and gave time for Spaniards and Englishmen to settle down under -one system would have meant ruin to France; and Mary’s Council, and more -reluctantly Mary herself, was obliged to turn to the other alternative, -and attempt to suppress the organised manifestations of rebellion -against her rule. - -The burning of heretical and treasonable books, and even of the Edward -VI. prayer book, was but a prelude to the burning of bodies, and Renard -warned the Emperor that before Philip had been gone six months from -England the holocaust would begin. It matters little whether the -persecutions were religious or political—the apologists of Mary and -Elizabeth respectively strive to prove that their victims in each case -were political criminals; and doubtless, according to the letter of the -law, they were—but it was clear to Philip and his father, that whatever -excuse might be advanced for the burning of Englishmen by Mary’s -Council, the executions would increase the ill-feeling against Spain, -and make English resources less available to them against France. But -notwithstanding this Charles would wait no longer for his son, and -peremptorily ordered him to return to Flanders. - -Philip accompanied his wife in state through London from Hampton Court -to Greenwich[157] for the farewell; and there urged her—as he did her -Council—to be moderate in punishment. Mary herself was kindly and -gentle; but she was a Tudor Queen, and she lived in an age when the life -of the individual was considered as nothing to the safety of the State -as constituted. Moreover, counsels of moderation coming from Philip of -Spain, the patron of the Inquisition, could hardly have sounded very -convincing; though they were sincere in the circumstances, for Philip -was a statesman before all things, and persecution in England at the -time was contrary to his policy. In any case Philip did his best to keep -his hand on the brake before saying goodbye to his wife. Mary was in the -deepest affliction when she took leave of him on the 29th August 1555, -though she struggled to retain her composure before the spectators of -the scene. With one close embrace she bade him farewell, and sought -solitude in a room of which the window commanded a view of the Thames. -So long as the barge that bore him to Gravesend was in sight Mary’s -tear-dimmed eyes followed it yearningly; whilst Philip, courteously -punctilious, continued waving his hand and lifting his plumed cap to her -until a turn in the river shut him from her sight. - -Renard was right. No sooner had Philip gone than the fires blazed out. -Hooper, Rogers, Saunders and Tayor, were burnt a fortnight afterwards; -then Ridley and Latimer some weeks later, to be followed in a few months -by Cranmer and the host of others less distinguished. Gardiner, Mary’s -prime minister and only able councillor, died in November, just after -the opening of parliament; and then, with Pole, practically a foreign -ecclesiastic, as her only guide, with a divided Council, and herself in -utter despondency, Mary sank deeper and deeper into impotence. Philip -had ordered before he left that minutes of all the Council meetings -should be sent to him, but he soon found it difficult to control, for -his own ends, the action of ministers far away; and when soon afterwards -he began to press for English ships to fight the French at sea, he found -the Queen’s Council tardy and unwilling. The ships, they said, were not -ready; but as soon as possible some would be sent to guard the Channel. -This did not suit Philip. The ships must be instantly fitted out and -commissioned; not at Dover, as the Council had promised, but at -Portsmouth, to guard the Emperor’s passage to Spain. This, of course, -was the thin end of the wedge; what he really needed—and it was now the -only benefit he could hope for from his marriage—was that an English -fleet should be at his disposal to attack France. The coolness of the -English Council and the continued refusal to accede to Mary’s request -and give him the crown matrimonial of England, soon changed Philip’s -attitude, and the suavity that had so remarkably characterised him in -England gave way to his usual dry _hauteur_ towards Englishmen whom he -met in Brussels. - -He had found his father in the last stage of mental and bodily -depression. All had gone ill with him; and the burden of his task, as -far from fulfilment as ever, was greater than he could any longer bear. -‘Fortune,’ he said, ‘is a strumpet, and reserves her favours for the -young;’ and so to the young Philip he had determined to transmit his -mighty mission of Christian unification as a means of Spanish -predominance. In October 1555, in perhaps the most dramatic scene in -history, the Emperor solemnly handed to Philip the sovereignty of -Flanders; and on the 16th January 1556, the assembly of Spanish -grandees, in the great hall of the palace of Brussels, witnessed the -surrender of the historic crowns of Castile and Aragon by Charles V. to -his beloved only son. Heart-broken Mary Tudor from that day was Queen of -Spain, as well as Queen of England. The title was a hollow one for her, -though, for her mother’s sake and her own, she loved the country which -alone had succoured them in their trouble; for Philip’s accession made -the return of her husband to her side more than ever remote. Philip had -promised faithfully to come back, and in his letters to her he repeated -his promise again and again. On one occasion when he was indisposed, -Mary sent a special envoy with anxious inquiries after his health. There -was nothing more the matter than the result of some little extra gaiety -on Philip’s part; and he reassured his wife and announced his immediate -visit to England. The English messenger, overjoyed at the good news, -said to some of Philip’s gentlemen, that, though he was delighted to be -able to bear the glad tidings to the Queen, he would take care not to -tell her that his Majesty had exposed himself twice to the dreadful -weather then prevailing, and of his dancing at weddings, as the Queen -was so easily upset and was so anxious about him that she might be too -much afflicted.[158] - -But still Philip came not; and soon afterwards Mary was thrown into -despair by the order from Brussels, that the King’s household in England -was to proceed to Spain. The English people followed the Spanish -courtiers with reviling when they embarked, for the fear of being drawn -into the war was stronger than ever; but to the Queen their departure -was a heavy blow, for it meant that her husband would live in England no -more. For a few months in the early part of 1556, the alliance of the -Pope and the King of France against the Emperor and Philip was broken up -by the settlement of a truce between the latter and the French King; and -for a time matters looked more hopeful for Mary; but in the summer of -1556, the war with France broke out again, and Philip found himself face -to face with a powerful coalition of the Papacy, France and the Turk. It -meant a war over half of Europe, and now if ever England might aid its -Spanish King Consort. Philip wrote constantly urging the English Council -to join him in the war against France; but met only with evasions. Mary -was breaking her heart in sorrow and disappointment, but was willing to -do anything to please Philip. She had, moreover, her own grudge against -France; for Noailles and his master had left no stone unturned to ruin -her from the first day of her accession. But her Council, and above all, -her subjects, had always dreaded this as a result of her Spanish -marriage, and were almost unanimously opposed to the entrance of England -into a strife which mainly concerned the supremacy of Spain over Italy. -Mary, moreover, was in the deepest poverty, owing to her own firm -resolve against all advice to restore to the church the forfeited tenths -and first fruits; and the forced loans collected from the gentry, it was -untruly said at the instance of the Spaniards for the purposes of their -war, had caused the deepest discontent in the country. - -It was clear that nothing more could be got from England for Spanish -objects unless some special effort were made, and Philip was forced to -undertake the journey himself to try the effect of personal pressure. -Mary’s joy at the news of his coming was pathetic in its intensity, -though Pole warned her that, as had happened on other occasions, Philip -might not be able to come after all. The hope of seeing her husband -again seemed to give her new life, and she hurried to London, visiting -Pole at Lambeth on the way, and exerting herself to the utmost to win -him to her side. Thenceforward for weeks, whilst the King’s voyage was -pending, the English Council sat nearly night and day, and couriers -incessantly hurried backwards and forwards to and from London, Brussels, -and Paris.[159] The French reinforced their troops around Calais and -Guisnes, and all the signs pointed to the approach of a war between -England and France at the bidding of Philip. - -The King landed at Dover on the 18th March 1557, and again all his -haughty frigidity gave way to genial smiles for all that was -English.[160] To the Queen’s delight he spent two quiet days with her -alone at Greenwich, and then rode through London to Whitehall by her -side as she sat in her litter. Their reception by the citizens was -polite, but cold; for though Philip personally was not unpopular, the -idea of going to war with France for another nation’s quarrel was -distasteful in the extreme to Englishmen of all classes. What -complicated the situation infinitely was that Philip was at war with the -Pope—that violent, headstrong enemy of his house and nation, Cardinal -Caraffa, Paul IV.—and Pole, as legate, could not even greet the King, -much less acquiesce as a political minister in a war against the Papacy -on the part of England. Mary, too, was torn between her devotion to the -Church on the one hand and her love for her husband on the other. Her -idea, and that of her Council, was to provide a subsidy and an English -contingent to Philip, without entering into a national war; and this -much, under the existing treaty between Charles v. and Henry VIII. in -1543, Philip had a right to claim if he was attacked by France. - -But the King wanted more from his wife’s country than that which he -could have claimed even if he had not married the Queen, and he -ceaselessly urged upon Mary, and upon her Council, heavily bribed to a -man, the granting of much greater aid than that offered. He was at last -successful in this, though it was still arranged that there was to be no -declaration of war by Mary against France, the English forces being used -only for the defence of Flanders and the territory of Calais. There were -to be 8000 infantry and 1000 horse, and an English fleet with 6000 -fighting men was to be raised and maintained, half at the cost of -England and half by Philip. - -When this had been arranged, France struck her counterblow, for it was -clearly better for her to be at open war, in which she could adopt -reprisals on the Scottish border, than to fight English contingents in -Philip’s service. The English Protestant exiles in France were made much -of and subsidised; and hare-brained Stafford and his crew of foolish -young gallants sailed from Dieppe on Easter Sunday to seize the crown of -England for himself. He captured Scarborough, but himself was captured -directly afterwards, and incontinently lost his head. It was a silly, -hopeless business; but the rebels had started from France, and had been -helped by the French King, and the fact was argument enough. On the 6th -June 1557, war was declared between England and France, and Philip, at -last, saw some return for his marriage in England. He hated war, and his -methods were in all things different from those of a soldier; but his -best chance of securing a durable peace was to show his strength whilst -his hold over English resources lasted, and it was clear from Mary’s -declining health that this would not be long. - -At the beginning of July, Philip rode for the last time from Gravesend -through Canterbury to Dover, his ailing wife being carried in a litter -by his side. On the 3rd July he bade her farewell as he stepped into the -barge that carried him to the galleon awaiting him, and Mary, with death -in her heart, turned her back to the sea, and went desolate to her home -in London. - -The combined army in Flanders was commanded by the brilliant young -soldier, Emanuel Philibert of Savoy, who had 50,000 men, whilst the -French army, under Constable Montmorenci, reached barely half that -number. Savoy began the campaign by several rapid feints that deceived -the French, and then suddenly invested St. Quintin, into which Coligny -with 1,200 men just managed to enter before Savoy reached it. Finding -himself in a trap, Coligny begged Montmorenci to come to his relief. The -first attempt at this failed; and on the the 10th August the French main -body made a desperate effort to enter the town by boats over the Somme. -This was found impossible, and Montmorenci’s force was surprised and -taken in the rear by Savoy’s superior strategy. The order to retire was -given too late, and the French retreat soon became a panic-stricken -rout. Six thousand Frenchmen were killed, and as many more captured, -with all the artillery and Montmorenci himself; and there was no force -existent between Savoy’s victorious army and the gates of Paris. Philip -was at Cambrai during the battle; and if he had been a soldier, like his -cousin Savoy, or even like his father, he might have captured the -capital, and have brought France to her knees. But he turned a deaf ear -to Savoy’s prayers, and lost his chance, as he did all his life, by -over-deliberation. _Te Deums_ were chanted, votive offerings promised, -joy bells rung, but Philip’s host moved no further onward. St. Quintin -itself held out for a fortnight longer; and murder, sack, and pillage, -by the rascal mercenaries of Philip, held high saturnalia, in spite of -his strict command, and to his horror when he witnessed the havoc -wrought: and then, with the fatal over-deliberation that ruined him, he -tamely quartered his men in the conquered territory instead of pressing -his victory home. - -The Germans, discontented with their loot, quarrelled and deserted by -the thousand; the English, sulky and unpaid, grumbled incessantly; and -the Spaniards asserted that they had shown no stomach for the fight -before St. Quintin. Their hearts, indeed, were not in the war, for it -concerned them not, and they demanded to be sent home. In London, the -most was made of the victory of St. Quintin by the Queen’s Government. -Bonfires blazed in the streets, free drink rejoiced the lieges, and -Pole, in the Queen’s name, congratulated Philip upon so signal a mark of -divine favour; but the people wanted to gain no victories for -foreigners, and obstinately refused to be glad. Philip, as usual, was -pressed for money, and rather than keep the unruly English contingent -through the winter, he acceded to their request to be allowed to go -home. - -Whilst Philip’s forces were melting away in idleness the fine French -army under Guise, who were fighting the Spaniards outside Rome, were -suddenly recalled by Henry II. to the Flemish frontier. The Pope was -then obliged to make terms with Alba, and withdrew from the war, leaving -the greater antagonists face to face. The English fortress of Calais had -been neglected, and at the declaration of war Noailles, on his way back -to France, had reported that it might be captured without difficulty. -Guise and his army from Italy suddenly appeared before the fortress, and -stormed and captured the Rysbank-fort on the sandy island forming Calais -harbour. The news, when it came the next day (4th January 1558), to -Mary, found her again in high hopes of a child; and she received it -bravely, setting about means to reinforce the town without the loss of a -day. Lord Pembroke was ordered to raise a force of 5000 men and cross to -Philip’s town of Dunkirk. But before they were ready matters were -desperate, for treachery was at work within and without the fortress of -Calais. Lord Grey de Wilton at Guisnes was also in evil case; ‘clean cut -off,’ as he says, ‘from all aid and relief. I have looked for both out -of England and Calais, and know not how to have help by any means, -either of men or victuals. There resteth now none other way for the -succour of Calais, and the rest of your Highness’s places on this side, -but a power of men out of England, or from the King’s Majesty, or from -both.’ A first attempt to storm the citadel of Calais failed, but a few -days later a great force of artillery was brought to bear. Wentworth, -the governor, and Grey, the governor of Guisnes, sent beseeching -messages to Philip for relief, but the time was short, and no sufficient -force to attack Guise could be raised. Philip from the first had been -impressing upon the English Council the need for strengthening Calais; -but, as we have seen, they were overburdened, without money, and without -any able leader. Calais had been left to its fate, and on the 8th -January 1558 the place cheerfully surrendered to the French. A few days -afterwards Guisnes fell, and the last foothold of the English in France -was gone for ever. - -When Guise had first approached Calais, Philip instructed his favourite -Count de Feria to hasten to England and insist upon reinforcements being -sent. Before his departure Calais fell, and on arriving at Dunkirk to -embark he learnt of the loss of Guisnes; whereupon he delayed his -departure for a day, in order not to be the bearer of the last bad news. -The tidings of the English defeats had fallen like a thunderbolt upon -Mary and her advisers; but there was no repining yet, so far as the -Queen was concerned, for God might yet, she hoped, send her a son, and -then all would be well. She would, she said, have the head of any -councillor of hers who dared to talk about making peace without the -restitution of the captured fortresses; and church and laymen alike -opened coffers wide to provide funds for avenging English honour and -protecting English soil. - -Feria arrived in London on the 26th January, though the primary reason -of his mission had disappeared when Calais fell. He saw Mary -immediately, and found her stout of heart and hopeful, desirous of all -things to please her husband, though doubtful about the goodwill of her -Council. Two days afterwards Feria met the Council in Pole’s room, and -presented his master’s demands. Mary had told the ambassador that both -they, and the people at large, were murmuring that the war was of -Philip’s making, and she thought that it would be well boldly to face -and refute that point before it was advanced by the councillors. The -Council listened politely to the King’s message, and recognising that -they had before them the ideas not only of King Philip, but of their own -Queen as well, took time to reply. A day or two afterwards the Council -visited Feria, and Archbishop Heath, the chancellor, delivered their -answer. It was couched in submissive language towards Philip, and told a -sorry story. Far from being able to send any troops across the sea, they -badly wanted troops for their own defence. The coast and the Isle of -Wight were at the mercy of the French, and an invasion was threatened -over the Scottish Border. But if King Philip would send them 3000 German -mercenaries, for which they would pay, they would quarter them in -Newcastle to protect the north country, and they would then arm a -hundred ships in the Channel with a considerable force of men, some of -whom might be used, at need, for Philip’s service. Feria reported that -the 5000 Englishmen he had seen at Dover, intended for embarkation, were -disorderly rascals, useless as soldiers, and he and his master agreed -that nothing could now be expected from England in the form of a -military contingent for foreign service. - -The country, says Feria, is in such a condition that if a hundred -enemies were to land on the coast they could do as they liked.[161] -Confusion was spreading throughout all classes in England, owing to the -dislike of the war for the sake of Spain, and to the disquieting news of -the Queen’s health. Not a third of the usual congregation go to church -since the fall of Calais, reported Feria; and when, in a conversation -with the Queen, the ambassador explained to her how the Spanish nobility -were bound to contribute so many mounted men each, in case of war, Mary -sadly shook her head at the idea of applying any such rule to England. -‘Not all the nobility of England together,’ she said, ‘would furnish her -with a hundred horse.’ Parliament was sitting, and at the demand of -money tongues began to wag that it was to send across the sea to the -Queen’s Spanish husband, whose proud envoy could only sneer and scoff at -the clumsy English way of raising funds for their sovereign, and tell -everybody that he would be only too glad if he could prevail upon them -to raise the necessary money for their own defence, for his master -wanted none of it from them. - -Philip did not go so far as that, for he was very hard pressed indeed, -and urged upon Mary some other way of collecting funds besides the -parliamentary vote. In vain Gresham tried to borrow £10,000 in Antwerp -on the Queen’s credit; attempts to cajole more money from the church and -the nobles were made with but small result. The money from the -parliamentary grant and other sources that could be got together was -sent to Flanders to pay for the raising of German levies for the English -service; and at once the murmurs in London grew to angry shouts, that -English money was being sent out for King Philip. The fitting out of the -English fleet, ostensibly for coast defence, was hurried forward, for -the distracted English councillors were deluded into the idea that a -great combined movement would be made to recover Calais: they were -frightened by a false rumour that there was a strong French fleet at -Dieppe, that the Hanse Towns and Denmark would descend on the east -coast; anything to get them to push forward a strong fleet, really, -though not ostensibly, for Philip’s purpose. But Philip took care when -the fleet was ready that Clinton should use it as he desired;[162] and -the much talked of 3000 German mercenaries never came to England, but in -due time were incorporated in Philip’s army. It is curious to see how -cleverly Feria and his master worked off the Queen against her -councillors, and vice versa. With regard to these mercenaries, for -instance, though the King was constantly sending letters and messages to -his wife, he purposely refrained from mentioning his desire to make use -of the Germans, for whom she had paid. ‘I am writing nothing of this to -the Queen,’ he wrote; ‘I would rather that you (Feria) should prudently -work with the councillors to induce them to ask _us_ to relieve them of -these troops.’[163] - -Mary’s hopes of progeny were once more seen to be delusive; and she, in -deep despondency now, was seen to be rapidly failing. Pole also was a -dying man, said Feria; and all the other councillors, though constantly -clamouring for Spanish bribes, were drifting away from the present -regime. ‘Those whom your Majesty has rewarded most are the men who serve -the least: Pembroke, Arundel, Paget, Petre, Heath, the Bishop of Ely and -the Controller.’ Even Philip himself was ready now to turn to the rising -sun, and away from his waning wife. ‘What you write (he replied to -Feria) about visiting Madam Elizabeth before you leave England, for the -reasons you mention, seems very wise; and I am writing to the Queen that -I have ordered you to go and see the Princess, and I beg the Queen also -to order you to do so.’[164] When Feria had frightened the Queen and -Council out of all that was possible, he went to Hatfield to see -Elizabeth, with all manner of kind messages and significant hints from -Philip; and sailed from England in July, leaving as his successor a -Flemish lawyer named D’assonleville. - -Mary had lost all hope. She knew now, at last, that she would never be a -mother: the persecutions for religion, and above all the war for the -sake of Philip, had made her personally unpopular, as she never had been -before; she had not a single, honest capable statesman near her, Pole -being now moribund, but a set of greedy scamps who looked to their own -interests alone; and the doomed Queen saw that not for her was to be the -glory of making England permanently Catholic, and ensuring uniformity of -faith in Christendom. As the autumn went on the Queen’s condition became -more grave, and constant fever weakened her sadly. In the last week of -October D’assonleville wrote to Philip that the Queen’s life was -despaired of, and Feria was instructed to make rapidly ready to cross, -and stay in England during the period of transition that would supervene -on her death. On the 7th November D’assonleville wrote again, urging -that, as Parliament had been summoned to consider the question of the -succession, it would be well that Philip himself should if possible be -present. This was true; but Philip had his hands full, and, even for so -important an errand as this, he could not absent himself from Flanders; -for the peace commissioners from England, France, and Spain were in full -negotiation, and peace to him now was a matter of vital importance. - -Feria arrived in London on the 9th November, and found Mary lying in her -palace of Saint James’s only intermittently conscious. She smiled sadly -as the ambassador handed her Philip’s letter, and greeted her in his -name; but she was too weak to read the lines he had written, though she -indicated that a favourite ring of hers should be sent to him as a -pledge of her love. Her faithful Clarentius and beloved Jane Dormer, -already betrothed to Feria, whom she afterwards married, tended her day -and night: but most of the others who had surrounded her in the day of -her glory were wending their way to Hatfield, to court the fair-faced -young woman with the thin lips and cold eyes who was waiting composedly -for her coming crown. Feria himself took care to announce loudly his -master’s approval of Elizabeth’s accession when her sister should die; -and did his best to second the Queen’s efforts to obtain some assurance -from the Princess that the Catholic faith and worship should be -maintained in England. Elizabeth was cool and diplomatic. She knew well -that she must succeed in any case, and was already fully agreed with her -friends as to the course she should take, careful not to pledge herself -too far for the future; and when Feria, leaving the Queen’s deathbed, -travelled to Hatfield to see the Princess, she was courteous enough, but -firmly rejected every suggestion that she should owe anything to the -patronage of the King of Spain. - -Mary in her intervals of consciousness was devout and resigned, -comforting the few friends who were left to sorrow around her bed, and -exhorting them to faith and fortitude. It was the 17th November, and the -light was struggling through the murky morning across the mist upon the -marshes between Saint James’s and the Thames, when the daily mass in -Mary’s dying chamber was being celebrated. The Queen was sick to death -now, but the sacrament she ordered for the last time riveted her -wandering brain, and the clouds that had obscured her intelligence -passed away, giving place to almost preternatural clearness. She -repeated the responses distinctly and firmly; and when the celebrant -chanted ‘_Agnus Dei qui tollis peccatur mundi_,’ she exclaimed with -almost startling plainness, ‘_Miserere nobis! Miserere nobis! Dona nobis -pacem_‘; then, as the Host was elevated, she bowed in worship, with -closed eyes that opened no more upon the world that for her had been so -troubled. - -And so, with a prayer for mercy and peace upon her lips, and her last -gaze on earth resting upon the holy mystery of her faith, Mary Tudor -went to her account.[165] Her life was but a passing episode in the -English Reformation; for she was handicapped from the first by her -unpopular marriage, and the unstatesmanlike religious policy of her -ecclesiastical advisers. Like her mother, and her grandmother Isabel, -she would deign to no compromise with what she considered evil. ‘Rather -would I lose ten crowns if I had them,’ she exclaimed once, ‘than palter -with my conscience’; and, though to a less exalted degree, this was -Philip’s attitude of mind also. Fate cast them both in an age when -rigidity of belief was breaking down before the revival of ancient -learning, and the widened outlook of life growing from the renaissance. -They were pitted against rivals whose convictions were as wax, but who -were determined not only to win but to appear right in this world, at -any sacrifice of principle; and the fight was an unequal one. Mary could -not change—only once under dire compulsion did she even pretend to give -way in the matter of religion—Elizabeth changed as often and as -completely as suited her purpose: Philip had only one invariable set of -convictions and methods, his rivals had none, but invented them and -abandoned them as occasion served. - -And so Mary Tudor failed; pitiably, because she was naturally a good -woman, who did her best according to her conscience. But the defects of -her descent were too strong for her: she was a Tudor, and consequently -domineering and obstinate; she was a grand-daughter of Isabel the -Catholic, and as a natural result mystically devout and exalted, caring -nothing for human suffering in the pursuit of her saintly aims; she was -an English Queen, proud of her island realm; a Spanish princess, almost -equally proud of the land of the Catholic kings; and, to crown all, she -was the consort of Philip II., pledged to the cause for which he lived, -the unification of the Christian faith and the destruction of the power -of France. Within a year of her death England was a Protestant country, -and Philip was married to a French princess. - - - - - BOOK III - II - ISABEL OF THE PEACE - (ELIZABETH DE VALOIS) - - -When Mary Tudor lay dying at Saint James’s, and all England was in the -throes of coming change, Feria archly hinted to Elizabeth that she might -secure her succession and consolidate her throne by marrying her Spanish -brother-in-law when her sister should die. Elizabeth loved such hints -and smiled, though she did not commit herself; and for the next few -weeks the main endeavour of Philip and his agents was to perpetuate his -hold over England by means of the marriage of the new Queen. They all -failed at first to gauge her character. Feria was certain that if she -decided to marry a foreigner, ‘her eyes would at once turn to your -Majesty’; and, at length, after his usual tedious deliberation and -endless prayers, Philip once more donned the garb of matrimonial -martyrdom and bade Feria offer his hand to the daughter of Anne Boleyn. -The conditions he laid down were ridiculous, for even he quite -misunderstood the strength of Elizabeth and the new national spirit of -her people. She must amongst many other things become a Catholic, and -obtain secret absolution from the Pope. ‘In this way it will be evident -that I am serving the Lord in marrying her, and that she has been -converted by my act.’ Elizabeth keenly enjoyed the compliment conveyed -by the offer; but she neither wished nor dared to accept it, and she -played with the subject with delightful skill until the latest possible -moment. While the question was pending, Philip kept open the peace -negotiations with France, in order that, if he had his way in England, -pressure might be exerted to obtain the restitution of Calais; but as -soon as it became clear that he was being used by this cunning young -woman as a cat’s paw, he gave her clearly to understand that he intended -to make peace himself, Calais or no Calais; and the treaty of Cateau -Cambresis was signed on the 2nd April 1559, leaving the erstwhile -English fortress in the hands of France. - -Throughout the negotiations that followed Elizabeth’s accession, -Philip’s advisers urged upon him incessantly the vital need for him to -retain his hold over England by conquest and force if other means -failed. The new Queen, they said, was not yet firmly established; the -country was unsettled, and now was the time to act if ever. Philip was -well aware that the friendship of England was of greater importance to -him than ever, but he hated war, and the growth of protestantism in -Europe, especially now that Elizabeth was Queen of England, had -suggested to him a combination that exactly suited his diplomatic -methods. When the peace negotiations had first been broached in the -summer of 1558, Henry II. of France had suggested that a close league of -the great Catholic powers might be formed to withstand the growth of -heresy throughout Europe. Such combinations had been attempted several -times before, but had never been sincerely carried out; national -traditions had always been too strong. It had been further proposed at -the ephemeral truce of Vaucelles in 1556, that the friendship of France -and Spain might be cemented by the marriage of Philip’s only son Carlos -to Henry’s eldest daughter Elizabeth of France. - -The idea slumbered and the truce was broken; but at the beginning of the -peace negotiations of Cateau Cambresis the marriage was again brought -forward, and in principle accepted by Philip. When it became evident -after Mary Tudor’s death that England under the new Queen might stand -aside, or even permanently oppose Spain on religious grounds, Philip -decided that an entire change of policy that should isolate Elizabeth -would suit him better than war. So a close union with France was -adopted; Philip’s name was substituted for that of his son in the -treaty, and the widower of thirty-two became the betrothed husband of -the most beautiful and gifted princess in Europe, the dainty eldest -daughter of Henry II. and Catharine de Medici. It was a clever stroke of -policy; for it not only bound France to Philip against heresy -everywhere, as it was intended to do, but it enabled him to counteract -from the inside any attempt on the part of his allies to depose -Elizabeth of England in favour of Mary Queen of Scots, the next Catholic -heir and the betrothed wife of the Dauphin of France. So far as France -was concerned, the substitution of Philip for his son as a husband of -the princess was an advantage. Don Carlos, though of the same age as the -bride (14), was a deformed, stunted epileptic, who probably for years to -come, if ever, would not possess any political power; whereas Philip, in -the prime of manhood, was by far the most powerful sovereign in the -world at the time, and could, if he chose, at once render any aid that -France might need in suppressing the reformers. - -Elizabeth of Valois, or Isabel of the Peace, as the Spaniards called -her, was the flower of an evil flock. Tall, graceful, and well formed, -even in her precocious youth, she had been destined from her birth for -splendid marriage. ‘My daughter, Elizabeth, is such that she must not be -married to a duchy. She must have a kingdom, and a great one,’ said her -proud father once, when his younger daughter Claude was married to the -Duke of Lorraine; and the Spanish ambassador, describing her magnificent -christening feast at Fontainebleau, in July 1546, says that: ‘Isabel was -chosen for her name, because of the hope they have at a future time of a -marriage between her and the Infant (_i.e._ Don Carlos), and Isabel is a -name beloved in Spain.’[166] We may doubt the correctness of this; for -the Princess’s sponsor was Henry VIII. of England, and probably he chose -the name after his own mother, Elizabeth of York. - -Isabel grew up by the side of her sister-in-law, the young Queen of -Scots; and although the latter was four years the senior of her -companion, they were close rivals in the learning then becoming -fashionable for young ladies of rank. The curious Latin and French -didactic letters written by Mary Stuart, aged ten or eleven, to her -little sister-in-law, although prim and priggish according to our -present ideas, throw a flood of light upon the severe and systematic -training for their future position that the young princesses underwent. -After making all allowances for inevitable flattery on the part of such -a courtier as Brantome, it is evident that Isabel was a beauty of the -very first rank. ‘Her visage was lovely and her eyes and hair black, -which contrasted with her complexion, and made her so attractive, that I -have heard say in Spain that the gentlemen did not dare to look at her, -for fear of falling in love with her, and to their own peril making the -King jealous. The churchmen also avoided looking at her for fear of -temptation; as they did not possess sufficient strength to dominate the -flesh on regarding her.’ In 1552 she was betrothed to Edward VI. of -England, and this danger to Spain, averted by Edward’s death, made -Philip and his father all the more eager to keep a firm hold upon -England as soon as Mary’s accession made an alliance possible. - -It was this young beauty of fourteen whose portrait by Janet was sent to -Philip in the early days of 1559. He was always an admirer of women, and -had been twice an affectionate husband; but his first wife he had -married when he was but a boy, and she died within a year; and his -second wife, Mary Tudor, was, as we have seen, married to him for -political reasons alone. Doña Isabel de Osorio, who had been his -acknowledged mistress for years, and had borne him children, had retired -into a convent, and was, of course, now out of the question. The sight -of this radiant young French beauty seems to have stirred Philip’s heart -to as much eagerness as he was capable of feeling.[167] But though the -bride was an attractive one, and her own family exhausted eulogy in her -praise, as well they might, for no princess of her time excelled her, -the marriage was regarded on both sides as a political event of the -first importance, though, as we shall see, it became really more -important even than was anticipated. It was vital for Philip that he -should have some control over French policy now that friendship with -England was denied him; whilst to have his own clever daughter by the -side of Philip was to the King of France a guarantee that no step -inimical to him would be taken in Spain without his knowledge, and that -he could depend upon the help, or at least the neutrality, of Spain if -he had to deal with the French and Scotch reformers, who seemed to -threaten the basis of authority. Thenceforward the Catholic sheep were -to stand apart from the Protestant goats throughout the world. - -So, when the saturnine Duke of Alba, with his train of gallant -gentlemen, rode into Paris on the 19th June 1559 to wed Isabel, as proxy -for Philip, the court and capital, all swept and garnished in its gayest -garb, were impressed with the knowledge that these brilliant nuptials -were intended to mark a new departure in the politics of Christendom. -Led by the princes of the blood royal of France, the Spaniards and -Flemings who represented Philip rode through the crowded and jubilant -city to the Louvre, heralded by triumphal music, and were received at -the door by Henry II. and his court. Alba dismounted and knelt at the -King’s feet, but was raised and embraced by Henry, and, arm in arm, -Philip’s proxy and his erstwhile enemy entered the great hall where the -Queen Catharine and her daughter sat in gorgeous state, surrounded by -their ladies. As Alba knelt and kissed the hem of the girl’s robe, it -was noticed that the colour fled from her cheek, and she rose from her -chair and remained standing whilst the Duke read to her Philip’s -message, and handed to her the splendid casket of jewels he had sent -her. One of the gifts was a portrait of the bridegroom in a superb -diamond locket, which Isabel pressed to her lips. - -On the next day, 20th June, the same great hall of the Louvre was -crowded with the princes and nobles of France, whilst the solemn -betrothal ceremony was performed that gave to Isabel the title of Queen -of Spain: and on Thursday, 21st June, the capital was alive from early -dawn for the marriage itself. Frenchmen and Spaniards alike could speak -of nothing but the dignity and beauty of the bride. Even Alba, dour as -he was, broke into exclamations at the perfections of the new Queen, and -grew almost romantic in her praises in his letters to Philip. Isabel, -indeed, had been well schooled by her mother, whom she feared and -admired more than any other person in the world. Catharine de Medici was -still, to some extent, in the shade, for the Duchess of Valentinois was -the real Queen; but she was profoundly wise, and had moulded her -favourite daughter well for the character she was destined to play. -Isabel herself was fully conscious of the great position she was called -to fill, and was proud of the triumph that was hers. - -She bore herself throughout the trying ceremonies with a composure and -grace which she knew were fitting for the Queen of Spain; and as she -glided, holding her handsome father’s hand, along the gorgeous raised -and covered gangway leading from the bishop’s palace to the great door -of Notre Dame, she presented a vision of beauty adorned with such -stately magnificence as can rarely have been surpassed, even at the -marriage of her friend and sister-in-law, Mary Stuart, in the same place -shortly before. The texture of Isabel’s robe was literally interwoven -with pearls. Round her neck was suspended Philip’s portrait, and the -great pear-shaped pearl which was the greatest treasure in the crown -jewels of Spain. Her mantle was of blue velvet, enriched with a border -of bullion embroidery a foot wide. The train of this gorgeous robe was -borne by her sister Claude, Duchess of Lorraine, and Mary Stuart, Queen -of Scots, and, as she foolishly called herself, Queen of England. Isabel -wore an imperial crown which, we are told, cast a halo of light around -her as she walked, so refulgent were the jewels of which it was -composed.[168] Alba, in cloth of gold and with the royal insignia, -personated his absent master, and in his name was married to the -Princess by Cardinal de Bourbon. Splendour truly seems to have excelled -itself in that sumptuous court on this occasion; the long-standing -enemies, France and Spain, each trying to outdazzle the other in its -lavish magnificence. - -But scowling faces there were not a few, for this was the triumph of the -house of Lorraine, and the debonair Duke of Guise and his brothers took -no pains to hide their elation, whilst the princes of the blood of the -house of Bourbon, the Montmorencis and the reformers were full of -foreboding, for they knew now that their enemies could look across the -Pyrenees, almost certain of aid from the most powerful potentate on -earth. Queen Catharine, too, clerical though she was, smiled with a -bitter heart, for she had no love for the house of Guise. For days the -festivities went on: masque and banquet, ball and tournament following -each other with wearisome brilliancy, for another daughter of France, -Margaret, was wedded at the same time to the Duke of Savoy, and the -double nuptials called for double display. - -At length the last and greatest of the gallant shows was held under the -shadow of the Bastille, hard by the gate of St. Antoine, on the 30th -June. In gorgeous tribunes under broidered silken canopies sat the Queen -of France and Spain, Catharine and her dearest daughter; and the -Duchesses of Lorraine and Savoy, with the fairest court in Christendom, -gathered around the great parallelogram of the lists to witness the -tournament. The glittering courtiers, gay as they looked, who stood -behind the ladies in the seats, knew that the wedding feast really -celebrated a political event of the first consequence. It foreboded the -suppression of Protestantism in Scotland by France, a war with England, -and the crushing of reform in France itself and in Flanders; for there -was to be no more paralysing rivalry between Philip and his new -father-in-law, and it made the Catholic Guises the masters of France. - -But none could tell that the stroke that was to set all these events -into immediate motion was to fall so soon. Henry II., shallow and vain -of his unquestioned preeminence in the gallant sport, rode into the -lists upon a big bay war horse, decked, like its rider, with the black -and white devices and interlaced crescents of Diane de Poitiers, Duchess -of Valentinois. The King of France was determined in the presence of the -Spanish grandees to show that he, at least, was no carpet knight, like -their King Philip, and he rode course after course victoriously with -princes and nobles, until the light began to wane. Catharine, desirous -of ending the dangerous sport, sent a message from her tribune to pray -her husband to tilt no more for that day. Henry laughed to scorn such -timid counsel. He would run once more against the Franco-Scot -Montgomerie, Sieur de L’Orge, who tried his best to avoid the encounter -without success. At the first shock Montgomerie’s lance carried away the -King’s visor, but the shaft broke with the force of the impact and a -great jagged splinter pierced the eye and brain of Henry of Valois, who, -within three days, was dead. - -The whole political position was changed in a day. The new King Francis -and his wife, Mary Stuart, were little more than children; and the young -Queen’s uncles the Guises would rule France unless Catharine the Queen -Dowager could beat them on their own ground. For her, indeed, the hour -had now come, or was coming. For years she had been patient whilst the -King’s mistress held sway; but if she could combine the enemies of the -Guises now she might be mistress of France. The alliance with Spain was -no longer to be used if she could help it as a means for crushing -Protestantism; for to Protestantism she must partly look to crush the -Guises; but if by diplomacy and the efforts of her daughter Isabel she -could win Spanish support to her side on personal grounds, then she -might triumph over her foes. It needed, as we shall see, consummate -skill and chicanery, and, in the end, it did not succeed; for Philip -would naturally in the long run tend towards the Guises, the enemies of -reform, and he was easily led by a woman. - -And thus the mission of Isabel of Valois in marrying Philip was changed -in a moment by Montgomerie’s unlucky lance thrust from a national and -religious to a personal and political object. But Philip was a difficult -man to be used for the ends of others; what he had needed was French -neutrality whilst he tackled heresy, and he had no desire to forward the -interests of an ambitious Italian woman whom he hated; though at first -there was just one element that made him inclined to smile upon -Catharine, doubtfully orthodox though she was. The Queen of Scots and -France was Catholic heiress of England; and the Guises were already -preparing to employ French national forces to oust Elizabeth in favour -of their niece. This Philip could never have permitted: better for him a -Protestant England than a French England: so again national interests -overrode religious affinities, and before the ink of the treaty of -Cateau Cambresis was well dry the spirit that inspired the agreement was -as dead as the king who had conceived it. - -Philip was still at Ghent when the news of Henry’s death reached him, -yearning to get back again to his beloved Spain, and full of anxiety -that even there the detested heresy was raising its head in his absence. -His Netherlands dominions would clearly have to be taught submission; -Elizabeth of England was positively insolent in her disregard of him, -and if Spain failed in orthodoxy then indeed would he and his cause be -lost. His most pressing need therefore, for the moment, was to keep the -alliance with France intact for the purpose he had in view, whilst -restraining the activity of the Guises in England on behalf of their -niece, Mary Stuart. All went well in this respect at first. The -Montmorencis and the princes of Bourbon were divested of political -power, the ultra-Catholic party was paramount, and even the -Queen-Mother, Catharine, was working in apparent harmony with the -Guises. But to keep his hand firmly upon the machine of government in -France, it was desirable for Philip to have at his side at the earliest -possible day his young French wife. Whilst Isabel was yet in mourning -seclusion with her mother, Philip continued to press for her early -coming, and in July the French ambassador, the Guisan Bishop of Limoges, -told the impatient bridegroom that the Princess now only awaited the -instructions of her future husband to commence the journey towards the -Spanish frontier. - -As usual, the smallest detail was discussed and settled by Philip with -his Council at Ghent; the choice of the Queen’s confessor, the exact -etiquette to be followed on her reception in Spanish territory and -afterwards, the number of her French household, the amount of baggage -she and her suite might bring, and even the exact manner in which she -was to greet the Spaniards who went to receive her. On the 3rd August -Philip wrote from Ghent to the Cardinal Archbishop of Burgos to make -ready with his brother, the Duke of Infantado, to proceed to the -frontier for the new Queen’s reception soon after the King himself -should arrive in Spain. But Isabel’s departure from her own land could -not be arranged hurriedly. There was a prodigious trousseau to be -prepared, so enormous, indeed, as to strike with dismay the Spanish -officers who had to arrange for its conveyance over the Pyrenees and the -rough bridle paths of Spain; Catharine, too, was loath to let her -daughter go before she had indoctrinated her with her new task in Spain, -and she insisted upon her attending the coronation of her brother, -Francis II., at Rheims in mid September. - -Philip, always impatient for the coming of his bride, arrived in Spain -by sea on the 8th September 1559; and signalised his arrival by the -great _auto de fe_ at Valladolid, that was to indicate to Europe that -heresy was to be burnt out of the dominions of the Catholic king. Full -of far-reaching religious plans, for which it was necessary that he -should be sure of France, the presence of his French wife by his side -was more than ever necessary, and in October he sent a special envoy, -Count Buendia, to France to demand that the bride should start at once: -‘first, because of the great desire of his Majesty to see and keep the -Catholic Queen in his realm as soon as possible, he begs most earnestly -his good brother the Christian King and Queen Catharine, to arrange so -that, in any case, the Queen should start at once, and arrive at Bayonne -by the end of November.’[169] Another letter from the King to the same -effect was written to Isabel herself, and she in reply promised through -the French ambassador in Spain to delay her departure no longer. - -But week followed week, and yet the bride came not. Splendid presents -and loving messages from Philip went to her frequently, and kind replies -were returned from Isabel and her mother. But intrigue was already rife -in the French court, and Catharine was trying to gain promises from -Philip to support her against those who, she said, were bent upon -disturbing her son’s realm. So every excuse was seized upon to keep -Isabel in France, until Philip had promised what was required. The -French found him anything but compliant, and at length, in the depth of -winter (17th December), Isabel, with her mother and brother, and a great -train of courtiers, left Blois on her long journey south. The household -of the new Queen appointed by her mother was extremely numerous, -notwithstanding the remonstrances of Philip’s agents, who broadly hinted -that they would not be allowed to remain in Spain. Three of the Bourbon -princes of the blood, Anthony, Duke of Vendome, husband of Jeanne -d’Albret, titular Queen of Navarre, his brother, Cardinal de Bourbon, -and the Prince of Roche sur Yon, were to accompany her to the frontier, -a good excuse for sending them away from Paris, and two Bourbon -princesses, the Countess d’Harcourt (Madame de Rieux), and her niece, -Anne of Bourbon, were to go with her into Spain. - -All these great personages and scores of others needed long lists of -servitors and trains of baggage, and the journey over the snowy winter -paths was long and tedious. The greatest difficulty was foreseen, -however, in the transport over the Pyrenees of the vast mass of -impedimenta taken by Isabel and her ladies. Much of it was sent by sea, -and was only received in Spain after long delay and continued annoyance -to the ladies, who had to appear in the ceremonies without their fine -clothes. The girl lost heart as the time grew near to bid farewell to -her mother. She loved France dearly, with an ardour she never lost to -the last day of her life, and the French people returned her devotion. -Along the roads to Chatellerault crowds stood in tears, invoking -blessings upon the angel who was to be sacrificed on the altar of peace. -France and Spain had been at war for generations: Philip’s cold, haughty -demeanour, which had earned him the dislike of Flemings, was equally -distasteful to Frenchmen, and stories current of the gloomy rigidity of -his monastic court struck the heart of the bright young beauty with fear -and dread. - -For some days Catharine and her daughter stayed at Chatellerault, loath -to say goodbye; but at last, on the 29th November, the parting could be -delayed no longer, and, heartbroken, mother and daughter took a tearful -farewell. Isabel had been reared in the poetical court in which Ronsard -sang, and every courtier wooed in verse. Mary Stuart throughout her life -showed the effects of such training, and so did Isabel. She and her -mother had exchanged poetical letters during the months of their -mourning, and continued to do so afterwards; and on her lonely way from -Chatellerault Isabel solaced herself by inditing a letter in verse to -the beloved mother whom she had just left. As poetry it leaves much to -be desired. The poem is too long to quote, but in it the writer compares -her desire to see her husband with the much stronger natural love for -her mother, who, she says, is to her father, mother, and husband in one. -The epistle ends thus:— - - ‘Tantost je sens mon œil plorer puis ryre, - Mais la fin est toujours d’estre martyre, - Qui durera sans prendre fin ne cesse, - Jusques á tant que je reprenne adresse - Pour retourner vers vous en diligence: - Lors oblyant la trop facheuse absence - Je recevrai la joye et le plaisir, - Et joyrez de mon parfait desir - D’ensemble veoir père mère et mari.’[170] - -The next morning brought Isabel a similar poem of regretful adieu from -her mother, and some really poetical lines from Mary Stuart, in which -the following occur:— - - ‘Les pleurs font mal au cœur joyeux et sain, - Mais au dolent, ils servent quasi de pain: - Car si le mal par les pleurs n’est allegé - A tout moins il en est soulagé.’ - -Through snow-clad France the long cavalcade slowly made its way. Endless -questions of etiquette, prompted by pride and jealousy on both sides, -occupied French and Spanish officials the while. Philip, as usual, saw -to the smallest point himself. The proud Mendoza Cardinal objected to -give precedence to the King of Navarre, as he was not a real king, and -the Doge of Venice had always given place to Cardinal Mendoza. ‘The -Prince of Roche sur Yon may be called “lordship,” because he is of royal -blood, but he must have only the privileges of an ambassador whilst in -Spain.’ The Countess of Ureña, who was to be Isabel’s mistress of the -robes, a proud dame in Philip’s entire confidence, was to keep close to -the Queen, and decide all points of feminine etiquette; whilst Lopez de -Guzman, Isabel’s Spanish chief steward, was to arrange everything -according to Spanish etiquette in her table service. Cardinal Mendoza -was instructed to alight and salute the Queen humbly when he first -approached her, and his brother the Duke was to kiss her hand, -notwithstanding any reluctance she might show. Each morning the Cardinal -was to visit her, whereupon she was to receive him standing, and order -an arm-chair to be brought for him, and he was to be seated whilst he -stayed with her. The Duke of Infantado, chief of the Mendozas, was only -to be received by the Queen standing the first time he visited her, and -for him was to be brought a red velvet stool upon which to sit; but the -Duke was warned that this privilege was only to last during the journey, -and was to cease when Isabel joined her husband.[171] And so on, down to -the smaller courtiers in gradation, the honours to be given and received -are all set down in minute detail, that of itself was sufficient to -strike awe in a young girl of fifteen, who had passed her life in the -gay poetical court of her father. - -It was a cruel irony that sent Anthony de Bourbon, the shadowy King -Consort of Navarre, to deliver the French Consort of the real King of -Navarre to her husband on the frontier of the little mountain kingdom, -and he probably only accepted the mission in the hope that the -long-pending negotiations with Spain, for giving him some adequate -compensation, such as the title of King of Sardinia, might be -advantageously pushed on such an occasion. Philip fooled poor vain -Anthony as long as it suited him, but without the remotest intention of -giving any satisfaction to the house of Navarre. When, therefore, in -deep snowdrifts the Queen’s cavalcade reached the little frontier town -of St. Jean Pied de Port on the last day in the year 1559, and France -was all behind them, Anthony and the other Bourbon princes were on the -alert to resent any slight that might be offered to them by the -Spaniards. The exchange of the Queen to the custody of her husband’s -envoys was to be made at a point between St. Jean and the Spanish hamlet -of Roncesvalles, but the inclement weather and heavy snow made it -impossible to reach the elevated spot agreed upon; and for three days -Isabel and her French suite tarried weatherbound at St. Jean. For the -first time she donned there the Spanish dress, and received some of her -Spanish household; and on the 3rd January 1560 she started on horseback -towards the frontier, for she refused to enter her new realm in a -litter, and thus, with her veritable army of attendants and -baggage-train, she tramped through the savage pass and into the valley -of Valcarlos into Spain. - -The cold was intense, and through the elevated mountain paths the -snowstorm drove furiously, yet she pushed bravely on until she could -gain the shelter of the monastery church of Our Lady of Roncesvalles in -Spanish territory. It was a great concession for the French to make, and -Anthony de Bourbon would not have crossed the frontier first but for the -insistence of Isabel, and the impossibility of carrying out the -ceremonious programme of handing over the Queen in a Pyrenean pass in a -mid-winter snowstorm. Further than Roncesvalles he was determined he -would not go, though only five miles further, at the village of Espinal, -the Cardinal and the Duke with the Spanish train were lodged. At the -gate of the Augustinian monastery, where the King of Navarre helped the -almost frozen Queen to alight, there stood beside the prior and -dignitaries a group of Spanish nobles who had ridden over from Espinal -unofficially to greet their new Queen; and after the religious ceremony -and prayers in the beautifully decorated church, these nobles and their -followers almost came to open fight with the Frenchmen. As Isabel left -the church to enter the apartments in the monastery assigned to her, the -Spaniards, jealous that in their own country Frenchmen alone should -attend the Queen, flocked in unbidden after her, and had to be forcibly -ejected by those in attendance upon her.[172] - -Distrust and suspicion prevailed on all hands. It had been arranged, -after much courtly wrangling, that the transfer of the custody of the -Queen should take place at a point exactly midway between Roncesvalles -and Espinal, but King Anthony made the weather an excuse—probably a -perfectly good one—for urging the Spaniards to come the whole way to -Roncesvalles, rather than expose the Queen and themselves to a long -ceremony in an open field three feet deep in snow. But Infantado was -shocked at the idea that he and his brother the Cardinal should be asked -to go a step further than the Frenchmen, and refused. Anthony -remonstrated, but in vain; and in the lone monastery in the Pyrenean -valley Isabel passed two more days waiting for either the pride or the -snow to melt. At length she lost patience. She was as tenacious of -French honour as any one, but she well knew that the success of her -mission depended upon her winning the affections of the Spaniards, and -on the 5th January she sent for Navarre and told him that she intended -herself to ride to the spot agreed upon for the exchange. The French -nobles were indignant, and at first inclined to shirk the journey, but -Isabel, young as she was, could be imperious and insisted; and in -torrents of sleet the great cavalcade, with the ceremonial finery -already bedraggled, had prepared to start, when the welcome message came -from Espinal that the Duke and the Cardinal had relented, and were now -on their way to Roncesvalles to obey, as they said, the summons of their -Queen. - -The utmost confusion then ensued, for the whole of the baggage, with -hangings, furniture and dresses had been packed, and much of it had -already started forward, especially the best frocks and furbelows of -Isabel’s crowd of ladies, who saw their beds and finery no more for many -a long day. The light was failing in the stormy winter day when Cardinal -Mendoza and his brother Infantado, preceded by sixty Spanish nobles in -brave attire, marched side by side up the great torch-lit hall, at the -end of which Cardinal de Bourbon stood upon a canopied dais, surrounded -by French ecclesiastics and nobles. Under the cloth of state, blazoned -with the lilies of France, the powers of the envoys were exchanged and -read; and then, with much stately salutation and stilted verbiage, the -Spanish nobles were led to the chamber where, upon a raised throne, -Isabel awaited them with King Anthony and the two Bourbon ladies. But -the place, a solitary mountain monastery, was unfit for courtly -ceremonies; and the Spaniards were so eager to do homage to their new -Queen that soon all seemliness was lost, and a jostling crowd filled the -presence chamber, each Spaniard trying to get the best place and -hustling rudely aside the French, and even the French ladies in -attendance, until the latter had to retire. - -Isabel remained calm and dignified, determined to say nothing to offend -the Spaniards; but when the Mendozas advanced, and the actual exchange -was to be made, she turned pale as she stood to receive and greet them. -Through the interminable pompous speeches that accompanied her transfer -she remained outwardly unmoved, but when Navarre had actually handed to -the custody of Spaniards ‘this princess, whom I have taken from the -house of the greatest king in the world to be delivered to the most -illustrious sovereign upon earth,’ and the Bourbon princes came forward -and knelt to say farewell, the girl’s strength broke down, and she wept -bitterly. Cardinal Mendoza, apparently to improve the occasion, advanced -and chanted the verse, _Audi filia et vide inclina aurem tuam_, and the -response was intoned by another Spanish priest, _obliviscere populum -tuum, et domum patris tui_. She loved her people and the home of her -fathers dearly; she was going, almost a child, to live the rest of her -life amongst strangers who had been the enemies of her house for -generations, to wed a man she had never seen, but of whom she could have -heard little but evil; and, as the words of the versicle were croaked by -the ecclesiastic, they seemed to the overwrought girl a sentence of -doom, and in an agony of tears she threw herself into the arms of -Anthony of Navarre and his brother the Cardinal. She was led away gently -by Infantado, with some chiding words that she, the Queen of Spain, -should so condescend to the Duke of Vendome. In the midst of her grief -she answered with spirit that she did so by order of her brother, and, -‘as to princes of the blood, and after the fashion of the nation to -which, up to that moment, she had belonged.’[173] And, so still in -tears, the beautiful black-eyed girl was led to the Spanish litter -awaiting her, and through the heavily-falling snow was carried, to the -sound of many hautboys and trumpets, to the wretched village of Burgete, -where she was to pass the night; even there, comforted by the beds, -hangings, lights, food and delicacies, sent by her French countrymen to -furnish forth her poor quarters.’[174] - -There is no space here to follow the Queen step by step through her new -country to join her husband. It was a progress full of jealousy and -bitterness between the French household of the Queen, that still -accompanied her, and the Spanish courtiers. At Pamplona, the capital of -Navarre, where the company passed three days, Isabel charmed all hearts -by her grace and beauty as she was carried through the thronged -thoroughfares from the cathedral to the royal palace where she was to -lodge. At the foot of the grand staircase stood a lady of fifty, stern -and haughty in appearance, but now all smiles as she kissed the hand of -the Queen and delivered to her a letter from King Philip. It was the -Countess of Ureña, daughter of the Alburquerques and the Toledos, and -one of the greatest ladies in Spain, who had been chosen by Philip as -the guide, philosopher and friend of his new consort. She looked sourly -upon the two Bourbon princesses whom she was obliged to salute; and on -the departure from Pamplona after three days of rejoicing Isabel, -desirous of propitiating the Countess of Ureña, whom Philip had praised -inordinately in his letters, offered her a seat in her own litter. This -she thought fit to refuse, as she was panting for the fray to establish -her precedence next to the Queen; and when the cavalcade was starting -her lackeys, violently hustling aside the equipage of the elder Bourbon -princess Madame de Rieux, intruded that of the countess into the place -in front of it. An affray resulted, and an appeal to the Queen, who -decided politely in favour of the blood royal of France until King -Philip himself should give his orders—which he subsequently did by -placing the countess between Madame de Rieux and her unmarried niece. -But the proud dame stored up in her mind the memory of the slight, and -many a troubled hour for Isabel grew out of this incident. - -The young Queen’s life in Spain may now be said to have commenced, and -already she had shown the tact and diplomacy so extraordinary in a girl -of fifteen. Her hold upon the affection of the Spaniards was tenacious -from the first, owing partly, of course, to her great beauty and -sweetness, but also to her prompt adaptability and acceptance of Spanish -customs. From her childhood she had studied Spanish, and a very few -weeks after her entrance she spoke it fluently. But she never forgot her -own people and her own tongue. ‘To Frenchmen she always spoke in -French,’ wrote Brantome, ‘and would never consent to discontinue it, -reading always in French the most beautiful books that could be got in -France, which she was very curious to obtain. To Spaniards and other -foreigners she spoke Spanish very correctly. In short, this princess was -perfect in everything, besides being so splendid and liberal as never -was seen. She never wore a dress twice, but gave them all after once -wearing to her ladies; and God knows what rich and splendid dresses they -were; so rich and superb, indeed, that the least of them cost three or -four hundred crowns, for the King, her husband, kept her very lavishly -in such things. Every day she had a new one, as I was told by her own -tailor, who went thither a poor man and became richer than anybody, as I -have seen with my own eyes. She was always attired with extreme -magnificence, and her dresses suited her beautifully: amongst others, -those with slashed sleeves with laced points, and her head-dress always -matched, so that nothing was wanting. Those who saw her thus in a -painted portrait admired her, and I will leave you to guess the delight -it was to see her face to face with her sweetness and grace.... When she -went walking anywhere, either to church or to the monasteries or -gardens, there was such a great press and crowds of people to gaze upon -her that it was impossible to stir; and happy indeed was the person who -could say after the struggle, “I have seen the Queen.” Never was a queen -so beloved in Spain as she; not even the great Queen Isabel herself. The -people called her the Queen of peace and goodness, and our Frenchmen -called her the “olive branch.”‘[175] - -Philip at Guadalajara, the town of the Mendozas, waited impatiently the -coming of his bride. With him from Toledo had come his sombre widowed -sister Joan, and when they learned, at the end of January 1560, that the -Queen’s cavalcade was approaching, it was made known that the King -wished special efforts to be made by the city to welcome his bride. -Through artificial flowering woods with tethered birds and animals, -through lines of gaily decked booths amply supplied with good cheer for -the free refreshment of her suite, by kneeling aldermen in crimson -velvet and white satin, and through an admiring populace, Isabel of the -Peace rode into the city between the Cardinal of Burgos and the Duke of -Infantado. At the door of the famous palace of the Mendozas, where -Philip lodged, stood Princess Joan, who half knelt and kissed the hem of -the girl’s garment; then led her by the hand into the large hall, at the -end of which a sumptuous altar was erected. Before it, in a gilded -chair, sat Isabel’s husband, grave of aspect beyond his thirty-three -years. He saluted his bride ceremoniously; and after mass at the altar -the marriage was performed by Cardinal Mendoza. - -Philip’s impatience for his bride had been more political than personal, -for he needed above all things to be sure of France, and there was at -first little cordiality between the newly wedded pair. The first -afternoon, as the sovereigns sat in their tribune witnessing the bull -fight and cane tourneys held in the great square of Guadalajara to -celebrate the wedding, the frightened girl gazed so fixedly in the face -of her husband that Philip became annoyed, and turned to her curtly and -said: ‘What are you looking at? To see whether I have grey hair.’[176] -Through the tedious feasting that followed, the marriage still looked -unpromising. The girl was unformed and inexperienced, and was -overwhelmed with the importance of the task her mother had confided to -her. Around her there raged incessant jealousy, both between the -Countess of Ureña and her French ladies, and amongst the French ladies -themselves, and it needed all the authority of Catharine de Medici, and -the fear with which she inspired her daughter, to keep Isabel on the -right path amidst the contending factions. - -The letters that passed between them show how absolute was the command -that at first Catharine exercised over her daughter, a command that -later was to a great extent replaced by that of Philip. Isabel in the -quarrels of her French ladies had sided with Madame Vimeux against her -principal attendant, Madame de Clermont, and, girl like, had made -friends with some of her younger French maids. Upon this her mother -wrote to her as follows: ‘It really looks very bad for you in the -position you occupy to show that you are such a child still as to make -much of your girls before people. When you are alone in your chamber in -private, you may pass your time and play with them as much as you like, -but before people be attentive to your cousin,[177] and Madame de -Clermont. Talk with them often and believe what they say; for they are -both wise, and aim at nothing but your honour and well being; whereas -those other wenches can only teach you folly and silliness. Therefore do -what I tell you, if you wish me to be satisfied with you and love you, -and to show me that you love me as you ought.’[178] - -From Guadalajara Philip and his Consort passed on to Toledo for the -completion of the festivities, and to present his son Don Carlos to the -Cortes, to receive their oath of allegiance as heir to the crowns of -Castile. The capital received the Queen with unusual pomp, and after the -public reception was over Isabel retired to her chamber with her -favourite French maids, who for pastime danced before her. Soon the -Queen, flushed and excited, rose and danced several times herself. Her -high colour was noticed by some of the elder ladies, who had been -instructed by Catharine to watch the precious health of her daughter -closely; and in the morning Philip found that his girl wife was in a -burning fever, which was soon pronounced to be smallpox. - -Up to this time Philip had not been particularly demonstrative towards -his French bride; and she had not quite got over her fear of him. But -her dangerous illness struck both him and her mother with dismay. Each -of them was determined to use her as a means to keep a hold upon the -other, and her death threatened to be disastrous for both; but, apart -from this, her mother was devotedly attached to her, and Philip was -beginning to love her as he loved no other person in the world, except, -years afterwards, his elder daughter by her. Couriers galloped backwards -and forwards between Paris and Toledo with daily news of the progress of -the malady. No fear for his health, no remonstrance from his courtiers, -could persuade Philip to keep away from his sick wife; and for long -periods during the most dangerous stages of her illness he would not -leave her side. Catharine was almost beside herself with anxiety. For -her everything depended upon her daughter’s success in gaining influence -over her husband, and for this Isabel’s beauty was as necessary as her -life. The attack proved to be light, and the patient was soon out of -danger; but Catharine showered upon the ladies in attendance questions -and counsels innumerable, as to the marks left by the fell disease. The -many remedies she sent appear, according to Brantome, to have given way -to the one which he mentions as having saved the Queen from -disfigurement; namely, the covering of the exposed skin with fresh white -of egg. Though Isabel was soon out of danger her convalescence was long -and tedious, and the intimate details of her bodily habit and condition -that passed between Catharine and Madame de Clermont, frank to the -extreme of coarseness, show how increasingly the Queen-Mother was -depending upon her Spanish son-in-law to sustain her amidst the warring -interests that were rapidly dividing France. - -The irregularities so frequently reported by Madame de Clermont in -Isabel’s health, at one time seem to have suggested to her distracted -mother that her disorder was the outcome of the dreadful disease which -it was stated she had inherited from her grandfather Francis I.; and -Catharine alternated scolding with prayers to her daughter to be -circumspect, until Isabel trembled with very fear when she opened one of -her mother’s letters.[179] ‘Recollect’ (wrote Catherine), ‘what I told -you before you left. You know very well how important it is that no one -should know what malady you have got; for if your husband were to know -of it he would never come near you.’[180] France had abandoned almost -every thing at the Peace of Cateau Cambresis in order to gain the -support of Spain against religious reform, and Catharine now looked to -her daughter to bring the same influence upon her side in any case. -Everything depended upon this girl’s being able to captivate her -experienced husband and to lead him as she liked. Philip, it is true, -was now in love with her; but his policy was founded upon a fixed -principle: it was never swayed by personal affection; and Isabel was -really as powerless to move him as all others who tried to do so. - -Catharine had impressed particularly upon her daughter that she was to -use every effort to draw the ties between France and Spain closer, by -bringing about a marriage of her young sister Margaret[181] with Don -Carlos: or, in any case, to oppose to the utmost his marriage with an -Austrian cousin; even if it were necessary to marry him to his aunt -Joan. When Isabel entered Toledo she saw for the first time Philip’s -heir. He was within a few months of her own age, a lame, epileptic -semi-imbecile; already vicious and uncontrollable. When he approached -his stepmother for the first time he was yellow and wasted with -intermittent fever, and it was noticed that she caressed and petted him -more than he had been accustomed to; for he had never known a mother. -The passionate ill-conditioned boy had been told only a year ago to call -this young beauty his wife, and now to see her the wife of the father, -whom he feared and hated, turned his heart to gall. During her illness -and convalescence he was ceaseless in his inquiries about her; and when -her health again allowed her to resume her family life, she went out of -her way to entertain and please him. It was probably the only gentle -feminine influence he had ever experienced, for his widowed aunt Joan, -whom he alternately loathed and adored, was a gloomy religious mystic, -almost old enough to be his mother; and Isabel was not only just his own -age, beautiful and French, but for the purposes of her mother exerted -all her charms to gain his goodwill. - -[Illustration: - - ISABEL OF VALOIS. - - _After a painting by Pantoja._ -] - -The romantic story that makes her fall in love with this poor -unwholesome boy may be put aside as baseless; but it is probably true -that her own charms, added to his jealousy and hate of his father, made -him fall in love with her. The letters Isabel wrote to her mother at the -time all speak of Philip as a most affectionate husband, and of Don -Carlos simply with pity for his ill-health; whilst Catharine’s replies -constantly urge her to incline her stepson to a marriage with her sister -Margaret; ‘or you will be the most unfortunate woman in the world if -your husband dies, and the Prince (Carlos) has for a wife any one but -your own sister.’ Unfortunately the youth was unable to hide his -extravagant affection for his young stepmother; and soon all the French -ladies were nodding and shrugging their shoulders at the romance that -was passing before their eyes, which probably Isabel herself hardly -understood. - -The need for Catharine to draw personally nearer to Spain was greater, -and yet more difficult, than ever after the death, in November 1560, of -her young son Francis II. There was no fear now of France being drawn -into war again for the benefit of Mary Stuart, but, on the other hand, -Mary Stuart herself, being a widow, might marry Don Carlos, and become, -by Spanish aid and the efforts of the English Catholics, Queen of Great -Britain, in which case France would be isolated indeed.[182] Cardinal -Lorraine, and afterwards Mary herself, bade briskly for this match; but, -though Philip shrank from saying so, Carlos was, he knew, unfit for -marriage altogether. In answer to Catharine’s constant pressure upon her -daughter to persuade Carlos to marry Margaret, Isabel repeatedly assured -her that she would do her best, and she appears to have made a sort of -alliance with his aunt Joan to forward _her_ cause if the marriage with -Margaret was found impossible. - -Philip’s sister, the wife of Maximilian, heir to the empire, wrote to -Isabel early in 1561, asking her to lend her help to the suit then being -pressed by the imperial ambassador for the marriage of Carlos with one -of his Austrian cousins, the Archduchess Anne,[183] and Isabel, in -giving an account of this to her mother, says that she showed the letter -to Princess Joan, who had received a similar letter, and angrily -expressed her opinion to Isabel that the plan was directed against her -(Joan); with which opinion Isabel agreed. ‘I spoke to the King about -it,’ wrote Isabel to her mother, ‘telling him that the Queen of Bohemia -had made one exception (before her daughter’s claim was put forward), -whereas I made two; namely, first my sister, and, secondly, the Princess -(Joan). He replied that his son was yet so young, and in such a -condition, that there was plenty of time for everything yet, though the -Prince has got over his quartan fever.’[184] To the imperial ambassador -Philip gently hinted also that his son’s infirmity of mind and body made -it impossible to arrange seriously for his marriage; but Catharine was -not to be put off easily, and Isabel did her best to obey her. - -The Queen-Mother, sending her own portrait and that of her son, the new -boy King of France, Charles IX., to her daughter, included in the parcel -a likeness of her daughter Margaret; and one of Isabel’s maids writes of -the joy that the pictures of her dear ones gave to the Queen; who, she -says, after having recited her prayers at night in church, went to her -chamber, and said them again before her mother’s portrait. When the -precious portraits were unwrapped Princess Joan was there to admire -them, and soon Don Carlos came in. ‘Which is the prettiest of them?’ he -was asked. ‘The _chiquita_,’ he naturally replied; whereupon one of the -ladies drove home the lesson by saying, ‘Yes, you are quite right, for -she is the most fit for you’; whereupon he burst out laughing.[185] -Isabel herself wrote joyfully to her mother that Carlos was pleased with -Margaret’s portrait, and had repeated to her three or four times -laughing that the ‘little one was the prettiest; if she was like that;’ -whereupon Isabel assured him that she was ‘_bien faite_,’ and officious -Madame de Clermont interjected that she would make a good wife for him, -to which the lad, though he giggled, made no reply. Philip also, -probably to please his wife, confessed that the portrait of her younger -sister was very beautiful: but it was noticed that, simultaneously with -these transparent matrimonial intrigues, he suddenly began to pay -ostentatious attention to his sister Joan, whose marriage with her -nephew Carlos was always a possibility to play off against other matches -proposed. - -The kindliest relations were now established between Philip and his -young wife, and though he was usually absorbed in governmental detail -early and late, Isabel’s life was not a gloomy one. The two boys of -Maximilian, King of the Romans, the future emperor, and of Philip’s -sister Maria, were being brought up in the Spanish Court; and though -they were kept very close to their studies, they were allowed to come -and see Isabel and her ladies every afternoon to dance and romp as they -pleased. Carlos also took every opportunity of being in the company of -his stepmother, and the brilliant young Don Juan of Austria, Philip’s -half-brother, and Alexander Farnese, his nephew, were frequent visitors, -all being lively handsome youths except, indeed, poor fever-wasted -Carlos, fretting his weak wits to frenzy in unrequited love and impotent -spite. - -In the summer of 1561 hopes were entertained that the Queen might fulfil -her husband’s dearest wish and make him the father of another son, and -the King’s delight at the prospect was unbounded. He caused to be made a -solid silver sedan chair in which to carry his wife to Madrid, and -overwhelmed her with attentions. But to Isabel’s grief the hope was -fallacious, and Philip was tenderly solicitous to solace his wife’s -disappointment. ‘Il avait toute la peine du monde de la consoler, et lui -tenir beaucoup plus privée et plus ordinaire compagnie que n’avait -jamais fait, de manière qu’il n’a été que bon que tous deux ayent eu -cette opinion. Il me fit l’honneur de me prier que je l’allasse -consoler, et lui dire qu’elle lui volust donner ce contentement et -plaisir de ne s’en fachier, et mesme quand on seroit à Madrid, que ma -femme le lui allast aussi dire, et user de tous ses bons offices qu’elle -scavoit bien faire en son endroit. Elle est aujourd’hui, Madame, en tel -estat pres du roy son mari que Votre Majesté, et tous ceux qui aiment -son bien et sommes affectionnés à son service, en devront remercier -Dieu.’[186] - -In the midst of this happy and harmonious life in Spain, the girl Queen -tactfully did her best to obey her mother and serve the France she -always held dear, but it was inevitable that as time went on and the -influence of her husband over her grew, she should take a more purely -Spanish view of affairs. The death of young Francis II., and the fall of -the Guises, had made the friendship between Spain and France more -difficult than ever, for the profound religious divisions in the latter -country forbade any possibility of the national power being used, as had -been contemplated in the Peace of Cateau Cambresis in the suppression of -heresy everywhere; whilst Catharine’s now ostentatious friendship with -the Bourbons and the reforming party, by which she hoped to -counterbalance the Guises, deeply offended her son-in-law. Philip, -however, at this time was in the depth of penury: his own Netherlands -were simmering into revolt; he had suffered a terrible defeat at the -hands of the Turk on the coast of Tunis (February 1560), and the -Christian power in the Mediterranean was in the balance. Elizabeth of -England, too, was more obstinate than ever in her adherence to the -anti-Catholic policy, now that the strength of the Huguenot party in -France banished the fear of a Catholic coalition of France and Spain -against her. Much as Philip frowned at, and Isabel remonstrated against, -Catharine’s proceedings, the King of Spain was not in a position to make -war upon France, and for a time was obliged to dissemble with his -mother-in-law. So far, therefore, the Treaty of Cateau Cambresis had -been a failure, and Isabel had been sacrificed in vain. France and Spain -could not make common cause against Protestantism, and Isabel could not -win Don Carlos for her sister nor make her astute husband the tool of -her mother’s plans, deeply as he loved his charming young wife. - -With regard to the marriage of Carlos, Isabel was indefatigable in her -efforts, but the prince grew more reckless than ever. In the spring of -1562 he was studying at the University of Alcalá, when, in descending a -dark stairway to keep a secret assignation, he fell and fractured his -skull. Philip and his wife were at Madrid when they received the news, -and the King at once set out, travelling through the night full of -anxiety for his son. He found him unconscious and partially paralysed: -the doctors, ignorant beyond conception, treated him in a way that seems -to us now nothing less than murderous. Purges, bleeding, unguents, -charms, and, finally, the laying upon the bed of the unconscious lad the -mouldering body of a monkish saint, Diego, were all tried in vain, until -at last an Italian surgeon was bold enough to perform the operation of -lifting the bone of the cranium that pressed upon the brain, and Don -Carlos recovered his consciousness. But if he had been a semi-imbecile -before, he became at intervals after this accident a raving homicidal -maniac. The prince himself, and those who surrounded him, attributed his -recovery to the mummy of the dead monk, and promised to give for -religious purposes in recognition of the miracle four times his own -weight in gold. When he was weighed for the purpose it was found that, -although he was seventeen years old, he only weighed seventy pounds. - -But, no matter how weak or vicious Carlos might be, the struggle to -obtain his hand in marriage was waged as keenly as ever by Isabel and -her mother on the one hand, and by the Austrian interest on the other, -with the Princess Joan, the lad’s aunt, as a permanent candidate, to be -used by Philip when he needed a diversion. Hardly had the grave anxiety -about Carlos subsided when Isabel herself fell grievously ill, and was -like to die. At the time that the physicians had abandoned hope of -saving her (August 1562), Philip sent the Duke of Alba with a long -message to the French ambassador, of which the latter wrote a copy to -Catharine. He prefaces his letter by saying that the Queen was truly a -bond of peace since she ‘possède le roi son mari, et est aujourd’hui en -toute privauté et autorité avec lui.’ The message was to the effect that -it had always been the rule when Spanish queens were ill, even slightly, -to urge them to make their last dispositions in good time. On account, -however, of the great love and extreme affection which he (Philip) bore -to his wife, he had not allowed her in her present serious illness to be -spoken to on the subject, so as not to distress or alarm her. For, as he -said, he had in very truth good reason to love her dearly, and to take -great care of her; and if this loss should befall him, he would have -reason to say that it was the greatest and most important he had ever -suffered in his life, and that which most nearly touched his heart, -seeing the shining virtues and noble qualities with which his wife was -endowed. He makes a great point of honouring and pleasing her, and -preventing her from being troubled in any way; but since the physicians -said that she had reached such an extremity that her life could no -longer be expected to last,[187] he would regret that his love for her, -and his sorrow for her loss, should stand in the way of the duty she -owed to her position and reputation to make a will.’ He assured the -French ambassador that his friendship for his wife’s brother and mother -would not be diminished by her death, and he proposed that she should -leave two-thirds of her possessions to her mother, and the remainder be -employed in pious uses and in rewarding her very numerous servants.[188] -This letter is of great interest in showing how truly Philip loved and -respected his young wife, and every testimony shows that their affection -continued to increase as the time went on, though all around them, both -in public and private life, was full of bitterness and anxiety. Don -Carlos grew more and more outrageous in his disregard of all decency and -respect; and more than one miscarriage of Isabel seemed to threaten the -King with the misfortune of a childless marriage. - -But what was a source of greater trouble perhaps than anything to Isabel -at this period, was the terrible infliction that was scourging her own -country. The first war of religion in France had ended with the death of -Guise and Anthony of Navarre, and the hollow edict of Amboise had been -issued by Catharine, giving toleration to the Huguenots in certain -towns. This was a heavy blow to Philip and his cause, and he tried to -parry it in his characteristic fashion by the aid of the Guisan party. -Jeanne d’Albret and her son (afterwards Henry IV.) had retired to mourn -the death of Anthony in their castle of Pau. Henry was heir to the crown -of France after Catharine’s sons, and his mother was a strict Calvinist, -so the Catholic party planned, with Philip’s aid, to kidnap Jeanne -d’Albret, Queen of Navarre, and her hopeful son, to prevent the danger -of a Huguenot ever being king of France. All was arranged for the _coup -de main_ when the principal conspirator, Captain Dimanche, fell ill in a -poor hostelry in Madrid. Isabel had always been accustomed to keep -herself well-informed of all cases of trouble amongst her own countrymen -in Spain, and hearing from her servants that a Frenchman was alone and -suffering, had him brought from his squalid lodging to the house of one -of her servants, to be well cared for by one of her own doctors. -Dimanche, in the course of his illness, divulged his conspiracy to his -host, who, though a Catholic, was shocked at the wickedness of the plan, -and told it to a higher officer, and afterwards to Isabel, who, he knew, -was deeply attached to Jeanne d’Albret. The Queen listened to the story -with horror, and cried, with tears in her eyes, ‘God forbid that such a -crime should be committed.’ As fast as a confidential courier could -gallop went the news from Isabel to her mother; how the Catholic party -and Spain were plotting to ruin the house of Navarre, and overthrow the -equilibrium in France; and Jeanne d’Albret and her son, also warned by -Isabel, escaped from Pau into central France. - -Philip probably never knew that it was his wife who had upset so -promising a plan; but that her intervention was not from any love of -Protestantism is clearly seen by her subsequent action. Her Catholicism, -indeed, was more Spanish than French in its character; and that her -politic mother should call to her councils at all those whose orthodoxy -was doubtful, appeared to her nothing short of abominable, though for a -short time after the first Huguenot war, Catharine had managed to bring -about an appearance of harmony between the two great French factions. -But Condé, the chief of the Bourbons, after Anthony’s death, was rough -and imperious, and personally disliked by Catharine: Cardinal Lorraine -returned to France from the Council of Trent early in 1564, thirsting to -revenge the murder of his brother Guise, and soon Catholic intrigue was -busy in the French Court. - -Isabel wrote to her mother an extraordinary letter at this time (the -summer of 1564), evidently inspired by Philip, and forming a part of the -Lorraine intrigues to win Catherine to the ultra-catholic party. ‘If,’ -wrote Isabel, ‘you will cause Frenchmen to live as good catholics, there -is nothing you can ask of my husband that he will not give you. He begs -you will not compromise with the evil people, but punish them very -severely. If you are afraid because of their great number ... you may -call upon us, and we will give you everything we possess, and troops as -well, to support religion. If you do not punish these men yourself, you -must not be offended if the King, my husband, listens to the demands of -those who crave his help to defend the faith, and gives them what they -ask. He is, indeed, obliged to do so, for it touches him more than any -one. If France becomes Lutheran, Flanders and Spain will not be far -behind.’[189] And so, for page after page of her long letter, Isabel -urges her mother to crush the Huguenots for once and for all. Catharine -loved intrigue and crooked ways; and, although it was no part of her -plan to have only one party in France, she feared the Guises less now -that the Duke was dead, and it doubtless seemed to her a good -opportunity for drawing closer to Spain, in order to effect the marriage -of her daughter Margaret with Don Carlos, and gain some advantage by -marriage or otherwise for her darling son Henry (Duke of Orleans). - -The effect of Cardinal Lorraine’s action was soon seen in the long -progress through the east and south of France undertaken by Charles IX. -and his mother. Catharine had been trying, ever since the death of -Francis II., to arrange an interview with Philip, and bring her personal -influence to bear upon him, though he had shown no eagerness to discuss -the matter; but now that the Court of France, with Lorraine pulling the -wires, was to visit the south, there seemed a chance of effecting at -last what the treaty of Cateau Cambresis had failed to do. The Court -left Paris in the spring of 1564, and at Nancy, the scheme of Lorraine -for a Catholic league to suppress heresy was first broached to Charles -IX. He was a mere lad, and was apparently alarmed at the idea; but in -the meanwhile, active negotiations were going on to induce Philip and -his wife to meet Catharine when she approached the frontier with her -son. The French ambassador in Spain was a strong Guisan partisan, and -worked hard to bring about the interview, as did Isabel herself, who was -sincerely attached to her kinsfolk, and yearned to embrace her mother -again. Philip was anxious to forward the formation of a Catholic League, -but he distrusted Catharine, and after much negotiation, he consented to -Isabel’s going as far as Bayonne to greet her mother; the political -negotiation, however, being entirely left to the Duke of Alba. - -Philip was not enthusiastic, for he knew that Catharine was surrounded -by ‘politicians,’ and he was determined that if nothing came of the -interview, it should not be said that he had been deceived. He would -not, he said, go to any expense on the occasion, and no gold or silver -was to be worn on the dresses on either side: and the Queen was to be -kept to the most rigid etiquette in her communications with her mother -and brother. She left Madrid with a great train of courtiers in April -1565, bearing with her powers from her husband to ratify the -arrangements that Alba might make. What these arrangements were may be -seen by the memorandum given by Philip to Alba for his guidance.[190] -The object aimed at was a league, in which each party should be pledged -to employ all his force and means to sustain Catholic orthodoxy, to -allow no toleration whatever to any other religion, in public or -private, and to expel all persons but catholics from the realms, within -five months, on pain of death, and forfeiture for them and their -abettors, to publish and enforce the decisions of the Council of Trent, -to purge all the offices, commands, and services, of every suspicion of -heresy, and to deprive of their dignities, titles, and authority, every -person not firmly attached to the faith. - -With this fateful mission Isabel travelled slowly towards the north, -through Burgos, in the spring of 1565. She had in her train more than -sixty Spanish nobles with their gaudily garbed followers; and, though -Philip’s orders with regard to bullion ornaments had been obeyed, there -was no lack of costly show. On the 14th May, in a heat so suffocating -that many of the soldiers died, Catharine and her son with the French -Court rode at early morning out of Saint Jean de Luz, to reach the -little river Bidasoa which divides France from Spain. For two hours the -royal party rested under a green arbour on the banks, whilst the Spanish -baggage was being ferried across; and just as the burning sun was -beginning to decline, a burst of trumpets heralded the approach of the -Queen of Spain. From the ancient castle of Irun the royal procession -could be seen winding down the hill to the shore, Isabel being borne in -a litter. Catharine at once entered her waiting boat, and swift oars -brought her to the Spanish side just as her daughter’s litter reached -the edge. Both Queens were beside themselves with joy. Isabel bent low -enough to kiss her mother’s knee, but was raised and tenderly embraced, -again and again, and then, overcome by their emotions, both Catharine -and Isabel burst into tears of joyful excitement, which continued -unabated until the boat had landed them on the French bank, where -Charles IX. awaited them amidst saluting volleys of musketry.[191] - -The pompous rejoicings, the tourneys, comedies, balls, and banquets, -which followed at St. Jean de Luz and Bayonne; the splendour with which -each Court tried to dazzle the other, and the grave political -conferences between Alba and the French ministers and Catharine, cannot -be dwelt upon here; but the picture drawn of Isabel herself in the midst -of this memorable interview by Brantôme, who was present, is too -interesting to omit. ‘When she entered Bayonne she rode upon a pony very -superbly and richly harnessed with a cloth completely covered with -pearls embroidered, which had belonged to the Empress, and was used by -her when she entered towns in state; it was said to be worth one hundred -thousand crowns and more. She was quite bewitching on horseback, and was -worth gazing upon; for she was so lovely and sweet that every one was -enchanted. We were all ordered to go and meet her and accompany her on -her entrance ... and she was most gracious to us when we paid our -respects to her, and thanked us charmingly. To me, especially, she was -kind and cordial; for I had only taken leave of her in Spain four months -before, and I was greatly touched that she should thus favour me over my -fellows.... She was also familiar to the ladies and maids at the Court, -exactly the same as before her marriage, and took notice of those who -were absent or had got married; and about those who had come to Court -since she left she made many inquiries.’ - -In the discussions with the political ministers it was soon evident to -Catharine, as she had probably foreseen from the first, that to throw -herself entirely into the hands of the extreme Catholic party as Philip -desired, would be disastrous to her, and probably also to her son’s -throne. But it did not suit her to quarrel with her powerful son-in-law, -or to send her daughter back empty-handed to Madrid, after the much -heralded interview; so, although an arrangement was signed which -ostensibly bound France and Spain together for a religious end, -Catharine took care to leave a sufficient number of knotty points open -to give her a loophole to escape. When she returned to Paris she soon -began to raise difficulties about the ratification, and wrote to her -ambassador in Madrid (Fourquevault), ‘Je lui dis que en faisant ces -mariages, et donnant quelque état à mon fils d’Orleans, qu’il nous -falloit tous joindre ensemble: c’est à savoir le Pape, l’Empereur, et -ces deux rois, les Allemands et autres que l’on avisera: et que le roi -mon fils n’etait pas sans moyens pour aider de sa part, à ce qui serait -avisé quand les dits mariages seroient faits, et la dite ligue conclüe.’ -It will be seen that she makes here so many conditions as to render the -league quite impossible. Not only is her daughter Margaret to marry -Carlos, and her son Henry a daughter of the Emperor with an independent -State, but all the other Catholic powers are to join the league before -France is to be bound to anything. - -Indeed, it is clear that the power of the Huguenot and ‘politician’ -nobles in France, and the old jealousy between France and Spain, -together with the persecution by the Inquisition of French residents and -visitors in Spain, and the massacre in the following year of the French -expedition to Florida by Philip’s orders, made a sincere co-operation -between the two countries in such a league impracticable;[192] and -though appearances were saved at Bayonne, Philip, when he joyfully met -his wife after her nineteen days’ absence from him, must have known that -again his dream of a Catholic league had failed. ‘Je ne fis qu’arriver -hier (writes the French ambassador to Catharine on Isabel’s return) de -baiser la main de la reine, la quelle j’ai trouvée si joieuse et -contente de la bonne venue du roy son mari, et de la démonstration de la -bonne affection et amitié qu’il lui fait.’ Though the personal affection -between the husband and wife was without a cloud, it was certain that -the political results of the marriage were insignificant. Isabel fought -hard for some satisfaction to the outrage to France in Florida, but -without result; Coligny, to her and Philip’s indignation, was growing -powerful in the French government; and the second war of religion was -seen to be inevitable, whilst the issue was already joined between -Philip and his Dutch subjects; pledged, as they were, to stand together -to resist him to the death. - -In the midst of these public causes for anxiety Philip was overjoyed to -learn that his wife, whose age was nearly twenty-one, was likely to -become a mother.[193] The King, as usual, arranged every small detail -himself of, ‘le régime dont elle devoit user pour conduire son fruit à -bon port’; and his demonstrations of affection and pride for his wife, -and rejoicing at his hopes for a time, even in public, overcame his -natural frigid dignity. Nor was Catharine less delighted, for to her, -should the child prove a son, the event was of the highest importance, -in view of the growing incapacity of Don Carlos; and she also sent by M. -de Saint Etienne a parcel to her daughter: ‘Où il y a tout plein de -recettes, dont elle peut avoir de besoin’; and she wrote personally to -the physician in attendance, urging him to make use of these recipes, -which she assured him would do Isabel good. - -Every day the smallest incident of the Queen’s condition were recounted -by courier to her mother; and Philip could hardly tear himself from her -side whilst he disposed of his usually beloved business. At length, on -the 1st August 1566, a daughter was born, at Balsain, near Segovia, to -Philip and Isabel. The child was christened Isabel, after the great -Queen and her mother, Clara because she was born on the day of the -Saint, and Eugénie, out of gratitude to the efficacious body of St. -Eugène—and the sumptuous ceremony of baptism was not allowed to pass -without a jealous wrangle between the Archbishop of Santiago and the -Bishop of Segovia, as to which should have the honour of performing the -rite, which was eventually celebrated by the Nuncio Castaneo, afterwards -Pope Urban VII. It would doubtless have been more satisfactory to Philip -had a son been born; but his joy and gratitude were nevertheless -intense, and the French ambassador, writing to Catharine a few days -afterwards, says that when he went to congratulate him, he had him (the -ambassador) led to the Queen’s room: ‘Voulant que je visse la fille -qu’il avoit plu Dieu lui donner, de laquelle il est tant aise qu’il ne -peut le dissimuler, et l’aime, à ce qu’il dit, pour le présent mieux -qu’un fils.’ This deep affection for his elder daughter lasted to the -King’s dying day; and the famous Infanta, designated by him to be in -succession Queen of England and France, became by his will sovereign of -the Netherlands, and inherited from her father not only the ancient -domains of his paternal house but his views, his methods, and his -obstinacy. - -The Queen lay apparently at the point of death for some days after her -delivery, but as soon as her life was safe, the great project, so long -discussed, of a voyage of the royal family to insurgent Flanders, was -again taken in hand. Philip was for going alone, leaving, it was hoped -by Catharine, his wife Regent, though Isabel herself begged hard that -she might be allowed to accompany her husband: ‘Car vraiment, je serois -trop marrie de demeurer par deçà après lui; je ferai ce qui sera en moi -qu’il ne m’y laisse point.’ There was another who desired as ardently as -she to go to Flanders with the King. This was his only son Don Carlos. -The young man’s frantic excesses had grown more scandalous than ever as -he became older. The struggle to obtain his hand in marriage was still -going on between the Austrian and French interests; but Philip continued -to put the matter gently aside on the ground of his son’s ill-health. - -The afflicted father had done his best to wean the Prince from his -violence and dissoluteness. He himself had been a dutiful son, ready to -sacrifice everything for the task confided to him, and his grief was -profound that this son of his youth should openly scandalise his court -by his disobedience and insolence to his father and sovereign. Like his -great-grandmother, Joan the Mad, the Prince lived in constant revolt -against authority, sacred and mundane. His conduct in the Council of -State, where his father had placed him to accustom him to business, had -shocked every one. Apparently out of sheer wrong-headedness he had -openly expressed his sympathy with the Netherlanders, who were defying -the will of his father, and he had extorted a semi-promise that he -should accompany the King to Flanders. Whether the Prince had entered -into any communication with the agents of the Flemings is doubtful; but -even if such were the case, and the ambition of Carlos to obtain an -early regency of Flanders was the end he had in view, it is a mere -travesty of history to represent that he seriously held reformed -opinions, any more than did Joan the Mad, when she reviled the mass and -the sacred symbols. - -In any case, Philip abandoned his intention, if he ever really held it, -of going in person to the Low Countries; and decided to send the -ruthless Alba with a great army to scourge the stubborn ‘beggars’ into -humble submission to his will. When Carlos heard this, and that he, too, -was to remain in Spain, his fury passed all bounds. He attempted to stab -Alba himself when he went to take leave; and when the Cortes of Castile -petitioned the King that the heir to the throne should be kept in Spain, -Carlos made an open scandal, and threatened the deputies with death. - -By this time, the autumn of 1567, Isabel was again pregnant, and -Philip’s hopes ran high that another son would be born to him. It is -clear that the great mission to which he and his father had devoted -strenuous lives could not safely be passed on to Carlos; and in -September, Ruy Gomez, Philip’s only friend, told the French ambassador -that if the Queen gave birth to a son, the future of Carlos as heir -would have to be reconsidered. The Prince was insatiable for money, -which he scattered broadcast on evil doings, he was openly insolent to -his father, and the latter suspected a design to escape clandestinely to -join the enemies of his State: and there is no doubt that if Isabel’s -second child had been a son, he would have been placed in the succession -before Don Carlos. Philip exceeded himself in tender solicitude for his -wife, but at last, on the 17th October 1567, the child that all Europe -was breathlessly expecting, was born—another daughter. - -Thereafter the romance of Don Carlos unfolded rapidly. Philip had been -patient and longsuffering under the affliction of such a son, but he at -length despaired, and his attachment to his heir gave place to antipathy -and disgust: especially when his physicians had definitely assured him -that his line could never be continued by Carlos.[194] The Prince, on -the other hand, hated his father bitterly, and was morose with his aunt -Joan, whom he formerly loved, and with the young Austrian Princes, -though he had now been formally betrothed to their sister Anna. The only -person who influenced him was Isabel: ‘Il fait semblant de trouver bon -tout ce que la reyne votre fille fait et dit, et n’y a personne qui -dispose de lui comme elle, et c’est sans artifice ni feinte, car il ne -sçait feindre ni dissimuler.’[195] - -Matters came to a head at the end of the year 1567. Philip and Isabel -had gone to pass Christmas at the newly commenced Palace of the -Escorial, when Carlos decided to make his long contemplated attempt to -escape from Spain. On the 23rd December, he whispered to his young -uncle, Don Juan of Austria, that he needed his help to get horses; and -Juan, recognising the seriousness of the situation, at once rode the -thirty odd miles to the Escorial to tell the King. As in all his great -calamities, Philip remained outwardly unmoved, and though he took such -measures secretly as would frustrate the flight, he did not return to -Madrid until the day previously fixed, the 17th January 1568. The next -day he went with Carlos to mass; but still made no sign. In the interim, -the Prince had even attempted to kill Don Juan; and it was time for his -father to strike, in order to prevent some greater tragedy, for Carlos -had admitted to his confessor that he had an ungovernable impulse to -kill a man. Whom? asked the confessor. The King, was the reply. For once -Philip broke down utterly when, with Ruy Gomez and other intimate -councillors, he deliberated what should be done. Late that night, when -the Prince slept, the afflicted father, with five armed gentlemen and -twelve guards, obtained entrance into the chamber, in spite of secret -bolts and locks; and when the Prince, disturbed, sprang up and sought -for his weapons, the weapons were gone. In rage and despair, he tried to -strangle himself, but was restrained; and, recognising that he was a -helpless prisoner, he flung himself upon his bed in an agony of grief, -and sobbed out, ‘I am not mad, not mad, only desperate.’ - -From that hour he was dead to the world, which saw him no more. The -position was a humiliating one for Philip, but he made the best of it, -by explaining to all the courts that the prince’s mental deficiency -necessitated his seclusion. To his own nearest relatives he did not hide -his bitterness. ‘It is not a punishment,’ he wrote, ‘would to God it -were, for it might come to an end: but I never can hope to see my son -restored to his right mind again. I have chosen in this matter to -sacrifice to God my own flesh and blood, preferring His service and the -universal good to all human considerations.’ Some sort of trial or -examination of the prince was held, but all professed accounts of the -proceedings must be accepted with caution. Certain it is that they -dragged on wearily, whilst the charges of treason, of conspiracy, of -disloyalty, and perhaps of heresy, were laboriously examined in strict -secrecy. Neither Isabel nor his aunt Joan was allowed to see Carlos, and -Don Juan was forbidden even to wear mourning for the calamity. By all -accounts the prince’s malady grew rapidly worse, as well it might in -such circumstances. Like Joan the Mad before him, he would starve for -days, and then swallow inedible things, he would alternately roast and -freeze himself, and he attempted suicide more than once. The end came on -the 25th July 1568, and the immense weight of testimony is in favour of -his having died in consequence of his own mad fancies in diet and -hygiene. - -When Fourquevault conveyed the news of Carlos’s death to Catharine, he -wrote that the Queen Isabel was suffering from fainting fits and -headache; but it was her wish that great signs of mourning should be -made for the Prince in France, to show the King of Spain that they -(_i.e._, the French) were sorry for his loss; ‘as the Spanish people -attach so much importance to appearances.’ Isabel in weak health, for -she was again pregnant, was deeply touched by the trouble around her. -The French ambassador was gleefully reminding her mother that the death -of Don Carlos was a very good thing for her, and praising her beauty, -which the deep Spanish mourning set off to advantage, whilst he indulged -in brilliant hopes for the birth of a son to Isabel. But the young -Queen’s heart was heavy, not for Carlos alone, but for the scenes of -horror which were flooding Flanders with blood under the flail of Alba. -Egmont and Horn had been treacherously sacrificed in Brussels, Montigny -in Spain, and her own dear France was reft in twain by fratricidal war. -She was a catholic as sincere as Philip himself, but that the faith -should need wholesale murder for its assertion shocked and frightened -her; and she languished in the atmosphere of gloomy determination which -surrounded Philip. - -Catharine wrote often in reply to the depressing news from her daughter, -arousing her hopes for a son who should, in his time, put all things -right; but Isabel at twenty-three had lost her gay elasticity, and the -advance of her pregnancy meant the advance of her exhausting malady. -Philip, as usual, was tenderly solicitous for her ease and happiness; -full of hope, too, that a son at last was to be born to him, for upon -this everything depended. The lying stories which long afterwards the -traitor Antonio Perez wove with hellish skill in the safe refuge of -Essex House, accusing Philip of jealousy of his wife with Don Carlos, -and subsequently with one Pozzo, are hardly worth more credit now than -the sentimental romance of the Abbé de St. Real about her love for -Carlos. Perez, whose only wish was to blacken Philip indelibly to please -his enemies, and his own paymasters in England and France, hints that -Philip himself connived at his beloved wife’s murder by poison: but even -if the confidential letters of her French friends now before us did not -disprove this, the fact that nothing could be so unfortunate for -Philip’s policy as Isabel’s death would give it the lie. - -Isabel had been suffering for months from heart failure and bodily -irregularities; and on the 3rd October 1568, the violent remedies -administered to her by her doctors caused a miscarriage. The poor Queen -knew that she was doomed, for when before daybreak Philip, heartbroken, -came and sat by her bed, she calmly took a last farewell of him, praying -him to be good to their two little girls, to be friendly with Catharine -and King Charles IX., and kind to the attendant ladies who had served -her so well: ‘with other words worthy of admiration, and fit to break -the heart of a good husband, such as the King was. He answered her in -the same way; for he could not believe that she was so near her end, and -promised all she asked him; after which he retired to his room in great -anguish, as I am told.’[196] The dying woman had confessed and received -extreme unction during the night; and early in the morning the French -ambassadors were summoned to her chamber. ‘She knew us at once, and -said, Ah! ambassador, you see me well on the road out of this unhappy -world into a better one ... pray my mother and brother to bear my loss -patiently, and to be satisfied with what pleases me more than any -prosperity I have enjoyed in this world, to go to my Creator, where I -may serve him better than I can here. I shall pray Him that all my -brothers and sisters may live long and happily, as well as my mother and -brother Charles: and I beg you to beseech them to look to their realm, -and prevent heresy taking root. Let them all take my death patiently, -for I am very happy.’ ‘O!’ replied the principal ambassador, ‘your -Majesty will live a long time yet, to see France good and happy.’ ‘No, -no, ambassador,’ she whispered, shaking her head with a faint smile. ‘I -do hope it will be so, but I do not wish to see it. I would much rather -go and see what I hope very soon to see.’ - -After much more tender talk of her own land and people, the dying Queen -took farewell of her countrymen and prayed awhile with her ghostly -comforters: then fell into slumber for a short ten minutes. At midday, -‘she suddenly opened her eyes, bright and sparkling, and it seemed to me -as if she wished to tell me something more, for they looked straight at -me:[197] and then Isabel of the Peace passed quietly into the world her -gentle soul longed for. ‘We left the palace all in tears, for throughout -the people of this city there is not one, great or small, that doth not -weep; for they all mourn in her the best Queen they have ever had.’ -Philip in grief hid himself from the world in the monastery of Saint -Jerome; but his task in the world was greater to him even than his -sorrow or his love. The hopes of the French alliance to extirpate heresy -had failed, failed utterly and completely. England, helping the -insurgent Flemings with all her might, had drifted further, and ever -further, away from him. In France the reformation was growing, and only -two lives—and bad ones—stood between the throne and a Huguenot King. -There was no male heir to inherit the thorny inheritance of championing -orthodox Christianity throughout the world. Whither could Philip turn -for sympathy and a mother for the heir he yearned for? Not to England; -not to France, for both had failed him. Where but to his own kin in -Austria; to his niece Anna, the betrothed of his dead son Carlos: and on -the second anniversary of Isabel’s death Anna of Austria landed in Spain -to marry her uncle Philip. Isabel of the Peace politically had lived in -vain. - - - - - BOOK IV - I - ISABEL OF BOURBON - - -The niece wife of Philip II. bore him many children, of whom one -weakling alone survived to inherit the oppressive crown of his father. -Anna was a homely, devout soul, submissive and obedient to her husband, -ever busy with her needle and her household cares; and, like the other -members of her house, overpowered with the vastness and majesty of the -mission confided by heaven to its chief.[198] On the voyage to Portugal -in 1580 Philip fell ill at Badajoz, and when his life was despaired of -Anna fervently prayed that he might be saved, even if she had to be -sacrificed instead. Her prayer was heard; and as the husband of -fifty-three recovered the wife of thirty sickened and died, leaving -Philip broken and lonely to live the rest of his weary life for his work -alone. The struggle to prevent the victory of reform in France, which -occupied Philip’s later years, and consummated the ruin of his country, -rendered impossible a renewal of the idea of a French and Spanish -coalition, except, indeed, by the conquest of France by Philip, which -many years of fruitless war proved to be impossible, whilst the gallant -cynic, Henry of Navarre, could hold up the national banner of France as -a rally point against the foreign invader. - -Once Philip, in sheer despair, turned, when it was too late, to England -again in the hope of bringing it into his system by force, if intrigue -and subornation of conspiracy and murder failed: but with the defeat of -the Armada that hope fled too; and again there was no possible bride but -an Austrian cousin for Philip’s heir, Philip III., and no feasible -policy from Philip’s point of view but a continuance of the close family -alliance with the German Habsburg descendants of Joan the Mad. The -Emperor, it is true, was forced to tolerate his Lutheran princes; but he -and his house made common cause with the Philips when the French cast -greedy eyes towards Catholic Flanders or Italy. Margaret of Austria -brought to sickly, scrofulous Philip III. an anæmic body and a stunted -mind to rear his children. She implored her mother passionately to save -her from the terrifying honour of sharing the gloomy throne of her -cousin, for in her Styrian home she lived the life of a nun, devoted -only to the humble care of the poor and sick of her own land: but she -was sternly told that all must be sacrificed to the supreme duty that -was hers; and thenceforward she, too, lived in the awestricken -atmosphere of religious abnegation, which was the mark of her Spanish -kindred.[199] In besotted, conventual devotion, and frivolous trifling -in turns, her monkish husband and she passed their lives; their -children, of whom they had several, all bloodless decadents of low -vitality, with big mumbling jaws and lack-lustre eyes, brought up in the -same pathetic tradition that to them and Spain—poor, ruined, desolated -Spain now—was confided the sacred duty and honour of upholding religious -orthodoxy throughout the world at any cost or sacrifice. - -So long as Henry IV. was King of France, even though he had ‘gone to -mass,’ the close union with Spain was impossible: but on the fateful day -in May 1610 when, in the narrow Paris lane, the dagger of Ravaillac -pierced the heart of the great ‘Béarnais,’ all was changed. The -Queen-Regent of France was one of the Papal Medici, imbued, as they all -were, with the tradition of Spain’s orthodoxy and overwhelming might. -Her marriage with Henry had been a victory for the extreme Catholic -party in Europe; but so long as Henry lived he had prevented violent -reaction. Now that he was gone, with his Huguenot traditions, France and -Spain, it was thought, might again be joined in a Catholic league, and -together impose their form of faith upon the world, either by armed -force or political pressure. It was a foolish, impracticable plan, for -Frenchmen were too far advanced now to be used to play the game of -impotent bankrupt Spain, powerful only in its pride and its traditions. - -But James I. of England had been toadying and humiliating himself to -gain Philip’s aid in favour of his son-in-law, the Palatine in Germany, -and it doubtless seemed a good stroke of policy on the part of France -and Spain to leave him and the Lutherans isolated. In any case no time -was lost, and before Henry IV. had lain in his tomb at St. Denis a year -it was agreed that the Spanish Infanta, Anna, should marry Louis XIII. -of France, and that Isabel, or Elizabeth, the eldest daughter of Henry -IV. and Marie de Medici, should become the wife of Philip, Prince of -Asturias, the son and heir of the Spanish King. All the betrothed were -children of tender age, and it was agreed that the exchange of brides -should be deferred until the Infanta was twelve years old (1613). -Pompous and lavish embassies went through the solemn farce of paying -honour to the girl-children respectively as Queen of France and Princess -of Asturias. The Duke of Mayenne, of the house of Guise, ruffled and -swaggered in Madrid with a marriage embassy so splendid in 1612, that -the cost of entertaining him beggared the capital for years; and so keen -was the emulation in sumptuousness of dress and adornments during the -interminable festivities in Madrid to celebrate the double betrothals, -that the Spanish nobles came to dagger-thrusts on the subject in the -palace itself. - -In Paris Ruy Gomez’s son, the Duke of Pastrana, paid similar court to -the dark-haired girl of nine who was betrothed to young Philip, heir of -Spain, two years younger. Three years more had to pass, notwithstanding -the impatience of the French, before the backward little Infanta Anna, -in October 1615, was conveyed with a pomp and extravagance that ill -matched the penury of her father’s realm, to the frontier of France, -there to be exchanged for Isabel of Bourbon, her brother’s bride.[200] -On the 9th November 1615 all the chivalry of France and Spain were once -more assembled on either bank of the little stream of Bidasoa that -separated the two countries. Wasteful luxury and vain magnificence had -been squandered wantonly by the Spanish nobles, determined, as usual, to -put the French to shame. At Behovia, the point where the ceremony was to -take place, sumptuous banqueting-halls had been erected upon rafts -moored on each side of the stream, whilst in mid-current another raft -supported a splendid pavilion covered with velvet and cloth of gold, and -carpeted with priceless silken carpets from the East. Here the Duke of -Guise delivered Isabel of France to the Duke of Uceda, in exchange for -Anna of Austria, thenceforward Queen of France. The romantic and -turbulent career of the latter is related elsewhere: here we have to -follow the fortunes of the beautiful dark-haired girl of twelve who, -like Isabel of the Peace fifty-four years before, turned her back upon -her native land to cement the Catholic alliance between France and -Spain.[201] - -The circumstances were widely different, for the battle of religious -liberty in Europe was practically won, though the blind faith and vanity -of Philip III. refused, even now, to recognise the fact, or his own -poverty-stricken impotence. The Medici Queen-Regent of France, moreover, -was a very different person from her kinswoman Catharine. She was not -playing her own game so much as that of the cunning Italians who -directed her, and it was soon evident, under Richelieu, that Frenchmen -were no longer to be made the playthings of foreign ambitions. Isabel, -child as she was, had a stout heart and a high spirit, as befitted her -father’s daughter. She was willing enough to be a queen upon the most -pretentious throne in Europe; but she was not made for martyrdom, and, -as we shall see, her marriage was even less influential in securing -lasting peace and co-operation between France and Spain than that of the -previous Isabel had been. - -Through Fuenterrabia, San Sebastian and Vitoria, Isabel travelled -towards Burgos, where she was to meet her boy bridegroom. Dressed in -Spanish garb from Vitoria onward, she won all hearts by her gaiety and -brightness; and, as an eyewitness says of her, ‘even if she had French -blood in her veins she had a Spanish spirit.’ Philip III. and his son -met the bride a league from Burgos, and we are told that the prince of -eleven years old was so dazzled with her beauty that he could only gaze -speechless upon her. The next day Burgos was all alive with the -splendour of the welcome of the future Queen, who entered the city on a -white palfrey with a silver saddle and housings of velvet and pearls; -and so, from city to city, smiling and happy, the girl, in the midst of -the inflated Court, slowly made her way to Madrid. On the afternoon of -19th December 1615 Isabel rode from the monastery of St. Jerome[202] -through Madrid to the palace upon the cliff overlooking the valley of -the Manzanares. An eyewitness describes her appearance as she rode -through the mile of crowded narrow streets of old Madrid, under -triumphal arches, past thousands of peopled balconies, hung with -tapestries, with songs and music of welcome all the way. ‘Her Highness -was dressed in the French fashion, with an entire robe of crimson satin -embroidered with bugles, a little cap trimmed with diamonds, and a ruff -beautifully trimmed in French style, and with a rosette and girdle of -diamonds of great size. She went her way, bright and buxom, full of -rejoicing. Her aquiline face was wreathed in smiles, and her fine eyes -flashed from side to side, looking at everything, to the great delight -of the populace.’[203] - -It was five years after this, on the 25th November 1620, at the palace -of Pardo, that young Philip and Isabel began their married life -together. Philip was yet barely sixteen when (in March 1621) the low -vitality of his father flickered out, and the monarch, who should have -been a monk, passed, in alternate paroxysms of fear and ecstacies of -hope, from the world in which he had meant so well and done so ill. The -corruption and waste under Lerma and his crew of parasites had bled -Spain to the white, and utter ruin was now the lot of whole populations. -The tradition of the King’s wealth which still lingered could hardly be -kept up now, though at the fall of Lerma some of the worst robbers had -been made to disgorge their booty. The King had been beloved and revered -for his saintliness, but all saw the desolation that his idle dependence -upon favourites had caused. Spain now looked only to the sallow, -long-faced boy, Philip IV., with the light blue eyes and lank flaxen -hair, to save the people from starvation. Not to him, but to the man at -his side, it soon learned to look. He was a big-boned powerful man of -thirty-three, with a great square head, heavy stooping shoulders, fierce -black eyes, burning like live coals in an olive face; and his upturned -twisted moustache added to the haughty imperiousness of his mien. This -was the man, Gaspar de Guzman, Count of Olivares, Duke of St. Lucar, who -made a clean sweep of all the corrupt gang that had fattened upon Spain, -the brood of Rojas and Sandoval, and replaced them with his own -creatures. Philip, like his father, meant well, and was naturally a much -more able man; but he was idle, pleasure-loving, and pathetically unable -to resist temptation, each constantly recurring transgression being -followed by an agony of remorse, only to be again committed when the -first poignancy of regret had passed. - -Following the advice of Olivares, he attempted to mend matters by -cutting down expenses alone, instead of changing the system of taxation -and finance; and the ‘spirited foreign policy’ which he adopted soon -involved him in expenditure, which later completed the downfall of the -country. The foolish old dream that catholic unity might be won by -Spanish arms still kept him at war with the Dutch, whilst the Moors were -harrying the Spanish coasts and commerce, and France and Spain were -already at loggerheads again, now that Marie de Medici and her crew had -been thrust into the background. Instead of recognising facts and lying -low to recuperate, Olivares and Philip, with the blinded nation behind -them, were as boastful and haughty as their predecessors had been in the -days of Spain’s strength. The weak poltroon who reigned unworthily in -England, was ever ready to truckle to apparent strength. He had -sacrificed Raleigh at Spain’s bidding, he had been contemptuously used -and scorned by Lerma and Philip III. when he had tried to marry his heir -to a Spanish Infanta, and he had been cleverly kept from an alliance -with France by hopes and half promises. But the Palatinate was still -unrestored, and when Philip III. had died, James made another attempt -with the new King to win Spain’s friendship by a marriage. - -The hare-brained trip of Prince Charles and Buckingham to Madrid, to win -the hand of the Infanta and the alliance of Spain, has often been -described, and can hardly be touched upon here. The Prince suddenly -appeared disguised at the English embassy at Madrid on the 7th March -1622, and the next day, to the dismay of Olivares, the awkward visit was -known to all the capital. He and young Philip made the best of a bad -business. To abandon Austria and the Palatinate for the sake of -protestant England did not suit them, but they could be polite. All the -edicts ordering economy of dress, eating, and adornments, were -suspended, and whilst Charles stayed in Madrid a tempest of prodigality -prevailed. Isabel and the Infanta played their parts in the farce with -apprehension and reluctance, for the former knew that the besought -alliance was directed against France, and the Infanta was horrified at -the idea of marrying a heretic. But they did their best to keep up -appearances, especially Isabel, who treated Charles most graciously. The -day after his arrival, Philip and his wife and sister, the latter with a -blue ribbon round her arm to distinguish her, rode in a coach to the -church in the Prado, and Charles, of course quite by accident, met them -both coming and going, to his great satisfaction. Soon after Isabel sent -to the English prince a fine present of white underwear, a nightgown -beautifully worked, and several scented coffers, with golden keys, full -of toilet requisites, probably guessing that in his rapid voyage he had -not brought such luxuries with him; and at the great bull fight at the -Plaza Mayor in honour of the Prince, she sat in brown satin, bordered -with gold, in the fine balcony of the city bread-store overlooking the -Plaza, as Charles, in black velvet and white feathers, rode his fine bay -horse into the arena by the side of Philip, to take his place in an -adjoining box. - -Before the masked ball on Easter Sunday, given by the Admiral of Castile -in Charles’s honour, Isabel in white satin, covered with precious -stones, dined in public; and then, changing her dress to one of black -and gold, awaited the English Prince to lead her to the ballroom. There -during the entertainment, and on all other occasions, he sat at her -right hand under a royal canopy, with Philip on her left; whilst the -Earl of Bristol, on his knees before them, interpreted the small talk -suitable to the occasion. And so, with comedies and cane tourneys, -banquets and balls, Charles and Buckingham were beguiled by Olivares for -well nigh six months, until the farce grew stale, and Charles wended his -way home again, nominally betrothed to the Infanta, but really outwitted -and his country humiliated. The defeat was softened by much loving -profession and splendid presents from Philip and his courtiers to the -English Prince; and it is somewhat curious that, on the departure of -Charles, the present given to him by Isabel again took the form of white -linen garments, fifty amber-dressed skins, two hundred and fifty scented -kidskins for gloves, a large sum in silver crowns, and other -things.[204] - -Philip and his wife had now settled down to their regular life in the -most brilliant court in Europe. It was the Augustan age of Spanish -literature and the drama, and a perfect craze for comedies and satirical -verse seized upon the Spanish people, under the influence of the King -and Queen, both of them passionately fond of the theatre and diversions -of all sorts. Isabel, like her husband, was conventionally devout, and -her religious benefactions were constant, as well as her attendances at -the ceremonies of the church;[205] but in her devotion she had none of -the gloomy monastic character which had afflicted her husband’s family, -and the social demeanour of the courtiers and of the townspeople -generally underwent a complete change in her time. Her manners, indeed, -were so free and debonair as to have given rise to some quite -unsupported scandal as to her faithfulness to her husband. Madrid was a -perfect hotbed of tittle-tattle; everybody considered it necessary to be -able to spin satirical verses, and as these were generally anonymous and -in manuscript, the reputation of no one, high or low, was safe from -attack. - -The reaction from the rigid propriety of previous reigns led the Court -of Philip IV. to assume a licence that quite shocked foreigners. Much of -the day was passed in parading up and down the Calle Mayor (High Street) -in coaches, and much of the night in summer in promenading in the dry -bed of the river. Gallantry became the fashion, and ladies, very far -from resenting, welcomed broad compliments and doubtful jests addressed -to them by strangers in the streets.[206] The palace itself, especially -the new pleasure palace of the Buen Retiro, built in the Prado for -Philip by Olivares in 1632, was a notorious focus of intrigue; -encouraged by the example of Philip himself, by far the most dissolute -king of his line. From his early youth he had delighted in amateur -acting, and under a pseudonym (Un Ingenio de esta Corte), wrote comedies -himself, and delighted in the society of dramatic people. - -Isabel was as keen a lover of the stage as her husband, and from the -first days after the mourning for Philip III. was over, she began her -favourite diversion of private theatricals in her own apartments. From -October 1622, every Sunday and Thursday during the winter, as well as on -holidays, comedies were performed by regular actors in her private -theatre. Some of these comedies may be mentioned to show the taste of -the Queen in such matters. ‘_The Scorned Sweetheart_,’ ‘_The Loss of -Spain_,’ and ‘_The Jealousy of a Horse_,’ were three plays by Pedro -Valdés, for which Isabel paid 300 reals (£6) each, the previous price -having been £4. ‘_Gaining Friends_,’ ‘_The Power of Opportunity_,’ and -‘_How our Eyes are Cheated_,’ ‘_The Fortunate Farmer_,’ ‘_The Woman’s -Avenger_,’ and ‘_The Husband of His Sister_,’ were others; and the total -number of such plays represented in the Queen’s apartments in the palace -during the winter of 1622–23, was forty-three, the fees for which -reached 13,500 reals (£270).[207] - -Whilst the Prince of Wales was in Madrid the theatres in the palace, and -the two public courtyard theatres in the capital, had a busy season. -James Howell, writing from Madrid at the time,[208] says, ‘There are -many excellent poems made here since the Prince’s arrival, which are too -long to couch in a letter. Yet I will venture to send you this one -stanza of Lope de Vega: - - “Carlos Estuardo soy, - Que, siendo amor mi guia, - Al cielo de España voy, - Por ver mi estrella Maria.” - - “Charles Stuart here am I - Guided by love afar, - Into the Spanish sky - To see Maria my star.” - -‘There are comedians once a week come to the palace, where, under a -great canopy, the Queen and the Infanta sit in the middle, our Princeps -and Don Carlos on the Queen’s right hand, the King and the little -Cardinal (_i.e._ the King’s boy-brother, Ferdinand) on the Infanta’s -left hand.’ - -Philip’s notorious and scandalous infidelity to his wife, to whom, -nevertheless, he was devotedly attached, did not prevent him from being -violently jealous of any appearance of special loving homage to her -beauty and charm. At one of the great cane tourneys to celebrate his -accession in the summer of 1621, it was noticed that when Juan de -Tassis, Count of Villamediana, rode with his troop of horsemen into the -arena, he was wearing a sash covered with the silver coins called -_reales_ (royals), and flaunting as his motto, ‘My loves are reals’ (or -royal). The Count was a spiteful poetaster, neither good looking nor -young, but boastful and presumptuous; and the quidnuncs of the capital -who flocked ‘Liar’s parade,’[209] began to whisper that this was a -challenge to the love of the Queen; and that the King, when his wife had -remarked that Villamediana aimed well, had replied, ‘Yes, but he aims -too high.’ It is now fairly certain that Villamediana’s homage was not -intended for the Queen, but for another lady, named Francisca de Tavara, -with whom the King was carrying on an intrigue at the time;[210] and -beyond her usual jovial heartiness there is no ground for supposing that -Isabel gave Villamediana any encouragement. - -But in the following spring of 1622, when the Court was at Aranjuez, a -far more serious matter happened which produced tragic results for -Villamediana. There was a great festival to celebrate Philip’s -seventeenth birthday, and one of the attractions was a temporary theatre -of canvas and wood erected in the ‘island garden,’ and beautifully -adorned, in which was to be represented at night a comedy in verse -written by the Count of Villamediana, and dedicated to the Queen. The -comedy was called ‘_La Gloria de Niquea_,’ and Isabel was to represent -the part of the goddess of beauty. All the Court was assembled, the King -being in his seat with his brothers and sister, and the Queen in the -retiring rooms behind the stage. The inside of the flimsy building was -of course lit brilliantly with wax candles and lamps, whilst in the -densely wooded gardens outside all was dark, when suddenly, at the -moment that the prologue had been finished, a cry went up from behind -the curtain: and then a long tongue of flame licked up the side, and -immediately the whole of the stage was aflame. Panic seized upon the -gaily bedizened crowd, and there was a rush to escape. In the confusion -the King with difficulty found his way out, only to rush to the back of -the edifice in search of his wife. Villamediana had been before him, and -Philip found his wife half fainting in the Count’s arms. - -Whatever may be the truth of the matter, it was soon noised about by the -scandalmongers of Madrid that Villamediana had planned the whole affair, -and had purposely set fire to the place that he might have an excuse for -clasping the Queen in his arms. This was on the 8th April 1622; and -when, in August of the same year, Villamediana was assassinated in his -coach at nightfall in the Calle Mayor, within a few yards of his own -house,[211] all fingers pointed to Philip himself as the instigator of -the crime; and the current jingle ascribed to Lope de Vega, in which it -says that ‘_el impulso fué soberano_’ echoed public opinion on the -matter. No blame, however, in any case can be ascribed to Isabel, nor -did Philip ever cease to hold her in affection and esteem. - -She was a true daughter of her father, sage in counsel, bold in action, -but with a gaiety of heart that often made her pleasures look frivolous -and unbecoming. More Spanish than the Spaniards, she loved the bullfight -and the theatre with an intensity that delighted her husband’s subjects, -who were crazy for both pastimes, but in her boisterous vitality she -would often countenance amusements contrived for her which we should now -think coarse. Quarrels and fights between country women would be -incited, or nocturnal tumults by torchlight in the gardens of Aranjuez -or the Retiro, arranged for her to witness; snakes or other noxious -reptiles would be secretly set loose on the floor of a crowded theatre -to the confusion of the spectators, whilst the Queen almost laughed -herself into a fit, at one of the windows overlooking the scene. The -Court indeed during the first years of her married life was a merry one, -notwithstanding its ostentatious devotion; and, although Olivares more -than once urged the King to take a more active interest in the -government and give less time to his amusements, the minister’s enemies, -and he had many, averred that there was nothing he really liked better -than to keep the young monarch immersed in pleasure, that he himself -might rule supreme.[212] - -Much as Isabel herself loved pleasure, she began to be anxious, as -troubles at home and abroad accumulated, at the complete abandonment of -public affairs to the minister, and she urged Philip most earnestly to -give more time to his duties. She had good reason to be distrustful, for -she saw how weak to resist his impulses Philip was. His love affairs -were legion, and as in the case of most of his courtiers, gallantry -became a habit with him. There was, however, one affair of Philip’s that -gave his wife more disquietude than most of the others. Olivares, it was -said, in pursuance of his system, had agents all over Spain to send to -Madrid the most talented actors and attractive actresses that could be -found; and in 1627 there appeared as a member of a very clever troupe at -the ‘Corral de la Pacheca’[213] a girl of sixteen named Maria Calderon. -She was no great beauty, but of extraordinary grace and fascination, -with a voice so sweet, and speech so captivating, that she subdued all -hearts. Philip saw her on the stage, and fell in love with her at once. -She was summoned to the room overlooking the courtyard that served the -King for a private box, in order that he might listen more closely to -the cadence of her lovely voice, and the inflammable heart of Philip -grew warmer still. From the Corral to the palace was but a step when the -king willed it, and the ‘Calderona’ became Philip’s acknowledged -mistress. Gifts and caresses were piled upon her by the love-lorn King; -and the Calderona, proud of her position, turned a severe face to all -other lovers, needing, as she said, no favour but royal favour. - -On the 17th April 1629 she had a son by the King, to the great delight -of Philip. The child Juan of Austria was the handsomest member of his -house, and Philip’s affection for him from the first was intense; -somewhat to Isabel’s chagrin when she herself bore him a son six months -afterwards.[214] But from the worthy ‘Calderona’ she had no more rivalry -to fear. As soon as the actress could go out she sought the King, and, -throwing herself at his feet, craved permission, humbly and tearfully, -to devote the rest of her life to religion in a convent, now that she -had been honoured by bearing a son to the King. Philip loved her still -and hesitated, but she firmly refused to cohabit with him again; and -with sorrow he gave way, and the Calderona became a nun.[215] - -Isabel’s children were many, five who died at, or soon after, their -births having preceded the looked-for heir of Spain, Don Baltasar -Carlos, that chubby, sturdy little Prince (born in October 1629) who -prances his fat pony for ever upon the canvas of Velazquez. The fastuous -taste of the King and Court was satisfied to the full in the baptism of -Baltasar Carlos. The Countess of Olivares, who was as supreme in the -palace as her husband was in the country, held the babe at the font, -seated, as we are told by an eyewitness, upon ‘a seat of rock crystal, -the most costly piece of furniture ever seen in Europe’; and presents -were showered upon the midwife to the value of thirteen thousand ducats. -As soon as the Queen was able to appear, her birthday (21st November) -was celebrated on this occasion as it had never been before. Masquerades -on horseback, torchlight parades, cane contests and bullfights succeeded -each other, in all of which the King made a sumptuous appearance with -his brother, Don Carlos; and the Queen, who had given an heir to the -crown, was honoured to the full. - -This splendid Court, strutting and posturing in rich garments upon the -brink of the slope which was leading to Spain’s overthrow, had the -advantage of being immortalised upon canvas by the greatest master of -portraiture that ever lived, and laid bare to the very soul by some of -the keenest satirists who ever wielded pen. The battue parties, in which -Philip and his wife delighted, for the killing of stags in an enclosure, -are brought before us as if we were present by the great picture in -which Velazquez has portrayed the scene.[216] In the park of Aranjuez, -with the afternoon sun glinting through the trees, dark against a -cloudless sky, the white canvas enclosure is erected. Into its gradually -narrowing limits the frightened deer have been driven by mounted -beaters, and at the only exit through the neck of the funnel are -stationed the gentlemen, beneath a sort of platform of leafy boughs -decked with red cloth, in which the ladies sit. The central figure of -the twelve ladies, seated upon a crimson cushion, the better to see the -sport, is the Queen, Isabel of Bourbon, dressed in a yellow robe, and -wearing a white bow upon her head. Beneath the platform there await, -mounted, the onrush of the deer, Philip and his two brothers, Carlos and -Ferdinand, and, of course, Olivares. With their hunting knives, they -slash at the deer as they fly past underneath the ladies’ bower, killing -some, ham-stringing others, and leaving the rest that escape to be dealt -with by the hounds awaiting them beyond. The ground beneath the bower is -drenched with the warm blood of the butchered beasts, and the ladies -smile approval at the sickly spectacle, whilst groups of courtiers, -servants, and beaters, crowd the foreground and discuss the King’s -prowess. - -Another hunting scene, a little less repugnant to modern ideas, is the -famous ‘Boar Hunt’ in the National Gallery in London. Here the canvas -enclosure is in the hunting seat of the Pardo, and Philip, on his -prancing mount, is just thrusting his forked javelin into the flank of a -passing boar, whilst around him are his courtiers and companions in the -sport, with Olivares nearest; and in the arena there are some clumsy -blue carriages, with partially curtained windows innocent of glass -except in front, in one of which sits Queen Isabel. The mules of her -coach have, of course, been unharnessed and put out of harm’s way; but -as the boars are agile and fierce, and had been known to leap into the -coaches, the ladies themselves are armed with light javelins to repel -them. Every detail of the life of this pleasure-loving Court has been -fixed for us by the great painter: the ladies and gentlemen in the garb -in which they lived, the dwarfs and buffoons who amused them, the -palaces in which they intrigued; and, as a running accompaniment always, -the sated weary face of the King from youth to age. - -Fair and lymphatic, with dull blue eyes, and colourless sallow face, -Philip had inherited the tradition that in all public appearances the -King of Spain must never smile: and, mad votary of pleasure as he was, -he never moved a muscle either in delight or annoyance whilst he was -behind the footlights. Isabel was more spontaneous, and Spanish -etiquette never crushed her. But as time went on and the clouds piled up -for the coming tempest, her face grew heavier and her eyes more sad. Her -portrait was painted many times by Velazquez, though only one specimen -remains in the Museo del Prado, the equestrian figure, painted at about -the time of Baltasar’s birth before misfortune had spoilt her life. -Another likeness of her, now at Hampton Court, was painted ten years -later (1638), shows the change wrought by trouble: but in all -Velazquez’s representations of the Queen, we see the same -characteristics: the large, expressive black eyes, the broad spacious -forehead, and the strong full jaw; and, though the general aspect was -more like her buxom mother than her clever father, Isabel’s countenance -is alive with intelligence. In the later portraits the face grows weary, -and the lower part is flaccid and heavy, but in all the painted -portraits of Isabel by Velazquez, we have the woman herself before us; -not a sensuous idealisation of her, like that painted by Rubens, and now -at the Louvre. - -[Illustration: - - ISABEL OF BOURBON. -] - -If the painter has handed to us by his genius the exact reflection of -this Court in a way that makes it live for us more vividly, perhaps, -than any other, Quevedo and his followers, especially Velez de Guevara -in _El Diablo Cojuelo_, have left in biting prose records no less -faithful of its amusements, its follies, and crimes. By the light held -up by the satirists we see an utterly decadent society, sunk, from the -King downwards, into a slough of apathetic despondency of ever bettering -things, whilst each individual strives madly to get as much pleasure as -he can wring out of life, by fair means or foul, before the catastrophe -overwhelms them all. Faith has decayed, and trembling superstition mixed -with scoffing irreverence has taken its place: idleness is everywhere; -poverty and squalor seek to masquerade as nobility, in order to claim -the privilege to plunder which Court and Church alone possess, and -labour is scorned as beneath the subjects of a King so wealthy and -powerful as the sovereign of Spain is still assumed to be, in the face -of all evidence to the contrary. A pretentious, hollow society it was, -where all sought to share in the scramble, even at second or third hand, -for the possessions of the State, oblivious to the fact that the State -itself could possess nothing but what the individual citizens supplied. - -Pretence was not limited to rank and material possessions. The noble -poet and satirist kept a sycophantic man of letters to supply him with -the lucubrations that moved the Court to admiration when they bore the -name of a marquis, the cities swarmed with sham students, who pattered -Latin tags, and cadged on the strength of a scholarship that was not -theirs: and when showy pageants palled upon the King, and even his -beloved comedies failed to spur his jaded wit, Philip could always find -solace in the pedantic and affected academies and poetical contests over -which he was so fond of presiding in his palace. There well-studied -impromptus were mouthed, far-fetched conceits declaimed with a pomposity -worthy of inspired prophecy, and preciosity run mad twisted and befouled -the noble Castilian speech into the bastard _Latiniparla_, at which -Quevedo gibed whilst himself revelling in it. - -It was a Court of mean shams and squalid splendour, where all was -rottenness but the fair outside. How ostentatious that outside was may -be seen in the many records of court festivities that a bombastic age -has handed to us. They are for the most part insufferably tedious -catalogues of the dress and ornaments of pompously named nobles, -courtiers, and favourites;[217] but a few details of two great feasts in -which Isabel took a conspicuous part, may be set forth here as a -specimen of the diversions of her time. An entertainment, given to the -sovereigns by the Countess of Olivares early in June 1631, in the garden -of her brother, the Count of Monterey, inspired Olivares with the idea -of outdoing all previous efforts in the same direction. The time was -short, for the night of St. John (24th June) was the day fixed. Two -comedies had to be written specially for the occasion; and Lope de Vega, -the most marvellously prolific playwright that ever lived, managed to -compose one of them in three days: whilst Quevedo and Antonio Mendoza, -put on their mettle by Lope’s rapidity, wrote another jointly in a -single day, whilst Olivarez himself snatched rare moments of leisure -from State affairs, of which he was the universal minister, to -superintend the rehearsals. - -As if by enchantment, in a few days there sprang up in the gardens[218] -a sumptuous pavilion from which the King and Queen, with their favoured -courtiers, might see the play. In front was erected the open air -theatre, crowded with crystal lights and rare flowers, whilst all around -were platforms for other guests, choristers, etc. At nine o’clock at -night, Philip and Isabel alighted from their coach, and were received by -Olivares to the sounds of soft music. When they had taken their seats, -Philip on a chair of state, and Isabel on a pile of cushions, trays of -presents were brought them, perfumes, embroidered scented handkerchiefs, -and essences in cut glass flasks,[219] Isabel being especially asked to -accept in addition a jewelled Italian fan. Quevedo’s comedy, _Quien mas -miente medra mas_ (He who lies most thrives most) was represented first, -after a musical prologue and a poetic welcome to Isabel recited by the -famous actress Maria de Riquelme. The first representation occupied two -hours and a half, we are told by an eyewitness: ‘during which many -excellent dances were introduced; and although the players, having had -little time to study, did not succeed in bringing out all the witty -invention of the verses, it is certain that in many ordinary comedies -together could not be found such an abundance of smart jests as in this -one alone; for one day’s work was sufficient for Don Francisco de -Quevedo’s wit to invent it all.’ - -When the first comedy was finished Philip and Isabel were led to the -adjoining garden of the Duke of Maqueda,[220] where there had been -erected two bowers or summer-houses of leaves and blossoms, with a great -number of coloured lights. These two arbors, one for the King and the -other for the Queen, communicated by an arched passage of foliage, and -were surrounded by similar erections for the suite, each bower being -supplied with a table of light refreshments. In the King’s bower there -was a hamper containing a long cloak of brown cloth, ornamented at the -edge by scrolls of black and silver, solid silver hanging buttons, and -loops serving for fastening. This was accompanied by a white -wide-brimmed hat trimmed with brown feathers and a white aigrette, and a -Walloon falling collar,[221] which was still occasionally worn in place -of the almost universal _golilla_. The King’s brothers were similarly -supplied with disguises; whilst in the Queen’s bower the hamper -contained a mirror, a brown woollen cloak embroidered at the bottom with -sprigs of black silk and silver, the fastenings in this case also being -solid silver hanging buttons and silver loops. The cloak was lined with -silk of the same colour, hemmed and stitched with black and silver, and -with it was a beautiful lace mantilla, a pleated lace ruff, and a white -hat adorned with brown and white plumes and spangles. The whole Court -was thus supplied with wraps and headgear against the night air. A light -supper of surpassing daintiness was then served in the arbors, and the -whole party, politely supposed to be disguised, proceeded to witness the -second comedy; the Queen in her capricious garb, ‘adding to her natural -and marvellous graciousness and beauty the extraordinary attraction of -the strangeness of attire, without losing an atom of the dignity which -distinguishes her Majesty, no less than the other admirable virtues and -perfections which shine in her.’ We are assured that the unusual hats -and garments worn by the King and his brothers were equally powerless to -spoil their dignified appearance, ‘as they unite those qualities which -vulgar censure and envy always strive to keep apart, namely, great -beauty and a noble air:’ and the writer of the account from which I -quote, nervous, apparently, at what the outside public would say to such -a derogation of royalty as to don disguises, assures us that only a very -select company was allowed to be present.[222] - -The comedy of Lope de Vega, ‘_La Noche de San Juan_,’ was then -represented on the open air stage, and a short concert followed, after -which the King and Queen were conducted to a flower-decked gallery -erected in the other adjoining garden.[223] Here, after midnight, -another delicate refection was partaken of, the Count and Countess of -Olivares serving the King and Queen, the whole banquet being so well -organised that everything went off with the utmost decorum and -quietness, except for the sweet music which enlivened the feast. When -the day was just breaking the King and Queen entered their coach and, -after a few turns in the Prado, rode home to the palace to bed. Olivares -was praised to the skies for the organisation of this lavish feast, and -the wonder is expressed that the licentious crowd of people who -frequented the Prado at night should have been so awed by the presence -of the King in the garden adjoining, that no disturbance or disorder -took place. - -This feast, fine as it was, was completely thrown in the shade by -another which took place a few yards away, two years later (1633), when, -at tremendous expense, and much unjust appropriation of other people’s -property, Olivares run up and sumptuously furnished, in an amazing short -time, the pleasure palace of the Buen Retiro, which afterwards became -Philip’s favourite place of residence, where his comedies, academies, -concerts, recitations and masquerades could be indulged in with more -propriety than in the gloomy, old half-Moorish palace on the cliff at -the other end of the town. The house warming of the Buen Retiro lasted -for a week in one continual round of tedious entertainment, in which -invention and lavishness exhausted itself; but this was only the first -of a series of such revels in the same place, for which any pretext was -seized. - -In January 1637, for instance, when Philip learnt that his -brother-in-law, Ferdinand, had been elected King of the Romans, and -future Emperor, an entertainment was ordered on a prodigious scale at -the Buen Retiro. Three thousand men were set to work to level a hill -that Pinelo (Anales) says ‘had stood since the world was made,’ for the -purpose of building a wooden enclosure 608 feet long and 480 wide. Four -hundred and eight large balconies or boxes surrounded this vast space, -which was painted to look like masonry outside, whilst the inside was -hung with silk and tapestries, and a silver railing ran round the front -of the boxes. Nine hundred huge candelabra, ‘with four lights in each,’ -illuminated the plaza; and the royal box, with its gilded roofs and -pillars, and its green and gold appointments, glittered with mirrors -which cast back the twinkling lights that fell upon them. Blazonry, -imperial and royal crowns, scutcheons of arms and ‘conceited devices,’ -were displayed on every side; and when, on the 15th February (Sunday), -Philip came to the feast in state from the house, in the Carrera de San -Geronimo, where he had robed, through a broad lane of people, with -torch-bearers standing shoulder to shoulder throughout his route, people -said that never had such a gorgeous show been seen in Spain. - -With martial music, before them rode in his train, sixteen bands of -nobles, twelve in each band, all dressed alike in black velvet and -silver, and every man carrying in his right hand a lighted wax taper, -whilst he restrained his prancing steed with the left. Last of all the -bands came those of Olivares and the King, dressed like the others, but -with some richer ornaments; and then great triumphal cars of strange and -showy designs, made by Cosme Lotti, the clever Florentine. Each of them -was 30 feet long and 46 feet high, lit with 100 torches, and contained -innumerable figures and devices; and bands of music, the weight being so -great that twenty-four bullocks were needed to draw each one, the -bullocks themselves being hung with crimson, and accompanied by men in -the garb of Orientals bearing silver torches. After them followed forty -savages, whose clubs were torches; and as the great procession entered -the enclosed space, and each party passed before Queen Isabel in the -royal box, a fanfare sounded and the men saluted the sovereign; the -whole procession, after having completed the circle, forming up in front -of the royal box, whilst the mummers on the cars represented before the -Queen ‘a colloquy of peace and war.’ - -Philip’s band of nobles in their musical ride and intricate evolutions, -of course excelled all others; and the King, acclaimed as the champion -cavalier of his realm, ascended to his wife’s box to lay at her feet the -guerdon of his prowess, and witness the rest of the feast at her side. -For ten days thereafter the feasting and vain show went on, comedies, -concerts, banquets, balls, water fetes on the lake, illumination of the -woods, bull fights by torchlight, a poetical contest and greasy poles; a -cotillon in which the party pelted each other with eggshells full of -perfume, and a hundred other devices to waste time and money,[224] and -to beguile Philip from the looming affairs of State, now wholly managed -by the strong, dark-faced man with the big head and bowed shoulders, -whom most people hated for his imperiousness and his greed, the King’s -bogey as some called him, the second King of Spain, the Count Duke of -Olivares. - -The brilliant hopes of peace and retrenchment which had greeted Philip’s -accession had all been falsified. The Catholic union with France -represented by the marriages of Philip with Isabel and of Louis XIII. -with the Infanta Anna, had failed before the marriages themselves were -complete; for the ambitious projects of Philip II. were again being -revived by Olivares, who dreamed once more that Spain, cast down in the -dust as she was, might yet hold the hegemony over the powers of Europe, -and dictate to Christendom the articles of its faith. It was a vain, -foolish, vision in the circumstances, for not of material strength alone -had Spain been stripped, but of the real secret of its short -predominance, the firm conviction of divine selection and of the -invincibility of its sacred cause. The country was as politically -heterogeneous as ever, whilst it had lost the homogeneity it had -borrowed from religious exaltation; and yet, with its rival, France, -growing daily in national solidarity and contributive capability under -Richelieu, Spain was hurried by Olivares into a perfect fever for -conquest, and to the arrogant reassertion of its old exploded claims. - -The employment of Spanish troops to overrun the Palatinate and reduce -Bohemia, and the recrudescence of the interminable war against the -Dutch, had knit the two branches of the house of Austria closer together -than ever, and strengthened the Emperor immensely. It was clear, that -unless Richelieu struck promptly and boldly, France would once again, if -Olivares had his way, be shut in by a circle of enemies. France and -Savoy, alarmed at the revived pretensions of Spain, made common cause -with the protestant powers, and soon all Europe was at war. Spain was -ruined, but at least the court nobles and the church were rich, and the -national pride was excited to the utmost. The war was primarily against -France, but Isabel of Bourbon was as fiercely Spanish as if her father -had not been Henry the Great, and she herself set the example of -sacrifice. The jewels she loved so well were sold to provide -men-at-arms; the ladies, who took their tone from the Queen, sent their -valuables the same way; the nobles, aroused by appeals to their pride, -contributed voluntarily a million ducats to the war fund; and the church -opened its hoards to the extent of raising and maintaining twenty -thousand troops. All French property in Spain was confiscated, and the -war for a time was carried on with an energy that reminded men of the -great times of the Emperor. At first the Spaniards and Austrians carried -all before them. Tilly in Germany, Spinola in Flanders, and Fadrique de -Toledo on the sea, revived the glory of the house of Austria; and -Spanish pride rose once more to crazy arrogance. Philip the Great, the -Planet King, were the titles already given to the idle young man, whom -Olivares flattered and controlled. But when the first gust of enthusiasm -was past, it was clear that Spain could not provide funds to carry on -war by land and sea the world over; and peace was made with England; -Savoy was won over, and thenceforward it was a duel to the death between -the house of Austria and the house of France, between Olivares and -Richelieu. - -For years the struggle went on with varying military phases, but with -the inevitable result of reducing poverty-stricken, idle Spain to -absolute penury. Every device to raise more money was tried, and all in -vain. Crushing taxes upon production, debasement of the coinage, -confiscation, repudiation and robbery, were but weak resources to -maintain a great foreign war by a bankrupt State; and unless Olivares -confessed failure more money must be had. The Cortes of Castile was -powerless to check the national waste, but the Cortes of Aragon, -Catalonia and Valencia, were still vigorous, and resisted all attempts -to extort money except by their votes, grudgingly given only after much -haggling. Olivares had understood as clearly as Ferdinand and Isabel had -done, that for the King of Spain to be powerful enough to cope with -France he must control the whole resources of Spain. The bond of -religious exaltation had dissolved, and could not be restored; but the -unification on political lines might be effected by weakening the -separate autonomous institutions of the outlying States. - -This was the plan of Olivares; doubtless a wise one if pursued patiently -and cautiously in times of peace and in an era of interior reforms. But -Olivares, like Ferdinand the Catholic before him, needed national unity -in a hurry, in order to obtain resources to fight France, not for the -purpose of making Spain a homogeneous peaceful nation,[225] and his -reckless attempts to obtain money for his war with France by over-riding -the autonomous privileges of Catalonia and Portugal, and extorting -taxation without parliamentary sanction, precipitated the ruin that had -long threatened. In June 1640 Barcelona flamed out in revolt against -Castile, and soon all Catalonia, and part of Aragon and Valencia, had -repudiated the dominion of Philip, and had made common cause with -France. Six months later, in December 1640, Portugal for similar reasons -proclaimed the Duke of Braganza king, and cast off for ever the yoke of -Spain. - -Philip, plunged in his pleasures, as we have seen, was kept in the dark. -The Catalan insurgents were for him merely a band of rioters, as -Olivares assured him, who would soon be suppressed; and when Portugal -proclaimed its freedom the minister had the effrontery to rush into -Philip’s chamber with an appearance of joy, and congratulated him upon -gaining a new dukedom and a vast estate. ‘How?’ asked the King. ‘Sire,’ -replied Olivares, ‘the Duke of Braganza has gone mad and revolted -against your Majesty. All his belongings are now forfeit and are yours.’ -But Philip knew better, and for once lost his marble serenity. Blow -after blow fell upon him. Starving subjects, a crippled trade, an empty -treasury, and his richest realms in revolt: these were the results of -his twenty years rule, and all he had to show was the hollow glory of -battles gained far away in quarrels not his own. - -He was good-hearted and really loved his subjects, but he had never -learnt to rule, for he had never ruled his own passions or curbed his -inclinations; and he was in despair when the truth came to him, bit by -bit. Frantic prayers; tears and vows of amendment were his way of -dealing with all the blows of fortune: but there were others at his side -who were more practical and determined than he. For years the yoke of -Olivares and his wife had galled the neck of Isabel. Fond of pleasure as -she was, she had a statesman’s mind, and her love for her promising son -Baltasar, now aged thirteen, and the pride of his parents’ heart, had -sharpened her wits as she saw his great inheritance slipping away from -him under the rule of a minister whom she personally disliked for his -rudeness even to her.[226] Again and again she had urged Philip to play -the man and head his own armies in the field. Philip was willing, even -eager, to do so; but Olivares would not hear of it, and the breach -widened between the Queen and the minister. Olivares was detested by -most of the principal nobles and churchmen. His policy of war could only -be paid for out of the plunder derived from them, since all other -classes were reduced to poverty, and the elements of discontent -gradually grouped around Isabel. - -At last Isabel’s prayers, for once, overrode Olivares’ counsel, and -Philip stood firm in his determination to lead his own armies to rescue -Catalonia from the French. Olivares left no stone unturned to defeat the -Queen. Obedient physicians certified that the voyage would injure the -King’s health, submissive Councils voted against the risk of the -sovereign’s life in war, and constitutional lawyers laid down that it -was not proper for the King to go. Philip, tired out at last, snatched a -report of the Council from the hands of the Protonotary who was about to -present it, and, tearing it into pieces, cried, ‘Bring me no more -reports about my going to Catalonia, but prepare for the journey, for go -I will.’ The royal confessor—of course a creature of Olivares—added his -remonstrance against the King’s journey, but was at once stopped by -Philip, and was told that if Olivares did not want to go he could stay -away; and if he was not at Aranjuez when the King passed through he -would not wait for him. - -It was a victory for Isabel that presaged the great minister’s fall; for -Olivares dared not leave his master’s side, and the Queen remained in -the capital as Regent. Every device was adopted to delay the King’s -progress. Money was wanted, and when that had been extorted, in many -cases by imprisonment,[227] the lavish and pompous preparations for the -journey were endless. Nine state coaches and six litters, a hundred and -three saddle horses, with crowds of courtiers, were considered necessary -for a campaign; and every grandee and titled nobleman in Spain was -warned that he must join the royal train. When, at last, after visits to -numberless altars, Philip took leave of his wife at Vacia Madrid in -April 1642, it was only to be delayed on the way for many weeks in -ostentatious feasts, hunting parties and frivolities, before he at -length arrived at Saragossa. By that time Aragon itself was half overrun -by the French, and Philip, fully awake now to the terrible condition of -affairs, grew ever more gloomy with his minister, who even now found -means to keep the King isolated at Saragossa, miles away from the -hostilities, in discounted inaction. - -In the meanwhile Isabel in Madrid, free from the terrifying presence of -the favourite, organised the party of his opponents. She had always been -a favourite with the crowd for her popular manners, but now she won -their hearts completely; for they knew she was against the man upon -whose back they laid all their woes. She visited the guards and -barracks, mustered the regiments in the capital and addressed to them -harangues, exciting their loyalty to the King and Spain. Once more she -sacrificed her ornaments, devoted herself to the comfort of the -soldiers, raised a new regiment at her own expense in her son’s name, -presided over the Councils, and infused more activity and enthusiasm in -the administration than had been seen for years. - -Isabel of Bourbon had seized her opportunity. Up to that time she had -been simply an appanage of the splendours of the idle King; now, with -the power of a Regent and the favour of the people, she became the -strongest personality in Spain. Her letters to the King were vigorous -and brave; and he thenceforward treated her with greater consideration, -as if up to that time he had never realised that his wife was a woman of -talent and spirit. Philip was kept idle at Saragossa, away from his army -and his nobles for months. Once he acted on his own initiative and -appointed a new commander-in-chief, the Marquis of Leganés, a kinsman of -Olivares; but the appointment was unfortunate. At the first engagement -afterwards Philip’s army was utterly routed before Lerida; and as winter -approached, with a badly fed, unpaid dwindling force, quarrelling -generals, and his best provinces held by France, Philip returned to -Madrid with an aching heart at the end of the year 1642. - -He found the tone in his palace very different from when he had left it. -There were four women, all of whom had Philip’s ear, and who hated -Olivares. The Queen, Anna of Austria, Queen of France, Philip’s sister, -the Duchess of Mantua (Margaret of Savoy), his cousin, who had been his -viceroy in Portugal, and who rightly blamed the minister for the loss of -the country; she, moreover, being kept in semi-imprisonment at Ocaña by -the minister’s orders, and Doña Anna de Guevara, the King’s old nurse, -who was also forbidden at Court by the same influence. These ladies were -all in communication with each other and with the nobles who were -Olivares’ enemies, led by the Counts of Paredes and Castrillo. ‘My good -intentions and my son’s innocence,’ Isabel told Paredes, ‘must for once -serve the King for eyes: for if he sees through those of the Count Duke -much longer, my son will be reduced to a poor King of Castile.’ - -A week or two after the King’s return, Isabel struck her blow at the -tottering favourite. The first sign of the event was the escape of the -King’s Savoy cousin, the Duchess of Mantua, from Ocaña, and her arrival -at Madrid late at night, after a ride of forty miles through a storm of -sleet. Olivares was furious, and kept her waiting for four hours before -he assigned her two wretched rooms in one of the royal convents. But -Isabel received her in the palace with open arms the next morning. Then -the banished nurse, Anna de Guevara, appeared in the palace in defiance -of Olivares. That afternoon Philip visited his wife’s room, and she, -kneeling before him, with little Baltasar in her arms, implored him for -the sake of their son to dismiss his evil minister before it was too -late to rescue the realms his ineptitude had lost. In a torrent of words -Isabel poured forth the pent-up complaints of years; the wars that had -ruined the country, the starving people, the lost provinces, the waste -and frivolity that had been the rule of their lives, the insults and -slights which she, personally, had suffered at the hands of Olivares and -his wife, and the shame that a king, into whose hands God had confided -so sacred a task, should delegate it to others. - -Philip was deeply moved, though he said nothing; but as he left his -wife’s chamber, he was confronted in the corridor by the kneeling figure -of his beloved foster-mother, Anna de Guevara. She, too, formed her -impeachment of Olivares in impassioned words, and Philip could only -reply, ‘You have spoken the truth.’ Then for two hours the Queen and the -Duchess of Mantua were closeted with the King, and the victory was -won.[228] That night, 17th January 1643, Olivares was dismissed. He -struggled for days to regain his influence over the King, but tried in -vain; for Philip, like most weak men, was obstinate when once his mind -was made up, and so, ruined and degraded, the Count Duke turned his back -upon the Court he had ruled, and went to madness and death, leaving -Isabel of Bourbon, the mistress of the situation, the ‘King’s only -minister,’ as he said soon after, when he asked the nuns of shoeless -Carmelites to pray for his ‘minister.’ - -Madrid went wild with joy at Olivares’ fall. ‘Isabels have always saved -Spain,’ the people cried, as the King and Queen with the Duchess of -Mantua went to the convent church of the barefoots to give thanks; -‘Philip is King of Spain, at last, and will save his country.’ But it -needed much more than shouting to save Spain. Philip, spurred by his -wife, plucked up more energy than ever before. He would be his own -minister in future, and would take the field as soon as spring came, and -wrest Catalonia from the French. Before that could be done, Philip’s -army met in Flanders with the greatest defeat it had ever sustained, a -blow from which the reputation of the famous Spanish infantry never -recovered. His young brother, Cardinal Ferdinand, had died two years -before, and his place in Flanders had been taken by the Portuguese noble -Mello. He was a good soldier; but Condé, young as he was, out-generalled -him: and the defeat of Rocroy made it certain that France, and not -Spain, would in future lead Europe. But yet the soil of Spain itself -must be redeemed from the French invaders: and again, through the summer -of 1643, Philip struggled manfully to regain his lost dominion; whilst -Isabel, as Regent in Madrid, organised, directed, and encouraged, with a -spirit and energy that won for her the fervent love of her husband’s -loyal subjects. Some success attended him, for he captured Lerida from -the French: but the war was a terrible drain, and in the campaign of the -following year, 1644, failure followed failure. - -The poor, weary, King’s heart was almost breaking under his many -troubles, when he was brought into contact with the saintly woman, who -until the end was his one refuge and solace, the Venerable nun, Maria de -Agreda, whose exhortations and prayers sustained him in his hardest -trials, which were yet to come. Philip was in Saragossa at the beginning -of October when news came to him that his wife was ill. Sending his new -favourite—for his good resolves in that respect had soon failed—Luis de -Haro, to the front, to acquaint the army of the King’s reason for -leaving, he started at once for Madrid. - -On the 28th September 1644, Isabel had suffered from some sort of -choleraic attack with much fever. She was copiously bled in the arms, -and seemed to improve, but was soon seen to be suffering from violent -erysipelas in the face; the disease soon spreading to the throat, which -was almost closed, as if by diphtheria. The patient was bled eight times -more, but still the inflammation grew; and, as usual with Spanish -doctors, when bleeding failed, the charms of the church were resorted -to. On the 4th October the last sacrament was administered, and the dead -body of Saint Isidore was brought to the sick chamber. This having -failed to effect a cure, the more sacred relic still, the miraculous -image of the Virgin of Atocha was brought in procession from its shrine -into the convent of St. Thomas, at Madrid, with the intention of placing -it for adoration by the Queen’s bed. When Isabel’s permission was asked, -she said that she was unworthy of the honour of such a visit, and Prince -Baltasar visited the image instead, to implore upon his knees that his -mother’s life might be spared. ‘There was no church nor convent in -Madrid that did not bring out in procession its crucifixes and most -sacred images in prayer for the Queen’s health, and the whole people -wailed fervently their prayers and rogations that her life might be -granted.’[229] - -On the 5th of October, the dying woman tried to make her new will; but -she was too weak, and only left verbal authority before witnesses to the -King to carry out her intentions. At noon on that day she sent for a -_fleur de lys_, which formed one of the ornaments in the crown, and in -which was encased a fragment of the true cross. This she worshipped -fervently. Her two children were brought to her, Baltasar and the girl -Maria Theresa, but she would not let them approach her for fear of -contagion, though she blessed them fervently from afar. ‘There are -plenty of Queens for Spain,’ she sighed, but princes and princesses are -scarce. The next day, as the great clock of the palace marked a quarter -past four in the afternoon, Isabel of Bourbon breathed her last, aged -forty-one. Garbed as a Franciscan nun, the body was carried that night -to the royal convent of barefoots; and thence the day after in a leaden -coffin, encased in another of brocade, it was borne back to the palace -to lie in state amidst blazing tapers, nodding plumes, and all the pomp -and circumstance of royal mourning. - -In the meanwhile, Philip was hurrying from Aragon, a prey to the keenest -anxiety. At Maranchon, about fifty miles from the capital, where the -King had alighted at a wretched inn, the news came that the Queen was -dead. The ministers and courtiers around the King forbore to tell him -for a time, out of mere pity; for the journey and anxiety had told upon -him ‘and he had only just dined.’ But a few miles further on, at -Almadrones, the news was broken to him in his carriage by those who -accompanied him. A terrible burst of grief, and an order that he might -be left alone in his sorrow, proved that Philip, for all his -faithlessness, was fond of his wife; and then, rather than enter the -city where the Queen’s body lay, he turned aside and sought solitude at -the Pardo,[230] where he was soon joined by his son Baltasar, whilst, -with the usual heavy pomp at dead of night, the body of Isabel was -carried across the bleak Castilian tableland to the new jasper vault in -the Escorial, which, from very dread, she had never dared to enter in -her lifetime. - -Three days after Isabel’s death, the sainted mystic of Agreda saw, as -she asserted, the phantom of the Queen before her, asking for the -prayers of the godly to liberate her from the pains she was suffering in -purgatory, for the vain splendour of her attire during her life.[231] To -the nun Philip’s cry of pain went up, whilst to all the rest of the -world he turned a leaden face. On the 15th November he wrote—‘Since the -Lord was pleased to take from me to himself the Queen, who is now in -heaven, I have wanted to write to you, but the great distress I am in, -and the business with which I am overwhelmed, have hitherto prevented me -from doing so. I find myself more oppressed with sorrow than seems -bearable, for I have lost in one person alone all that I can lose in -this world: and if it were not that I know, according to the faith I -hold, that God sends to us that which is best and wisest, I know not -what would become of me. But this thought, and this alone, makes me -suffer my grief with utter resignation to the will of God; and I must -confess to you that I have needed much help from on high to bring me to -bear this cross patiently. I wanted to ask you to pray to God very -earnestly for me in this dire trouble, and to aid me in asking Him to -grant me grace to offer up this sorrow to Him, and take advantage of it -for my own salvation.’[232] - -A yet more terrible trial for him came two years later; and a yet more -heartbroken appeal to the nun for prayers, and to God to save him from -rebellion against his hard fate, burst from the King’s breaking heart -when his only son died in his budding manhood, and left Philip, aged by -suffering, to face matrimony again for the sake of leaving an heir to -the crown of sorrow that was weighing him down. - -Isabel of Bourbon died bravely, as she had lived. She was a Frenchwoman, -married to bring about a friendship between France and Spain, and the -two countries were at war continually from the time that her marriage -was completed to the day of her death. In her time the sun of Spain sank -as surely as the day of France brightened, and yet she never gloried in -the triumph of the land of her birth, and kept faithful to the end to -the Spain which she loved so well. It would be unfair to credit her with -so clear and high a soul as either of the previous Isabels; but hers was -a brave, sturdy, heart that accepted things as they were if she was -unable to mend them; and, like her father before her, she enjoyed -herself as much as she could whilst doing her duty valiantly and well. - - - - - BOOK IV - II - MARIANA OF AUSTRIA - - -So long as Prince Baltasar lived Philip resisted all pressure that he -should take another wife. The spring and summer were spent in Aragon, in -the now almost despairing attempt to win back his dominions from the -French. Approaches for his own marriage were made by various interests, -but always gently put aside with a reference to his hopes being now -centred in his son, whom he kept at his side and instructed him in the -business of government. With a wretched lack of material resources his -attempts to recover Catalonia were fruitless. One defeat followed -another with wearisome reiteration, and as disaster deepened Philip -became more moody and devout; his one adviser and confidant being the -nun of Agreda, and his one resource agonised prayer. When his boy fell -ill in May 1646, at Pamplona in Navarre, on his way to the seat of war, -Philip’s invocations to heaven for his safety were almost terrible in -their intensity.[233] The lad recovered; and when he arrived with his -father at Saragossa in July, the imperial ambassadors were awaiting them -to offer in marriage to the heir of Spain his first cousin, the -Archduchess Mariana of Austria, the daughter of the Emperor. - -Philip could look nowhere else for an alliance. France was his deadly -enemy, though it was governed by his sister Anna as regent, and a -further marriage experiment in that direction was out of the question at -present, even if there had been an available French princess.[234] The -Emperor and Spain, on the other hand, had been—to Spain’s ruin—fighting -shoulder to shoulder throughout the whole of the thirty years’ war, now -dragging to its conclusion, and the treaty was promptly signed for the -marriage of Baltasar, aged seventeen, with Mariana of Austria, three -years younger. With regard to their betrothal, Philip wrote to the nun -thus: ‘My sister, the Empress, having died, I consider it advisable to -draw closer the ties between the Emperor and ourselves in this way, my -principal aim being the exaltation of the faith; for it is certain that -the more intimate the two branches of our house are, so much the firmer -will religion stand throughout Christendom.’ - -Only two months later, early in October, the blow fell, and the prince -died of smallpox. Whilst he lay ill the distracted father wrote -frantically to his correspondent, crying for God’s mercy to save him -from this last trial. But when the boy had died the King’s letters -assumed a tone of dull despair. God had not heard his prayers, and he -supposed it was for the best. He had done everything to dedicate this -grief to God; but his heart was pierced, and he knew not whether he -lived or dreamed. He was resigned, he said, but feared his constancy, -and so on; each phrase revealing a heart that almost doubted the -efficacy of prayer, and the goodness of the Almighty.[235] - -Thenceforward, for a time, his conduct changed. He had done his best and -had not spared himself. He had prayed night and day, and had fashioned -his life according to monastic counsels. But defeat, trouble, poverty -and bereavement had fallen upon him in spite of all, and Philip, in the -intervals of his poignant contrition, plunged into dissolute excesses -that shocked and scandalised the devotees about him. Philip was -forty-two, about the age when some of his forbears had developed that -strain of mystic devotion that so nearly borders madness. He had no male -heir, and only one tiny daughter of eight, and his troubles and excesses -had prematurely aged him. All Spain demanded of him a man child to -succeed to his greatness; and the remonstrances of the churchmen and the -nuns at the scandal of his life were reinforced by the Emperor’s -ambassadors, who urged that he should marry the girl-niece who had been -betrothed to his dead son. - -And so history repeated itself; and, as in the case of his grandfather, -Philip II., the King accepted for his wife the Austrian princess who had -been destined for his daughter-in-law. Of his many illegitimate children -he had only legitimised one, Don Juan José of Austria, the son of the -actress Maria Calderon. He was brilliant and handsome, and had won his -father’s regard; but he could never be King of Spain; and Philip, with -little enthusiasm, wedded an immature girl for the sake of giving an -heir to his country, and for the maintenance of the solidarity of the -house of Austria, which typified the old impossible claim of Spain to -dictate the religion of the world. It was a disastrous resolve, which -ensured the consummation of ruin to the country and the cause which it -was intended to benefit. - -Philip was straining every nerve against the French in Catalonia and -Flanders; he was, to the extent of his ability, attacking the Portuguese -on the eastern frontier; and his kingdom of Naples was in full revolt. -The long war had exhausted him, as it had exhausted all Europe: he had, -to his own destruction, fought the battles of religion in central Europe -by the side of the Emperor for many years; and his new marriage was -intended to fasten the Emperor to him in the cause of Spain. The -powerlessness of marriage bonds to resist political forces was once more -proved before Philip saw his bride. The Treaty of Westphalia (October -1648) was finally signed, and Spain, which had suffered most in the war, -sacrificed most in the peace. The religious question in Germany was -settled for good, and the dream of Charles v. was finally dissipated: -the independence of Holland, the point which had dragged Spain down and -kept her at war for nearly a hundred years, was recognised at last, out -of sheer impotence for further struggle by Philip. Alsace went to -France, and Pomerania to Sweden: the central European powers were -satisfied: there was nothing more for the Emperor to fight for, and -Spain was left face to face alone with her enemy France, and without the -imperial co-operation for which Philip had paid so dear. - -With ceremonies and pomp which would be tedious to relate the young -princess left Vienna on the 13th November 1648, travelling slowly by -coach with her brother, the King of Hungary, towards Trent, where the -representatives of Philip were to take charge of the new Queen. Endless -festivities were held at Trent and the Italian cities,[236] and -simultaneously in Madrid. Illuminated streets, bullfights, and -palace-revels, which Philip attended with dull hopeless face and heavy -heart, celebrated the announcement of the nuptials, coinciding in time -with the rejoicings for the recovery of Naples by the diplomacy of young -Don Juan of Austria, Philip’s son, in the winter of 1648. But it was -well into the autumn (4th September) of 1649 before the bride and her -Spanish household of one hundred and sixty nobles at length landed at -Denia in the kingdom of Valencia. - -At Navalcarnero, a small village some fifteen miles from Madrid, the -great cavalcade arrived on the 6th October 1649; and there it was -arranged that Philip should first meet his bride.[237] For months he had -been writing by every post to the nun, deploring and repenting his -inability to resist the temptations of the flesh, and ascribing to his -sins the wars, pestilence and misery that were scourging his beloved -people. With such qualms of conscience as this it must have been welcome -to him—weary voluptuary though he was—to enter into a licit union, -which, at least, might rescue him from temptation. Disguised, he watched -his bride enter Navalcarnero, and then went to lodge in another village -before paying his formal visit to her a day afterwards. Mariana was just -fifteen, a strong, passionate, full-blooded girl with a hard heart. On -her way from Denia the mistress of the robes, the Countess of Medillin, -had gravely remonstrated with her for laughing at the buffoons, who -sought to amuse her, and had schooled her in the etiquette that forbade -a Queen of Spain to walk in public. But Mariana made light of such -prudery, and in the insolence of her gaiety and youth went her own way, -laughing her fill at the comedy played before her at Navalcarnero, to -while away the time until supper. - -The King and Queen met for the first time in the little oratory where -their marriage was to be confirmed by the Archbishop of Toledo, and -then, after more comedies and bullfights, the royal pair proceeded to -the Escorial, lit up for the occasion by 11,000 lights, to pass the -first days of their honeymoon. From the Retiro on the 15th November -Mariana made her state entry into Madrid. The capital surpassed itself -in its signs of rejoicing, for Philip was extremely popular and his -subjects yearned for an heir to the throne. We are told that the whole -distance from the Retiro to the old palace, from one end of Madrid to -the other, the way was spanned by arches of flowers, whilst monumental -erections with devices of welcome were placed at each principal -point.[238] The Queen rode a snow-white palfrey; and as she smiled her -frank gratified smile to the lieges they welcomed her for her rosy, -painted cheeks and red pouting lips, knowing little the cold selfish -heart that beat beneath the buxom bosom. - -Philip was too busy for weeks in the delights of his honeymoon to write -to his confidante the nun, presumably also because the sins he so deeply -deplored, and so constantly repeated, did not tempt him during the first -weeks of his married life. But when, on the 17th November, he found time -to write, he expresses the utmost satisfaction at his bride. ‘I confess -to you,’ he says, ‘that I know not how I can thank our Lord sufficiently -for the mercy he has shown to me in giving me such a companion; for all -the qualities I have hitherto recognised in my niece are great, and I -find myself exceedingly content, and full of a desire to prove myself -not ungrateful for so singular a mercy by changing my mode of life and -submitting myself in all things to His will.’[239] The nun in answer to -this urged the King to live well in his new condition, ‘trying earnestly -that the Queen shall have all your attention and regard, instead of your -Majesty casting your eyes on other objects strange and curious.’ All -Spain, the nun continues, is yearning for an heir, and her own prayers -are ceaseless to that end. - -Philip was full of good resolves. He would never go astray again; but, -though he was as anxious for a son as his people were, he was in doubt -yet as to his new wife’s having arrived at sufficient maturity to have -children: ‘although others of her age, which is fifteen years, can do -so. But it is easy for our Lord to remedy this, and I hope in His mercy -that He will do it.’[240] In the meanwhile, the depositary of all these -hopes, Mariana, was diverting herself as best she could in girlish romps -with her stepdaughter of ten, who seems to have been her constant -companion. Philip, in writing of them, generally speaks of them as ‘the -girls,’ and frequently mentions Mariana’s joy at shows and gaiety. Once -more the Buen Retiro rang with light laughter. Comedies and masquerades -were again the constant diversion of the Court, though pestilence was -scourging the land, Catalonia and Portugal defied the arms of Spain, and -the French in Flanders still held the armies of Philip at bay. Pleasure, -the joy of living, absorbed the young Queen’s attention; and after the -first few months of marriage, Philip usually refers to her somewhat -wearily, and only with reference to her enjoyments or to his hopes of -progeny. After one disappointment a child was born in July 1651, a girl, -who was christened with the usual unrestrained splendour by the name of -Maria Margaret.[241] Again high hopes were entertained in due time, only -to be disappointed, and Mariana fell into melancholy; for Philip had -relapsed into his bad habits again, notwithstanding his vows and -resolves, and the delay in the coming of a son increased his coldness -towards his wife. A frenzied round of gaiety at the Buen Retiro did -something to arouse the Queen out of her depression,[242] but Philip had -now but little pleasure in his old love for glittering shows; for the -prayed for son came not, and war and pestilence still scourged Spain, as -he firmly believed for his own personal backsliding. - -[Illustration: - - MARIANA OF AUSTRIA. - - _After a Painting by Velazquez._ -] - -The life of the palace had settled down to utter monotony. Philip, -immersed in business; ‘with his pen always in his hand,’ as he says, had -little time for frivolity. His demeanour in public was like that of a -statue, and when he received ministers or deputations it was noticed -that no muscle of his face moved but his lips. Every movement was -settled beforehand; and it was possible to foretell a year in advance -exactly where the Court would be on a given day, and what the King would -be doing at a certain hour. Mariana lived in her own way, with little -show of affection for her elderly husband, or for the people amongst -whom she lived. She had fallen by this time (1657) into the stiff -etiquette of the Spanish Court, and in the intervals of her hoydenish -merriment she displayed a haughtiness as great as that of Philip himself -without his underlying tenderness or his pathetic resignation. She was -German in all her sympathies, and soon lost the love of Spaniards that -had been gained by the freshness of her youth.[243] Dressed in the -tremendous triple-hooped farthingale; with her stiff, squarely arranged -wig, and her full painted cheeks, she presented a sufficiently dignified -appearance in public; but her flat, unamiable face, hard, weary eyes, -and bulging jaw, gave her a look which repelled rather than attracted. - -The outward prudery of her Court barely veiled a state of atrocious -immorality amongst all classes. It was considered almost a reproach for -any of the ladies, all widows or unmarried, who were attached to the -palace service by hundreds, to have no extravagant gallant ready to ruin -himself for her caprices; and, as a natural consequence, assassination -was rife in the capital; and the news letters of the time are full of -scandalous stories, in which nobles, ladies and actresses are concerned -disgracefully. Corruption reigned more impudently than ever, and whilst -ships were rotting on the beach, and unpaid soldiers were starving in -the midst of war, vast sums were spent on foolish shows and revelry. -Philip now had little pleasure in it all, going through it like a leaden -automaton, only to torture himself with remorse afterwards, but withal, -habit or mere weakness led him to allow such scandals as the imposition -of a tax upon oil to pay for the new stage at the Buen Retiro, and the -robbing of the shrine of the venerated Virgin of Atocha of a great -silver chandelier for the illumination of the theatre.[244] - -In September 1654 it was announced that Mariana was again pregnant. ‘God -grant that it may be so,’ wrote a courtier: ‘but if it is going to be a -girl it is of no use to us. We do not want any of them. There are plenty -of women already.’[245] The King’s hopes rose that a son would at last -be born to him, and Mariana insisted upon accompanying him everywhere; -for in the intervals of her merrymaking she was a prey to deep -melancholy, increased when a girl infant was born only to die a few days -afterwards. The prognostications of astrologers and quacks decided in -the summer of 1655 that the prayed for son was now really on the way; -and as time went on unheard of preparations were made for the event. The -Marquis of Heliche had twenty-two new comedies written ready for -representation in the coming festivities, and large sums of money were -spent in decorations beforehand. Mariana’s lightest caprice was law, and -Philip hardly left her side. The old palace depressed her, and the Buen -Retiro became her permanent abode; Don Juan of Austria sent from -Flanders the most wonderful tapestries, and bed and bed furniture ever -seen, with a vast bedstead of gilt bronze which cost a fortune; the -bedroom furniture being a mass of seed pearl and gold embroidery upon -satin. ‘There is no getting the Queen out of the Retiro, for she frets -in the palace. She passes the mornings amongst her flowers, the days in -feastings, and the nights in farces. All this goes on incessantly, and I -do not know how so much pleasure does not pall upon her.’[246] But again -the prophets were wrong, for in December another epileptic girl child -was born and died: ‘Saint Gaetano notwithstanding.’[247] - -Mariana fell gravely ill after this, and a slight stroke of paralysis, -amongst other ailments, kept her for many weeks hovering between life -and death. Philip did his best to raise her spirits, and when the Cortes -petitioned him to have his elder daughter Maria Theresa acknowledged as -heiress, he refused, in order not to distress his wife, who, he said, -would be sure to have an heir directly. His letters to the nun show that -he, at this period, was himself in the depths of black despair, -overborne by his troubles; for Cromwell had seized Jamaica, and Spain -was at war by sea and land with England and France together. Whilst -Philip was gratifying his young wife by such entertainments as looking -on from concealed boxes in a theatre crowded with women, whilst a -hundred rats were surreptitiously let loose upon the floor;[248] he was -a prey to a morbid misery closely akin to madness, anticipating an early -death, weeping for the utter ruin that enveloped him and Spain, and the -absence of a male heir. - -One of his strange whims at this time was to pass hours alone in the new -jasper mausoleum at the Escorial, to which the bodies of his ancestors -had just been transferred. He wrote after one of these visits in -1654:—‘I saw the corpse of the Emperor whose body, although he has been -dead ninety-six years, is still perfect, and by this is seen how the -Lord has repaid him for his efforts in favour of the faith whilst he -lived. It helped me much: particularly as I contemplated the place where -I am to lie, when God shall take me. I prayed Him not to let me forget -what I saw there;’[249] and shortly after this another contemporary -records that the King passed two solitary hours on his knees on the bare -stones of the mausoleum before his own last resting-place in prayer; and -that when he came out his eyes were red and swollen with weeping.[250] - -Again, in August 1656, a girl child was born to Mariana only to die the -same day, and then depression, utter and profound, fell upon Philip and -his wife, for no ray of light came from any direction. There was no -money for the most ordinary needs. The Indian treasures were regularly -captured by the English, who closely invested Cadiz itself, whilst the -French on the Flanders frontier and in Catalonia worked their will -almost without impeachment, and the Portuguese defied their old -sovereign. Philip was ready to make peace almost at any sacrifice, at -least with the French; but the demands of Mazarin were as yet too -humiliating for a power which had claimed for so long the predominance -in Europe. At length, in the midst of the distress, hope dawned once -more, and again the wiseacres predicted that this time the Queen would -give birth to a son. Mariana’s every fancy was gratified.[251] Water -parties on the lake at the Retiro, endless farces, as usual, capricious -bull feasts, and diversions of all sorts, kept up her spirits; and Don -Juan sent another sumptuous bed and furniture more splendid than the -previous gift. Whilst this waste was going on in one direction, taxes -were being piled up in a way that made them unproductive, and such was -the penury in the King’s palace that Philip himself, on the vigil of the -Presentation of the Virgin (20th November 1657), had nothing to eat but -eggs without fish, as his stewards had not a real of ready money to pay -for anything (Barrionuevo). Exactly a week after the King was reduced to -such straits, the child of his prayers arrived. An heir was born at last -to the weary man of fifty-two, whose crown was crushing him. - -Madrid as usual went crazy with turbulent rejoicing, whilst Mariana in -the gravest danger battled for her life. Every bench and table in the -palace, we are told, was broken, and no eating house or tavern in the -town escaped sacking by the crowd of idle rogues who marched with music -and singing, whilst they stripped decent people even of their garments -to pay for their orgy.[252] Later, there were the usual bull fights, -masquerades, and the eternal comedies with new stage effects; and not a -noble in Castile failed to go and congratulate the King. Astrologists -were to the fore, as usual, foretelling by the stars that the newly born -babe would grow up to be wise, prudent and brave, and would outlive all -his brothers and sisters in a prosperous fortunate career. The proud -father was full of gratitude to the Most High for the signal favour -conferred upon him. ‘Help me, Sor Maria,’ he wrote to the nun, ‘to give -thanks to Him; for I myself am unable to do so adequately: and pray Him -to make me duly grateful, and give me strength henceforward to do His -holy will. The new-born child is well, and I implore you take him under -your protection, and pray to our Lord and His holy mother to keep him -for their service, the exaltation of the faith and the good of these -realms. And if this is not to be, then pray let him be taken from me -before he comes to man’s estate.’[253] - -Philip, like his courtiers, went into rhapsodies of admiration of the -beauty and perfection of the infant that had been born to him. So fair -an angel surely never had been seen than this poor epileptic morsel of -humanity from whom so pathetically much was expected. On the 6th -December Philip rode in State on a great Neapolitan horse through the -streets of Madrid, to give thanks to the Virgin of Atocha for the boon -vouchsafed to him, and the capital began its round of official -rejoicings. Fountains ran wine, music and dancing went on night and day, -mummers in strange disguise promenaded the streets in procession, -bullfights and the usual tiresome buffoonery testified that Madrid -shared with the King his delight that an heir had been born to him.[254] -Philip himself was in high good humour, bandying jests with his -favourite, Don Luis de Haro; and, at the brilliant ceremony of the -christening of Prince Philip Prosper, a week later, which he witnessed -hidden behind the closed jalousies of his pew, he was proudly pleased at -the vigorous squalls of the infant. ‘Ah!’ he whispered to Haro, ‘that’s -what I like to hear, there is something manly in that.’[255] It was -fortunate for Philip that he could not foresee that this babe for whom -he had prayed so fervently would be snatched from him four years later, -stricken by the calamity of its descent; and that the later child that -would succeed him, the offspring of incest too, would end the line of -the great Emperor in decrepit imbecility, matching sadly with the -decadence of his country. - -Whilst the continued and costly celebrations of the Queen’s tardy -recovery after the birth of her sickly child were scandalising the -thoughtful, national affairs were going from bad to worse.[256] Don Luis -de Haro, Philip’s prime minister, had started in January 1658 to relieve -Badajoz, closely invested by the masculine Queen of Portugal, herself a -Spaniard, and had been disgracefully routed by the despised Portuguese. -This was a humiliation that proved to the world the complete impotence -of Spain: but in June of the same year a more damaging blow still was -dealt at the power that had held its head so high in the past. The -battle of the Dunes, or Dunkirk, in which Don Juan, Condé and the Duke -of York on the Spanish side were pitted against Turenne, aided by the -troops of Cromwell, was a crushing defeat for Philip’s forces, and -placed all Flanders at the mercy of the French. It was clear that Philip -could fight no longer, for Spain had well nigh bled to death; and so -great was the depopulation of Castile that a project was adopted—though -not carried out for lack of money—to re-people the country with Irish -and Dalmatian Catholics. - -There were other circumstances that tended towards peace besides the -exhaustion of Spain. The long years of war had told heavily upon the -resources of France: the Catalans by this time had grown heartily tired -of their French king Stork, and were yearning for the return of their -Spanish king Log; and, above all, Mazarin had long cast covetous eyes on -the Spanish succession, in the very probable case of Philip’s issue by -his second wife failing. For years the Queen-regent, Anna of Austria, -had been striving for peace with her brother, but circumstances and -national pride had always defeated her. The efforts of the Emperor’s -agents in Madrid, aided very powerfully by Mariana, had also been -exerted to prevent a close agreement between France and Spain. In 1656 -M. de Lionne had been sent secretly by Mazarin to Madrid, where he -passed many months in close conference with Luis de Haro, endeavouring, -but without success, to negotiate peace. - -In one of their meetings Haro wore in his hat, as an ornament, a medal -impressed with the portrait of the Infanta Maria Theresa, Philip’s -daughter by his first wife. ‘If your King would give to my master for a -wife the original of the portrait you wear,’ said Lionne, duly -instructed by Mazarin, ‘peace would soon be made.’ Nothing more was said -at the time, for, in the absence of a son, Philip dared not marry the -heiress of Spain to his nephew Louis XIV., but when an heir was born to -Mariana, the idea of a marriage between Maria Theresa and Louis XIV. at -once became realisable. The Austrian interest still stood in the way; -and Mariana, who was as purely an ambassador for her brother as his -accredited diplomatic representative was, used all her efforts to -frustrate the plan; and a marriage was actively advocated by her between -the Infanta and Leopold, the heir of the empire. Philip for a long time -allowed himself to incline to the Austrian connection that had already -cost him so dear. - -As soon as the French match looked promising, as a result of much secret -intrigue between Mazarin and Haro, the Emperor offered to Philip a great -army in Flanders to aid in expelling the French; and when Philip was -hesitating between the persuasions of his wife Mariana, and her kinsmen -on the one hand, and the pressure of poverty on the other, which made a -continuance of the war difficult for him, Mazarin played a trump card -which won the game. Louis was taken ostentatiously to Lyons to woo the -Princess of Savoy; and, in fear of a coalition against Spain, Philip -sent his minister Haro to negotiate peace with Mazarin personally on the -banks of the Bidasoa. During all the autumn of 1659, on the historic -Isle of Pheasants in the river, the keen diplomatists fought over -details; and often their labours seemed hopeless, for the Spaniards were -as proud as ever and the French as greedy. But the frail health of the -puling babe, who alone stood between the Infanta and the Spanish -succession, at length made Mazarin more yielding: the last great -obstacle, the restoration of Condé’s forfeited estates, was overcome, -and one of the most fateful treaties in history was settled. - -It was still a bitter pill for Spain, for she lost much of her Flemish -territory and the county of Roussillon; but, at least, she regained -Catalonia, and, above all, secured peace with France. The Infanta was to -marry Louis XIV., and the Spaniards insisted that she should renounce -for ever her claim to the succession of her father’s crown, though -Mazarin made the clause ineffective by stipulating that the renunciation -should be conditional upon the entire payment of the dowry of 500,000 -crowns, which, it was more than probable, Philip could never pay.[257] -In the meanwhile Mariana had borne another son, who died in his early -infancy; and at the pompous embassy of the Duke de Grammont to Madrid, -formally to ask for the hand of the Infanta, she took little pains to -appear amiable to an embassy which she looked upon as bringing a defeat -for her and her family. - -A vivid picture of her and her husband at one of the great -representations at the theatre of the old palace is given by a follower -of Grammont, who wrote an account of the embassy.[258] ‘The great -saloon,’ he says, ‘was lit only by six great wax candles in gigantic -stands of silver. On both sides of the saloon, facing each other, there -are two boxes or tribunes with iron grilles. One of these was occupied -by the Infantas and some of the courtiers, whilst the other was destined -for the Marshal (Grammont). Two benches covered with Persian rugs ran -along the sides facing each other, and upon these some twelve of the -ladies of the court sat, whilst we Frenchmen stood behind them.... Then -the Queen and the little Infanta entered, preceded by a lady holding a -candle. When the King appeared he saluted the ladies, and took his seat -in the box on the right hand of the Queen, whilst the little Infanta sat -on her left. The King remained motionless during the whole of the play, -and only once said a word to the Queen, although he occasionally cast -his eyes round on every side. A dwarf was standing close by him. When -the play was finished all the ladies rose and gathered in the middle, as -canons do after service. They then joined hands, and made their -courtesies, a ceremony that lasted seven or eight minutes; for each lady -made her courtesy separately. In the meanwhile the King was standing, -and he then bowed to the Queen, who in her turn bowed to the Infanta, -after which they all joined hands and retired.’ - -In April 1660 Philip bade farewell to Mariana and set forth on this -famous journey to the French frontier, to ratify the peace of the -Pyrenees with his sister Anna of Austria, whom he had not seen since -their early youth more than forty years before, and to give his daughter -in marriage to the young King of France. Philip, for the sake of -economy, had ordered that as small a train as possible should accompany -him; but, withal, so enormous was his following and that of his -nobles,[259] with the huge stores of provisions and baggage, that his -cavalcade covered over twenty miles of road. Slowly winding its way at -the rate of only about six miles a day through the ruined land, greeted -by the poor hollow-eyed peasants that were left with tearful joy, -because it meant peace, the King’s procession at last arrived at the -seat of so many royal pageants, the banks of the Bidasoa, early in June. -Upon the tiny eyot in mid-river, the temporary palace that in the -previous year had been the meeting-place of Haro and Mazarin, still -remained intact; and here the sumptuous ceremony was performed that gave -to Louis XIV. the custody of his future wife, Maria Theresa.[260] - -What all the courtiers wore, and how they looked, is described _ad -nauseam_ by French and Spanish spectators; but the greatest man in all -the host, upon the Spanish side at least, was the King’s quartermaster, -whose exquisite taste and knowledge directed the artistic details of the -pageant, Diego de Silva Velazquez, whose garments may be described as a -specimen of the rest. His dress was of dark material, entirely covered -by close Milanese silver embroidery, and he wore around his neck the -golilla that had replaced the ruff, at the instance of Philip many years -before, to save the waste of starching.[261] Upon his cloak was -embroidered the great red floreated swordlike cross of Santiago, and at -his side he wore a sword in a finely wrought silver scabbard; whilst -around his neck there hung a heavy gold chain from which depended a -small diamond scutcheon with the same cross enamelled in red upon -it.[262] - -The restoration of the Stuarts in England soon after the ratification of -the Treaty of the Pyrenees, made a peace easy of negotiation between -their country and Spain, and by the beginning of 1661, Philip found -himself for the first time in a reign of forty years at peace with all -the powers outside the Peninsula. - -But rebellious Portugal had still to be reconquered. Again disaster -befell the Spaniards. Don Juan, the King’s son, was utterly routed at -Amegial after some partial successes; for Mariana had been busily -intriguing against him, and had caused the reinforcement and resources -he asked for to be denied him. - -Whilst Don Juan was struggling against the Portuguese and their English -abettors with inadequate forces and ineffectual heroism, Philip was -sinking deeper into the morbid devotional misery that afflicted in their -decline so many of his race. His only son, Philip Prosper, after a life -of four years of almost constant sickness, was snatched from him early -in November 1661, as a younger boy had been a year previously. The -bereaved father, who had watched over his son’s bed until the last, -nearly lost heart at this heavy blow; and was so much overcome, as he -confesses, as to be unable even to write for a time to his one refuge, -the nun of Agreda. When he did so, the usual self-accusing cry of agony -went up—‘I assure you,’ he wrote, ‘what troubles me most, much more even -than my loss, is to see clearly that I have offended God, and that He -sends all these sorrows as a punishment for my sins. I only wish I knew -how to amend myself and comply entirely with His holy will. I am doing, -and will do, all I can; for I would rather lose my life than fail to do -it. Help me, as a good friend, with your prayers, to placate the -righteous anger of God, and to implore our Lord, who has seen good to -take away my son, to bless the delivery of the Queen, which is expected -every day, and to keep her in perfect health and the child that is to be -born, if it be for his good service, for otherwise I desire it not. The -Queen has borne this last blow with much sorrow but christian -resignation. I am not surprised at this, for she is an angel, Oh! Sor -Maria: if I had only carried out your doctrines, perhaps I should not -find myself in this state.’[263] - -A few days after this was written, Mariana once more bore a son, a weak, -puling infant, that seemed threatened with an early death; but whose -birth threw Spain into a whirlwind of rejoicing as extravagant as any -that had gone before. But Philip was sunk too deep now into despondency, -by witchcraft the people said, to be aroused much, even by the birth of -a son; and, as the shadows fell around him, the power of Mariana grew. -With her clever German Jesuit confessor and confidant, Father Everard -Nithard, she soon managed to drag the unhappy King again into the vortex -of imperial politics, that had already well-nigh wrecked Spain, by -persuading him to maintain an army to aid Austria and Hungary against -the incursions of the Turk. Mazarin had died soon after the peace of the -Pyrenees, and the new advisers of Louis XIV. were already inciting him -to retaliate for the Austrian _rapprochement_ with Spain by fresh -aggression upon Spanish Flanders. Don Juan, bitterly opposed to the new -German interest in Spain, retired to his town of Consuegra in disgust -and disgrace; the French and English governments assumed a tone of -dictatorial haughtiness towards Spain unheard before; and Philip, in -declining health and bitter disappointment, could look nowhere now for -help and solace: for his minister Haro was dead, and the saintly nun of -Agreda, his refuge for so many years, also went to her rest in the -spring of 1665. There was no one now at Philip’s side but Mariana, -already intriguing for uncontrolled power when her husband should die, -and her German confessor Nithard, whose one aim was to use what was left -of Spanish resources for the ends of Austria. - -Others also were on the alert as to what would happen when Philip died, -and Sir Richard Fanshawe was sent to Madrid by Charles II., partly to -negotiate for the recognition of Portuguese independence; and also: ‘to -employ his utmost skill and industry in penetrating and discovering -under what model and form his Catholic Majesty designs to leave the -government there, when it shall please God that he die, which, -considering his great infirmity and weakness, may be presumed is already -projected.’[264] When Philip first received Fanshawe in June 1664, he -was so weak and weary that he could only ask him to put his speech on -paper,[265] and thenceforward all Europe regarded the King as a dying -man, whose work in the world was done. - -As Philip sank lower in despondency, the importance of Mariana rose. -Lady Fanshawe gives an account of her interview with the Queen on the -27th June 1664, at the Buen Retiro, which shows that Mariana was already -regarded almost as the reigning sovereign: ‘I was received at the Buen -Retiro by the guard, and afterwards, when I came up stairs, by the -Marquesa de Hinojosa, the Queen’s Camarera Mayor, then in waiting. -Through an infinite number of people I passed to the Queen’s presence, -where her Majesty was seated at the upper end under a cloth of state -upon three cushions, and on her left hand the Empress[266] upon three -more. The ladies were all standing. After making my last reverence to -the Queen, her Majesty and the Empress, rising up and making me a little -curtsey, sat down again; then I, by my interpreter, Sir Benjamin Wright, -said those compliments that were due from me to her Majesty; to which -her Majesty made me gracious and kind reply. Then I presented my -children, whom her Majesty received with great grace and favour. Then -her Majesty, speaking to me to sit, I sat down upon a cushion laid for -me, above all the ladies who sat, but below the Camarera Mayor; no woman -taking place (_i.e._ precedence) of her Excellency but princesses.... -Thus, having passed half an hour in discourse, I took my leave of her -Majesty and the Empress; making reverences to all the ladies in -passing.’[267] Some months afterwards Queen Mariana sent to the English -lady many messages of regard and esteem, with a splendid diamond -ornament worth £2,000, which Lady Fanshawe received with somewhat -exaggerated professions of humility, and repeated her thanks to her in -an interview soon after (8th April 1655). - -The total and final defeat of the Spaniards on the Portuguese frontier, -in June 1665, made the recovery of the lost kingdom hopeless, and broke -Philip’s heart. He had written in the spring to the dying nun, saying -that he desired no more health or life than was meet for God’s service, -and was ready to go when he was called. The call came in September 1665. -His chronic malady had been aggravated to such an extent by anxiety and -worry, that by the middle of the month his physicians confessed -themselves powerless. Then was enacted one of those ghastly farces -common at the time in Spain. It was whispered in the palace that the -King was bewitched, and the Inquisitor-General called a conference of -ecclesiastics to consider the means for exorcising the evil spirits that -held the sovereign in bondage. Philip himself gave permission for the -Inquisitor to act as might be judged best; and one day the royal -confessor, Friar Martinez, accompanied by the Inquisitor-General, -approached the sickbed and demanded of the King a certain little wallet -of relics and charms which he always wore suspended upon his breast. -After examining these carefully the wallet was returned to the King, and -from some clue therein contained, search elsewhere led to the discovery -of an ancient black-letter book of magic, and certain prints of the -King’s portrait transfixed by pins. All these things were solemnly burnt -after a service of exorcism by the Inquisitor-General at the chapel of -Atocha; and then, to assist the cure, the group of churchmen -administered to the King, who was suffering from several mortal -diseases, of which gall-stones caused the immediate danger, an elaborate -confection of pounded mallow-leaves with drugs and sugar. - -This treatment aggravated the ill, and in two or three days the King -appeared to be in _articulo mortis_, after what was described as a fit -of apoplexy. The whole Court fell into momentary confusion, and the -death-chamber was already deserted when the King revived and altered -several of his testamentary dispositions, one clause of which now -appointed Mariana regent during the minority of her son. The will, by -Philip’s orders, was then locked into a leather purse with other -important state papers, and the key, by the dying man’s orders, was -delivered to his wife. That afternoon, after taking the sacrament, -Philip bade a tearful farewell to Mariana, and blessed his two children. -He then took an affectionate leave of the Duke of Medina de las Torres -and other nobles, beseeching them with irrepressible tears to work -harmoniously together, and help the widow and the poor child to whom his -heavy heritage was passing. - -Philip struggled through the night in agony, and the next day the image -of the Virgin of Atocha was carried past the windows of the palace to be -deposited in the royal Convent of Barefoots hard by, whilst the dead -bodies of St. Diego and St. Isidro were brought to the royal chapel for -veneration;[268] and every church and convent in Madrid resounded with -rogations and processions for the health of the King. Around the bed of -the dying monarch evil passions already raged; for the Court was divided -thus early into two factions, one in favour of Mariana and the other -looking to Don Juan. The Duke of Medina de las Torres, the principal -minister, retired from the palace as soon as he had taken leave; and an -unseemly wrangle, almost a fight, took place over the deathbed between -rival friars, as to whether the viaticum might be administered or not, -until they had to be bundled out of the room by the Marquis of Aytona. - -No sooner was this scene over than Count Castrillo entered the chamber -and announced that Don Juan had come and was waiting to see his father. -Philip knew, and bitter the knowledge was, that his wife and son would -be in open strife from the day the breath left his body; but that Don -Juan should return from exile unbidden, and dared to disobey his King, -whilst yet he lived, aroused one more spark of sovereign indignation in -the moribund man. ‘Tell him,’ he said, ‘to return whence he came until -he be bidden. I will see him not; for this is no time for me to do other -than to die.’ At early dawn on Friday, 17th September, poor Philip the -Great breathed his last. ‘And curious it is,’ said a contemporary -courtier, ‘that in the chamber of his Majesty when he died, there was no -one but the Marquis of Aytona and two servants to weep for the death of -their King and master. In all the rest of the court not one soul shed a -tear for him. A terrible lesson is this for all humankind; that a -monarch who had granted such great favours and raised so many to honour, -had no sigh breathed for him when he died.’[269] - -The same night the dead body of the King was dressed in a handsome suit -of brown velvet, embroidered and trimmed with silver, with the great red -sword-cross of Santiago worked upon the breast, preparatory to the -pompous lying-in-state in the same gilded hall of the old palace at -Madrid, where the comedies the King had loved were so often played -before him. At the same time in an adjoining room the Councils of -Castile and State gathered to hear the will read by the secretary, -Blasco de Loyola, which made Mariana Queen-Regent of Spain, with the -assistance of a special council of regency, consisting of the great -dignitaries of the State, failing two of whom the Queen might appoint -two substitutes, an eventuality which partially occurred within a few -hours of Philip’s death by the decease of the Cardinal Archbishop of -Toledo, Moscoso. Don Juan, who was commended to the widow in the will, -waited to hear no more than the elevation of Mariana to the regency, and -then took horse with all speed and hurried back to the safe seclusion of -his fief of Ocaña. A few days afterwards, the sumptuous lying-in-state -being concluded, the body of ‘Philip the Great’ was carried in a vast -procession to the Escorial, to rest for ever in the jasper niche before -which he had so often prayed and wept.[270] - -Mariana, at the age of thirty-one, was now ruler of Spain for her son -Charles II., aged four, and she lost no time in showing her tendencies -when left to herself. The root of most of the calamities that affected -Spain were the traditions that bound it to the imperial house. All that -the country needed, even now, was rest, peace and freedom from foreign -complications in which Spaniards had no real concern. But Mariana was -Austrian to her finger tips; and ever since Philip’s health began to -fail she had been working for the predominance of her kindred and -weakening the bonds of friendship with France, knit by the marriage of -Maria Theresa with Louis XIV. - -There was already a large party of nobles who, seeing the national need -for peace, looked with distrust upon a policy which would still waste -Spanish resources in fighting the battles of the empire in mid-Europe: -and when to the vacancy in the Council of Regency and the -Inquisitor-Generalship, caused by the death of Cardinal Moscoso a few -hours after the King, Mariana appointed her Austrian confessor, Father -Nithard, Spanish pride flared out and protest became general. Nithard -was doubtless a worthy priest, though of no great ability, but if he had -been a genius the same detestation of him would have prevailed, for he -was a foreigner, and it was guessed at once that between him and the -Austrian Queen Spain would be sacrificed as it had been in the past to -objects that were not primarily Spanish. Observers abroad saw it too, -and although the French envoy who went to condole with Mariana on -Philip’s death assured her of the desire of Louis to be friendly with -her, the first acts of her regency gave to the French King a pretext for -asserting his wife’s right to the inheritance of Flanders, as her dowry -had not been paid, and her renunciation was asserted to be invalid. - -In May 1667 Louis invaded Flanders with 50,000 men, faced only by a -small disaffected and unpaid force under the Spanish viceroy, the result -being that the French overran the country and captured many principal -cities. Don Juan was summoned in a hurry from his exile to the Council -of State in Madrid, and he and his sworn enemy Mariana divided between -them the sympathies of the capital and the country. Pasquins and satires -passed from hand to hand on the Liars’ Parade and in the Calle Mayor, -mostly attacking Nithard and the Queen, who were blamed for the war; and -the relations between Don Juan and Mariana grew more strained every day. - -It was also evident now that Spain was powerless to coerce Portugal any -longer, and in February the humiliating treaty was signed—mainly by the -influence of Fanshawe[271] and Sandwich—in February 1668, recognising -the independence of the sister Iberian nation. Louis XIV. carried on his -attacks in Flanders with vigour, and rejected all overtures of peace -except on terms which aroused Spaniards to indignation. The Spanish -Franche Comté was occupied by the French in February 1668; and then, but -only by a supreme effort, a fresh army of nine thousand men was -collected in Spain to defend her territories. The Austrian friendship -was of little use to Spain, as usual, and Castile had once more to fight -her own battle. In these circumstances of national peril the influence -of Mariana and Nithard on the Council of Regency procured an order for -Don Juan to take command of the army and lead it to Flanders against the -French, and with an ill grace the royal bastard left Madrid on Palm -Sunday, 1668, for his rendezvous at Corunna, where the treasure ships -from Cadiz and his troops were to join him. Don Juan saw in this move an -intention of getting him away from the centre of government, and the -impression was strengthened by the almost simultaneous exile or arrest, -on various trivial pretexts, of some of those who were known to -sympathise with him, one of whom, Malladas, was strangled in prison by -Mariana’s orders. - -All through the spring Don Juan lagged at Corunna, excusing himself from -embarking on various grounds, ill-health being the principal; until, at -length, thanks to the intervention of England and Holland, Louis was -brought to sign terms of peace with Spain at Aix la Chapelle, in May -1668, that left him in possession of the Flemish territories he had -conquered. But still Mariana and Nithard were determined that Don Juan -should go and take possession of his government in Flanders, and sent -him a peremptory order to embark. This he refused to do, and a decree of -the Queen in August directed him to retire to Consuegra, and not -approach within sixty miles of Madrid. He had many friends and -adherents, especially in Aragon, and his discontent extended to them. -Those in Madrid began to clamour that Mariana and Nithard were keeping -the little King in the background away from his people, and alienating -those who might serve the monarchy best. - -Charles II. was now aged seven, and so degenerate and weak a child was -he, that he had been up to this period, and continued for some years -afterwards, entirely in the hands of women, and treated as an infant in -arms. He was dwarfish and puny, with one leg shorter than the other, his -gait during the whole of his life being uncertain and staggering. His -face was of extraordinary length and ghastly white, the lower jaw being -so prodigiously underhung that it was impossible for him to bite or -masticate food, or to speak distinctly. His hair was lank and yellow, -and his eyes a vague watery blue. This poor creature with his mother at -his side, in obedience to the clamour of Don Juan’s friends, was first -brought out in public for his subjects to see at a series of visits to -the convents and churches of Madrid in the summer of 1668.[272] Just as -the King and Mariana were about to start from the palace at Madrid on -one of these excursions, in October 1668, an officer came in great -agitation to the door of the Queen’s apartment and prayed for audience. -He was told that the coach awaited their Majesties, and the Queen could -not see him then, but would receive him when she returned. He begged in -the meanwhile to be allowed to stay in a place of safety in the palace. -This request made his visit seem important enough for Mariana to be -informed of it: and she ordered him to be introduced at once. When he -entered he threw himself upon his knees and besought that he might speak -with her alone; and for a half hour he was closeted with the Queen. - -The story he had to tell was of a widespread conspiracy of Don Juan and -his friends against the Regency, and without delay the net was cast that -swept into prison one of Don Juan’s principal agents in Madrid, Patiño, -and all his household. In a day or two a force of soldiers was -despatched to Consuegra to arrest Don Juan himself, but found the bird -flown. Behind him he had left a document addressed to the Queen, -violently denouncing Nithard as a tyrant and a murderer, whilst -protesting his own loyalty to his father’s son. Madrid began again to -murmur at the persecution of a Spanish prince in Spain by a foreign -Jesuit, and though a brisk interchange of manifestoes and recriminatory -pamphlets was carried on, the great mass of the people were -unquestionably on the side of Don Juan against the German Queen and her -Jesuit favourite. - -The Prince fled to Barcelona, where Nithard was especially hated and the -Madrid government always unpopular, and there nobles and people received -Don Juan with enthusiasm. Messages of support came to him from all parts -of Spain, and French money and sympathy powerfully aided his propaganda, -so that by the end of the year 1668 affairs looked dangerous for Mariana -and her confessor. The Queen and her Camarilla took fright and tried -conciliation, but Don Juan knew that he had the whip hand, and in a -letter written in November to Mariana peremptorily demanded the -dismissal of Nithard within fifteen days. Mariana’s friends on the -Council of Regency voted for the impeachment of Don Juan for high -treason; and for a time vigorous measures against him were like to be -taken. But the Council of Castile, the supreme judicial authority, -through its most influential member, warned the Queen that in a -controversy between the King’s brother and a foreign Jesuit Spaniards -must necessarily be on the side of the former, and the Queen must be -cautious or she would alienate the country from her. Mariana thereupon -wrote softly to Don Juan inviting him to approach Madrid that a -conference of conciliation might be held. But the prince would not trust -Nithard, who, he said, had planned his murder, and he declined to risk -coming to the capital except in his own time and way. - -Early in February 1669, Don Juan, with a fine bodyguard of two hundred -horse, rode out of Barcelona, and through Catalonia and Aragon towards -Madrid. Mariana had sent strict orders throughout the country that no -honours were to be paid to him, but his journey in spite of her was a -triumphal progress, and as he entered Saragossa in state the whole -populace received him with shouts of: ‘Long live Don Juan of Austria, -and Death to the Jesuit Nithard.’ A regiment of infantry was added by -Aragon to the Prince’s force, and on the 24th February Mariana and her -friend in the palace of Madrid were horrified to learn that Don Juan was -at the gates of the capital with an armed body stronger than any at -their prompt disposal. Whilst they made such hasty preparations as they -could to resist, all Madrid was in open jubilation at the approach of -their favourite prince. Don Juan’s force grew from hour to hour, and -with it grew his haughtiness towards the ruling authority. Mariana, in -alarm, tried every means. The Nuncio endeavoured to soften Don Juan’s -heart; the higher nobles in the Queen’s household wrote to him -deprecating violence; and, finally, the Queen herself wrote a letter of -kindly welcome. But to all blandishments Don Juan stood firm: Father -Nithard must go for good, and at once; whilst the Council of Castile -also demanded the Jesuit’s expulsion. - -On the morning of 25th February, whilst Mariana was still in bed, the -courtyards of the palace filled with gentlemen and officials in groups, -who openly declared for Don Juan and the expulsion of Nithard. The Dukes -of Infantado and Pastrana sought an interview with the Queen, for the -purpose of informing her of the general resolution, but were refused -admittance into her bedchamber. They then charged her secretary, Loyola, -to inform her, that unless she instantly signed a decree expelling -Nithard they themselves would take measures against him, as Madrid was -in a turmoil and order imperilled. Mariana with tears of rage swore that -she would not be coerced; and Nithard himself refused to stir. A hasty -meeting of the Council of Regency assembled in the forenoon, which -Nithard abstained from attending only upon the entreaty of the Nuncio, -where a decree of expulsion was drafted in the mildest form possible, -and laid before the Queen for signature as soon as she had dined. - -Mariana was at the end of her tether. The Court, the populace, and the -soldiery were all against her favourite, and she was forced to sign the -decree. But, though she did it, she never forgave Don Juan for the -humiliation, and thenceforward it was war to the knife between them. -Cardinal Nithard, with rich grants and gifts from the Queen, was with -difficulty saved from the cursing multitude that surrounded his coach as -he slunk out of the capital; and Don Juan, triumphant, begged for -permission to come and salute the Queen in thanks for his expulsion. -This, haughty Mariana coldly refused to allow, and Don Juan retorted by -demanding a thorough reform in the administration of the government, a -re-adjustment of taxation and many other innovations which he alleged -that Nithard alone had prevented. The Spanish nobles, however, were no -lovers of reform, and Don Juan’s drastic demands were regarded askance -by many. A long acrimonious correspondence was carried on by the Queen -at Madrid and Don Juan at Guadalajara, in the course of which some -financial amendments were promised by the former: but in the meantime -Mariana’s friends were raising an armed force as a bodyguard for her and -her son, which afterwards became famous as the _Chambergo_ regiment, -because the uniform was copied from those worn by the troops of Marshal -Schomberg. The formation of this standing force was bitterly resented by -the citizens of Madrid, and aroused new sympathy for Don Juan. At length -a semi-reconciliation was effected by the appointment of Don Juan as -Viceroy of Aragon in June 1669; and for several years thereafter the -Prince was piling up funds from his rich offices to strike a more -effectual blow when the time should come. - -The extreme debility of the boy King, who in 1670 was thought to be -moribund, was already dividing the courtiers, and indeed all Spain and -Europe, into two camps. If Charles II. died without issue, as seemed -probable, his elder sister Maria Theresa, wife of Louis XIV., would be -his natural successor, but for the act of renunciation signed at the -time of her marriage; an act which from the first the French had -minimised and disputed, and Philip himself had characterised as an ‘old -wife’s tale.’ It was evident that Louis XIV., daily growing in power and -ambition, had no intention of allowing the renunciation to stand in the -way of his wife’s claims if her brother died childless; and all of -Mariana’s enemies in Spain, and they were many, were ready to stand by -the claims of the elder Infanta Maria Teresa, daughter of the beloved -Isabel of Bourbon, if the succession fell into dispute. - -On the other hand, Mariana, naturally championed the cause of her own -daughter, the Infanta Margaret, married to the Emperor Leopold, and -upheld the validity of Maria Theresa’s formal renunciation of the -succession on her marriage. The Austrian connection had brought nothing -but trouble to Spain, and the brilliant progress of France, even though -it was to the detriment of their country, had gained many Spanish -admirers of the modern spirit that pervaded the methods of Louis XIV. -Mariana, therefore, to most Spaniards, represented, with her pronounced -Austrian leanings, an attempt to tie the country to the bad old times, -as well as to pass over the legitimate rights of the elder Infanta for -the benefit of her own less popular daughter the Empress Margaret. - -The Queen-Mother, well aware of the strong party against her, and that -her prime enemy, Don Juan, was only awaiting his time to strike at her, -employed all the resources she could scrape together in providing for -her own defence against her domestic opponents, leaving the frontier -fortresses divested of troops and means for repelling attack from -France; whilst, on the other hand, she provoked Louis by sending a -Spanish contingent to co-operate with the Emperor’s troops in aiding the -Dutch in their war with France; and, later, in 1673, she formed a -regular alliance with the Emperor and Holland against Louis XIV. Nothing -could have been more imprudent than this in the circumstances, for Spain -was in a worse condition of exhaustion than ever, and the hope of -beating France by force had long ago proved fallacious. The ancient -appanage of Burgundy, the Franche Comté, promptly passed for ever from -the dominion of Spain to that of France; and whilst the fighting in -Flanders and the Catalan frontier was progressing in 1674, a new trouble -assailed Mariana’s government. The island of Sicily revolted, and -invited the French to assume the sovereignty, an invitation that was -promptly accepted. Thirty-seven years before, when he was a mere -stripling, Don Juan had recovered Naples for Spain in similar -circumstances; and Mariana, almost in despair, could only beseech her -enemy to leave his government at Saragossa, and take command of the -Spanish-Dutch forces to attack the French in Sicily. But Don Juan, -knowing her desire to get him out of the way, was determined not to -allow himself to be sent far from the centre of affairs, and refused to -accept the position. - -His reasons were well founded, for events were passing in Mariana’s -palace that rendered her more unpopular than ever; and, by the will of -Philip IV., her regency would come to an end when her son attained his -fifteenth year late in the next year 1675. It had been hoped that with -the banishment of Nithard and the absence from the capital of Don Juan, -the factions that divided the Court would have held their peace during -the few years the regency lasted; and possibly this would have been the -case if the Queen had been prudent. Her unwise favour to Nithard had -already made her extremely unpopular, for foreign Queens in Spain were -always suspect; but she had learned nothing from her favourite’s -ignominious expulsion; and soon a confidant, less worthy far than -Nithard, had completely captured the good graces of the Queen. This was -a young gentleman of no fortune named Fernando de Valenzuela. He was one -of those facile, plausible, Andaluces, a native of Ronda, who had -figured so brilliantly in the Court of Philip IV. and Mariana, where the -accomplishment of deftly turning amorous verse, improvising a dramatic -interlude, or contriving a stinging epigram, opened a way to fortune. He -had been a member of the household of the Duke of Infantado, and upon -the death of the latter, had attached himself to Father Nithard, who -needed the aid of such men. - -Valenzuela was not only keen and clever, but extremely handsome, in the -black-eyed Moorish style of beauty, for which the people of Ronda are -famous, and he soon managed to gain the full confidence of both Nithard -and the Queen, whom he served as a go-between and messenger, a function -which he continued after the Jesuit had been expelled. He had married -the Queen’s favourite half-German maid, and had been appointed a royal -equerry; both of which circumstances gave a pretext for his continual -presence in the palace; and at the time of the agitation against -Nithard, and afterwards, he had been extremely useful in conveying to -the Queen all the comments that could be picked up by sharp ears in the -Calle Mayor and Liars’ Parade (the peristyle of the Church of St. -Philip). It was noticed that those who spoke incautiously of the Queen -in public were promptly denounced and brought to trouble, and the -gossips soon pitched upon Valenzuela as the spy, calling him in -consequence by the nickname, by which he was generally known, of the -‘fairy of the palace.’ The man was bold, ambitious, and unscrupulous, -and soon more than occupied the place left vacant by Nithard. - -Jealous nobles and courtiers looked with indignation at the rapid rise -of a mere provincial adventurer to the highest places in the State. Not -only was a marquisate and high commands and offices conferred upon him, -but at a time when Spain was in the midst of a great international war -that ended in the remodelling of the map of Europe at her expense, this -favourite, without special aptitude or experience, was appointed by -Mariana her universal minister for all affairs; and Valenzuela was the -most powerful man in Spain. He manfully did his best though -unsuccessfully, for he was cordially detested, to win popularity in an -impossible position, by multiplying in Madrid the feasts and diversions -its inhabitants loved, by writing comedies himself, full of wit and -malice, for gratis representation in the theatres, by re-building public -edifices, and generally beautifying the capital. He was surrounded, -moreover, by a great crowd of parasites, mostly nobodies, like himself, -who sang his praises for the plunder he could pour upon them. - -But his rise was too rapid, and his origin too obscure to be easily -forgiven, and a perfect deluge of satires, verses, pamphlets and flying -sheets, full of gross libels upon him and the Queen, came from the -secret presses and circulated throughout Spain. The general opinion was -that he was the Queen’s lover as well as her minister; but Madrid was -always a hotbed of scandal, and, although this may well have been true, -it must be regarded as non-proven. As a specimen of the view taken of -the connection by contemporaries the following description of a -broad-sheet, found one morning posted on the walls of the palace, may be -given. A portrait of the Queen is represented with her hand pointing to -her heart, with the printed legend, ‘This is given;’ whilst Valenzuela -is portrayed standing close by her side, pointing to the insignias and -emblems of his many high offices, and saying, ‘These are sold.’ The -favourite himself seems to have been anxious to strengthen the rumour -that assigned to him the amorous affection of the widowed Queen, for at -two of the Court festivals, of which he promoted many, he bore as his -devices, ‘I alone have licence,’ and ‘To me alone is it allowed.’[273] - -The unrestrained favour extended by the Queen to such an upstart as this -gave hosts of new adherents to Don Juan; and such of them as had access -to the young King, now rapidly approaching his legal majority, took care -to paint the wretched condition of the country in the blackest colours, -and to ascribe the trouble to the Queen’s bad minister. The boy, though -nearly fifteen, was still a child; backward and, at best, almost an -idiot. He could hardly read or write, for the weakness of his wits and -the degeneracy of his physique had caused his education to be entirely -neglected, and he was, even in his mature age, grossly ignorant of the -simplest facts. But, like his father, he was gentle, kind and -good-hearted, and his compassion was easily aroused by the sad stories -told him of the sufferings of his people, especially when they came from -the lips of his father confessor, Montenegro, and his trusted tutor -Ramos del Manzano. - -They, and the great nobles who prompted them, understood that the moment -had come for action when, in the late autumn of 1675, Mariana and -Valenzuela ordered Don Juan to sail in Ruyter’s fleet to Sicily and -eject the French; and what to them was just as important, leave them -with no rivals near them when the King came of age. Charles was -persuaded by his confessor, and without the knowledge of his mother, to -sign a letter recalling his half-brother to Madrid; and with this in his -hand Don Juan could refuse, as he did, to sail for Sicily. On the -morning of 6th November 1675, the day that Charles reached his fifteenth -year and the regency ended, Madrid was astir early to see the shows that -were to celebrate the new reign, though the country, in its utter -exhaustion and misery, was in no spirit to rejoice now. - -To the surprise of most was seen a royal travelling carriage rapidly -approach the Buen Retiro palace, and the escort that surrounded it -proclaimed that the occupant of the coach was no other than Don Juan. -All was prepared for the coup d’etat. The prince hurried, unknown to -Mariana, to the young King’s apartment, and kneeling, kissed the boy’s -hand; whilst a decree, already drafted, was presented to the King, -appointing his half-brother the universal minister of the crown. Mariana -had passed the night at the palace a mile away, but the coming of her -enemy to the Buen Retiro had been announced to her before he alighted. -Without losing a moment she flew to the Retiro and reached her son’s -room just as the decree that would have ruined her was about to be -signed. She was an imperious woman, and had been Queen-Regent of Spain -for over ten years: her control of her feeble son had been supreme -whilst she was with him, and her angry orders that the room should be -cleared might not be gainsaid. Left alone with her son, she led him to a -private room and, with tears and indignant reproaches, reduced the poor -lad to a condition of abject submission to her will. - -The president of the Council of Castile had already told her, that as -Don Juan had come by the King’s warrant, the same authority alone could -send him back, and Charles was induced to sign a decree commanding the -prince to return forthwith to his government in Aragon and remain there -till further orders. Now was the time when boldness on the part of Don -Juan would have won the day; for the nobles, court and people, were -mostly on his side against Valenzuela and the Queen, whose means did not -allow them to bribe everybody. But Don Juan was as vain and empty as he -was ambitious and failed to rise to the occasion. The sacrosanct -character of the King of Castile, moreover, was still a strong -tradition, and Don Juan, who knew his fellow-countrymen well, dared not -aim at ruling instead of the King, but through the King. So that night -Don Juan and his supporters met in conclave, and weakly decided to obey -the King’s new command without protest, instead of making another -attempt to override Mariana’s influence upon her son; and the prince -returned to Aragon overwhelmed with confusion and disappointment.[274] - -The triumph of Mariana was complete, and she took no pains to conceal -her joy when she attended that night in state the theatre of the Buen -Retiro, in celebration of the King’s coming of age. In a few days all -those who had had a hand in the futile conspiracy were on their way to -exile; and, to keep up appearances, Valenzuela himself was given the -rich post of Admiral of the Andalucian coast, with another rich -marquisate, as an excuse for his absence from the capital during the -first few weeks of the King’s majority. He was soon back again, -collecting new honours from the feeble King at the instance of Mariana, -and to the indignation of the other nobles. The great post of Master of -the Horse, usually held by one of the first magnates of Spain, was given -to Valenzuela; and when the jealous grandees remonstrated he was made a -grandee of Spain of the first class to match his new dignity. All this, -and the fact that Don Juan had been deprived of his viceroyalty, though -banished from Court, may testify to Mariana’s determination and -boldness, but says little for her prudence; for all Spain, high and low, -was against her, and Valenzuela was a weak reed to depend upon in the -face of so powerful an opposition. - -In the meanwhile the conspiracy against Mariana grew in strength. Don -Juan amongst his faithful Aragonese could plot with impunity, whilst the -nobles in Madrid were working incessantly to the same ends, namely, the -banishment of Mariana and the impeachment and punishment of Valenzuela. -In February 1676 all the principal grandees signed a mutual pledge to -stand together until these objects were attained; and as, in virtue of -their position, they had unrestrained access to the King, who was now -nominally his own master, the result of their efforts was soon seen. - -The object lesson to which they could point was a very plain one. -Spanish troops were still pouring out their blood upon the battlefields -of Europe without benefit to Spain: the distress in the capital itself -was appalling; even the King’s household sometimes being without food, -or means of obtaining it. On every side ruin had overwhelmed the people. -Industry had been crushed by taxation, whole districts were depopulated -and derelict, and neither life nor property was safe from the bandits -who defied the law in town and country.[275] Spain had almost, though -not quite, reached its nadir of decadence: and, though the distress was -really the result of long-standing causes described in the earlier pages -of this book, the boy monarch was made to believe that it all arose from -the mis-government of his mother and Valenzuela; and that Don Juan could -remedy all the ills and make Spain strong and happy again. - -The noble conspirators took care, this time, to neglect no precautions -that might ensure success, and obtained (27th December 1676) from the -King an order to which Mariana was obliged to consent, for Don Juan to -return to Madrid; whilst on various pretexts they kept the Queen as much -as possible from influencing her son. Valenzuela was, of course, -informed of what was going on, and, recognising that the coalition was -strong enough to crush him, had suddenly fled into hiding a few days -previously. The night of the 14th January 1677, after the King had -retired to his bedchamber in the palace of Madrid, and Mariana doubtless -thought that all was safe until the next morning, Charles, accompanied -by a single gentleman-in-waiting, escaped by arrangement with the -conspirators, down backstairs and through servants doorways, from the -old palace to the Buen Retiro, where the nobles and courtiers were -assembled. Long before dawn a decree reached Mariana in her bedroom in -the palace, ordering her not to leave her apartments without the written -permission of the King. Her rage and indignation knew no bounds, and for -the rest of the night letters alternately denouncing the undutifulness, -and appealing to the affection of her son, showered thick and fast from -the Queen in the old Alcazar to the sixteen year old boy with the long -white face, who was trying to play the King in the pleasance of the Buen -Retiro. None of her letters softened him, if ever they reached him, -which is doubtful, and all the next day the antechambers at the Retiro -were crowded with courtiers, applauding the King’s stroke of State, -whilst in the Alcazar on the cliff the Queen-Mother found herself -neglected by flatterers, a prisoner in the palace where she had reigned -so long. - -The next day news came that Don Juan, with a great armed escort and -household, had arrived at Hita, thirty-five miles from the capital; and -there the Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo and a crowd of grandees met him -with a message from the King, asking him to dismiss his armed men and -come to Court for the purpose of taking the direction of affairs. But -Don Juan had his conditions to make first, and he refused to enter the -capital until Mariana had left it, Valenzuela made a prisoner, and the -hated Chambergo regiment disbanded. He had his way in all things, and -the same night, with rage in her heart, Mariana rode out of the capital -for her banishment at Toledo; the Chambergos were hurried away for -shipment to Sicily; and then came the question where was Valenzuela. -Reluctantly, and bit by bit, it was drawn from the King that he himself -had contrived the flight of his mother’s favourite, and knew where he -was hidden amongst the friars of the palace-monastery of the Escorial. - -From his windows overlooking the bleak Sierra of Guadarrama the fugitive -favourite gazed in the gathering dusk of the 17th January 1677 in -fancied security; when, to his dismay, a large body of cavalry trotted -into the courtyard and dominated the palace. Amongst them the alarmed -Valenzuela descried his enemy the Duke of Medina Sidonia, and a group of -other grandees. Flying for refuge within the consecrated precincts, he -besought the prior to save him; and when the doors of the monastery had -been closed the prior greeted the troops and nobles in the courtyard and -demanded their pleasure. ‘We want nothing,’ they replied, ‘but that you -will deliver to us the traitor Valenzuela.’ ‘Have you an order from his -Majesty?’ asked the prior. ‘Only a verbal one,’ replied Don Antonio de -Toledo, son of the Duke of Alba, who took the lead. ‘In that case,’ -replied the monk, supported by a murmur of approval from his brethren -behind, ‘we will not surrender him, except to main force; for we shelter -him by written warrant of the King.’ Threats and insults failed to move -the monks, and an attempt at arrangement was at last made by means of an -interview in the church between Valenzuela himself and the Duke of -Medina Sidonia and Toledo. Owing mainly to the violence of the latter -the interview had no result; and, as the prior saw that the soldiery -were preparing to force the sanctuary, Valenzuela was hidden in a secret -room contrived for such eventualities where he might defy discovery. The -enraged nobles and soldiery, balked of their prey, ransacked the -enormous place, room by room, for three days, overturning altars, -insulting and violating the privacy of the monks, and committing -sacrilege undreamt of in Spain for centuries, for which they were -smartly punished afterwards by the ecclesiastical authority.[276] - -At length, on the night of 21st January, Valenzuela took fright at some -voices near, and foolishly let himself down by his twisted sheets from -the window of his safe retreat; and, though one sentry let him go, and -the monks made desperate attempts to keep him hidden, he was captured on -the 22nd January and carried with every circumstance of ignominy to -close confinement in Don Juan’s fortress of Consuegra; then after -terrible sufferings and stripped of all his honours and possessions, he -was imprisoned in Manila, and afterwards taken to Mexico to die; whilst -his unfortunate wife, treated with atrocious brutality by Toledo, was -reduced to beg from door to door for charity, until her troubles drove -her mad.[277] No sooner was Valenzuela safe behind the bars at Consuegra -than Don Juan of Austria entered Madrid in state on the 23rd January, -acclaimed by the populace as the saviour of Spain, and welcomed by the -King as the heaven-sent minister who was to make his reign brilliant and -successful. Don Juan’s vengeance knew no limit, as his soul knew no -generosity. Whatever may have been Mariana’s faults as a Queen of Spain, -or her errors as a diplomatist, the ignominy to which she was now -subjected by order of her son, at the instance of Don Juan, shows the -lack of generosity of the latter and the miserable weakness of the -former. Mariana’s turn was to come again by and bye, but with her -banishment to Toledo her life as ruling Queen of Spain came to an end. -She lived nearly twenty years afterwards, but her vicissitudes during -that time may be told more fittingly in connection with the lives of her -two successors, the wives of her afflicted son. - - - - - BOOK V - I - MARIE LOUISE OF ORLEANS - - -With Mariana, closely watched in her convent at Toledo, and all her -friends exiled from Court, Don Juan of Austria reigned supreme. For -years he had been clamouring for reform, and holding up as a terrible -example of the results of mis-government the utter prostration that had -seized upon the nation. This was his chance, and he missed it; for he, -whom a whole people had acclaimed as the strong man that was to redeem -Spain from the sins and errors of the past, proved in power to be a -jealous vindictive trifler, incapable of great ideas or statesmanlike -action. Every supporter of the Queen-Mother, from the highest to the -lowest, was made to feel the persecution of Don Juan; letters from -Toledo were opened, spies listened at every corner, and violated the -sanctity of every home, in the anxiety of the Prince to discover plots -against him. His pride exceeded all bounds, and most of his time was -occupied in intrigues to secure for himself the treatment due to a royal -prince of legitimate birth. - -Whilst Don Juan was engaged in these trifles and equally futile -government measures, such as endeavouring by decree to make the -courtiers dress in the French fashion instead of Spanish, the taxes were -as heavy as before, the prices of food higher than ever, the -administration remained unreformed, and the law was still contemned: the -Spanish troops were being beaten by the French in Catalonia for lack of -support, and King Louis still occupied Sicily. Don Juan’s own -supporters, too, soon got tired of him when they saw that he was -grudging of rewards, even to them; and pasquins and pamphlets rained -against him and in favour of the Queen-Mother. The latter and the -imperial ambassador had, before the coming of Don Juan, betrothed the -King to his niece the Archduchess Marie Antoinette, aged nine, the -daughter of the Emperor; as if the miserable Charles himself had not -been a sufficient warning against further consanguineous marriages in -the house of Austria: but Don Juan promptly put an end to that -arrangement, and proposed to marry Charles to a little Portuguese -Infanta of similar age. Peace was now an absolute necessity to all -Europe. The pourparlers between the powers at Nimeguen had already -lasted two years, and ended in an arrangement between Holland and -France, in which Spain was left out. Louis could then exact his own -terms; and, as usual, they were crushingly hard on Spain, which lost -some of the richest cities in Flanders and all the Franche Comté -(September 1678). But it was peace, and the rejoicing of the -overburdened Spanish people was pathetic to witness. - -Charles was seventeen years of age, and already his country was -speculating eagerly upon his marriage; whilst his degeneracy and -weakness aroused hopes and fears of what might happen if he died without -issue. According to the will of Philip IV., the succession fell to the -Empress Margaret, daughter of Mariana; but the French King, who from the -first had made light of his wife’s renunciation of her Spanish -birthright, and Maria Theresa herself, were not inclined to let her -claims go by default. Soon the gossips in Madrid began to whisper that a -French Queen Consort, a descendant of the house which had given them -their beloved Isabel of Bourbon, would suit Spain best, and Don Juan -himself was not unwilling to listen to such a suggestion; for, in any -case, the King must marry, and a French match would be a blow against -Mariana and the Austrian connection. The Duke of Medina Celi, Don Juan’s -principal henchman, slept, as sumiller de corps, in the King’s room; and -it was he who first broached to Charles the idea of a French wife. He -was, the Duke reminded him, a grown man now, and the Austrian -Archduchess of ten was too young for him. The Princess of Portugal, he -said, would never be consented to by the French, and she was also too -youthful: but there was at St. Cloud the most lovely Princess ever seen, -only a year younger than himself, who was a bride for the greatest king -in the world.[278] - -Her name was Marie Louise, and she was the daughter of the brother of -King Louis, the Duke of Orleans, by Henriette of England, that beautiful -daughter of Charles I. who had been so beloved in the country of her -adoption. Maria Theresa took care that miniatures of her lovely niece -should go to the Spanish Court, and when one of them was brought to the -notice of the young King, his adolescent passion was inflamed at once, -and the Marquis de los Balbeses, who had represented Spain at the -conference of Nimeguen, was instructed by Don Juan to proceed to Paris -and ask King Louis for the hand of his niece. - -Marie Louise was a spoilt beauty of the most refined and gayest court in -Europe. She had when a child lost her English mother; but every body was -in love with her, from King Louis downward; and it had long been -understood that she might marry the Dauphin, with whom she was on the -tenderest terms of affection. But the treaties of Nimeguen had -transformed the face of Europe, and Louis had other views for his son, -whilst the need for securing a footing in Spain during the critical -period approaching was evident. So, when Balbeses came to Paris with -unusual state, and Saint Germain and Saint Cloud were a blaze of -magnificence to receive him, the girl’s heart sank; for with her -precocious intelligence she guessed the meaning of the whispers and -curious glances that greeted her every appearance in the ceremonies in -honour of the King of Spain’s ambassador. - -She and the Dauphin were deeply in love with each other, and had been so -since childhood; and it was like a sentence of death for the beautiful -girl with the burnished copper-brown hair and flashing eyes, to learn -that she was to be the bride of the long-faced, pallid boy, with the -monstrous jaw and dull stare, in his gloomy palace far away from -brilliant Versailles, and from her own home at Saint Cloud. When her -father, the Duke of Orleans, and afterwards King Louis himself, gravely -told her the honour that was in store for her, she implored them in an -agony of passionate tears to save her from such a fate. To her -stepmother, Charlotte of Bavaria, to the Queen Maria Theresa, to the -King, she appealed on her knees, again and again, to let her stay in -France, where she was so happy; and not to send her far away amongst -people she did not love. She was told that her duty was to France; and -Colbert, by the order of King Louis, drew up a serious State paper for -the instruction of the frightened girl in the manner that French -interests might be served by her as Queen of Spain. - -The fine pearl necklace, worth a hundred thousand crowns, given to her -by King Louis, the magnificent diamonds brought by the Duke of -Pastrana,[279] as a present to her from her future husband, the title of -Majesty, ostentatiously given to her as soon as preliminaries were -arranged, the fine dresses and jewels, and the new deference with which -she was surrounded, only deepened the girl’s grief. Her heart grew hard -and her spirit reckless when she understood that, regardless of her own -feelings, she was to be a sacrifice: and, as the pompous ceremony of her -marriage by proxy approached, she became outwardly calm, and more -proudly beautiful than ever. On the 30th August 1679, as the new Queen -was led by her father on one hand and the Dauphin she loved on the -other, into the principal saloon at Fontainebleau for the formal -betrothal to the Prince of Conti, representing the King of Spain, all -the Court was enraptured at her peerless loveliness. Her train, seven -yards long, of cloth of gold, was borne by princesses of the blood; and -the magnificence that the Roi Soleil loved so well found its centre in -the jewels that blazed over the young Princess who was being sacrificed -for France. - -It would be tedious to recount the splendour of the betrothal, and -marriage the next day, 31st August,[280] but when, after the ceremony -with Conti that made Marie Louise the wife of Charles II., she left the -chapel in her royal crown, her purple velvet robe lined with ermine and -covered with golden fleurs de lis, and her flashing gems enveloping her -in light, King Louis and his Queen, between whom she walked in the -procession, praised and soothed her as the most perfect princess and -queen in the world. At the State concert and ball that night, and at the -ceremonies of the morrow, Marie Louise was radiant in her loveliness, -and shed no tears, for she was steeled now to the sacrifice, and -determined thenceforward to get as much sensuous joy out of life as she -could, in spite of the fate that had befallen her. - -Whilst this was happening in Fontainebleau, the plot was thickening in -Madrid. The star of Don Juan was visibly on the wane. The adherents of -Mariana grew bolder daily; some of them, like the Duke of Osuna, dared -to come to Court in spite of prohibition; and Don Juan lived in daily -fear that the King would slip through his hands and join his mother in -Toledo. In order to divert him from visiting Aranjuez, which is within -riding distance of Toledo, all sorts of pretexts were invented, and the -surveillance of the old Queen by Don Juan’s agents became more insulting -than ever. Mme. D’Aulnoy narrates a conversation with Don Juan at the -time, which may well be authentic.[281] ‘She asked him if it was true -that the Queen-Mother had written to the King requesting him to see her, -and that he had refused. The prince admitted that it was, and that this -was the sole reason that had prevented his Majesty from going to -Aranjuez, for fear that she might go there and see him, in spite of the -orders given to her not to leave Toledo. “What, sir,” I cried; “The King -refuses to see his mother!” “Say rather,” he replied, “that reasons of -State prevent monarchs from following their own inclinations when they -clash with the public interest. We have a maxim in the Council of State -always to be guided by the spirit of the great Emperor Charles V. in all -difficult questions.”‘... ‘It was quite evident to me,’ concludes Mme. -D’Aulnoy, ‘that Don Juan accommodated the genius of Charles V. to suit -his own.’[282] - -Don Juan had grown colder towards the French match as time went on. He -had, indeed, endeavoured more than once to obstruct or frustrate it by -suggesting impossible conditions; but even Charles II. had plucked up -some semblance of manhood with his approaching marriage to the original -of the portrait that had so enraptured him, and gave his half-brother to -understand that he meant to have his own way, in this and in other -things.[283] Don Juan had very soon understood that the appearance of -Marie Louise in Spain, with the influence of Louis XIV. behind her, -would mean his own downfall; and the arrival of the Marquis of Villars, -the French ambassador, with instructions from his master not to accede -to the ambitious claims of Don Juan to receive the ambassador seated and -to give his hand as a royal prince, led to infinite negotiation. Louis -was determined that the bastard of Philip IV. should not be treated by -his ambassador as royal, unless his own illegitimate offspring enjoyed -the same privilege; and Villars was instructed not to negotiate with Don -Juan at all unless he gave way.[284] Louis also instructed Villars to -proceed to Toledo and salute Mariana; and Don Juan knew that with the -Queen-Mother’s interest, the French interest, and most of Spain against -him, his government was doomed to an early extinction. - -The knowledge killed him; and before Marie Louise had reached the -Spanish frontier the news came to her that Don Juan was dead, 17th -September. He had suffered for many weeks from double tertian fevers, -and his anxiety had increased the malady. The King, he knew, was already -holding conferences of nobles, plotting to escape to his mother and -decree his half-brother’s dismissal. On all sides those upon whom he had -depended now opposed him, and some of his old enemies had already -claimed the right, in virtue of their rank and offices, to go and attend -the new Queen. In these circumstances it is not necessary to seek, as -many contemporaries did, to explain his death by accusations against -Mariana and her friends of poisoning him; but there is no denying that -his death was most opportune for them, and was welcome to the whole -nation, as ensuring some degree of harmony under the new regime that was -to commence with the King’s marriage. Don Juan’s dying ears were dinned -by the explosion of fireworks from his own windows, in celebration of -the wedding at Fontainebleau, so little regard was paid to him; and -hardly had the breath left his body when Charles ran to seek his mother -at Toledo, and, with tears and embraces on both sides, a reconciliation -was effected. It had all been the wicked bastard’s fault, and -henceforward all would go well. - -Mariana managed her triumphant return with tact and skill. She had left -the Court after Valenzuela’s fall intensely unpopular; but much had -happened since then. Don Juan had proved a whitened sepulchre; the -detested Austrian match for the King was at an end, the cordiality shown -by Mariana towards the new marriage pleased the people, and a warm -welcome greeted her as she rode in state by her son’s side in the great -swaying coach with the curtains drawn back,[285] to the palace of the -Buen Retiro which was to be her residence until her own house was -prepared. - -All the Court was eager to know what part Mariana would in future take -in the government. Would she be, as of yore, the sole dispenser of -bounty and the only fountain of power? Would she avenge herself upon Don -Juan’s friends as he had avenged himself upon hers, or would she leave -the dominating influence to her son’s young wife? Mariana had learnt -wisdom by experience, and walked warily. She was no lover of the French -match; but she knew that open opposition to it would alienate the King -and exasperate the country, and she smilingly played the part of the -fond mother who rejoiced at her son’s happiness. Everybody, moreover, -and especially the King, was so busy with the marriage that there was -neither time nor inclination for politics; and until the King’s -departure to meet his bride he was closeted every day in loving converse -with his mother, talking only of his coming happiness. Fortunately the -treasure-fleet from America arrived in the nick of time, and, for a -wonder, there was no lack of money, which not only added to the good -humour of the people, but enabled the preparations for the reception of -Marie Louise on the Spanish side to be made upon a scale approaching the -costly pageantry of former times. - -The splendid entertainments at Fontainebleau ended at last; and on the -20th September 1679, the young Queen rode out of the beautiful park on -the first stage of the long voyage to her new country. She sat silently -in the coach with King Louis and his wife, and the one man upon whom her -heart was set, the young Dauphin, whose eyes were red with tears. At La -Chapelle, two leagues from Fontainebleau, the long cavalcade stopped, -for here Marie Louise was to take an eternal farewell of most of those -she loved. As she stepped from Queen Maria Theresa’s carriage and -entered one belonging to the King that was to bear her to the frontier, -every eye was wet with tears, and the common folk who witnessed the -leave-taking cried aloud with grief. Only Marie Louise, with fixed face -and stony eyes, was mute. But when the last farewell was said, and the -Queen’s carriage with the Dauphin turned to leave, one irrepressible -wail of sorrow was wrung from the heart of the poor girl, as she sank -back fainting upon the cushions of the carriage by her father’s -side.[286] - -Through France, by short stages, and followed by a great household under -the Duke of Harcourt and the Maréchale Clerambant, as mistress of the -robes, the young Queen made her way, splendidly entertained by the -cities through which she passed; for to them the marriage meant peace -with Spain, and rich and poor blessed her for her beauty and her -sacrifice. The Marquis of Balbeses, the Spanish ambassador and his wife, -a Colonna, rode in her train, and at Poictiers the latter brought her -the news of Don Juan’s unregretted death. The Marchioness happened to be -wearing a black silk handkerchief at her neck; and, lightly touching it, -and smiling, she said: ‘This is all the mourning I am going to wear for -_him_.’[287] Thenceforward to the sad end Marie Louise had to deal with -those who, with smiling face and soft speeches, were secretly bent upon -her ruin; and she, a bright beauty full of strength and the joy of life, -hungry for the love that had been denied her, was no match, even if she -had cared to struggle with them, for the false hearts and subtle brains -that planned the shipwreck of her life. - -The household of the new Queen, which had been chosen by Don Juan before -his death, started from the capital towards the frontier on the 26th -September, and already intrigue was rife amongst the courtiers to gain -ascendency over the young consort of the King. The master of the -household, the Marquis of Astorga, was mainly famous for his gallantry, -and had been a firm friend of Don Juan; whilst the mistress of the -robes, the Duchess of Terranova in her own right, was a stern grand dame -of sixty, whose experience, like that of Astorga, had been principally -Italian, and of whom some whispered that ‘she knew more about carbines -and daggers than about thimbles and needles.’[288] However that may be, -she was imperious and punctilious to the last degree, but kept Marie -Louise in the right way as she understood it; though, as we shall see, -the roughness of her methods disgusted the young Queen and hastened the -inevitable catastrophe.[289] Close upon the heels of the official -household went some of Mariana’s friends, especially the Duke of Osuna, -appointed Grand Equerry, and an Italian priest, who aspired to the post -of Queen’s confessor; and even before she entered Spain began to whisper -to Marie Louise political counsels intended to betray her. - -Once again on the historic banks of the Bidasoa, and on the island of -Pheasants that had seen so many regal meetings, sumptuous pavilions of -silk brocade and tapestry were erected. Marie Louise at St. Jean de Luz, -a few miles away, was sick at heart, in spite of all the splendour that -surrounded her; and she could not suppress her tears as she stood upon -the last foot of French soil she was ever to touch, ready to enter the -gilded barge that was to cross the few feet of water that separated her -from the little gaily decked neutral island where the Marquis of Astorga -was to receive her on bended knee as his sovereign mistress. - -The rule of the formidable old Duchess of Terranova began the moment -Marie Louise stepped into the barge that was to land her on the Spanish -bank. The Queen was dressed in the graceful garb that prevailed in the -Court of Louis XIV. The soft yielding skirts and square cut bodice with -abundance of fine lace at neck and wrists were coquettishly feminine. -The bright brown hair of the bride was curled and frizzed at the sides -and on the brow, in artful little ringlets, and all this grace and -prettiness looked to the Spanish ladies of the old school indecorous, if -not positively indecent. Their vast wide-hooped farthingales, of heavy -brocade, their long flat bodices, their stiff unbendable sleeves, and in -the case of younger ladies, their hair, lank and uncurled, falling upon -their shoulders, except where it was parted at the side and gathered -with a bow of ribbon over one temple, formed an entire contrast to the -French feminine fashions of the time; and until Marie Louise donned the -Spanish garb, and did her hair in Spanish style, the Duchess of -Terranova looked with grave disapproval at her mistress. - -After the whole party had attended the Te Deum at Irun the journey south -began, though not before a desperate fight for precedence had taken -place between the Duke of Osuna and the Marquis of Astorga, a struggle -that was renewed on every opportunity until the Duke was recalled to the -King’s side. Long ere this the young King’s impatience to meet his bride -had over-ridden all the dictates of etiquette, and he had started on his -journey northward on the 23rd October, before even Marie Louise had -entered Spain. To one of those witty French ladies who, at the time, -wrote such excellent letters, we are indebted for invaluable information -on the events of the next two years, and the letters of Mme. de Villars, -wife of the French ambassador, will furnish us with many vivid pictures. -Writing from Madrid the day before Marie Louise entered Spain (2nd -November 1679) Mme. de Villars says: ‘M. Villars had started to join the -King, who is going in search of the Queen with such impetuosity that it -is impossible to follow him. If she has not arrived at Burgos when he -reaches there, he is determined to take the Archbishop of Burgos and go -as far as Vitoria, or to the frontier, if needs be, to marry the -Princess. He was deaf to all advice to the contrary, he is so completely -transported with love and impatience. So with these dispositions, no -doubt the young Queen will be happy. The Queen Dowager is very good and -very reasonable, and passionately desires that she (Marie Louise) should -be contented.’[290] - -As the royal couple approached each other, almost daily messages of -affection and rich gifts passed between them. First went from Marie -Louise a beautiful French gold watch, with a flame-coloured ribbon, -which she assured the love-lorn Charles had already encircled her neck. -On the 9th November she reached Oñate, where she passed the night, and -sent from there a miniature of herself on ivory set with diamonds, and -with this went a curious letter,[291] now published for the first time, -touching upon a subject which afterwards became one of the principal -sources of Marie Louise’s troubles in Spain. The letter is in Spanish, -and in the Queen’s own writing, a large, bold hand, full of character. -The Queen told Balbeses in Paris that she had learnt Spanish in order to -talk it with Queen Maria Theresa, but did not speak it much. The present -letter was probably, therefore, drafted or corrected in draft before she -wrote it (perhaps by Mme. de Clarembant, who spoke Spanish), as there -are no serious errors of syntax in it. - -‘If I were ruled by the impulses of my heart alone, I should be sending -off couriers to your Majesty every instant. I send to you now Sergeant -Cicinetti, whom I knew at the Court of France, and his great fidelity -also to your Majesty’s service. I pray you receive him with the same -kindness that I send him. My heart, sire, is so overflowing with -gratitude that your Majesty will see it in all the acts of my life. They -wished to make me believe that your Majesty disapproved of my riding on -horseback, but Remille (?), who has just come from your Majesty, assures -me that just the contrary is the case, especially as for these bad roads -horses are the best. As my greatest anxiety is to please your Majesty, I -will do as you wish; for my whole happiness is that your Majesty should -be assured that I shall only like that which you like. God grant you -many years of life, as I desire and need. Oñate, 9th November.—Your -Niece and Servant, - - MARIE LOUISE.’ - -In fact, the Duchess of Terranova, from the first day, had been -remonstrating with the Queen against her insisting upon riding a great -horse over the wretched rain-soaked tracts that did duty for roads. -Spanish ladies, she was told, travelled in closely-curtained carriages -or litters, or, in case of urgent need, upon led mules, but never upon -horses thus: and Marie Louise, who was a splendid horsewoman, had -excusably defended the custom of the Court in which she had been reared. -This was the first cause of disagreement between Marie Louise and her -mistress of the robes, but others quickly followed. - -Whilst Charles was impatiently awaiting his bride at Burgos, Marie -Louise travelled slowly with her great train of French and Spanish -courtiers over the miry roads and through the drenching winter of -northern Spain. Already her daily passages of arms with the Duchess of -Terranova had filled her with apprehension and anxiety. M. de Villars -met her at Briviesca, and found her ‘full of inquietude and mistrust, -and perceived that the change of country, and people and manners, enough -to embarrass a more experienced person than she, and the cabals and -intrigues that assailed her on every hand, had plunged her into a -condition of agitation which made her fear everything without knowing -upon whom she could depend.’[292] The ambassador did his best to -tranquillise her. All these people, he said, were intriguing in their -own interests. She need not trouble about them: only let her love the -King and live in harmony with the Queen-Mother, whom she would find full -of affection for her, and all would be well. It is clear that Don Juan’s -faction had not died with him, and even at this early stage the -household, mainly appointed by him, had done their best to make Marie -Louise fear and dread her mother-in-law. - -On the 18th November, the day after her interview with Villars, the -bride arrived at Quintanapalla, within a few miles of Burgos, where she -was to pass the night; the ostensible intention of the Spaniards being -that the marriage should take place at Burgos the next day. Everything -was done to lead the official Frenchmen to believe this; but Villars and -Harcourt were suspicious; and early on the morning of the 19th, they -arrived from Burgos at the miserable poverty-stricken village where -Marie Louise had passed the night. Assembled there they found members of -the King’s household, and taxed the Duchess of Terranova with the -intention of carrying through the royal marriage there. She replied -haughtily that the King had so commanded, and had given orders that no -one was to attend the wedding, but the few Spanish officers and -witnesses strictly necessary. The two noble Frenchmen indignantly -announced their intention of attending the ceremony, in obedience to the -orders of their own King Louis, whether the Spaniards liked it or not. -The imperious old lady thereupon flew into a towering rage; ‘_et dit -beaucoup de choses hors de propos_,’ and the ambassadors, declining to -quarrel with an angry woman, sent a courier galloping to Burgos to -demand leave for the official representatives of France to witness the -marriage of a French princess.[293] - -At eleven o’clock in the morning, the King himself arrived at the poor -hamlet of ten houses, and at the door of the apartment where she had -lodged his beautiful bride met him. She looked radiant, ‘in a beautiful -French costume covered with a surprising quantity of gems,’[294] though -Charles told her the next day that he infinitely preferred her with the -Spanish garb and coiffure, which she usually assumed thenceforward. On -the threshold of the squalid labourer’s cottage, Marie Louise made as if -to kneel and kiss the King’s hand; but he stepped forward and raised -her. Unfortunately, thanks to his mumbling speech and her agitation, and -small familiarity with spoken Spanish, they soon found that conversation -was impossible without an interpreter, and Villars stepped into the -breach and said the mutual words of greeting between the husband and -wife.[295] - -But whilst he was doing this courtly service, his keen eyes saw that the -humble living chamber of the cottage, where the ceremony of marriage was -to take place, was being filled by Spanish grandees, who had ranged -themselves in the place of honour on the right hand. Louis had broken -down the old Spanish claim to precedence before other nations, and -Villars at once demanded for Harcourt and himself the pre-eminent place. -Under protest, and with evil grace, the grandees were obliged to make -way for the Frenchmen; and there, in the squalid room, at midday, with -grey skies looming overhead, and the drizzling rain dimming the tiny -windows, Charles King of Spain was married to Marie Louise of -Orleans.[296] - -An impromptu dinner was served immediately afterwards to the King and -Queen; and at two o’clock in the afternoon they entered the big coach -that awaited them, and the whole caravan floundered through the mud to -the city of Burgos. The next morning early the bride left the city -privately to dine at the neighbouring convent of Las Huelgas, and thence -to make her state entry on horseback, and dressed in Spanish fashion. -Then, for three days, the usual round of masquerades, bullfights, and -comedies, kept the Court amused, and the dreaded hour of parting from -her French train came to Marie Louise. Loaded with fine presents and -rewards from the King, the great ladies and gallant gentlemen who had -kept up the spirits of the Queen, now perforce turned their faces -towards the north again, and, as Marie Louise saw the French carriages -depart, her composure gave way, and she broke into a paroxysm of tears. - -Spaniards generally, and especially the King, saw the French courtiers -depart with delight. For years the two countries had been constantly at -war. The splendour of France had grown proportionately as poverty and -impotence had fallen upon Spain. Old ambitions and vengeful hate were -not dead, and many Spaniards still dreamed of dictating to the world if -only France could be checked. At every step Marie Louise, who loved -France with all her heart, and had been forced to leave it, as she was -told, to serve its interests, was reminded that she must forget the dear -land of her youth and think only of her husband’s realm. It was too much -to expect that she would do it, and it is fair to say that she did not -try. She was a blithe, gay-hearted girl, in the full flower of youth and -strength, not yet eighteen: the pleasures of Versailles and St Cloud had -hitherto filled her life, and here in stern Spain, surrounded by -sinister intrigues she did not understand, and married to this -degenerate anæmic creature by her side, she did her best to play her -part properly; but she was French to her inmost soul, and she would not -forget her own folk and her old home. The harsh Duchess of Terranova -might insist upon the bright brown curls being brushed wet till they -hung flat and lank, and might cram the beautiful round bosom into the -hideous flat corset demanded by Spanish fashion; but even she could not -quite silence the frank, careless laugh, or suppress the triumphant -coquetry of a Parisian beauty overflowing with the sensuousness of -maturing passion. - -During the stay at Burgos, and afterwards, the Duchess of Terranova kept -urging upon the narrow, suspicious King that his new wife was a young -woman of free and easy manners, entirely opposed to Spanish ideas of -decorum, and that he must keep a tight rein upon her. She laid it down, -moreover, that the girl must receive no visits of any sort until after -her State entry into Madrid, which would mean some six weeks of complete -isolation.[297] At Torrejon de Ardoz, a few miles from Madrid, Charles -and his wife were met by Mariana. The Queen-Mother was wiser and deeper -than the Mistress of the Robes; and instead of frightening her -daughter-in-law she was outwardly all kindness and sweetness to her. As -we shall see in the course of this history, the Terranova way, harsh as -it was, was less disastrous to Marie Louise than the policy of letting -her go her own way, and then holding her up to reprobation. - -Mme. Villars records the coming of the newly-married pair to the Buen -Retiro palace, where the Queen was to remain whilst the preparations -were made for her state entry some weeks later. ‘Le roi et la reine -viennent seuls dans un grand carosse sans glace, à la mode du pays. Il -sera fort heureux pour eux qu’ils soient comme leur carosse.[298] On dit -que la reine fait tres bien: pour le roi, comme il etait fort amoureux -avant que de l’avoir vue, sa presence ne peut qu’avoir augmenté sa -passion.’ - -Marie Louise had now no Frenchwomen with her but two old nurses and two -maids of inferior rank; and some days after she had arrived at the Buen -Retiro she begged that Madame Villars, the ambassador’s wife, might be -allowed to come and raise her spirits by a chat in French. The Duchess -of Terranova was shocked, and refused. Neither man nor woman, she said, -should see the Queen until the state entry. Marie Louise then tried her -husband. Might not the ambassadress come in strict incognito? He seems -to have consented, and the Queen joyously sent word to Mme. Villars; but -Villars was aware of the jealousy in the palace, and before allowing his -wife to go, communicated with the Duchess of Terranova. She knew -nothing, she said, of such a permission, nor would she inquire, and the -Queen should see no one whilst she remained at the Retiro. - -Secret means were found for letting Marie Louise know why her -countrywoman did not respond to the invitation; but a few days -afterwards Mme. Villars went to the Retiro, doubtless by appointment, to -pay her respects to the Queen-Mother Mariana. She found her everything -that was kind and amiable. ‘Have you seen my daughter-in-law yet?’ the -Queen-Mother asked. ‘She is so anxious to see you, and will receive you -when you like: to-morrow if you wish.’ This was a great victory over the -Duchess of Terranova, for Marie Louise had seen not a soul but the -inhabitants of the Retiro since she entered it. Only two days before the -Marchioness of Balbeses, the late ambassadress in France, who, though an -Italian, was married to a Spanish grandee, had gone to the apartment of -the Mistress of the Robes to beg an audience of the Queen. The latter, -hearing her friend’s voice, had run into the room from her own adjoining -chamber; but the moment the scandalised Duchess of Terranova caught -sight of her she seized her roughly by the arm and pushed her into her -own apartment again. ‘These manners,’ says Mme. Villars in recounting -the incident, ‘are not so extraordinary here as they would be anywhere -else.’[299] - -The French ambassadress lost no time in availing herself of the -Queen-Mother’s hint; and on the following day went to the Retiro. The -account of her visit to the Queen may best be told in her own racy -words: ‘I entered by the apartment of the Mistress of the Robes, who -received me with all sorts of civility. She took me through some little -passages to a gallery, where I expected to see only the Queen, but, to -my great surprise, I found myself before the whole royal family. The -King was seated in a great arm-chair, and the two Queens on cushions. -The Mistress of the Robes kept hold of my hand, telling me as we -advanced how many courtesies I had to make, and that I must begin with -the King. She brought me up so close to his Majesty’s chair that I did -not know what she wished me to do. For my part, I thought nothing more -was required of me than a low courtesy; and, without vanity, I may -remark that he did not return it, though he seemed not sorry to see me. -When I told M. de Villars about it afterwards, he said no doubt the -Mistress of the Robes expected me to kiss the King’s hand. I thought so -myself, but I felt no inclination to do so.... There I was then, in the -midst of these three Majesties. The Queen-Mother, as on the previous -day, said many agreeable things, and the young Queen seemed very much -pleased to see me, though I did my best that she should show it in a -discreet way. The King has a little Flemish dwarf who understands and -speaks French very well, and he helped the conversation considerably. -They brought one of the young ladies in a farthingale, that I might -examine the machine.[300] The King had me asked what I thought of it, -and I replied, through the dwarf, that I did not believe it was ever -invented for a human form. He seemed very much of my opinion. They -brought me a cushion, upon which I sat only for a moment in obedience to -the sign made to me, but I took an opportunity immediately afterwards to -rise, as I saw so many “ladies of honour” standing, and I did not wish -to offend them; though the Queens repeatedly told me to be seated. The -young Queen had a collation served by her ladies on their knees—ladies -of the most splendid names, such as Aragon, Castile and Portugal. The -Queen-Mother took chocolate and the King nothing. The young Queen, as -you may imagine, was dressed in Spanish fashion, the dress being made of -some of the lovely stuffs she brought with her from France. She was -beautifully _coiffée_, her hair being brought diagonally across the -brow, and the rest falling loose over her shoulders. She has an -admirable complexion, very fine eyes, and a bewitching mouth when she -laughs. And what a thing it is to laugh in Spain! The gallery is rather -long, the walls being covered with crimson damask or velvet, studded all -over very close with gold trimmings. From one end to the other the floor -is laid with the most lovely carpet I ever saw in my life, and on it -there are tables, cabinets and brasiers, candlesticks being upon the -tables. Every now and then very grandly dressed maids come in, each with -two silver candlesticks, to replace others taken out for snuffing. These -maids make very great, long courtesies, with much grace. A good way from -the Queens there were some maids of honour sitting on the floor, and -many ladies of advanced age, in the usual widow’s garb, were leaning -standing against the wall. - -‘The King and Queen left in three quarters of an hour, the King walking -first. The young Queen took her mother-in-law by the hand leading her to -the door of the gallery, and then she turned back quickly, and came to -rejoin me. The Mistress of the Robes did not return, and it was evident -that they had given the Queen full liberty to entertain me. There was -only one old lady in the gallery, a long way off, and the Queen said -that if she was not there she would give me a good hug. It was four -o’clock when I arrived, and half-past seven before I left, and then it -was I who made the first move. I can assure you I wish the King, the -Queen-Mother and the Mistress of the Robes could have heard all I said -to the Queen. I wish you could have heard it too, and have seen us -walking up and down that gallery, which the lights made very agreeable. -This young Queen, in the novelty and beauty of her garments, and with an -infinitude of diamonds, was simply ravishing. Once for all do not forget -that black and white are not more dissimilar than France and Spain. I -think our young Princess is doing very well. She wished to see me every -day, but I implored her to excuse me, unless I saw clearly that the King -and the Queen-Mother wished it as much as she did.... The Mistress of -the Robes came to meet me as I left the gallery, and I found there the -Queen’s French attendants, to whom I said that they must learn Spanish, -and avoid, if possible, saying a word of French to the Queen. I know -that they are scolded for speaking it too much to her.’[301] - -In the deadly _ennui_ of such a life as that described above Marie -Louise, though she did her best to be patient, begged earnestly that her -countrywoman should be allowed to see her often. But Mme. Villars -pointed out to her how much depended upon her prudence, and avoided the -palace whenever possible, in the hope that the young Queen would fall -into Spanish ways. The King also, in his half-witted way, tried to -please his lovely wife: ‘more beautiful and agreeable,’ says Mme. -Villars, ‘than any lady of her Court,’ giving her many exquisite -presents of jewellery, and running in and out of her apartments to tell -her bits of news, and so on. But the life was deadly dull; and the gloom -within the palace could, as Mme. Villars says, be seen, tasted and -touched. Charles had no amusements other than the most childish games -and trivial pastimes: his intellect was not capable of sustaining a -reasonable conversation, and after a day of stiff monotony, he and his -wife went to bed every night at half-past eight, the moment they had -finished supper: ‘with the last morsel still in their mouths,’ as Mme. -Villars writes. - -There was some eager talk of the Queen’s pregnancy before the grand -State entry into Madrid; but when that hope disappeared, and Marie -Louise began to languish alarmingly in the dull incarceration of the -Retiro, she and her husband sufficiently relaxed their surroundings to -go to the hunting palace of the Pardo, six miles away, where the young -Queen could ride her French horses, and Charles could enjoy himself with -a little pigsticking. At length the great day for the public entry into -the capital came on the 13th January 1680. Madrid, as usual, had -squandered money sorely needed for bread in gaudy shows. At every street -corner arose monuments and arches of imitation marble; and all the -heathen mythology was ransacked for far-fetched compliments to the -people’s new idol. The King and his mother leaving the Retiro in the -morning took up a position in the central balcony of the Oñate palace, -still standing, in the Calle Mayor; and at noon Marie Louise on a -beautiful chestnut palfrey issued from the gates of the Buen Retiro, -where the aldermen of the town stood awaiting her with the canopy of -state, under which she was to ride to the palace. - -Preceded by trumpeters and the knights of the royal orders, by her -household and by the grandees of Spain, all in garments of dazzling -magnificence, rode the most beautiful woman in Spain, gorgeously dressed -in garments so richly embroidered with gold that their colour was -hidden, and covered with precious stones, but withal, as a Spanish -eyewitness observes, ‘more beautifully adorned by her loveliness and -grace than by the rich habit that she wore.’ Her horse was led by the -Marquis of Villamayna, her chief equerry; and after her came a great -train of ladies led by the Duchess of Terranova, all mounted on draped -led mules. As the new Queen passed the Oñate palace she smiled and bowed -low to the King and his mother, who could be dimly seen behind the -nearly closed jalousies; and went triumphantly forward, conquering all -hearts by the power of her radiant beauty.[302] But though she, poor -soul, knew it not, more was needed than careless beauty to win the -battle in which she was engaged, a battle not of hearts but of subtle -crafty brains. - -Bullfights, with grandees as toreros, masquerades, cane tourneys, and -the inevitable religious pageantry, at all of which Marie Louise, -glittering with gems, took her place, ran their usual course; and at the -end of a week after the entry the Queen began her regular married life -in the old Alcazar on the cliff, more gloomy and monotonous, even, than -the Retiro, in its gardens on the other side of the capital. - -The political intrigues, though they had never ceased, had been -naturally somewhat abated during the Queen’s voyage and subsequent -seclusion: but as soon as the marriage feasts were over the struggle -began in earnest. Charles, absorbed in his courtship and marriage, had -appointed no minister to succeed Don Juan, the necessary administrative -duties being performed by a favourite of his, Don Jeronimo de Eguia, a -man of no position or ability; and the first bone of contention was the -appointment of the man who was really to rule Spain. The old party of -the Queen-Mother inclined to a Board of Government, headed by the -Constable of Castile; but Mariana, in appearance, at least, held herself -aloof, and the minister ultimately chosen by the King was the first -noble in Spain, the Duke of Medina Celi, an easy going, idle, amiable -magnate, who had sided with Don Juan; but whose gentle manners had -convinced the King that he would not tyrannise over him as Don Juan had -done. The Duchess of Terranova and most of the household whispered -constantly to the young Queen distrust and suspicion of Mariana; and -after her state entry they encouraged her as much as possible to see the -French ambassadress constantly. The Queen-Mother, they said, had been -continually with the German ambassador and his wife talking German, why -should not Marie Louise do the same with the French ambassador. But both -Villars and his wife were wary, and saw that they were to be used to -form a French party at Court to oppose the Queen-Mother and the -Austrians, and this they were not at present inclined to do. - -Villars himself constantly reiterates that the Queen-Mother was quite -sincere in her professions of affection for her daughter-in-law, and he -and his wife lost no opportunity of urging Marie Louise to respond -cordially to her mother-in-law’s loving advances. The diplomatist -attributes to Mariana, indeed, at this time, sentiments which her whole -history seems to falsify, and it appears far more probable that Marie -Louise was right than the ambassador when she looked askance at the -tenderness of her husband’s mother. The old Queen, says Villars, was -discontented with the way her Austrian kinsmen had treated her, and -leaned now to the side of France, which had been friendly with her in -her exile; she sincerely loved her daughter-in-law and hoped that her -son would have children to succeed him by his beautiful wife. Villars, -indeed, casts the whole of the blame upon Marie Louise, who, he -says—probably quite truly—was lacking in judgment, decision and -generosity, and hesitated too late between the Duchess of Terranova, who -constantly warned her against the Queen-Mother, and the French -ambassador and others who strove to persuade her to make common cause -with her mother-in-law, and rule all things jointly with her.[303] - -The nearest approach to common action of the two Queens was when they -both persuaded Charles to appoint the weak, idle, Medina Celi as -minister; but, in this, and in all the other manifestations of Mariana’s -conciliatory amiability at the time and after, it is unquestionable that -the measures and men she smiled upon were such as would, and did, -inevitably lead to a state of things in which her firm hand would become -indispensable. The effects of the utter ineptitude of such a government -as that of Charles and Medina Celi were soon seen. The coin had been -tampered with to such an extent as to have no fixed value, provisions -were at famine price, and the attempt to fix low values of commodities -by decree aroused a sanguinary revolt in Madrid in the early spring of -1680, that nearly overthrew the wretched government such as it was. -Bandits infested the high roads, half the work of the country was done -by foreigners, whilst Spaniards starved in idleness, or lived by preying -upon the comparatively few who still had means. - -In this abject state of affairs, the King gave but a quarter of an hour -daily to his public duties, which were limited to stamping his signature -on decrees placed before him, for he had neither the industry to read -them nor the intellect to understand them; and the rest of his time was -spent on the most puerile frivolity and in endless visits with Marie -Louise to convents and churches. ‘Such visits,’ says Mme. Villars, ‘are -anything but a feast for her. She insisted upon my going with her the -last two days. As I knew nobody, I was very much bored, and I believe -she only asked me to go in order to keep her in countenance. The King -and Queen are seated in two arm chairs, the nuns sitting at their feet, -and many ladies come to kiss their hands. The collation is brought, the -Queen’s repast always being a roast capon, which she eats whilst the -King gazes at her, and thinks that she eats too much. There are two -dwarfs who do all the talking.’ - -A very few weeks of this idle life and good living worked its effect -upon Marie Louise. In February 1680, Mme. Villars writes: ‘She has grown -so fat, that if it goes much further, her face will be round. Her bosom, -strictly speaking, is already too full; although it is one of the most -beautiful I have ever seen. She usually sleeps ten or twelve hours, and -eats meat four times a day. It is true that her breakfast and her -luncheon (collation) are her best meals. She always has served for lunch -a capon boiled and broth, and a roast capon. She laughs very much when I -have the honour to be with her. I am quite sure that it is not I who am -sufficiently agreeable to put her into such a good humour, and that she -must be pretty comfortable generally. No one could behave better than -she does, or be sweeter and more complaisant with the King. She saw his -portrait before she married him, but they did not paint his strange -humour, nor his love of solitude. The customs of the country have not -all been turned upside down to make them more agreeable for her, but the -Queen-Mother does everything she can to soften them. All sensible people -think that the young Queen could not do better than contribute on her -side to the tenderness and affection that the Queen-Mother shows for -her.... When I tell you that she is fat, that she sleeps well and laughs -heartily, I tell you no more than the truth; but it is no less true that -the life she leads does not please her.... But, after all, she is doing -wonderfully, and I am quite astonished at it.’[304] - -Already we see by this, that before Marie Louise had been in Madrid -three months, she was going her own way, and was being humoured to the -top of her bent by Mariana. She had been sold into a slavery of utter -boredom, married to a degenerate imbecile; and she had neither brains, -heart, nor ambition to take a leading part in politics, or to play the -rôle that she was intended to fill in Spain by her uncle King Louis. All -that was left for her, then, was to eat, drink, sleep, and be as merry -as her grim surroundings would allow; and let the world wag as it would. -The society of the capital and Court had reached the lowest degree of -decadence; and a strong, high-minded Queen would have found ample work -in reducing at least her own household to decency. Every lady in the -palace and elsewhere had a gallant, and was proud of it; and it was a -universal practice in theatres and public places, or even at windows -looking upon the street, for lovers to converse openly in the language -of signs. Immorality and vice had reached such a terrible pitch that -mere children who could afford it lived in concubinage, and few people, -high or low, were free from preventible disease.[305] - -Marie Louise, utterly frivolous, made no attempt to reform all this, but -swam with the stream, taking part in the Kings puerile pleasures of -throwing eggshells full of scent at people, or playing with him for -hours at his favourite game of spilikins for pence. Mariana looked on at -it all quite complacently, Villars and his wife thought out of mere -amiability. That may have been so, but it is clear to see now that all -that was necessary was to let Marie Louise go her own way unchecked, and -Mariana had nothing to fear from her politically or personally. As an -instance of the attitude of the Queen-Mother towards the young Queen’s -thoughtlessness, a little circumstance related by Mme. Villars may be -quoted: ‘I was walking in the gallery of the Buen Retiro on Sunday, -before seeing the comedy, thinking nothing of kings or queens, when I -heard our young Princess call out my name very loudly. I entered the -room whence the voice proceeded quite unceremoniously; and, to my -confusion, I found the Queen seated between the King and the -Queen-Mother. She had thought of nothing when she called me but her own -wish to see me, quite regardless of Spanish gravity; and she burst out -laughing heartily when she saw me. The Queen-Mother reassured me. She is -always pleased when her daughter-in-law enjoys herself. Indeed, she made -an opportunity for me to come and talk with her in a window recess, but -I retired as soon as I could.’ To encourage Marie Louise to forget for a -moment that she was a Spanish Queen, was to ensure her downfall. - -Here is another picture of the young Queen a few days afterwards. Mme. -de Sévigné had written a letter talking of Marie Louise’s beautiful -little feet, with which she danced so nimbly at Versailles. The young -Queen was gratified at the flattery, but ruefully said that all her -pretty feet were used for now was to walk round her chamber a few times, -and carry her off to bed at half-past eight every night. On this -occasion Mme. Villars thus describes her: ‘She was as beautiful as an -angel, weighed down but uncomplaining, by a _parure_ of emeralds and -diamonds on her head, that is to say, a thousand sparks; a _furious_ -pair of earrings, and in front, and around her, in the form of a scarf, -rings, bracelets, etc. You think, no doubt, that emeralds on her brown -hair would not look well, but you are mistaken. Her complexion is one of -the loveliest brunettes ever seen, her throat white, and exquisitely -beautiful.’ - -Soon the young Queen’s careless jollity received a blow, which -embittered her. Charles hated and distrusted all French people; and the -insistence of Marie Louise in making companions of her French maids -annoyed him exceedingly; and the lives of the two maids whom she liked -best were made intolerable to them to such an extent that they had to -leave. The Queen was in despair, but protested and wept in vain: the two -Frenchwomen were made to understand that they had to go; and when their -mistress summoned them one morning she was told that they had departed -from the palace for good, leaving her with only two French servants, a -nurse and a maid. As usual in her trouble, she summoned Mme. Villars, -who found her lying down. ‘She rose at once. It is truly surprising how -beautiful she has grown. She wore her hair tied up in great curls on her -forehead, with rose-coloured ribbons on her cap and on the top of her -head; and she was not plastered over with rouge, as she is generally -obliged to be. Her throat and bosom admirable. She slipped on a French -dressing-gown, which she wore for the rest of the day. She stood thus -for a short time regarding herself in a great mirror, and the view -seemed to revive her. Her eyes looked as if she had been weeping much. -As soon as she began to speak to me the King entered the room, and it is -the rule in such cases for the ladies all to leave, except the Mistress -of the Robes and some servants. I heard cards asked for, and I concluded -that the Queen was going to be bored to death with the little game that -the King is so fond of, at which, if you have very bad luck, you may -lose a dollar. The Queen always plays it as if she was enraptured with -the occupation.’ - -The loss of two of her French attendants drew Marie Louise ever closer -to Mme. Villars, who was a person of mature age, but, to her later -regret, she gradually lost some of the reserve that at first she had -considered prudent in her communications with the Queen. Mariana smiled -upon the constant companionship of her daughter-in-law with the French -ambassadress, but she must have known, for she was experienced and -clever, that it would end in disaster to Marie Louise, whose future -depended upon pleasing her husband and becoming purely Spanish. The -Queen did her best to keep the affection of Charles, who, in his own -way, was desperately in love with her, and on occasions when he had to -leave her for a day or two she affected desperate sorrow at his absence -so cleverly as to arouse the admiration of Mme. Villars for her good -acting. - -But, though she kept the King in alternate fits of maudlin devotion and -despairing rage at her capricious flouting of all the rules and -traditions of his Court, he himself was politically a cypher, and the -policy always favoured by Mariana slowly but surely gained ground, -whilst the French interest grew weaker; and Marie Louise, in spite of -her uncle’s indignant reminders, raised no finger to help the cause she -had been sent to Spain to champion. If Mariana ever had quarrelled with -the Emperor, as Villars thought, the breach was patched up now, and the -Austrian ambassador, Count de Grana, an old friend of Mariana’s, came to -draw closer than before the family alliance. And yet Mariana -ostentatiously abstained from any governmental action, whilst all went -in the way she wished. - -The first open sign of a return to the old policy of religious unity and -the Austrian connection was the holding of the greatest _auto de fe_ -that had taken place in Madrid for half a century, in June 1680. The -Plaza Mayor was transformed at a vast expense into a great theatre; all -its hundreds of windows were filled with the aristocracy of Spain, and -the high roofs of the houses crowded with people to see the dreadful -show. All the inquisitors in Spain had been summoned, and the pulpit, -the great tribune for the judges, the platform for the bishops, and the -fronts of the barriers and balconies were covered with costly tapestries -and rich hangings for the occasion. Eighty-five grandees and noblemen -were proud to act as familiars of the Holy Office, and a picked corps of -250 gentlemen served as soldiers of the faith, to guard its ministers, -and each to carry a faggot for the devilish bonfire at the gate of -Fuencarral after the _auto_ was finished. - -All day long, from early morning till four in the afternoon, the King, -with Marie Louise and Mariana, sat in the principal balcony of the -Panadería, the centre house in the great square, whilst 120 poor -wretches in sambenitos, with ropes round their necks, gags in their -mouths, and other insignia of shame, were condemned after innumerable -ceremonies, sermons and rogations, to the tender mercies of the law -condemning heresy. Charles swore again on the gospels to defend and -promote the Catholic faith as held in Spain; and when the dread -sentences were pronounced, the captain of the Inquisition Guard entered -the royal balcony, bearing upon his shield a faggot, which was presented -to Charles and the Queen, the former of whom returned it to the holder, -saying: ‘Take it in my name, and let it be the first cast upon the fire -to burn heretics.’ The French ambassador and his wife were obliged to be -present, for those who did not attend were looked upon with suspicion; -but they, and all the world, knew that this atrocious scene meant the -growing power of the traditional ideas connected with Austrian -friendship and the certainty at no distant period of a renewal of the -war with France. - -Paltry questions of diplomatic precedence and privilege, the haughty -encroaching spirit of Louis XIV., and the utter abandonment of even -current affairs by the Spanish government, under lazy Medina Celi, -widened daily the breach between France and Spain. Villars and his wife, -according to the evidence now before us, appear to have misunderstood -entirely who were their real friends and foes in the palace. Mariana was -all amiability to them, constantly urging that the ambassadress should -be much with Marie Louise, and openly disapproving of the harsh manners -of the Duchess of Terranova, who was always, says Villars, abusing the -French and turning the King’s dislike to his wife’s countrymen into -unreasoning hatred. The ambassador therefore believed that the Duchess -was really the enemy of the young Queen and the French interest; but it -is unquestionable that in the then state of feeling in Spain, the only -hope for Marie Louise was to keep as far away from her own countrymen -and women as her Mistress of the Robes desired. Marie Louise, -thoughtless as she was, naturally considered this tyrannical and hard. -On one occasion a French half-witted beggar came to her carriage door, -and the Queen, speaking French to him, threw him some alms; whereupon -the King was so enraged that he insisted upon the beggar being arrested, -examined and expelled the country. Another day the King and Queen in -their coach passed in the street some Dutch gentlemen dressed in French -style, whose carriage, according to etiquette, had drawn up whilst the -royal equipage passed. The strangers were on the left side of the -street, and consequently were nearer the Queen than the King, and in -their salutations addressed their respects to her. Again the King made a -violent jealous scene, and caused a grave reprimand to be addressed to -the Dutchmen, who were forbidden ever to salute the Queen again. - -In the spring of 1680, on a disputed question of etiquette, the King -took away some of the diplomatic privileges of the French ambassador, -and the Duke of Orleans wrote to his daughter the Queen, asking her to -speak to her husband about it. When Marie Louise did so, Charles sulkily -told her to mind her own business, and not to speak to him on such -affairs. She pressed her point, however, and he replied: ‘They will -recall this ambassador, and send me another gabacho instead.’[306] Some -months later, whilst Mme. Villars was on one of her frequent visits to -the Queen, the King, who had taken a special dislike to her, and often -listened behind the arras to the conversation in the hope of detecting -an indiscretion, broke out from his hiding-place in insulting abuse of -the ambassadress. Villars lays all this trouble at the door of the -Duchess of Terranova and the Marquis of Astorga, the Queen’s master of -the household, both appointed by Don Juan, and praises Mariana to the -skies for her gentleness to Marie Louise, and her desire that she should -have her own way and see as many French people as she liked.[307] - -After a time the Duchess of Terranova, finding that the harshness of her -methods, contrasting with the gentleness of her opponents, was -destroying her influence, softened her manners to some extent, and went -so far as to rebuke the King—even to scold him—when he said unkind -things to his wife about her countrywomen, but her desire to mould Marie -Louise into the traditional Spanish Queen never ceased, and if her -advice had been followed, unpalatable and cross-grained as it was, the -unhappy girl would have been saved much of her misery. Every small -device that the King could adopt, Villars says on the advice of the -Duchess, was brought into play to separate the Queen from French -influence. She was kept so short of money that most of her beloved -horses, which she was not allowed to ride, and their French grooms, had -to be sent back to France, all her French men servants, even her doctor, -were dismissed, though he, from his name (Dr. Talbot), would seem to -have been an Englishman. - -In this wretched existence Marie Louise grew callous. She took no pains -even to be civil to the Spanish grand dames who visited her, or to -pretend to care a jot for the eternal comedies and visits to convents -that were the only amusements allowed her. She played for hours every -day at spilikins with the King; ‘the worst company in the world, and he -never had any one with him but his two dwarfs.’ She was careless and -buxom, and found some little pleasure in attending to her birds,[308] -but nothing else; for she had neither brains, nor ambition, nor ideas, -worthy of her rank. Secretly all she longed for was to return to France -as a widowed Queen, to enjoy herself as she liked without fear.[309] Her -one delight was the visit of Mme. Villars, who sang French airs with -her, or played whilst the Queen danced a minuet, or chatted about -Fontainebleau and St. Cloud. ‘I do not know,’ says Mme. Villars, ‘what -passes in her breast and in her head to keep her up so, but, as for her -heart, I believe that nothing passes there at all.’ In these words the -witty Frenchwoman aptly sums up the character of the Queen, doomed to -this life of gloomy dulness by the side of a semi-imbecile. She had left -her heart behind her in the land she loved, and her existence now was -carelessly epicurean. - -The political intrigues went on around her unheeded, and she had not wit -enough to see the traps laid for her. The Duchess of Terranova was -always dour and disagreeable, but her desperate attempts to alienate the -Queen from all memory of France had now made her specially disliked by -her mistress, whilst Mariana and her friends ostentatiously sided with -the young Queen, and deprecated the severity of the Duchess. Incited by -them Marie Louise determined to get rid if she could of the rough old -lady who was really her only friend, and spoke first to her confidante -Mme. Villars about it. The ambassador and his wife were as deeply -resentful of the old Duchess, who hated French people, as was the Queen, -and were delighted to hear the project for getting rid of her, but Mme. -Villars counselled prudence; for she knew how flighty and unstable the -Queen was. The Duchess, she said, was very clever, and such a change as -that suggested was without precedent in Spain: besides, the Duchess had -been later somewhat more civil than before; nevertheless, if the Queen -really wished for a new mistress of the Robes she must begin by -mentioning the matter to the King, and the Prime Minister, so that the -affair might be settled before a word of it reached the ears of the -Duchess. - -Marie Louise used all her witchery that same night when she broached the -subject to her husband. He answered her, as she said, more sensibly than -she had expected, and told her that, if really the Duchess made her so -unhappy, they would make a change; but it was a serious matter, and she -must recollect that no second change would be possible. Marie Louise -then approached Queen Mariana, and found her apparently cool and -indifferent about it, to an extent that somewhat discouraged the young -Queen, who little understood that there was nothing that her -mother-in-law desired more than the removal of the only salutary check -upon her conduct. But Medina Celi, the Prime Minister, whom the -imperious ways of the old Duchess had offended, lent eager ear to the -suggestion when, by the aid of the Villars, it was opened to him. Marie -Louise, by the advice of Madame Villars, asked that the Duchess of -Medina Celi might be her new Mistress of the Robes, but that lady -declined absolutely. Then the Marchioness of los Velez and other great -ladies were suggested; and when Marie Louise consulted Mariana upon each -one in turn, the old Queen remained cold and aloof, and even had -excuses, and good words to say about the Duchess of Terranova. - -But when there was a talk of the Duchess of Albuquerque, then Mariana -took an interest in the matter at once, and agreed with Medina Celi that -she would be an ideal person for Mistress of the Robes. But, of all the -ladies at Court, the Duchess of Albuquerque was the one that Marie -Louise disliked most. She might struggle as she liked, however, she soon -found that without Mariana’s goodwill no one could gain a footing in the -palace, and she was almost tempted to beg the Duchess of Terranova to -stay by her side, especially as the King himself was opposed to the -Duchess of Albuquerque. It ended, of course, in Mariana having her way. -She bullied her son into making the appointment, and into dismissing the -people who, she said, had ruled him for a year, the Duchess of Terranova -and his friend Eguia. Unbending to the last, the old Duchess, when she -took leave of the Queen, noticed that the latter was crying now that the -parting had come, and she told her that it was not proper for a Queen of -Spain to weep for so small a matter. Marie Louise, half regretting the -change now that it was too late, asked the Duchess of Terranova to come -and see her sometimes. ‘I will never set foot in the palace again, as -long as I live,’ replied the proud lady, violently banging the table and -tearing her fan to bits; and she went forth in high dudgeon, refusing -all the honours and rewards offered to her. - -With her departure the outlook for Marie Louise changed like a charm. -The new Mistress of the Robes had always been considered as austere as -her predecessor, for which reason the young Queen had feared her. But -she came to her new office all sweetness. The Queen was allowed to sit -up until half-past ten at night, an unheard of thing before; she might -mount her saddle horses and ride whenever she pleased, as no previous -Queen Consort had ever done, and the King, on the persuasion of his -mother and the new Duchess of the Robes, positively urged his wife to -divert herself in pastimes that had previously been rigorously -forbidden.[310] The change in the King was extraordinary, and proves the -complete domination of his mother over his weak spirit when she pleased -to exert her power. Mme. Villars happened to visit the Queen two days -after the Duchess of Albuquerque assumed office; and as she entered the -Queen’s apartment Marie Louise ran smiling up to her in joy, crying: -‘You _will_ say yes to what I am going to ask you, will you not?’ The -demand turned out to be that, by the King’s special wish, Mme. Villars’s -daughter should enter the Queen’s household as a maid of honour; and -Marie Louise, at the idea of having a French girl of her own age always -near her, was transported with delight. The appointment was sanctioned -and gazetted, but never took effect, for Villars could not afford to -endow his daughter sufficiently well, and relations soon grew bitter -again; but that Charles, who hated the French, and especially Mme. -Villars, should ever have consented to it proves how complete the sudden -change of scene was. - -Encouraged by her new liberty, Marie Louise began to take a keener -interest in public affairs, always playing, as can now be clearly seen, -the game of those who were bent upon her ruin. Medina Celi had been -cleverly diverted by Mariana, who had been ostensibly friendly with him, -whilst the councils and secretariats had been gradually packed with her -friends; and Marie Louise, prompted by her, took the opportunity of the -opposition offered by the minister to the stay of the Court at Aranjuez, -to set her husband against Medina Celi, after which, both she and her -mother-in-law, into whose hands she played, both worked incessantly to -undermine the minister who was already unpopular, owing to the terrible -distress in the country and his own ineptitude. The minister and his -henchman Eguia, and the King’s confessor, retaliated effectively by -sowing jealous distrust between Mariana and her daughter-in-law, and -between the King and his wife and mother; and thenceforward complete -disunion existed between them all. Mariana, in disgust at her son’s -weakness, and knowing that events were tending her way, stood aloof for -a time; Marie Louise went her own gait, making no friends and possessing -no party; and the inept Charles, alternately petulant and sulky, -distrusted everybody. - -Villars writes of Marie Louise at this juncture: ‘She, with her youth -and beauty, full of life and vivacity, was not of an age or character -disposed to enter into the views and application necessary for her -proper conduct. Her bent for liberty and pleasure, the memories of -France and all she had left behind her there, had made Spain intolerable -to her. The captivity of the palace, the ennui of idleness without -amusement, the coarse low manners of the King, the unpleasantness of his -person, his sulky humour, which she increased frequently by her lack of -amiability towards him, all nourished her aversion and unhappiness. She -took interest in nothing, and would take no measure, either for the -present or the future; and so, putting aside all that Spain could give -her, she only consoled herself with the idea of returning to France. She -entertained this idea, encouraged by predictions and chimeras which -formed her only amusement, for everything else bored her.’[311] - -In her despairing knowledge that she could never hope for happiness in -Spain, Marie Louise thus grew reckless. She had no ambition to rule -except in the heart of the man she loved; she was not clever enough to -succeed in the subtle political intrigues that went on around her; she -knew now that motherhood was hardly to be hoped for with such a husband -as hers, and her one thought was of the joy of living in France. As the -political relations between France and Spain grew constantly more -strained and Charles’s detestation of Frenchmen increased, the visits of -Mme. Villars to Marie Louise perforce grew rarer, for the suspicious -King had got into his head that the French ambassadress was serving as -an intermediary in the palace intrigues which were setting everybody by -the ears. Marie Louise made matters worse by turning to her widowed -nurse Mme. Quantin, and her inferior French maid. Quantin was a greedy, -meddlesome woman, of low rank, who put up her influence over the Queen -for sale, and soon embroiled matters beyond repair. - -The Queen, under the influence of this woman, lost what little -discretion and prudence she possessed. The many poor French people in -the town, to whom Quantin and the other French maids were known, would -congregate beneath their apartments in the palace to gossip of France, -tell the news, and perhaps to beg for favours; and Marie Louise would -sometimes be imprudent enough to approach the windows and exchange words -with her countrymen below. Spaniards who saw it—for jealous eyes watched -the Queen always—cried shame upon such a derogation from the dignity of -Spanish royalty, and the scandalmongers of the capital already began to -whisper that the ‘Frenchwoman,’ who would not play the part properly, -and gave no signs of motherhood, might be put aside in favour of another -Queen. In the Calle Mayor, a punning verse passed from hand to hand -reproaching her for her sterility, and demanding in ribald rhyme that -she should either give an heir to Spain, or return whence she came; and -thus, as war loomed ever nearer between her two countries, the lot of -the unhappy Queen grew darker. - -Villars began to see that he had been misled in condemning the hard rule -of the Duchess of Terranova, and aiding the Queen to gain the freedom -advocated for her by the amiable Mariana. ‘It was a great misfortune for -the Queen,’ he wrote, ‘who now abandoned herself without restraint to a -dangerous line of conduct, and it is quite a question, judging by -results, whether the hard severity of the Duchess of Terranova was not -better for her than the weak complaisance of the Duchess of -Albuquerque.’[312] The poor misguided girl had not a single friend. -Mariana kept away; for things were going admirably from her point of -view; and a new alliance between Spain and the empire and other powers, -against the threatened encroachments of France, was already being -discussed in secret. - -The Minister, Medina Celi, had succeeded, by means of Eguia and the -King’s confessor, in re-establishing his position by arousing the -jealousy of all the three members of the royal family against each -other; and he sought further to isolate and discredit Marie Louise by -whispering to the King that her friend Mme. Villars was engaged in -political intrigue with the Queen to the detriment of Spain. Mme. -Villars had been specially authorised to visit the Queen as much as -possible, and report fully all she heard for the information of the -French government; but it is certain that she had no political mission. -Charles, however, was childishly jealous of her because his wife liked -her, and he instructed the Marquis de la Fuente, his ambassador in -France, to demand the recall of Villars in consequence of his wife’s -indiscretion. Louis XIV. knew his kinsman well, and the real reason for -his demand: but it was part of his policy just then to reassure the -Spanish King, and Villars was sacrificed. In the ambassador’s letter of -recall, Louis writes, after saying that Charles had complained of the -intrigues of Mme. Villars: ‘It is useless to inform you of all the -details ... it will suffice to say that, for many reasons affecting my -service, I have not thought fit to refuse the King of Spain this mark of -my complaisance, however satisfied I may be of the services you have -rendered in the post you occupy.’ - -Both Villars and his wife disdained to justify themselves by a single -word, and the ambassadress left Madrid in the summer of 1681, to the -despair of Marie Louise; whilst Villars himself was replaced by another -ambassador early in 1682. By this time the empire was at war with -France. Louis had captured Strasbourg, and Casale in Savoy on the same -day (30th September 1681), and Germany seemed almost at the mercy of the -now dominant power in Europe. The imperial ambassador at Madrid, -supported strongly by Mariana, was striving his utmost to draw Spain -into the great war that seemed inevitable, and Holland and England, -jealous of the aggression of France, were for a time apparently willing -to join Spain. But the clever diplomacy of Louis diverted the powers -from the alliance, except the empire and bankrupt Spain; and the sorely -reduced Flemish dominion of Spain was again invaded by French troops. -Luxembourg, which belonged to Spain, was besieged, the cities of -Dixmunde and Courtrai were captured (November 1683), and with every -fresh victory of the French, Louis became more exacting. Finally, when -the unfortunate country could resist no longer, the government of -Charles was forced to accept the humiliating terms of the Treaty of -Ratisbon in June 1684, by which Luxembourg, the well-nigh impregnable -fortress, was lost to Spain for ever, whilst Louis also kept Strasbourg, -Bovines, Chimay, and Beaumont. Other smaller potentates, like the -Elector of Brandenburg and the Regent of Portugal, following the example -of the great Louis, hectored Spain into degrading concessions, whilst -pestilence swept through the south, floods ruined Spanish Flanders, -hurricanes sank the silver fleets, upon which the government of Charles -largely depended, corruption lorded over all in stark desolate Spain; -and the cretin King, growing more feeble in mind and body, mumbled his -prayers, or played childish games with his wife or his dwarfs. - -During the war, which further despoiled the land of her adoption, the -lot of Marie Louise was truly pitiable. Even before it broke out, and -during the period of acrimonious recriminatory claims which followed the -recall of Villars, her isolation and impotence and the growing power of -Mariana were plainly evident. In the instructions given by Louis XIV. to -his new ambassador, Vanguyon,[313] in 1682, the latter is instructed to -visit the Queen-Mother first, with all sorts of amiable messages, and -Marie Louise is only to be addressed ‘in general terms,’ and asked to do -her best to maintain good relations between the two countries. Mariana, -indeed, with the imperial ambassador, Mansfeldt, constantly at her side, -had by the mere force of circumstances and her own character gradually -again become the principal controlling power of the State, and, as -usual, she directed her influence not to the benefit of Spain but to the -aid of the empire in its secular struggle against the encroachments of -France. When the war, as already mentioned, broke out (1683) with -France, the underhand intrigues of Mariana and the Austrian faction to -discredit Marie Louise and destroy any political influence she might -have over her husband, were powerfully aided by the general feeling -against everything French; and the young Queen, without a single friend -near her, was more sorely beset than ever by her relentless enemies, -whilst she, perplexed with intrigues that she did not understand, -surrounded by people who would willingly have followed her if she had -had wit enough to lead them, threw away her chance by the frivolity and -imprudence of her behaviour.[314] - -She managed, it is true, by her charm and beauty to keep her husband -deeply in love with her in his maudlin fashion, but, weak as he was, she -failed to influence him politically.[315] She had already offended -Medina Celi and played the game of the Queen-Mother against him—for he -had been a friend of Don Juan—by interfering with his appointments for -the benefit of her nurse, the widow Quantin; and now, at the very period -when Mariana had determined that the prime minister, who had failed to -pay her full pension, and who alone stood between her and supreme power, -should be dismissed, Marie Louise again foolishly threw her influence -with her husband against the oft-threatened minister. Medina Celi, -overwhelmed by his unpopularity and the insuperable difficulties of his -task, was brusquely dismissed by the King in June 1685; and -thenceforward Mariana was supreme. The new minister, the Count of -Oropesa, was clever and active, and at first made sweeping financial -reforms: but he was really the tool of the Austrian faction, which, -before many months had passed, negotiated the League of Augsburg, which -bound together Spain, the empire, Sweden, Bavaria and other powers, -against the encroachments of Louis XIV.; and again poor, ruined Spain -was pledged to enter, if called upon, into the central European war. - -For the moment Louis was not prepared to meet all Europe in arms, and -his views with regard to Spain had become somewhat changed. It was by -this time evident that Marie Louise would bear no child to her -degenerate husband, and Mariana and Mansfeldt were already preparing to -put forward the claims to the succession of the children of the Empress -(the Infanta Margaret, daughter of Mariana), whilst Louis XIV., making -light, as he always did, of the renunciation signed by Maria Theresa on -her marriage (already referred to), was determined to show that his own -son, the Dauphin, had the best right to be King of Spain if Charles II. -died without issue. When, therefore, the new French ambassador, -Feuquière, went to Spain early in 1685, he was instructed to talk -seriously, and in secret, to Marie Louise on the subject.[316] He was to -tell her that she would be wise to desist from all political intrigue -directed to the change of personnel of the government, and so to gain -the goodwill of the ministers and obtain a firmer hold over the King. -This advice came too late, for she had foolishly connived at Medina -Celi’s fall before Feuquières could deliver his message. This, however, -was only the first step; and in the following year Father Verjus was -sent to Madrid with money and instructions to aid Feuquière in gaining -friends and forming a party under the ægis of Marie Louise to push the -claims of the Dauphin to the Spanish succession. - -In the meantime the Austrian party, under Mariana, were having their own -way unchecked. Marie Louise was their sole stumbling-block, for the King -would never willingly lose sight of her, notwithstanding her follies, of -which her enemies made the most; and at the instance of Mariana and her -Austrian backers a dastardly series of plots was formed for ruining the -young Queen in the eyes of her husband. We get the first hint of them -from a letter dated 12th April 1685 in the curious informal -correspondence addressed by the Duke of Montalto in Madrid to the -Spanish ambassador in London, Pedro Ronquillo, both of them partisans of -Mariana: ‘A case of no little scandalousness has happened in the -palace,’ he wrote. ‘You know, of course, that Mme. Quantin is the -favourite of our Queen, and that M. Viremont, a Frenchman who takes care -of the Queen’s saddle horses, is also well liked by her Majesty. By -these means this man introduced himself so much into the palace with the -Quantin woman, that, although she wears the dress of a duenna, and is -neither young nor at all handsome, there was a talk of their getting -married. Everybody laughed at such a courtship; but the matter went so -far and the connection was so close, for both of them are cunning enough -to get out when they liked, and perhaps he may have found means to enter -her chamber in the palace, that the woman was recently taken out of the -palace to the house of Donna Ana de Aguirre, who is in high favour with -the Queen, and it is said that this Quantin woman gave birth to a boy -there the other day.[317] This scandal has caused no end of murmuring -and satires, so shameless some of them as to be incredible. What is -quite as incredible is the irresolution of the King. Up to the present -time nothing has been done, either to the man or the woman, and Viremont -continues in his employment as if nothing had happened. They are married -now; but if I had my way they should be burned. Yesterday the Quantin -woman went to pay her respects to the Queen with as much effrontery as -if she had not behaved thus. You can see by this the state the palace is -in.’[318] - -We can supplement this narrative from other sources. The French widow -was the only person of her own tongue and country near Marie Louise, -and, though she had been a dangerous companion, the poor Queen clung -desperately to her. As soon as the rumour of her marriage spread the -outcry for her punishment and expulsion was raised by the enemies of -Marie Louise, and the Queen herself was attacked in dozens of spiteful -couplets as having connived at immorality in her own apartments. The -outraged Queen threw herself at her husband’s feet in an agony of tears, -and implored him not to expel the only French woman-servant upon whom -she could depend. Charles, moved by his wife’s tears, allowed Quantin to -remain in Madrid, though not to sleep in the palace, and refused to -believe the stories told him that Marie Louise had knowingly been a -party to the irregularity of her servant. - -This was to some extent a defeat for the Queen-Mother and her friends; -but the scandal laid a foundation of distrust, upon which further attack -might be based. This is how the Duke of Montalto speaks of the King’s -concession to his wife. ‘I don’t know whether the Quantin affair is true -or not; but it is publicly stated, and is the most dreadful scandal that -ever happened in the palace. Medina, Oropesa and the Confessor, all -urged the King to take some step, but to no purpose, for he preferred to -give way to the tears and prayers of the Queen, rather than uphold the -decency of his own household. So she has triumphed to such an extent -that this woman, having married the rogue Viremont, has positively been -brought by the Queen into the palace again to serve her, and goes home -to her husband every night! Cases of this sort are surely enough to -drive one crazy, and to banish all hope of better times. Since I have -told you the story I must now tell you the sequel. As soon as they were -married the woman went ostentatiously to the palace to salute the King, -which he placidly allowed. The fine pair have now gone to Aranjuez with -the Court, like people of quality, in one of the royal coaches. Medina -Celi has thrown up everything and gone away in disgust. It is all the -King’s fault, and such goings on as these will expose to the world our -master’s tyranny and incapacity.’[319] - -The further blow at the Queen was silently planned whilst the Court was -at the spring palace of Aranjuez, where it usually stayed until Corpus -Christi day. On the 12th May Charles fell suddenly ill, and much was -made of the matter. Although, after bleeding, he was quite well on the -third day, it was decided that he must immediately return to the -capital. ‘What must be well borne in mind in all this’ (wrote an enemy -of Marie Louise) ‘is that the Queen wanted to prefer her own pleasure to -the health of her husband; for it was almost impossible to persuade her -to come to Madrid. She said that the illness was nothing, and wished to -keep the King there till Corpus Christi, notwithstanding the heat and -danger. When she was not allowed to have her own way, she was cross and -ill-humoured; as was clear when the King was confined to his bed, for -she did not even go to see him. This is the more strange, as when the -Quantin woman was to be bled she must needs go and visit her without -ceremony. Neither I nor any one else can understand the strange things -that are going on in that house.’[320] - -This was written at the end of May; and some three weeks afterwards the -plot ripened. A Frenchman named Vilaine, who is called by some -authorities a discharged groom of Marie Louise, and by the Duke of -Montalto the wax-chandler of the Queen-Mother, denounced Quantin and her -husband for having plotted, with the knowledge of the Queen, to poison -King Charles. The accused persons were at once arrested, and a carefully -prepared hue and cry was raised against all Frenchmen. Many foreigners -were attacked and some killed in the streets; the French embassy had to -be surrounded by troops, and the whole Court was in a panic. Charles was -a coward and miserably weak, but he stood by his wife as well as he knew -how at this period of trial. Marie Louise, indignant and outraged at -what she knew was a vile plot against her, demanded that the accusers -should also be arrested; but before this could be done, Quantin and her -husband, the French maids and others, were put to the torture; and the -poor woman, with both arms broken and her lower limbs crippled for life, -still maintained her innocence and would confess nothing. - -The Queen’s few Spanish friends were put into close confinement. No -evidence whatever could be wrung from any of the accused to support the -charge against them: but the Council of Castile, packed now with the -Queen-Mother’s partisans, still continued to regard the matter as a -serious menace to the King’s life, and frightened poor Charles nearly -out of what small wits nature had given him. In a French news letter of -the time (19th August 1685) the political aim of the proceedings is -exposed. ‘The Council of Spain desires to involve the Queen in the -accusations, because they fear her influence over the King, and he has -not sufficient strength to resist the ministers who propose to appoint -commissaries for the Queen. She has written to her father, saying that -she has no French person now near her, nor any one else whom she could -trust. She is, she says, in daily fear of being poisoned, and she -refuses to eat what they provide for her, which has cast her into great -weakness. She will only eat with the King and from his dishes. Vilaine, -they say, is to be rewarded and sent to an employment in the Canaries. -The French ambassador is not allowed to speak with the Queen; and the -Venetian ambassador was nearly murdered, because they thought he was -French. When the King is with the Queen the ministers are all in the -wrong, but when they are with him he changes his mind.’[321] - -Quantin and all the French people about the palace were expelled the -country, when no atom of proof could be found against them, and Charles, -apparently alarmed at the threats of Louis XIV., that if any harm came -to Marie Louise he would avenge her by war in Spain itself, was emphatic -in his repudiation of any suspicion on his part against his wife. He -assured Feuquières that he regarded his wife’s interests as his own, and -never believed for a moment in her guilt: and he assured the Duke of -Orleans that, not only did he not know that the accused French people -had been tortured, but that when he asked for a copy of the whole of the -proceedings in the case, his Council had assured him that the records -had all been burnt. In vain, however, did the French government insist -upon the punishment of the accusers. The King might promise and strive, -but there were others stronger than he; and Vilaine was spirited away -and rewarded. - -Another news letter in the same French collection as that justed quoted -does not hesitate, a few months afterwards, when the whole matter was -known, to say: ‘Although the Quantin affair is now a thing of the past, -it is nevertheless worth recording that the Count of Mansfeldt, the -imperial ambassador and his wife, to please the Queen-Mother, originated -the accusation against the woman. She was made to suffer the cruel -tortures she did in order to injure the young Queen, who was so outraged -at it, and the King as well, that the imperial ambassador is forbidden -the palace, except on the business of his embassy.’ - -Mariana’s friends looked upon it in a very different light. Whilst still -the accusation was hanging over Marie Louise, Montalto wrote to -Ronquillo in London: ‘Quantin and her husband, and all the Frenchmen in -the Queen’s stable, with her bob-tailed horses, have all been packed off -to France. They were a lot of rascals, and the cost of her stable was a -calamity. They were all guilty, but as none of them would confess under -torture, they could not be further proceeded against. People are talking -very scandalously about such shameful laxity. Quantin’s young niece[322] -was sent out of the palace late at night, so that not a single French -person should remain. But the Queen’s tears and prayers soon fetched her -back. This is perfectly odious and disgraceful, and one can only have -contempt of so easy going a King, who will not let even justice take its -course if his wife says nay.’ A few weeks afterwards, the same courtier -says: ‘The Queen is still implacable at the loss of her Quantins, and -the King so excessively loving (not to call it by another name) of his -wife, that all his concessions to her, which ought to make her more -submissive to him, makes her humour worse, and the temper that God gave -her causes no end of trouble as it is; for it is the most extravagant -ever seen.’[323] - -The French servants of the Queen, her only solace, all except the girl -Duperroy, had been sent away; but still Marie Louise personally had held -her place in the King’s affection. No sooner, however, had the Quantin -affair fallen a little into the background, than another stab more -wicked still was aimed at the Queen by the same hands out of the -darkness. There was a foolish, vain, French exon of the guard, the -Chevalier Saint Chamans, who had commanded Marie Louise’s escort when -she travelled to the Spanish frontier. As was not unusual in the French -Court at the time, Saint Chamans was pleased to profess a far-off -amorous worship of the lovely Princess; and it is quite probable that -during his attendance upon her, she may have smiled in raillery at his -silly languishing airs. In any case, the talk of his adoration reached -Madrid; and in the autumn of 1685, some miscreant in the capital of -Spain wrote two letters as from the Queen in a forged hand imitating -hers, to Saint Chamans, containing expressions to the highest degree -compromising of her honour. Saint Chamans, like the love-lorn fool that -he was, showed the letters to his chums, and Louis XIV. soon learnt of -their existence, and what is more extraordinary, believed them to be -genuine. In sorrow and severe reprobation, he wrote to Feuquières, -directing him to show the letters to the Queen, which he did in -September. - -Marie Louise, outraged at the mere suspicion, and indignant at so cruel -a hoax, rose for once majestic and dignified in her wrath. She scribbled -a burning repudiation of the letters which she handed to Feuquières for -ciphered transmission to the King of France.[324] ‘It will not be -difficult for your Majesty to imagine the affliction in which I am, at -knowing that you suspect a person such as I of so unworthy a thing as -this. I cannot avoid expressing my justified sorrow at seeing that your -Majesty does not esteem at its true worth, as you should, conduct which -is most regular, and which certainly is not of the easiest.... but as I -am so unhappy as to have people near me here perfidious and abominable -enough to use every effort to ruin me by pernicious inventions, I am not -surprised that they should exert all their ingenuity to deprive me of -the esteem of your Majesty.... Believe me, nothing is more false than -that which you have thought of me, and my despair to see that your -Majesty doubts for a moment my good behaviour, makes me, in this, stand -apart from your counsel, and be myself alone; and I cannot think of the -injustice your Majesty has done me without being beside myself with -sorrow. Alas! I had made light of all my grief, believing that your -Majesty, at least, thought well of me: but I see now I am marked for -unhappiness, since your Majesty believes a thing of me which makes me -shudder even to think of.... I am so jealous of my honour, and I love it -so much, that I shall never do anything to stain it: and life itself is -not so insupportable to me, either, that I should seek thus to lose -it.... If I were in a more tranquil state, I should supplicate your -Majesty to have pity upon this poor realm for my sake; but I dare not, -though I think you will be good enough to recollect that I have the -honour to be your niece, and that all my happiness depends upon you.... -Believe me, too, when I say that I am prouder of being born a princess -of your blood, than of the rank I hold in the world’: and so on, for -several pages, the wronged and outraged Queen eloquently protests her -innocence. - -Thenceforward Marie Louise, though entirely without political -influence—for the Austrian faction and the Queen-Mother were in that -respect all-powerful—was unassailable in the affections of the poor man -she had married. Her disregard of the ordinary Spanish etiquette, the -free and easy _bonhomie_ of her demeanour, and the indulgence of her -caprices increased as she felt more secure in the love of her husband; -but she made no other use of her influence over him. No better series of -pictures of the life in her palace can be found than in the vitriolic -references to Marie Louise and her husband in letters already quoted of -the Duke of Montalto. On the 30th August 1685, he writes that for months -the Queen had not gone out in public, in which, he says, she was wise, -particularly when the anti-French riots were taking place, as the mob -might have attacked her. ‘They say again that she is pregnant, but there -is not much belief in it, as the same thing has happened several times -before. She had got up a very grand comedy for St. Louis’ day; but it -had to be deferred, because of this pregnancy rumour, and not even the -usual comedies in the palace were given for the same reason.’ - -On the 24th October of the same year, he records the removal of the -Court to the Retiro: ‘which place the Queen is very fond of, because -there she can enjoy her country sports, and especially ride about on -horseback every afternoon. In order to have her horses nearer to her, -she has had a place made for them near the large pond, where she goes -every morning to visit them.’ A little later he remarks that everything -in the palace is going to the dogs. ‘There is neither firmness nor -stability enough to correct these follies of the Queen.’ In April 1686, -the same writer says: ‘Things are in the greatest embarrassment for the -government, owing to the fancies and caprices of the Queen; for nothing -is done by any other rule than her whim.’ It appears that the presence -of the Queen’s Spanish friend Señora Aguirre, who had been exiled at the -time of the Quantin affair, was much desired by Marie Louise, and the -latter demanded her return of the prime minister, Oropesa. He temporised -for a time, but when she ordered him peremptorily to advise the King to -recall the lady, he refused. ‘Well,’ said the Queen, ‘do not oppose it -if the King suggests it.’ ‘Yes I will,’ replied the minister: whereupon -Marie Louise went with tears and blandishments to her husband, and -begged for the favour. For a time he held out; but at last gave way to -the extent of ordering a decree of recall to be drafted and discussed. -Oropesa protested, and Charles cancelled the decree. Another passionate -outburst from the Queen followed, and in the end she had her way. ‘The -coming of this woman (Aguirre) will be worse than all the devils -together; worse than Quantin. Judge what a state we are in with this -irresolution of our master. The advice of ministers and decisions of -tribunals, all are powerless before the will of this woman (the Queen).’ - -The caprices of Marie Louise soon reached the ears of her uncle Louis, -and he did, in May 1686, what he ought to have done years before, -namely, to send a French lady of great position and experience, -dependent upon him, to advise the Queen and keep her in the right way. -The lady was a descendant of the royal house, the Countess of Soissons, -and her mission was, if possible, to induce Marie Louise to turn her -influence to political account for the benefit of France. Her task was -almost hopeless from the first, and she failed, though she tried hard -for a time; and in the last few weeks of the Queen’s life, when too -late, was of some service to French interests. - -‘The Queen’ (writes Montalto in May 1586) ‘is in the full force of her -madness, dominating the King completely by cries and threats. He has not -an atom of resolution, and no application at all. The day upon which the -great council was held, when he would not attend, he went on muleback to -the wild beast cages at the Retiro, and there he had the animals caught -and counted, thinking more of this frivolity than if it had been some -heroic action. This government of ours is nothing more than a boy’s -school with the master away. No one respects anything, and each person -does as he likes, whilst the Queen follows her whim or the last -suggestion.’ On another occasion, when the Marquis of Los Velez was -giving a representation of a sacred _auto_ on a holy day, Montalto -records that ‘the Queen witnessed the show from a balcony in the -passage, when she behaved herself so unrestrainedly as to shock people; -and the actions of this lady really give rise to the idea that she is -not in her right mind.’ - -The unfortunate woman kept apparently on friendly, but not cordial, -terms with Mariana, who smilingly let her go her own way without -remonstrance; and there was now no check whatever upon her strange -vagaries, for the King grew more feeble-minded than ever, and was as -clay in her hands. ‘The Queen’s levity approaches light-headedness,’ -wrote Montalto in the summer of 1687. ‘She was lately ill with fever, -owing to the rubbish she is always eating. Nobody can control her, and -she looks consumptive. Those of us who are not much attached to her are -not sorry to see her afflicted.’ Utterly reckless in her mode of life -the unhappy woman, though still but twenty-five years of age, was -already losing her health and beauty. In July Montalto reports that ‘the -Queen still continues in her extravagant conduct, and no amendment can -now be expected. She is dreadfully thin and languid, and will take no -remedies but those prescribed by her own caprice and distrust. As for -the King, I say nothing, for I have already said so much, though not -half enough.’ - -And so, through the summer, matters went from bad to worse. There was no -guidance from the King, no stability or prudence from the Queen, and -Spain drifted helpless towards the whirlpool of civil war that was soon -to engulf her. The only care of old Mariana was to watch over the -interests of her own kin in their claims to the succession to the -Spanish crown, and paralyse the promotion of the French pretensions. -Writing from the palace on the 29th August 1687, Montalto says: ‘It is -impossible to exaggerate the terrible state of things here. This palace -is boiling over with disorder and scandalous stories to such an extent -as to be simply a mass of confusion. The Queen is so extravagant in her -conduct, and has so strange a character, that I dare not write, even in -cypher, what is going on. The King knows, but remedies nothing. It seems -as if God had endowed him neither with force nor application for -anything; and the same wretched laxity is seen in the government of the -realm. He gives no more than a quarter of an hour to business in the -day, and the whole of the rest of his time is spent in such trifles as -running backwards and forwards through these saloons, and from balcony -to balcony, like a child of six, and his conversation would match about -the same age. The Queen is dreadfully ill and thin, and has quarrelled -with the Queen-Mother.’ - -Months later, in May 1688, when the war between France and the empire -was recommencing, and Spain was once more arming for a conflict not -primarily her own, Montalto wrote, in more despondent spirit than ever, -of the condition of affairs in Madrid. ‘Yesterday it was my turn for -duty at the Retiro. I used to like it, but now I dread the day that -takes me there. Of course I know even when I am not there what is going -on with our master; but it is very shocking to see it close, and, so to -speak, face to face. The neglect everywhere is quite terrible. The -King’s great business whilst I was there was to see the matting taken up -in the rooms, and to count the pins and other trifles of that sort. The -Queen blurts out whatever comes uppermost, and indulges to the full in -her craze for riding on horseback, prancing about indecorously over the -neighbourhood. She has again had her ladies mounted, knowing that the -King hates to see it. She has her way and, dead against his will, she -insists upon acting the principal boy’s part in a comedy they are -rehearsing. As usual, she will do as she likes. There are constant -tourneys and balls because she insists upon them, and there is no -influence or reason that can keep her within bounds. The Queen-Mother -pays great attention to her, but is cruelly slighted by her.’ - -A week later, the same writer continues in a similar strain, saying that -the Queen had insisted upon the comedy being written specially for her -to take the boy’s part: but she had fallen ill and the performance had -been postponed. ‘The King is totally opposed to this prank; but of -course she has her way. She has had a magnificent theatre constructed at -the Retiro, with lavish ornaments, etc., for the ladies, in which she -has wasted thousands of ducats, and yet there is not a real for urgent -needs. The King is a cypher, and allows things to be done before him of -which he entirely disapproves. I positively dread my turn of duty, for I -see the King does nothing but run about like an imp, and if he goes into -the garden it is only to pick strawberries and count them.’ - -A week or so later Marie Louise had recovered her health, and the -long-prepared comedy was played with great brilliancy. The King went to -the full rehearsal two days before the public performance; and although -shocked and annoyed by his wife’s caprice in playing a male part, had -not strength of will enough to forbid it. When, however, the piece was -represented publicly, and all the principal ladies in Madrid, with the -gentlemen of the household, were present to praise and applaud, poor, -unstable Charles was so charmed with his wife, even on the stage, that -he testified his delight at her performance, and the entertainment was -repeated again and again during the summer. - -Once more at this time there was a belief that the Queen was pregnant, -and the hopes of the French party ran high, though they were soon seen -to be fallacious as before. Montalto, reporting the matter to Ronquillo, -says that the Queen had explained, in answer to an inquiry of her -father, the Duke of Orleans, that the reason for her lack of issue was -not the impotence of the King but his excessive concupiscence, ‘which,’ -says the writer, ‘I do not understand, though the effect is plain.’ - -In the autumn of 1688 Marie Louise fell ill of smallpox in the palace of -Madrid; and in her enfeebled state of health the disease was held to be -dangerous. She was a bad patient, self-willed in her rejection of the -remedies prescribed to her by the only physician she would receive, a -Florentine doctor she had known in Paris in attendance upon the -Balbeses. The King was to have started for the Escorial at the time his -wife was attacked by the malady, and was obliged to delay his departure, -though fear of contagion kept him away from the invalid. Montalto -reports, with characteristic ill-nature: ‘The King seems sorry; but he -is more sorry at having to postpone his journey to the Escorial. For -although his feeling towards his wife appears to be affection, I -maintain that it is more fear of her than anything else.’ Before she was -fit to be moved the Queen insisted upon being carried in a Sedan chair -to the Retiro to pass her period of convalescence there, first visiting -the church of the Atocha, whilst Charles departed to spend a month at -the Escorial. - -Left alone in her solitary convalescence, Marie Louise appears to have -developed a more devout spirit than had previously characterised her, -and at the same time lost her desire to live. During the period of low -vitality which followed her illness one of her ladies begged her to -summon a famous saintly man, to pray for her prompt restoration to -strength. ‘No, no,’ she replied, ‘I will not do so. It would be folly -indeed to ask for life which matters so little.’ When, at this juncture, -the representatives of the town of Madrid offered to build a new church -as a votive offering for her restoration to health, she was no less -emphatic. If the money of the suffering subjects was to be spent upon -the building she would not allow it to be done. - -She had, indeed, little left to live for. Wedded to the fribble we have -described, and with enemies of herself and her dear France everywhere -around her, she must have felt powerless to cope with the adverse -influences opposed to her. All the love she had to give was given long -ago, before she was called upon to make the great renunciation which had -been made in vain. So long as youth and sensuous vitality had remained -to her she had sought in reckless enjoyment to stifle the horror of the -loveless life to which she was condemned: but when the capacity for -bodily gratification was gone, Marie Louise lost her desire to live. - -Spain was trembling upon the brink of a great war with France, and -during the winter succeeding the Queen’s illness Count Rebenac was in -Madrid with what amounted to an ultimatum to Spain to abandon the league -of Augsburg, formed to crush the ambition of Louis. Rebenac often saw -the Queen, and coached by him and by the Countess of Soissons, she -endeavoured, now that matters had gone too far, to employ her hold upon -her husband in a political direction, and to frustrate the policy of the -Queen-Mother in keeping Spain in offensive and defensive alliance with -the Emperor. Her influence upon Charles was great, and he began to -incline to the side of the French against his mother. Marie Louise -pointed out to him the awful condition of destitution in which his -country lay, and painted in moving words the horrors of a war in which -Spain had all to lose and could not hope to gain. Charles was gentle and -tender-hearted, hating to see or hear of suffering, and Rebenac reported -early in February 1689 that the efforts of the Queen had been effectual, -and that he had great hopes of the success of his mission.[325] - -It was a great crisis, for a withdrawal of Spain at this point from the -alliance would have meant the predominance of France in Europe -thenceforward, and the defeat of the Austrian party in Spain. Mariana -and her friends were strong and determined; the King was weak and -unstable. Only the life of a languid woman, tired of the struggle, stood -between them and victory, and Marie Louise herself seems to have had a -prophetic knowledge that such an obstacle would not be allowed to -frustrate plans so deeply laid. As usual with Spanish sovereigns, the -Queen went every week to worship at the shrine of the Virgin of Atocha, -and on Tuesday the 9th February 1689, when she took leave of the prior -of the convent church, she told him that she should meet him no more on -earth. That night after her light repast of milk and honey the Queen was -seized with convulsions, violent pains and vomiting; a colic it was -called, which brought her to the lowest extremity of weakness. From the -first she knew that she was doomed and made no effort. In the intervals -of the burning agony she suffered, her confessor asked her if there was -anything that troubled her. ‘I am in peace, Father,’ she replied, ‘and -am very glad to die.’ She lingered in pain until the early hours of the -12th February; and then the most beautiful and ill-fated princess of the -house of Bourbon breathed her last, a martyr, if ever one lived, upon -the altar of her country; but a martyr sacrificed in vain, for she was -immolated, not by her own will, but by the will of others. - -All that Marie Louise asked of life was love, and that was the one thing -denied to her. The Spanish people, who had sometimes been cruel to her -because she was a foreigner, were shocked by her untimely death: but -before the pompous procession which bore the body of Marie Louise to its -last resting-place in the inferior mausoleum in the Escorial reserved -for sterile Queens, whispers ran through Spain and France that it was no -colic that had cut short the life of Marie Louise, but poison -administered in the interests of Mariana and the Austrian faction. No -proof has ever been adduced that this was the case, for evidence in such -a matter would naturally not be easily obtainable;[326] but the death of -the Queen, at the very crisis when, by her aid, the King had been turned -to the side of France, seems in all the circumstances to have been too -providential to her enemies to have been entirely accidental. At any -rate it was effectual in changing the whole aspect of affairs -immediately; and before the mourning for Marie Louise had lost its -freshness, the French ambassador was on his way home unsuccessful, Spain -was again at war with France, and negotiations were being actively -carried on to find a German wife for the wretched crétin who wore the -crown of Spain. - - - - - BOOK V - II - MARIE ANNE OF NEUBURG - - -Almost simultaneously with the death of Marie Louise an event happened -which to a large extent altered the political balance of Europe, and -placed at further disadvantage the French partisans in Madrid. The -Prince of Orange had surprised the world by becoming King of England, -practically without opposition. It was no longer a shifty Stuart with -French sympathies and an itching palm for the bribes of Louis who -directed the policy of Great Britain, but a prince whose very existence -was bound up in the exclusion of France from Flanders; a prince, -moreover, under whom England and Holland were for the first time really -united. The coalition against Louis was infinitely strengthened thereby, -and Spain, with Mariana at the helm, was now less likely than ever to -shirk the fulfilment of her obligations under the Treaty of Augsburg. -Madrid thereafter became for a time a prime centre of international -intrigues, aimed at the exclusion of French interest from the Peninsula. -Charles had no personal desire to marry again. He was afraid of fresh -people about him; he was overborne with the responsibilities of his -great position, and, although he was only twenty-eight, his feeble -powers of mind and body were already on the wane. Left to himself, he -would have desired nothing but to throw up matrimony as a failure, so -far as he was concerned, and live in peace, after his own fashion, until -on his deathbed he left his realm to an heir of his own choosing. - -But the antagonistic factions that divided his Court between them -decided that such a course was quite impossible. It could hardly have -been with the hope, as they professed, that issue would be more likely -from a second marriage than it had been from the first, for Charles had -been really enamoured with Marie Louise, who had been his consort during -the best period of such vigour as he ever possessed. It is more likely -that the haste to get him married was prompted by the desire of the -intriguers to have by his side, when he was called upon to settle the -succession, a wife favourable to the views of the dominant party. -Badgered and pestered on all sides, the poor creature, always anxious to -do what he was told was his duty, consented to take another wife. - -The opponents of the German interest at first suggested a princess of -Portugal, but Mariana and her friends took care that the negotiations -should fall through; and, at the Queen-Mother’s instance, Charles -consented to leave the choice of a fit bride for him to his uncle and -brother-in-law, the Emperor Leopold. The latter, who had only one -daughter by his first wife the Infanta Margarita, Mariana’s daughter, -had married as his second wife, by whom he had sons, Eleanor of -Neuburg-Bavaria, daughter of the Elector Palatine, Duke of Neuburg. This -lady had a sister of twenty-two, Marie Anne of Neuburg; and upon her the -choice of the Emperor fell to be the wife of Charles II., King of Spain. - -Three months after Marie Louise died the marriage treaty was signed; and -on the 18th August 1689, late at night in the quaint Bavarian town of -Neuburg on the Danube, the tall, angular girl with hard eyes and mouth, -was led by the Spanish ambassador through the bedizened throng of -princes and princesses of Austria, Bavaria and Hesse, who crowded the -church of the Jesuits, to be wedded to her nephew, the young King of -Hungary, the Emperor’s heir, as proxy for the King of Spain, the -officiating priest being her brother, Prince Alexander. The marriage was -regarded by all Europe as a pledge that thenceforward Spain would be -firmly united with the Germanic interests against Louis XIV., and the -challenge was promptly accepted by the French King. Thenceforward, for -seven years, all Europe was at war; and Spain, which only needed rest, -was forced not only to waste blood and treasure upon foreign fields, but -to fight for the integrity of its own soil in Catalonia, North Africa -and America. - -England, under the Dutch King, had taken an active part in promoting an -alliance which drew Spain closer to the Teutonic league; and only an -English fleet was available to convey the new Queen of Spain in safety -to her husband’s realm. Through Cologne and Rotterdam, Marie Anne and -her train of Germans slowly travelled to Flushing in the late autumn of -1689, costly jewels meeting her as gifts, now from her husband, now from -her gratified mother-in-law, who regarded her coming as a triumph for -herself.[327] At Flushing a powerful English fleet, under Admiral -Russell, awaited the bride; and after much delay, and not a few mishaps, -the squadron sailed for Spain late in January 1690. The intention had -been to land the Queen at the port of Santander; and her Spanish -household was on the road thither to receive her, when news reached them -that Corunna had been chosen as a better harbour, and to the extreme -north-west corner of Spain they wended their way. Bad weather, as is not -unusual in the Bay of Biscay in mid-winter, made the voyage of the Queen -a dangerous and difficult one; and on approaching Corunna it was found -that the storm was too violent for the ships to enter. Colonel Stanhope, -the English ambassador, who accompanied the Queen to Spain, says:[328] -‘We were forced into a small port called Ferrol, three leagues short of -the Groyne (_i.e._, Corunna), and by the ignorance of a Spanish pilot -our ships fell foul one with another, and the admiral’s ship was aground -for some hours, but got off clear without any damage.’ - -To Ferrol came hurrying the Spanish household from Corunna, with the -inevitable Mansfeldt, all not a little ruffled at this game of -hide-and-seek with the German Queen in the most inclement season of the -year; and at length, on the 6th April, after nearly a fortnight’s stay -on board of Russell’s ship in the harbour of Ferrol, Marie Anne and a -great train of German, English and Spanish attendants landed in the -barges of the English squadron, whose decorations and the smartness of -the oarsmen aroused the surprised admiration of the Spaniards.[329] -Though the officials did their best to give Marie Anne a stately welcome -at Corunna, and the Count de Lemos entertained her and her Court at a -splendid festival at his house at Puente de Ume, all was not harmonious. -The general feeling in Spain was against the German connection, and -especially against the ruinous war with France that it entailed, and -Count Mansfeldt, the imperial ambassador, was especially detested. The -people at large firmly believed that he had connived at the poisoning of -Marie Louise, and his overbearing manners had offended the courtiers. - -‘I find,’ writes Stanhope, ‘that the Queen’s reception has been much -meaner than it would have been out of a pique the Spanish grandees have -against Count Mansfeldt, who was preferred before them all to the honour -of bringing her over, by the favour of the Queen-Mother and contrary to -the advice of the Council of Castile.’[330] Nor did the demeanour of -Marie Anne mend matters, for, even thus early, her stiff imperious -manner and her hasty temper struck a chill in the hearts of the -Spaniards, who place so high a value upon an amiable exterior. Dressed -in the traditional Spanish garb, which suited her unbending mien, the -Queen sat unmoved at the bullfights, tourneys, masquerades and other -festivities offered in her honour by the storied cities through which -she passed on her way to Valladolid. Nobles who knelt to greet her -received but a cold recognition of their compliments, and the cheers of -the populace awoke no smile of gratification upon the lips of Marie Anne -of Neuburg. - -Charles was not an eager wooer this time, and awaited calmly the coming -of his new wife to Valladolid. On Ascension Day, 4th May 1690, he first -met his bride. There was little or no pretence of affection on either -side; but from the first Marie Anne took the lead and imposed her will -upon her husband. The marriage feasts at Valladolid and the stereotyped -gaieties that throughout Spain celebrated the marriage, pleased the -thoughtless, but the more reflecting knew that the war for which Spain -was being again squeezed dry by every empirical resource that ingenuity -and ignorance of finance could devise, was a direct result of the series -of alliances that the German marriage cemented, and many were the -whispered curses uttered against the boorish Germans and Englishmen, who -were not only disrespectful, but heretics to boot. With exactly the same -ceremonial as had marked the entry of the beautiful Marie Louise into -the capital ten years before, Marie Anne rode from the Buen Retiro to -the old Alcazar through the crowded streets, on the 22nd May 1690. -Again, behind the half-closed jalousies, in the house of Count Oñate in -the Calle Mayor, over against the church of St. Philip, Charles II. and -his mother, growing visibly old now, witnessed the passing of the new -Queen. - -The triumph of Mariana at the coming of a German bride for her son was -short lived. The time that Marie Anne had spent at the Buen Retiro -previous to the State entry had been sufficient to show the -mother-in-law that she had met her match, and that here there was no -gentle, submissive, young creature—no thoughtless beauty who would ruin -herself if encouraged to go her own way, like poor Marie Louise—but a -hard, passionate woman, who was determined, whatever happened to Spain, -to make the best of her opportunities for her own advantage. Mariana, in -accordance with her usual policy, endeavoured at first to co-operate -harmoniously with her daughter-in-law, in order to gain predominance in -the partnership afterwards. The sole minister, Oropesa, had done his -best to relieve the suffering country, and his financial reforms had -effected some improvement; but with the renewal of the war on land and -sea, the economies were soon swallowed up, and the penury became as -pressing as ever. The minister’s subordinates were rapacious and corrupt -to an extent unexampled even in Spain, and offices, dignities, titles, -and pensions were openly put up to the highest bidder. Oropesa, though -fairly honest himself, had an ambitious, greedy wife, who increased his -unpopularity; and when Marie Anne arrived in Madrid, the party inimical -to the minister was already powerful. - -Mariana had been Oropesa’s patron, but when the new Queen, for whose -aims it was necessary to form a party in Spain, sided with the enemies -of the minister, Mariana dared not take the unpopular and weaker side, -and reluctantly agreed with her daughter-in-law that Oropesa and the -corrupt crew that followed him should be deposed. Their principal -abettors were the King’s confessor, Father Matilla, the Archbishops of -Toledo (Cardinal Portocarrero) and Saragossa, the Constable of Castile, -and the Secretary of State, Lira, formerly a creature of Oropesa. Marie -Anne and the confessor gave the poor King no rest. Charles was deeply -attached to Oropesa; he dreaded new people about him; and for a time he -refused to dismiss his minister. Marie Anne suffered, when contradicted, -from hysterical nervous crises, that were said to threaten her life, and -every one, from her husband downward, went in mortal fear of provoking -an attack by saying anything displeasing to her.[331] The confessor -Matilla finally threatened the King that he would not give him -absolution, unless he did his duty to the country by dismissing Oropesa. - -Charles, beset on all sides, at first told everything to Oropesa -himself, but that made matters worse; and he then repeated to each party -exactly what the other said, with the result that the palace itself -became a hotbed of scandal, hatred, and all uncharitableness. At length -Marie Anne had her way, and Charles sent for his minister with tears in -his eyes and told him that his enemies had demanded his retirement. -‘They wish it,’ sobbed the unhappy man, ‘and I must agree to it:’ and -then, in the deepest sorrow, he dismissed the best minister he had ever -had, in obedience to a palace intrigue led by his German wife. Before -Oropesa went into banishment at the end of June 1691, he sought an -interview with the Queen, but was refused, and Mariana with difficulty -was prevailed upon to receive her former instrument; her ungracious -farewell of him being to tell him that he ought to have gone long -before.[332] - -A sort of commission of government was then formed entirely composed of -men in the interests of Marie Anne; and thenceforward all method and -regularity in the administration disappeared. The King referred -questions submitted to him to any person who happened to be near him, -and the letters of Colonel Stanhope at the time testify to the -impossibility of getting any official business done at all. The country -was in the midst of war; the French were masters of the best part of -Catalonia, and as the English ambassador reports, the Spaniards had not -4,000 men there in all, fit for service, and in four months’ vigorous -recruiting only 1,000 men could be got. A handful of men, he says, -dashing down from the French frontier, could easily capture Madrid -itself, as not a soldier is between the Pyrenees and the capital: and, -such was the confusion, that it was dangerous to drive out a mile from -the walls of Madrid for fear of violence and robbery. - -Marie Anne with her camarilla was mistress of the situation, and then -Mariana, when it was difficult to regain her lost power, discovered what -the aims of her German daughter-in-law were. It will be recollected that -Mariana’s daughter, the Infanta Margaret, Empress, had died, leaving one -daughter married to the Elector of Bavaria, and it was naturally her -son, the boy Prince of Bavaria, to whom Mariana had looked to inherit -the Spanish crown, in default of issue to Charles, and in accordance -with the will of Philip IV. Marie Anne’s mission from the Emperor and -his second wife was, however, quite a different one, and aroused in -Mariana the hottest indignation when she fully understood it. The plan -was to put aside both the female lines descended from the daughters of -Philip iv., Maria Theresa, Queen of France, and the Empress Margaret, -and to claim the succession of the Emperor’s second son by his second -marriage with Marie Anne’s sister, by virtue of his male descent from -the Emperor Ferdinand, brother of Charles V. - -Marie Anne had around her a gang of blood-suckers almost as rapacious as -herself, and, so long as they were Spaniards, the people suffered in -silence.[333] But the Queen’s most intimate councillors were Germans, -who, undeterred by the fate of Nithard, vied with the Spaniards in -grasping greed: and this aroused against Marie Anne the hatred of all -who did not share in the booty. The strongest spirit in the Queen’s -entourage was the Baroness Berlips, to whom the crowd had given the -nickname of ‘the partridge,’ from a slight resemblance in her name to -the name of the bird in Castilian. Another German member was one Henry -Jovier, a lame man of infamous character, who had served in the Spanish -army, and to these after the first few months was added the Queen’s -Capuchin confessor Father Chiusa, also a German, who was brought -purposely to replace the Jesuit confessor first appointed, the latter -having been found not sufficiently pliant for the place. - -This was the gang that principally advised the Queen in her measures, -and, with a few Spanish grandees, especially the Duke of Montalto and -the Admiral of Castile, practically formed the government. Mariana was -treated with the greatest _hauteur_ by her daughter-in-law, but had some -of the ablest men in Spain on her side, of whom Cardinal Portocarrero -was the most influential. The populace cordially hated Marie Anne, and -dreaded the imperial domination of Spain which she represented; whilst -she took no pains to disguise her contempt for them. Louis XIV., in -describing the state of affairs shortly after this in his instructions -to his ambassador, Harcourt, says: ‘The Queen has acquired such a -dominion over the spirit of her husband that it may be said that she -alone reigns as sovereign of Spain.... The authority of the Queen, -however, is founded rather upon the fear of her anger than upon any love -for her on the part of the nation. There is no people in the world so -sensitive of praise as the Spaniards; and consequently none who are so -much affected by contempt. The Queen professes contempt for the whole -nation, and, as offensive discourse is the only revenge of those who are -excluded from power, it is not surprising to hear all the evil things -that the public detestation causes to be said about her. It is, however, -very true that she gives plenty of reasons for the reproaches levelled -against her with regard to her avidity in receiving and extorting -presents; and there is no one more ingenious than she in finding excuses -for appropriating everything that is most valuable in Madrid, and for -amassing every day fresh treasure for herself.’[334] - -In the spring of 1683 the King’s weakness became so alarming that the -physicians almost abandoned hope, and the intrigues around him grew in -intensity. The last successful effort of Marie Louise before her death -had been to extract from her husband a solemn promise that he would -never cede to the persuasions of Mariana to appoint a successor to the -crown until he had received the last sacrament on his deathbed; and the -King had managed so far to withstand all pressure put upon him to do so. -The pressure was redoubled now, especially by Marie Anne, who took the -opportunity of his illness to urge him to summon the Archduke Charles to -Madrid, and adopt him as his successor. When the unfortunate King was -wavering some one, probably Cardinal Portocarrero, warned him of the -certain consequences, and whilst the hesitation continued the King -partially recovered. - -Whilst the Court was thus given over to discord the condition of the -country grew worse and worse. The Marquis of Mancera told Stanhope that -the King was only nominally sovereign of the realms of Aragon. Spain, -but for the power of her allies, was absolutely defenceless, and the -public distress had reached to such an extent that famine stalked -unchecked through the land, and to protect the capital from depletion of -food, a strict cordon was placed around it, to search every one entering -or leaving the city. The Duke of Montalto had managed to ingratiate -himself with the Queen sufficiently to obtain recognition as minister; -and his impracticable remedy was to divide the country into four -autonomous provinces, ruled by viceroys practically independent of a -central government. Against this violation of the constitutions all -Spain cried aloud. ‘These disasters coming so thick,’ writes Stanhope in -July 1694, ‘has raised a very high ferment in the minds of people here, -which expresses itself in great insolencies to the great men as they -pass in the streets, and to one of the greatest even in the King’s -palace: and the royal authority itself begins to lose its veneration, -several scandalous pasquins being fixed in several public places, -magnifying the great King of France and with very little respect to his -Catholic Majesty, inasmuch as if Mr. Russell had not appeared with his -squadron as he did, it is generally believed some public scandals would -have followed.’ - -A few months later the same correspondent writes that the hatred of the -public had greatly increased the strength of the faction opposed to -Marie Anne, whose great influence over the King they intended to -destroy; beginning if possible with the banishment of her bosom friend, -Baroness Berlips. ‘This lady’s son, Baron Berlips, lately made his entry -here, as envoy from the King of Poland, and as he went to his audience -in the King’s coach, a company of ruffians came to the coach side giving -him and his mother very ill names; one of them saying, ‘Let us kill the -dog.’ Another replied, ‘Not now, for he is in the King’s coach.’ Nothing -is so much talked about at present as ousting the Berlips, and then they -think their monarchy safe.’ - -Cardinal Portocarrero, who was the Queen’s prime opponent, grew in -boldness as he saw that public feeling was on his side, and both he and -Mariana, when she could obtain access to her son, implored him to -withstand the pressure of his termagant wife, and decline to divert the -succession from that laid down by his father’s will, which made the -Prince of Bavaria his heir. At the end of 1694 the Cardinal presented a -formal State paper to the King, urging the expulsion of Marie Anne’s -German camarilla and the royal confessor Matilla, who were ruining the -country by placing and maintaining in power men utterly unworthy to -administer the government. The wretched King, between the hectoring of -his wife, the exhortations of his mother, the warnings of rival -churchmen, and the clamours of his people, swayed first to one side, and -then to the other, hating to discuss what was to take place when he was -dead; yet hearing of very little else. His health, in the meanwhile, -visibly declined; and all parties thought that there was no time to -waste. The Queen feeling probably the need for some stronger personality -near her than Berlips, and the few other inferior Germans who formed her -council, soon caused herself to be reinforced by an imperial ambassador, -Count Harrach, one of the ablest diplomatists in the Emperor’s service, -and the party of old Mariana and her Bavarian grandson fell into the -background. - -Mariana, indeed, was now almost past struggling; afflicted by a mortal -disease and abandoned by her physicians. She resorted, as usual, to -charms and quackery of the most revolting description;[335] but, in -spite of incantations and empirical devices, Mariana in May 1696 ended -her turbulent life, leaving the question of the succession still in the -balance.[336] With the death of the old Queen it was thought that the -chance of the little Bavarian prince had disappeared; and Marie Anne -pushed more energetically than ever the claims of her nephew, the -Archduke Charles. Soon the King fell so seriously ill again that his -life was despaired of, and the attempts of the Queen to obtain a will in -the favour of the Archduke were redoubled. Like all semi-imbeciles, -however, Charles, when once an idea had been drilled into his head, -clung to it tenaciously; and though, for the sake of peace, he seemed to -agree with his wife, he did not forget his father’s will and his -mother’s injunction, that his own sister’s descendants had a better -right to succeed him than a distant relative like the Archduke. Count -Benavente, his lord of the bedchamber, although appointed by Marie Anne, -was secretly against the Austrian; and, with his knowledge and that of -Cardinal Portocarrero alone, Charles signed a secret will, appointing -his great-nephew the child prince of Bavaria heir to his crown. - -Once again he recovered sufficiently to rise from his bed; and Stanhope -wrote on the 19th September 1696; ‘The King’s danger is over for a time, -but his constitution is so very weak and broken, much beyond his age, -that it is feared what may be the success of another attack. They cut -his hair off in this sickness, which the decay of nature had almost done -before, all his crown being bald. He has a ravenous stomach, and -swallows all he eats whole; for his nether jaw stands out so much that -his two rows of teeth cannot meet; to compensate which he has a -prodigious wide throat, so that a gizzard or a liver of a hen passes -down whole, and his weak stomach not being able to digest it he voids it -in the same manner.’ - -No sooner was the immediate danger over than Marie Anne wormed out of -the King that he had made his will in favour of the Bavarian. Her rage -and indignation knew no bounds, and she upbraided the King with -hysterical violence, to which he retorted by childish outbursts, leading -to the smashing of crockery, furniture, and the like, and usually ending -in tears. Oropesa, who had just returned to Court reconciled to Marie -Anne, added his persuasions to those of the Queen and the threats of the -confessor, but for a time without success. In November 1696 Stanhope -reports that the King was still very ill, and obliged to keep his bed: -‘although they sometimes make him rise out of his bed, much against his -will and beyond his strength, the better to conceal his illness abroad. -He is not only extremely weak in body, but has a great weight of -melancholy and discontent upon his spirits, attributed in a great -measure to the Queen’s continual importunities to make him alter his -will.’ - -At length, in September 1697, the sick man could withstand the pressure -no longer; and during another grave attack,[337] at the instance of his -wife and Harrach, tore up the will appointing the Prince of Bavaria his -heir. Portocarrero had gone so far as to threaten to call the Cortes -together to confirm the will, and had exhorted the King to stand firm, -but he had been powerless as against the strong will of Marie Anne. For -a long time, however, Charles still held out against making another will -in favour of the Austrian; and only, at last, by threats and cajolery -was he induced to write a letter to the Emperor asking him to send the -Archduke to Spain with ten or twelve thousand men, on the pretext that -they were required for the defence of Catalonia. - -But the gigantic armaments needed by Louis XIV. to face all Europe -victoriously, as he had done, was exhausting the resources of France, -and peace was in the air. The need also for French agents to have a good -chance in Madrid to push the succession claim also made Louis pliant; -and when the Peace of Ryswick was signed in October 1697, the world was -surprised at the generous terms accorded by the victor to Spain. With -every chance of success, then, Louis having restored the territory he -had conquered, he could pose as the true friend of Spain, ready to -champion the rights of his descendants by Maria Theresa, the eldest -daughter of Philip, against the unpopular Germans, to succeed to the -Spanish throne. There was much lost ground for the French to make up; -for the German factions had been in sole possession ever since the death -of Marie Louise in 1690; but the death of Mariana had left some of her -friends in the market, and all classes of Spaniards were sick to death -of Germans; so, as soon as the peace was signed, the Marquis d’Harcourt -hurried to Madrid as French ambassador, primed with instructions, and -supplied with means to re-constitute the French party in Spain, and -defeat, if possible, the machinations of Queen Marie Anne. - -The first effect of the peace was to stop the project of bringing an -Austrian army to Spain under the Archduke, and also the plan of the -Elector of Bavaria to put in an appearance to counteract the Archduke’s -presence. The arrival of Harcourt at Madrid soon afterwards put a new -complexion on affairs there. Stanhope writes, on the 14th March 1698, -when the King had fallen again dangerously ill: ‘Our Court is in great -disorder: the grandees all dog and cat, Turk and Moor. The King is in a -languishing condition, not in so imminent a danger as last week, but so -weak and spent as to his principle of life, that all I can hear is -pretended, amounts only to hopes of preserving him some weeks, without -any probability of his recovery. The general inclination as to the -succession is altogether French; their (_i.e._ the Spaniards’) aversion -to the Queen having set them against all her countrymen: and if the -French King will content himself that one of his younger children be -King of Spain, without pretending to incorporate the two monarchies, he -will find no opposition, either from grandees or common people.... The -King is so very weak he can scarcely lift his hand to his head to feed -himself, and so extremely melancholy, that neither his buffoons, dwarfs, -nor puppet-shows, all of which have shown their abilities before him, -can in the least divert him from fancying everything that is said or -done is a temptation of the devil, and never thinking himself safe but -with his confessor and two friars by his side, whom he makes lie in his -chamber every night.’[338] - -In such circumstances as these it was evident to the Queen’s opponents -that a bold move must be made at once or she would win. Her most -powerful abettor with the King was the confessor, Father Matilla; the -ostensible ministers, the Admiral of Castile,[339] Montalto and Oropesa, -after many wrangles with her, agreeing to let her have a free hand with -her husband, if they were allowed to take a fair share of the national -plunder; the real government behind them being the Queen and her -camarilla. The only man near the King who was inclined to favour the -Bavarian heir was the lord chamberlain, Count Benavente, to whom one -night, late in March 1698, Charles mumbled that he was very unhappy and -uneasy in his conscience, and should like to see Cardinal Portocarrero. - -The Cardinal Archbishop, who had been a close friend of Mariana’s, and -was a man of ability, had been carefully excluded from the King’s -chamber by Marie Anne. It was eleven o’clock at night, but swift secret -messengers were soon at the Cardinal’s door; and before midnight, -unknown to the Queen, the primate stood by the King’s bed. Charles -opened all the troubles of his terror-stricken soul to the friend of his -dead mother: how the violence of his wife and the harshness of the -confessor, Matilla, frightened him into adopting a course which his -conscience told him was wrong, and he prayed the primate to help him -with advice in this dire strait. Portocarrero was nothing loath. -Hurrying from the palace, he hastily convened a meeting of his friends. -Count Monterey, the Marquis of Leganés, Don Sebastian de Cotes, Don -Francisco Ronquillo, the idol of the populace, and Don Juan Antonio -Urraca. - -What was to be done, and who should do it, before the Queen could banish -them all? Monterey, in his stumbling speech, pointed out the danger of -acting through the King at all, seeing that the Queen could twist him -round her finger and make him alter any resolution he adopted, as she -had done before. The best course, he said, would be for the Cardinal to -frequent the King’s chamber, ostensibly to give spiritual consolation, -and then very gradually to prepare the King’s mind for a change. Others -thought that this process was too slow, since the King might slip -through their hands after all, and Leganés advised that the Cardinal -should immediately urge the King to order the arrest and imprisonment of -the detested Admiral of Castile, the Duke of Rio Seco. ‘His only -escort,’ said Leganés, ‘were four knavish poets and a couple of -buffoons,’ whilst he, Leganés, had plenty of arms at home and two -hundred soldiers in his pay, and could seize the most objectionable -ministers at once. Then turbulent Ronquillo had his say. They must -strike higher than the Admiral. The Queen as well must be seized as soon -as her henchman was laid by the heels, and the Huelgas at Burgos should -be her future place of confinement. Let us be practical, said Monterey, -sneering at Ronquillo for a fool: if we offer violence to the Queen the -excitement will kill the King before we can get a will or decree -executed. We must act more cautiously than that. Then the two angry -nobles clapped their hands to their swords, and were for fighting it out -on the spot, until the Cardinal separated them, and wise old Cotes, with -his quiet voice, calmly gave his opinion. It would be easy for the -Cardinal to obtain such a decree as that required, but the Queen would -get it revoked the next morning more easily still, and then, what would -happen to all of us? Let us, he said, strike at the trunk by all means, -if possible, and get rid of the Queen: but how? Before that can be done -we should put Matilla, the confessor, out of the way. The King hated and -feared him already, and only yesterday refused to speak to him: let the -Cardinal and Benavente advise the King to change his confessor, and the -next step will be easy. This seemed good advice; but the jealous -hidalgos then fell to quarrelling as to who the new confessor should be, -with the result that the choice was ultimately left to the Cardinal. - -The next morning Cotes suggested to his colleagues a certain modest -professor of theology at Alcalá, one Father Froilan Diaz, for the post. -He was near enough to the capital to be brought thither without delay, -and would be humble enough to do as he was told: and so it was decided -to secure the great appointment to Father Diaz. There was no lack of -messengers to carry to him from the conspirators the news of his coming -elevation, for each of them, especially Ronquillo, wished to gain the -credit of proposing it; and the next day the astounded professor found -himself already by anticipation a person to be courted by the greatest -grandees in the land. - -One day, early in the morning, in the first week in April, the sick King -lay in bed listening dreamily to some music being played in the -ante-chamber, the door between the rooms being open. Father Matilla and -a crony of his, one Dr. Parra, were quietly chatting in one of the deep -window recesses of the ante-chamber; when suddenly Count Benavente -entered unannounced, accompanied by a stout, fresh-coloured -ecclesiastic; and, without saluting Matilla, they walked straight -through into the King’s bedroom, which Benavente alone was entitled to -do, as lord chamberlain. Matilla was keen-witted, and saw at a glance -what it meant. Turning to his friend, he said, ‘Goodbye: this business -is ending just as it ought to have begun;’ and with that he hurried out -of the palace and to the monastery of his order in Madrid. - -Spies had already carried to Marie Anne and the Admiral reports of -mysterious confabulations of their enemies, but they knew not where the -blow was to fall. At eleven o’clock the King usually dined; and when -Marie Anne, according to custom, entered the room that morning, to sit -by his side whilst he ate, she learnt for the first time from the -disjointed babble of the sick man, that he was free from Matilla, and -had a new confessor.[340] Marie Anne was aghast at the news, though she -made no sign of disapproval to her husband; but the moment she could -leave the King’s side, she summoned the Admiral and her other advisers, -and considered the ill tidings. None knew who would be the next victim, -and most of them thought that Matilla had betrayed them. Panic and -bewilderment reigned amongst the chosen Camarilla. Some were for -striving to reinstate Matilla, some for punishing him, others were for -saving themselves by resignation and flight, but one great churchman, -the head of the Franciscan order, Folch de Cardona, kept his head, and -advised calmness. Matilla was exonerated and consulted; but when he -learned that the Queen and the Admiral had known of Portocarrero’s -meeting before the blow fell, he broke down. ‘Oh,’ he cried, ‘if I had -only known one short half hour before, I could have saved us all:’ and -then, though nominally pensioned and banished to Salamanca, he fell ill -of grief, fever, or poison, and died within a week of his dismissal. - -Diaz did not seem very terrible at first; for his methods with the King -were soothing, and he moved slowly. He took Matilla’s place on the -Council of the Inquisition, and at once became a power in the land; but -he was all politeness and gentle saintliness to Marie Anne, and even -she, suspicious as she was, began to think that she might dominate still -if she could confine Father Diaz to his spiritual functions. In the -course of a few weeks after the change, the Court was moved to Toledo, -but there the mob, who loved the Ronquillo brothers, and hated the -Queen, knowing that she had suffered a defeat, made her feel that her -power was on the wane. ‘The Queen,’ writes Stanhope, ‘is very uneasy at -the impudent railleries of the Toledo women, who affront her every day -publicly in the streets, and insult the Admiral to his face. There is -besides a great want of money; for the King’s new confessor having -persuaded him before he left Madrid to publish a decree forbidding the -sale of all governments and offices, either in present or reversion, as -a duty of conscience ... the superintendent of the revenues declares -that he is not able to find money for his Majesty’s subsistence, all -branches of the revenue being anticipated for many years, and he is now -debarred from selling offices, which was the only resource he had left.’ - -In the meanwhile, the French ambassador, Harcourt, was busy buying -friends at Court, though most of old Mariana’s late adherents still -preferred, as the King undoubtedly did, the Bavarian Prince. The people -at large were strongly in favour of a French prince, descended from -Maria Theresa, ‘though they would rather have the devil,’ as Stanhope -says, ‘than see France and Spain united.... It is scarce conceivable the -abhorrence they have for Vienna; most of which is owing to the Queen’s -very imprudent conduct; insomuch that, in effect, that party is included -in her own person and family. They have much kinder thoughts of the -Bavarian, but still rather desire a French Prince to secure them against -war.’ - -The intrigues of the French ambassador were met by increased activity on -the part of the Queen, who left Charles no rest in pushing the claims of -her nephew the Archduke. The poor King was sick of the whole business, -and only wished to be left alone, and for his Bavarian nephew to succeed -him. The King will not bear to hear talk of business of any kind, and -when sometimes the Queen cannot contain herself, he bids her let him -alone, and says she designs to kill him.’[341] A few weeks later (25th -June) the English ambassador sent this vivid picture of the invalid: -‘Our gazettes here tell us every week that his Catholic Majesty is in -perfect health.... It is true that he is every day abroad, but _hæret -lateri lethalis arundo_; his ankles and knees swell again, his eyes bag, -the lids are as red as scarlet, and the rest of his face a greenish -yellow. His tongue is “tied,” as it is called, that is, he has such a -fumbling in his speech, that those near him hardly understand him; at -which he sometimes grows angry, and asks if they all be deaf.’ - -But, with all his feebleness, Charles still resisted the pressure upon -him either to make a will or to summon the Archduke. Marie Anne was -persistent; and at the end of June her importunity produced a dangerous -fit that nearly ended the King’s life there and then, after which -Stanhope writes: ‘There is not the least hope of this King’s recovery; -and we are every night in apprehensions of hearing he is dead in the -morning, though the Queen lugs him out every day, to make the people -believe he is well till her designs are rife, which I rather fear will -prove abortive; for, by the best information I can get of the three -pretenders, her candidate is like to have the fewest votes. Upon old -Count Harrach’s pressing the King to have the Archduke Charles sent for -to Spain ... he gave no answer, but turning to the Queen, who was -present, said laughing, “Oyga mujer, el Conde aprieta mucho” (Hark, -wife, how very pressing the Count is) repeating “very pressing” several -times. The French Ambassador “presses” just as much, and the Nuncio, in -the Pope’s name, also for the French.’ - -These signs were not lost on Marie Anne, and she began to turn to the -strongest side. Harcourt and his wife were charming and liberal, and had -quite captivated the Madrid crowd, who cheered them wherever they went, -whilst Harrach and his wife were unattractive and unpopular; but what -was more important than anything else, now that Spanish resources were -failing, French money was forthcoming to buy Baroness Berlips and the -Queen’s German hangers-on. The Marquise of Harcourt paid assiduous court -to Marie Anne, who, seeing the impossibility of her own candidate, -listened, beguiled, to the clever suggestion of the French that if she -would abandon the Emperor’s son, she might continue Queen of Spain by a -marriage with the French prince who might succeed Charles. - -For a time, in the late autumn of 1698, the French cause suffered a -setback. Louis apparently considering that his chance of placing a -French prince upon the throne of all the Spanish dominions in face of -Europe would be impracticable, revived a scheme that he had agreed upon -with the Emperor years before, when Charles was a child; namely, to -partition Spain, by agreement with the maritime powers, between the -three claimants: a French prince to take Naples, Sicily, and the Basque -province, the Prince of Bavaria to reign in Spain itself, and Austria to -be contented with Milan. This, when it was divulged, aroused the -intensest indignation, not only in Spain, but in Austria and Bavaria. -Harcourt and his wife lost their favour at once, and Marie Anne again -leaned towards her German kinsmen. What was more important still, the -King at last, under pressure which will be presently explained, made a -testament declaring the Prince of Bavaria his heir. Marie Anne, the King -himself, and the Council, all denied it; but it was soon known to be -true, and the French ambassador immediately presented a demand that -Cortes should be summoned to settle the succession by vote. - -Suddenly, whilst this demand was being laboriously discussed, the news -came that the little Bavarian prince, the only descendant of old Mariana -except the King, had died, aged six—of poison it was said, in February -1699; and the problem of the succession was changed in a moment. Bribed -and cajoled by hopes of remaining Queen of Spain by a second marriage, -Marie Anne again seemed inclined to side with those who had been her -enemies. Most of the partisans of the Bavarian claimant, including the -King himself, and especially Portocarrero, went over to the French view; -and the principal reason why Marie Anne held herself in doubt was -because she saw those whom she hated all ranged on the side of France. - -Whilst this sordid bickering was going on in the palace the distress in -the country increased daily, until famine invaded even the capital. The -new confessor and Cardinal Portocarrero had, as yet, made no great -change in the government; and Marie Anne’s friends were still in office, -headed by Oropesa and the Admiral. Ronquillo and his fellow-conspirators -were growing impatient for their reward, and incited secretly by their -agents, the populace of Madrid broke into revolt in April 1699. A -howling mob surrounded the palace, crying for bread. ‘Long live the -King, and death to Oropesa,’ was the cry. Inside the palace panic -reigned supreme, and poor Charles was like to die with fright, when the -rabble demanded fiercely that he should show himself upon the balcony. -Marie Anne appeared at the open window undaunted, and told the crowd -that the King was asleep. ‘He has slept too long,’ was the reply, ‘wake -him’; and at last the King had to appear, looking, as Stanhope says, -like a ghost, and moving as if by clock work. Ronquillo! Ronquillo! -shouted the mob. We will have Ronquillo for mayor: and in a hurry -Ronquillo was sent for and sworn in as mayor, which somewhat appeased -the insurgents, who bore him off in triumph. Oropesa’s palace was -ablaze, and a rush upon it by the mob had resulted in many of the latter -being killed, and cast into a well within the precincts by Oropesa’s -servants. Further enraged at this, the populace surged _en masse_ to the -King’s palace, clamouring for the heads of Oropesa and the Admiral; and -they were with difficulty restrained from invading the royal apartments -by the clergy, with raised crucifixes and holy symbols. Again they -demanded the presence of the King, who told them that Ronquillo had -orders to do everything to satisfy them, and promised, on his oath as a -King, that the insurgents should be held harmless for the tumult. - -A clean sweep was made of Marie Anne’s friends. The Admiral fled to -hiding; and Portocarrero declared that within a week or two he would -have Berlips, the Capuchin confessor of the Queen, and the whole gang -cleared out of Spain. The day after the tumult Stanhope wrote: ‘The King -is very weak, and declines fast. The tumult yesterday, I fear, may have -some ill-effect further on his health. It was such as the like never -before happened in Madrid in the memory of the oldest men here, and -proves, contrary to what they brag of, that there is a mob here as well -as in other places.’ The whole aspect of the palace changed as if by -magic, and Cardinal Portocarrero was supreme. Marie Anne, cowed by the -violence and vituperation of the mob, was glad to lie low, and did not -attempt to influence the King, whose health declined every day. - -Since the death of the Bavarian claimant in February the matter of the -succession had remained in abeyance; and it was evident now that unless -the King was indeed very soon to declare his heir by testament he would -die with the question still open. But poor Charles shrunk from the -execution of an act, which he had always said he would only do in -_articulo mortis_, and the persuasions of those about him were always -met by a fresh plea for delay. In this deadlock of affairs a course was -adopted by the dominant party which will always furnish one of the most -repulsive episodes of history. During his first grave attack at the end -of 1697, Charles, who was as superstitious as he was ignorant, sent for -Rocaberti, the Inquisitor-General, a stern Dominican, and confessed that -he believed his illness to be the result of a maleficent charm cast upon -him. The Inquisitor replied that he would have the case examined; but he -saw no probability of result unless the King would point out some person -whom he suspected, or gave some evidence to proceed upon. - -There the matter remained until Froilan Diaz was substituted, as has -been related, for Matilla as the King’s confessor. Probably as part of a -concerted plan to obtain complete control over him, Diaz appeared to -agree with Charles in his expressed belief that he was bewitched; and, -having heard that an old friend of his in a convent in Galicia, had by -many efficacious exorcisms become quite familiar with the evil spirits -that he cast out, he consulted the Inquisitor-General Rocaberti, as to -whether it would be well to summon the priestly exorciser to the King. -The Inquisitor did not like the business, but consented to a letter -being written to the Bishop of Oviedo, the exorciser’s spiritual -superior, asking him to submit to the latter the question as to the -truth of the statement that the King was suffering from diabolical arts. -The bishop, determined not to be made the channel of such nonsense, -replied that the only witchcraft the King was suffering from was -weakness of constitution and a too ready acquiescence in his wife’s -will; and he refused to have anything to do with it. Diaz then sent -direct to Argüelles the exorciser in July 1698, instructing him to lay -upon his breast a paper with the names of the King and Queen written -upon it, and summon the devil to ask if the persons whose names were -written were bewitched. - -Thenceforward for eight or nine months the ghastly mockery went on.[342] -The devil announced that the King was bewitched: ‘et hoc ad destruendam -materiam generationis in Rege, et eum incapacem ponendum ad regnum -administrandum’; the charm having been administered by moonlight when -the King was fourteen years old. Repulsive remedies were prescribed -which, if administered, would certainly have killed the patient, others -were recommended just as hideous but less harmful; and the poor creature -was submitted to them. At length, after the will in favour of the -Bavarian had been wrung from the King by many months of this ghastly -nonsense, it was seen that the exorciser was aiming at gaining influence -for himself. He said that the charms had been administered by the King’s -mother, and repeated much dangerous political advice that the devil had -given, such as to recommend the complete isolation of the King from his -wife, and other things less palatable to Portocarrero and the French -party; and the exorciser, being able to get no further, was dropped in -June 1699. - -This was the time when the King was suffering from the shock of the -recent tumults, and Stanhope writes: ‘His Catholic Majesty grows every -day sensibly worse and worse. It is true that last Thursday they made -him walk in the public solemn procession of Corpus, which was much -shortened for his sake. However, he performed it so feebly that all who -saw him said he could not make one straight step, but staggered all the -way; nor could it be otherwise expected after he had had two falls a day -or two before, walking in his own lodgings, when his legs doubled under -him by mere weakness. In one of them he hurt his eye, which appeared -much swelled, and black and blue; the other being quite sunk into his -head, the nerves being contracted by his paralytic distemper. Yet it was -thought fit to have him make this sad figure in public, only to have it -put into the Gazette how strong and vigorous he is.’ - -At this juncture Marie Anne’s suspicions were first aroused of the -witchcraft business by a hint dropped by the King, and she at once set -spies upon those who had access to him, and especially upon Diaz the -confessor. A very few days convinced her that the ghastly incantations -that were being carried on were directed against her, politically and -personally. ‘Roaring with very rage,’ she summoned her friends and -demanded instant revenge and punishment of the King’s confessor.[343] -She was reminded by Folch de Cardona, that as the Inquisitor-General was -concerned in the matter, it would be prudent to go cautiously until it -was seen how far the Holy Office itself was a party: and, in any case, -he said it would be wisest to allow the Inquisition to avenge her rather -than for her to do it and thereby make herself more unpopular than she -was. It was soon found that the Sacred Tribunal was not concerned; but -as Rocaberti, the dreaded chief Inquisitor, had been active in the -matter, no one dared to move against Diaz or him, for Inquisitors were -dangerous people to touch. Almost immediately afterwards Rocaberti died -suddenly, almost certainly poisoned; and then Marie Anne laid her plans -to crush Father Diaz the confessor. - -Stanhope writes (15th July): ‘The doctors, not knowing what more to do -with the King, to save their credit have bethought themselves to say his -ill must certainly be witchcraft, and there is a great Court party who -greedily catch at and improve the report, which, how ridiculous soever -it may sound in England, is generally believed here, and propagated by -others to serve a turn. They, finding all their attempts in vain to -banish Madame Berlips, think this cannot fail, and are using to find out -any colourable pretences to make her the witch.’ It was higher game even -than Berlips that they were aiming at. Berlips stood behind the Queen, -and one could not be injured without the other. - -In September a mad woman, in a state of frenzy, burst into the King’s -presence, foaming at the mouth, and cursed him with demoniac shrieks -until she was removed by force, leaving Charles in an agony of terror -which nearly killed him. The mad woman was followed, and it was found -that she lived with two other demoniacs who were under the impression -that they were keeping the King subject in their room. This nonsense was -conveyed to the King by Diaz, and confirmed the invalid in his -conviction that he was under the influence of sorcery. In this belief he -ordered that the three women should be exorcised by a famous German -monk, who had been brought to Spain as an able exorciser for the King’s -benefit. Diaz, who superintended the incantations, unfortunately for -himself, dictated questions to the demoniacs which were evidently -designed to involve the Queen. Who was it that caused the King’s malady? -A beautiful woman, was the answer. Was it the Queen? and to this no -distinct reply was given. But the question was enough; and when Marie -Anne received a full report of the proceedings, as she did from her -spies, she was, of course, furious that an open attempt should be made -to cast upon her the blame of the witchcraft. - -The first step towards her revenge was to get a new Inquisitor-General -in her interest, and she pressed the King to appoint Folch de Cardona, -General of the Franciscans. He refused, prompted no doubt by his -confessor, and, in spite of Marie Anne’s passionate outbursts of -protest, he appointed Cardinal Cordova; to whom the King and the -confessor unburdened themselves completely, and told the whole story of -the exorcism. From these conferences an extraordinary resolution -resulted. The Queen herself was too high to strike at first; but her -great friend and late all-powerful minister, the Admiral of Castile, was -detested and despised by every one, and might be attacked with impunity -to begin with. So it was decided that he, being allied with the devil to -cause all the mischief, should be seized by the Inquisition of Granada -and closely imprisoned, whilst his household should be incarcerated -elsewhere, and his papers seized by the holy office. This could not be -done, however, until the new Inquisitor-General’s appointment was -ratified by the Pope. Once more Marie Anne and her friends trumped their -opponents’ strong suit, for Cardinal Cordova died of poison on the very -day that the bull arrived. - -Again Marie Anne pressed her husband to appoint one of her tools -Inquisitor-General; but Father Diaz was now fighting for his life, and -prevented the appointment. Marie Anne then sought out a man who would be -acceptable to her opponents, but whom she might buy, and Mendoza, Bishop -of Segovia, became Inquisitor-General, bribed by the Queen with the -promise of a cardinal’s hat to do her bidding in future. Marie Anne had -the whip hand and promptly used it. Stanhope wrote on the 22nd August: -‘As to Court factions, her Majesty is now as high as ever, and the -Cardinal of Toledo, who carried everything before him two months ago, -now dares hardly to open his mouth. But he is sullen, comes seldom to -Court, and talks of retiring to Toledo.’ First the German exorciser was -captured, and under torture confessed the details of the exorcism of the -three demoniacs when Diaz was present; then the compromising -correspondence with the exorciser in Galicia was seized, with all the -hints and suggestions made in it to incriminate the Queen. This was -sufficient evidence against Diaz, and he was arrested. Everything he had -done, he said, was by the King’s orders; and as royal confessor he -claimed immunity, his mouth being closed. He was at once dismissed from -all his offices, and the King was appealed to by the Inquisitor-General -to allow the confessor’s privileges to be dispensed with. Charles could -only mumble that they might do justice; but Diaz had a powerful party -behind him who took care to spread abroad the story of the Queen’s -vengeance, and Diaz, aided by many of his late colleagues on the Council -of the Inquisition, fled to the coast, and so to Rome. There he was -seized and brought back to Spain; and thenceforward, for many years, -there raged around him a great and unparalleled contest between the -Council of the Inquisition, which favoured Diaz, and the -Inquisitor-General in the interests of the Queen’s vengeance.[344] - -Marie Anne had won, so far as the King’s confessor was concerned, but -her unpopularity was so great that she gained no ground politically; nor -did her German candidate for the succession improve in his chance of -success, for Cardinal Portocarrero and his friends filled all the -administrative offices, and Marie Anne was powerless. Stanhope wrote in -September 1699: ‘One night last week a troop of about three hundred, -with swords, bucklers and firearms, went into the outward court of the -palace and, under the King’s window, sung most impudent lampoons and -pasquins; and the Queen does not appear in the streets without hearing -herself cursed to her face.... The pasquins plainly tell her they will -pull her out of the palace and put her in a convent, adding that their -party is no less than 14,000 strong. This new turn has damped the -discourse, which was very hot lately, of the Admiral’s return to Court, -and the Cardinal of Toledo is now like to be the great man again.’[345] - -Every day some fresh sign was given that Marie Anne’s foes were -paramount. ‘Our great German lady, the Countess of Berlips, is going, -nor does she go alone; but all the rest of the German tribe are to -accompany her, namely, a fine young lady, her niece, a German woman, a -dwarf, an eunuch, the Queen’s German doctor, the Capuchin, her -confessor, and Father Carapacci ... who, though no German, yet is one of -the Queen’s chief agents, and as great an eyesore to the people as any -of them. This seems a great reform, but I believe will prove no -amendment, for I expect to see others as greedy, if not more so, to take -their places.’[346] - -The French party was now absolutely paramount; for the money and -diplomatic skill of Louis XIV. had been lavishly employed in gaining -friends from those who had been in favour of the Bavarian prince; and -Marie Anne herself, though she had now the Inquisitor-General on her -side, could hardly get a word alone with her dying husband. Charles -lingered on in morbid melancholy for many months longer. Like his -father, in similar case, he found the royal charnelhouse at the Escorial -a resort that suited his humour. On one occasion it is related that, -with Marie Anne at his side, he caused the coffins of his relatives to -be opened and the bodies exposed to view. He was deeply affected by the -sight of the corpse that had once been the beautiful Marie Louise, the -wife of his youth, whose dead face he caressed, with tears and promises -to join her soon, whilst Marie Anne, as a reply to the King’s affection -for his dead French wife, kissed the crumbling hand of old German -Mariana, whose enemy she had been on earth. - -Whilst the Spanish Court and so-called government were thus employed in -degrading superstitions and petty squabbles, the fate of the nation, -reduced now to utter impotence, was being discussed and settled by -foreign powers. Louis XIV., still desirous, if possible of securing for -France without war the portion of Spain’s inheritance which mainly -interested him, made early in 1700, another treaty with England and -Holland for the partition of Spain between the claimants and others -interested, threatening that if the Emperor refused to accept the terms -offered the invasion of Spain by France would follow, and the whole -inheritance claimed for the Dauphin at the sword’s point. The Emperor -indignantly rejected the advance, and also claimed to be sole heir: the -Spaniards, and even their moribund King, blazing out in anger with some -of their old pride at this unceremonious dismemberment of their ancient -realm. Stanhope’s expulsion from Spain followed quickly upon this new -attempt at partition, and for a short time the French cause looked -black. Then the Austrians, to make their assurance doubly sure, -endeavoured to secure Marie Anne firmly to their side by the same means -as those that Harcourt had employed to win her for the French faction. -They promised that if she aided them the Archduke, her nephew, when he -became King of Spain should marry her. The Queen was delighted; and in -order to deal one more blow at the French claim, went to her husband and -divulged to him, not the Austrian but the former French offer of -marriage. Charles was tired of life and utterly muddled with the -atmosphere of intrigue in which he lived; but even he protested in -impotent passion against his wife being wooed before he was dead, and -this increased his dislike of the French claimant, though Louis XIV. -recalled Harcourt and disclaimed the offer he had made. - -But Cardinal Portocarrero was always by the King’s side, and exercised -more influence over him than any one else. He, in his sacred character, -warned Charles that it was his duty to his conscience to lay aside -personal partialities, and to summon a conference of the most famous -theologians and jurisconsults to discuss and decide the question of the -succession. Portocarrero took care that such conferences should result -in a vote in favour of Louis XIV.‘s young grandson, Philip Duke of -Anjou, measures being taken to prevent any future joining of the two -realms under one crown. Charles was hard to convince, for he clung to -the Empire both by tradition and at the pleading of his wife; and -Portocarrero then told him that it was his duty to submit his doubts to -the Pope. Charles was devout, and did so. Innocent XI. had all along -been an enemy of Austria and a friend of France; and, as Portocarrero of -course anticipated, decided in favour of the Duke of Anjou as the -legitimate heir.[347] - -But still Charles hesitated. Marie Anne was indefatigable in persuading -him to favour the Austrian, and always managed to prevent the fateful -will being made in Anjou’s favour; distracting her dying husband, even -at this pass, with the vain shows, bull fights, tourneys, and the like, -which had been for so long the traditional pleasures of his Court. She -even endeavoured to make terms with her enemies again, in order to be -safe in any eventuality; but Louis XIV. began to speak more haughtily -now; threatening war if a single German soldier set foot in Spain or -resistance was offered to the partition. There was nothing that Charles -and his people dreaded more than the dismemberment of the country, and -this frightened the King into looking upon the acceptance of the French -claim as the only means of keeping Spain intact. Thus, from day to day, -the irresolute monarch turned to one side or another, as his wife or -Portocarrero, his fears or his affections, gained the upper hand. - -On the 20th September he took to his bed to rise no more, and a few days -afterwards received the last sacrament, asking for pardon of all whom he -had unconsciously offended. The sick chamber assumed the appearance of a -mingled charnel house and toyshop, as the pale figure of the King upon -his great bed grew more ghastly and hopeless. All the sacred relics in -the capital were crowded into the room; carved saints, blessed rosaries -and mouldering human remains, until, to make space for fresh comers, the -less renowned objects had to be removed. The Primate of Spain, -Portocarrero, made the most of the priestly privilege; and, in the -interests of the dying King’s religious consolation, he kept from his -side Marie Anne and her allies, the Inquisitor-General and the King’s -regular confessor. Alone with the King, the Cardinal admonished him that -in order to avoid dying in a state of sin, it was necessary for him to -avert war from the country by making a will, leaving his crown to the -Duke of Anjou, putting aside all personal leanings and family ties. - -Charles could resist no longer. He was in terror; the spectre of sin and -devilish temptations always before him, and summoning the Secretary of -State, Ubilla, he himself directed him to draft a will in favour of his -young French great-nephew, the Duke of Anjou. On the 3rd October 1700, -the document was placed before him. Around his bed stood Cardinals -Portocarrero and Borgia, and the highest officers of the household; but -Marie Anne of Neuburg was not there to see the final shattering of her -hopes. With trembling hand Charles the Bewitched took the pen. ‘God -alone gives kingdoms,’ he sighed, ‘for to Him all kingdoms belong.’ Then -signing in his great uncultured writing; ‘I, the King,’ he dropped the -pen, saying, ‘I am nothing now:’ and thus the die was cast, the house of -Austria gave place to the house of Bourbon. Marie Anne did not even yet -accept defeat meekly. In an interval of partial improvement in the -King’s health, she returned to the attack, and with tears and -protestations, induced the King to think well again of his Austrian -kinsmen. A courier was sent hurrying to Vienna to tell the Emperor, -that, after all, the last will would make his son the heir of Spain, and -a codicil was signed conferring upon Marie Anne the governorship of any -city in Spain or Spanish State in Italy or Flanders in which she might -choose to reside after her husband’s death. - -Soon afterwards (26th October) a decree was signed by Charles, who -seemed then to be dying, appointing a provisional government, headed by -Marie Anne, with Portocarrero and other great officers, to rule, pending -the arrival of the new King; whilst Portocarrero was nominated to act as -Regent if the King, though still alive, might be unable to exercise his -functions. With all the terror-stricken devotion that had been -traditional in his house, the last few days on earth of Charles the -Bewitched were passed, and on the 1st November 1700, the last descendant -in the male line of the great Emperor Charles V., died of senile old age -before he was forty, the victim of four generations of incest; leaving -as his legacy to the world a great war which changed the face of Europe, -and decided the future course of civilisation. - -The terms of the will had been kept a close secret; and as soon as the -King’s death was known, the Palace of Madrid was packed with an eager -crowd of nobles and magnates to learn the name of their future king. The -will was read solemnly in the presence of Marie Anne and the principal -great officers; and soon the news was spread that Spain was free from -the house of Austria, which had been the cause of its greatness and its -ruin. Marie Anne, at the head of the Council of Regency, had but a short -term of power, and, as may be supposed, considering her imperious -nature, a far from harmonious one. Louis XIV., however, lost no time; -and the bright handsome lad, full of hope and spirit, thenceforward -Philip V. of Spain, hurried south to take possession of his inheritance -almost before the Emperor had time to protest. - -On the 18th February 1701, Philip arrived in Madrid; and his first act -was to confirm Portocarrero as his leading minister. Marie Anne had -quarrelled with her colleagues before this, and they had complained of -her to the young King before his arrival. She had been defeated indeed; -for she saw now that the marriage bait that had been held out to her was -illusory; and when the order came to her from the new King to leave -Madrid before he entered it, she went, full of plans for revenge still, -to her place of banishment at Toledo; yet with kindly professions upon -her lips, for the large pension of 400,000 ducats settled upon her by -Charles, was too valuable to be jeopardised by open opposition to the -ruling powers. She was all smiles when young Philip visited her at -Toledo soon after his arrival; and she hung around his neck a splendidly -jewelled badge of the Golden Fleece as a token of her recognition of his -sovereignty. But when the war broke out, and the Archduke, her nephew, -with his allies came to fight for the prize he claimed, Marie Anne could -hardly be expected to stand quite aloof. In 1706, the victorious -Austrian and his allies were carried by the fortune of war into Toledo; -and Marie Anne welcomed her nephew with effusive joy as King of Spain; -but when the turn of the tide carried Philip V. into power again, a few -months later, two hundred horsemen, under the Duke of Osuna, clattered -into the courtyard of Marie Anne’s convent retreat at Toledo, and -arrested the Queen, carrying her thence as rapidly as horses could -travel over the frontier to France. - -At Bayonne, Marie Anne lived in retirement for nine years, when a -strange revolution of fortune’s wheel brought her back to Spain again -triumphant. In the stately Morisco Palace at Guadalajara, Marie Anne -passed in affluent dignity the last twenty-six years of life in -widowhood, and died in 1740. She lived to see Spain rise from its ashes, -a new nation, purged by the fires of war; purified by heroism and -sacrifice. The long duel between the Empire and France for the -possession of the resources of Spain had ended before the death of Marie -Anne in the successful reassertion of Spain to the possession of her own -resources. Rulers, men and women, had blindly and ignorantly done their -worst; pride, bigotry, and sloth had dominated for centuries the spirit -of the nation, as a result of the action which alone had caused Spain to -bulk so big in the eyes of the world, and then to sink so low. But at -last the evil nightmare of the house of Austria was shaken off, and when -the aged widow of Charles II. passed to her rest at Guadalajara, -Spaniards were awakening to the stirring message, that Spain might be -happier and more truly great in national concentration than when the -men-at-arms of the Austrian Philips squandered blood and treasure beyond -count, to uphold in foreign lands an impossible pretension, born of -ambitions as dead as those who first conceived them. - - - - - EPILOGUE - - -Fire and sword swept Spain clean. The long drawn war of succession broke -down much of the old exclusiveness and conceit which had been for two -centuries the bane of the Spanish people, and a new patriotic spirit was -aroused which proved that the nation was not effete but only drugged. -The accession of Philip V. had been looked upon by his grandfather as -practically annexing Spain to France. ‘_Il n’y a plus de Pyrénées_,’ he -announced; and his first act proved his determination of treating his -grandson’s realm as a vassal state of his own. Again it was to a large -extent the influence of women which directed the course of Spanish -politics, even to the confusion of the _roi soleil_. It has been shown -in this history how often feminine influence had been invoked by -statesmen to bring Spain to a sympathetic line of policy for their own -ends, and how often circumstances had rendered their efforts -ineffectual. - -The confident anticipations of Louis XIV. that, by rightly choosing his -feminine instruments he might use Spain entirely for the aggrandisement -of France, were even more conspicuously defeated than any previous -attempts had been in a similar direction; for the ladies upon whom he -depended were one after the other caught up by the chivalrous patriotism -of the Spanish people, newly aroused from the bad dream of a hundred -years, and boldly braving Louis, they did their best for Spain and for -their own ends, whether France benefited or not. - -The bride that Louis chose for his grandson was one from whom no -resistance could be expected. She was a mere child, under fifteen, Maria -Louisa Gabriela of Savoy, daughter of Victor Amadeus and Anne Marie of -Orleans, sister of that Marie Louise, Queen of Spain, whose life has -been told in detail in these pages. In September 1701 young Philip went -to meet his bride at Barcelona; and even thus early it was seen that he -had to face a coalition of all Europe against him. Revolt had been -stirred up in Naples; and Philip had hardly time to snatch a brief -honeymoon before he was obliged to hurry away to Italy to fight for his -crown; leaving the girl whom he had married to rule Spain in his absence -and to marshal the elements of defence in a country utterly prostrate -and disorganised. Maria Louisa was, of course, entirely inexperienced, -but she came of a stout race and never flinched from the -responsibilities cast upon her. The young married couple were already -deeply in love with each other; and Philip, though only seventeen, had -thus early begun to show the strange uxoriousness that in later life -became an obsession which made him a mere appanage of the woman by his -side; so that Maria Louisa began her strenuous life assured that she -would meet with no captious opposition from her husband. - -Louis XIV. and Mme. de Maintenon had placed by her side a far stronger -personality than Philip; one of the greatest women of her century, whose -mission it was to keep the young King and Queen of Spain in the narrow -path of French interests. Anne Marie de la Tremouille, Duchess of -Bracciano, whom the Spaniards called the Princess of Ursinos, took -charge of the young Queen at once when the Piedmontese household was -dismissed at the frontier; and through the most troublous period of the -great struggle which finally gave the throne to Philip, she ruled the -rulers gently, wisely and firmly for their own interests and those of -Spain. No cantankerous straitlaced Mistress of the Robes was she, such -as the Duchess of Terranova who had embittered the life of the other -Marie Louise, but a great lady full of wit and knowledge, and as brave -as a lioness in defence of the best interests of those in her charge. - -The young Queen herself, when she had been installed in the capital as -Regent, showed how changed were the circumstances of a Queen of Spain, -now that the dull gloom of the house of Austria had been swept away, and -a new Spain was gazing towards the dawn. Nothing could exceed the -diligence and ability of this girl of fifteen in administering the -government of Madrid in the absence of the new King. Instead of the dull -round of devotion and frivolity which had filled the lives of other -Queen Consorts, she, with the wise old Princess at her side, worked -incessantly. She would sign nothing she did not understand: she insisted -upon all complaints being investigated, and reports made direct to her. -Supplies of men and money for the war in which Philip was already -plunged in Italy, were collected and remitted with an activity and -regularity which filled old-fashioned Spaniards with surprise, and -encouraged those who possessed means to contribute from their hoards -resources previously unsuspected. The manners of the Court were -reformed; immorality and vice, so long rampant in Madrid, was frowned at -and discouraged; and, instead of allowing the news of the wars in which -the King was engaged to filter slowly and incorrectly from the palace to -the gossips of the street, the Queen herself read aloud from a balcony -to the people below the despatches she daily received from her husband. - -All this was enough to make the old Queen Consorts of Spain turn with -horror in their porphyry urns at the Escorial; but it came like a breeze -of pure mountain air into the miasmatic apathy which had hitherto -cloaked the capital; and all Spain plucked up heart and spirit from the -energy of this girl of fifteen, with the wise old Frenchwoman behind -her. But even they could only administer things as they found them, and -the root of the governmental system itself was vicious. Time, and above -all knowledge, was required to re-organise the country; and Spaniards -grew restive at the foreign auspices under which the reforms were -introduced. Maria Louisa and her husband well knew that without French -support liberally given, they could never hold their own: for when the -King returned to Madrid early in 1703, the Spaniards, who had belonged -to the Austrian party in the last reign, had thrown off the mask and -fled to join the enemy: and it was clear that no Spaniards would fight -to make Spain a dependency of France. - -Nothing less than this would satisfy Louis XIV.; and the Princess of -Ursinos, who had tried to make the struggle a patriotic one for -Spaniards, was warned from Paris that, unless she immediately retired -from the country, King Louis would abandon Spain and his grandson to -their fate. The Princess went into exile with a heavy heart, and the new -French ambassador, Grammont, came when she had departed in 1704, -instructed to make a clean sweep of all the national party in Madrid, -and to obtain control for the French ministers. But Louis _XIV._ had -underrated the power and ability of Maria Louisa, who resented the -contemptuous dismissal of her wise mentor, and took no pains to conceal -her opposition to the change. Louis sent scolding letters to her, -berating her for her presumption in wishing, ‘at the age of eighteen to -govern a vast disorganised monarchy,’ against the advice of those so -much more experienced than herself. But at last he had to recognise that -this girl, with the best part of Spain behind her, held the stronger -position; and he took the wise course of conciliating her by -re-enlisting and restoring to Spain the offended Princess of Ursinos. In -vain his representatives in Madrid assured him that neither the Princess -nor the Queen could be trusted to serve French interests blindly. The -two women were too clever and too firm to be ignored, and the Princess -returned to Madrid in triumph in August 1705, with _carte blanche_ from -Louis to do as she judged best to save Spain for the house of Bourbon, -at all events. - -Thenceforward the Mistress of the Robes governed the Queen, the Queen -governed the King, and the King was supposed to govern the country; -plunged in war at home and abroad, with the Spanish nobles either on the -side of the Austrian or sullen at the foreign influence which pervaded -the government measures, even when moderated and held in check by the -Princess of Ursinos. At length, when the long war was wearing itself -out, and peace was in the air, the stout-hearted little Savoyarde fell -sick. She had borne many children to her husband, but only two sons, so -far, had lived, Louis, born in 1707, and Ferdinand, born late in 1713. -The birth of the latter heralded his mothers death. She had not spared -herself in all the strenuous thirteen years of war and tumult, during -which she had to a great extent governed Spain; for Philip, when not -absent in the field, was an obedient husband; and now, at the dawn of a -period of peace at the beginning of 1714, Maria Louisa died at the age -of twenty-six. - -Philip was still a young man; but the dependence upon his wife, and his -long fits of apathy that afterwards led to lunacy, had made him unfit to -fulfil the duties of his position without a clever helpmeet by his side. -The first result of the death of Maria Louisa was enormously to increase -the influence of the old Princess of Ursinos. She was the only person -allowed to see the King in his heartbroken grief; and whilst he was in -seclusion in the Medina Celi palace, the monks were turned out of a -neighbouring monastery that the Princess might stay there and have free -access to the King through a passage made for the purpose through the -walls that separated the buildings. The gossips very soon began to say -that the King was going to marry the Princess, though she was old enough -to be his grandmother. But, as usual, the scandalmongers were wrong. The -Princess of Ursinos was far too clever for such a stroke as that; but -she and others saw that Philip must marry some one without loss of time, -or he would lose what wits were left to him. - -[Illustration: - - ISABEL FARNESE. - - _After a Painting by Van Loo_. -] - -The marriage-mongers of Europe were on the alert, but the problem to be -solved was not an easy one. A bride must be found whom Louis XIV. would -accept, and yet one not too subservient to orders from France, nor one -who would interfere with the absolute paramountcy of the Princess of -Ursinos. So all the suggestions coming from France were regarded coldly; -and the Princess set about finding a candidate who would suit her. There -was an Italian priest in Spain at the time, one Father Alberoni, a -cunning rogue, who could be a buffoon when it suited him, who had wormed -himself into Court circles in the suite of the Duke of Vendome. This -man, a Parmese, came to the Princess of Ursinos the day after Queen -Maria Louisa Gabriela died and suggested that there was a modest, -submissive little princess at Parma, the niece and stepdaughter of the -reigning prince, who had no male heirs, and that this girl was exactly -fitted to be the new consort to Philip V. The Princess of Ursinos was -inclined to regard the idea favourably, for not only was it evident that -so young and humble a princess would not attempt to interfere with her, -but the match seemed to offer a chance for re-establishing the lost -influence of Spain in Italy. Louis XIV. had other views for his -grandson, and did not take kindly to the proposal, but he was grudgingly -won over by the Princess of Ursinos, whom he could not afford to offend. -Philip himself was as wax in the hands of the old Princess; and on the -16th September 1714 he married by proxy Isabel Farnese, Princess of -Parma. - -Isabel Farnese had been represented by Alberoni as a tractable young -maiden, but she was a niece, by her mother, of the Queen Dowager, Marie -Anne of Neuburg, who was eating her heart out in spite in her exile at -Bayonne; and Alberoni knew full well when he suggested the Parmese bride -that he was taking part in a deep-laid conspiracy to overthrow the -Princess of Ursinos. His part was a difficult one to play at first, for -he had to keep up an appearance of adhesion to the Princess of Ursinos -whilst currying favour with the coming Queen. Isabel Farnese approached -her new realm with the airs of a conqueror. She was to have landed at -Alicante, and thither went Alberoni and her Spanish household to receive -her: but she altered her mind suddenly, and decided to go overland -through the south of France and visit her aunt Marie Anne at Bayonne. -Marie Anne had a long score of her own to settle with the Princess of -Ursinos, who had kept her in exile, and she instructed her niece how to -proceed to make herself mistress of her husband’s realm. - -Isabel Farnese, girl though she was, did not need much instruction in -imperious self-assertion, and began her operations as soon as she -crossed the frontier. She flatly refused to dismiss her Italian suite, -as had been arranged in accordance with the invariable Spanish rule, and -showed from the first that she meant to have her own way in all things. -She was in no hurry, moreover, to meet her husband until the Princess of -Ursinos was out of the way; and when the latter, in great state, came to -meet her at Jadraque, a short distance from Guadalajara, where the King -was awaiting his bride, Isabel was ready for the decisive fray which -should settle the question as to who should rule Spain. - -The old Princess was quite aware also by this time that she had to meet -a rival, and she began when she entered the presence by making some -remark about the slowness of the Queen’s journey. Hardly were the words -out of her mouth than the young termagant shouted: ‘Take this old fool -away who dares to come and insult me:’ and then, in spite of protest and -appeal, the Princess was hustled into a coach to be driven into exile -through a snowstorm in the winter night over the bleakest uplands in -Europe. Attired in her Court dress, with no change of garments or -adequate protection against the weather, without respect, consideration -or decency, the aged Princess was thus expelled from the country she had -served so wisely. She saw now, as she had feared for some time before, -that she had been tricked by the crafty Italian clown-cleric, and that -her day was done. - -The dominion of the new Queen Isabel Farnese over the spirit of Philip -V. was soon more complete even than that of the Princess had been, and a -letter of cold compliment from the King was all the reward or -consolation that the Princess got for her protracted service to him and -his cause in Spain; services without which, in all human probability, he -would never have retained the crown. So long as Philip had a masterful -woman always by his side to keep him in leading strings, it mattered -little to him who the woman was; and Isabel Farnese, bold, ambitious, -and intriguing, ruled Spain in the name of her husband thenceforward for -thirty years. Her system was neither French nor Spanish, but founded -upon the feline ecclesiastical methods of the smaller Italian Courts: -and the object of Isabel’s life was to assert successfully the rights of -her sons to the Italian principalities, she claimed in virtue of her -descent. The pretext under which she cloaked her aims was the recovery -of the Spanish influence in the sister Peninsula: but the wars which -resulted were in no sense of Spanish national concern, but purely -Italian and dynastic. - -Thus, for many years to come, the progress of Spain was retarded, and -her resources wasted in struggles by land and sea all over Europe, and -with allies and opponents constantly changing, with the end of seating -Isabel’s Bourbon sons upon Italian thrones. She succeeded, at the cost -of a generation of war, and gave to Spain once more an appearance of -some of her old potency, thanks to new ideas and more enlightened -administration: but when the successive deaths of her two stepsons, the -heirs of Philip by his first Savoyard wife, made her own eldest son -Charles King of Spain, Isabel was plainly, but delicately, made to -understand that the destinies of the country must in future be guided by -men, and in enlightened national interests, and not by women for -secondary ends. - -Again, on the death of Charles III., the only strong King since Philip -II., the regal mantle fell upon a weak uxorious man, whose wife, yet -another Maria Louisa, led Spain by the miry path of disgraceful -favouritism to the great war of Independence—the Peninsular war—which -destroyed what was left of old Spain, and held up to the derision of the -world the reigning family, of whom Napoleon made such cruel sport. - -Forty years more of feminine rule in the next generation brought the -unfortunate country to the revolution of 1868, and then the dawning came -of a happier day, now brightening to its full. Only half a century ago -the old, old struggle between France and Germany to provide a Consort -for Spain was engaged anew, and brought England and France upon the very -verge of war. But the fall of the Bourbons in France and Italy, and the -disappearance of the French monarchy, as a result of the great war -between the Frank and Teuton, still, on the ancient pretext of their -rival interests in Spain, banished, at least for our time, the dynastic -jealousy which had kept Europe at war for centuries. - -An Austrian Queen-Regent has since then ruled Spain with consummate -wisdom and the noblest self-sacrifice for nearly twenty years; and -France has watched with sympathy, and no thought of aggression, the -sustained effort of a good woman to hand down intact to her fatherless -son the inheritance to which he was born. An English Queen Consort sits -by the side of the Spanish King, now, for the first time for centuries, -and yet no breath of discord comes from other nations to mar the love -match that has ended in a happy marriage. - -The world grows wiser at last. The old tradition that dynastic -connection could override irresistible national tendencies has lingered -long, but is really dying now. Matrimonial alliances between reigning -families are symptoms, not causes, and as the personal power of the -monarch wanes before the growth of popular government, the influence of -the consort becomes more social, and consequently more personally -interesting. - -The stories told in these pages treat of a state of affairs never likely -to recur. They show, amongst other things, with what little prescience -the world has been governed. The attempt of Ferdinand the Catholic to -make Aragon great by marriage ended in the swamping of Aragon: the -attempt of Charles V. and his son to dictate the religion of the world, -by means of the strength gained by matrimonial alliances, ended in the -exhaustion and ruin of Spain: the attempts of France and Germany to -obtain control of Spain by providing consorts for the ruling kings has -ended in neither obtaining what it sought, and in Spain being as safe -from foreign domination of any sort as any country in Europe. The lesson -to be drawn surely is that rulers, grandly as they bulk for their little -day in the eyes of men, are themselves but puppets, moved by aggregate -spontaneous national forces infinitely more powerful than any -individuality can be, and that a monarch’s seeming strength is only -effective so long as it interprets truly the accumulated impulse, that, -in obedience to some harmonious law as yet uncoded, guides to their -destiny the nations of the earth. - - - FINIS - -[Illustration] - - - - - INDEX - - - Adrian, Cardinal, 182, 192 - - Aguirre, Señora, 474 - - Agreda, Maria de, 354, 357 - - Aix la Chapelle, 391 - - Alba, 230, 249, 266 - - Albaicin, 116 - - Alberoni, Father, 537 - - Albuera, 52 - - Albuquerque, Duchess of, 455 - - Alcantara, Master of, 11 - - Alcazar, 3, 165 - - Alexander VI., 105 - - Alexander Farnese, 292 - - Alfonso V. of Portugal, 9, 19 - - Alphonso (brother of Henry IV), 10, 11, 14 - - Alhama, 56, 57 - - Almazan, 162 - - Almeria, 55, 65 - - Anne of Austria (wife of Phillip II), 314; - character, illness and death, 316 - - Anna of Austria (Queen of France), 320, 321, 352 - - Arabic Manuscripts, 116 - - Aranda, 24 - - Aranjuez, 331 - - Arcos, 177 - - Arevalo, 200 - - Armada, 318 - - Armignac, 5 - - Arthur, Prince of Wales, 100, 127 - - Artois, 106 - - Arundel, 220 - - Astorga, 156 - - Astorga, Marquis, 424 - - Augsburg, League of, 463, 480, 487 - - Aulnoy, Madame d’, quoted, 419 - - Avila, 11, 192 - - Avila, Juan de, 189, 196 - - - Badajoz, 317 - - Balbeses, Marquis de los, 415, 423 - - Baltasar Carlos, 334, 358 - - Barcelona, 46; - Treaty, 104, 348 - - Bavaria, Prince of, 495, 500 - - Baza, 65 - - Bedford, Earl of, 223 - - Behovia, 321 - - ‘Beltraneja,’ the birth, 4; - betrothal, 23; - betrothal to King of Portugal, 30; - marriage, 33, 146 - - Benavente, Count, 9, 12, 163 - - Bergues, 230 - - Berlips, Baroness, 496 - - Bernaldez, 89 - - Bertondona, Martin de, 228 - - Bidasoa, 377, 425 - - Boabdil, 60, 61, 72 - - Bobadilla, Beatriz de, 13, 80, 135, 165 - - Bobadilla, Francisco de, 123 - - Bonner, 215, 238 - - Borgia, Francis of, 202 - - Bourbon, Anthony de, 276 - - Braganza, Duke of, 348 - - Brantôme, quoted, 283, 303 - - Bristol, Earl of, 326 - - Browne, Sir Anthony, 221, 230 - - Buckingham, Duke of, 325 - - Buendia, Count, 272 - - Buen Retiro, 328, 342, 429 - - Burgos, 35, 108, 322 - - Burgundy, 106 - - - Cabeña, 38 - - Cabero, Juan, 80, 87, 162 - - Cabra, Count of, 60 - - Cabrera, Andres, 13, 165 - - Cabezon, 9 - - Calais, 249 - - Calatrava, 42 - - Calderon, Maria, 333 - - Cardeñosa, 14 - - Cardona, Folch de, 507, 516, 518 - - Cardona, Hugo de, 146 - - Carew family, 223 - - Carlos, Don, 288, 296, 309, 310 - - Carrillo, Alfonso, 4, 9, 11, 20, 97 - - Cartuja de Miraflores, 168 - - Castañar, 97 - - Castile, Admiral of, 163 - - Castile, revolt in, 192 - - Cateau Cambresis, 262 - - Catharine of Lancaster, ix. - - Cerdagne, 59, 100 - - ‘Chambergo’ Regiment, 396, 406 - - Charles, Archduke, 497 - - Charles, Prince of Wales, 325 - - Charles of Viana, 8 - - Charles II, birth, 382; - description as a child, 392, 396; - recalls Don Juan, 402; - banishes Don Juan to Aragon, 403; - coming of age, 403; - suggestions for marriage, 414; - reconciliation with Mariana, 421; - journey to meet Marie Louise, 426; - marriage, 431; - neglect of government, 440; - jealousy of Mme. de Villars, 459; - dismisses Medina Celi, 463; - illness at Aranjuez, 467; - second marriage, 488; - meets Marie Anne, 491; - dismisses Oropesa, 494; - increasing weakness, 497; - appoints Prince of Bavaria heir, 500; - destroys will, 502; - said to be bewitched, 514; - makes will in favour of Philip, 524; - death, 525 - - Charles III, 540 - - Charles V, 105, 179, 184, 189, 243 - - Charles VIII, 62, 75, 100, 104, 108 - - Chatellerault, 274 - - Chièvres, 185 - - Chimay, Prince of, 185 - - Cigales, 9, 11 - - Civil War in Spain, 12, 29 - - Clarencius, Mrs., 217, 255 - - Claude of France, 127 - - Clerambant, Maréchale, 423 - - Coligny, 247 - - Columbus, Christopher, 74; - received by Isabel, 78; - guest of Deza, 82; - member of royal household, 82; - grant for maintenance, 82; - negotiations with Portugal, France, and England, 82; - extravagant demands, 83, 84; - agreement with Isabel, 89; - returns in triumph from first voyage, 94; - second voyage, 95, 120; - third voyage, 120; - imprisoned, 123; - release, 123; - fourth voyage, 124 - - Columbus, Diego, 89 - - Comuneros, 192, 198 - - Compostella, 57 - - Conchillos, 131, 143 - - Condé, 354, 376 - - Consuegra, 383 - - Conti, Prince of, 417 - - Cordova, Cardinal, 518 - - Cordova, Gonzalo de, 65, 105, 118 - - Corunna, 154, 391 - - Cotes, Sebastian de, 505 - - Council of the Indies, 120, 121 - - Court, Spanish, description, 328, 338, 369, 533 - - Courtenay, 214 - - Courtrai, 460 - - Cranmer, 220 - - Cromwell, 371 - - Cuellar, 26 - - Cueva, Beltran de la, 5, 9, 10 - - - D’assonleville, 254 - - Denia, Marchioness of, 176 - - Denia, Marquis of, 187, 194, 198 - - Deza, Diego, 80 - - Diaz, Froilan, 506, 519 - - Dixmunde, 460 - - Dominicans, 46, 48 - - Dueñas, 21, 38 - - Dunkirk, 376 - - - Edward IV. of England, 17 - - Edward VI. of England, 212 - - Egmont, Count, 221, 230 - - Eguia, Jeronimo de, 440, 454 - - Elizabeth of England, 229, 271 - - El Zagal, 60 - - Emanuel Philibert of Savoy, 247 - - Emmanuel, King, 106 - - Enriquez, Juana, 8 - - Escalas, Conde de, 63 - - Escorial, 357, 366, 388, 406 - - Estrada, Duke of, 184 - - Estremadura, 26 - - - Fadrique, Admiral, 9, 20 - - Fadrique de Toledo, 346 - - Fanshawe, Lady, quoted, 384 - - Fanshawe, Sir Richard, 383, 390 - - Feuquières, 464 - - Ferdinand of Aragon, 17; - marriage, 22; - in France, 23; - motto, 33; - fight against Moors, 56; - in Council at Cordova, 61; - rejects Colon’s terms, 83; - attacked by lunatic, 93; - schemes for his children, 99; - treaty with France, 100; - breaks treaty, 104; - war with France, 105; - quarrel with son-in-law, 113; - represses rebellion of Moors, 118; - attempts to conciliate Philip, 126; - illness, 133; - claims right to govern Castile, 142; - ordered to leave Castile, 145; - alliance with Jimenez, 146; - contemplates second marriage, 146; - alliance with Louis XII, 147; - agreement with Philip, 150; - treaty, 159; - assumes government of Castile, 177; - death, 182 - - Ferdinand, Emperor, 130 - - Feria, 230, 251 - - Fernando, 89 - - Ferrer, Mosen, 182, 183 - - Flanders, 354, 390 - - Flushing, 489 - - Fonseca, 142 - - Fontainebleau, 417, 422 - - France, 100, 105, 128, 248, 316, 319, 346 - - Franche Comté, 106 - - Francis II, 293 - - Francis Phœbus, 61 - - - Galicia, 39 - - Gardiner, 215, 220 - - Geneda, Diego de, 217 - - Germaine de Foix, 147 - - Giron, Pedro, 12 - - Gloucester, Duke of, 17 - - Gomez, Ruy, 230 - - Grammont, Duke de, 378 - - Granada, 36, 65; - siege, 67–72; - burning of library, 116 - - Granvelle, quoted, 215 - - Grey family, 223 - - Grey, Lady Jane, 213 - - Grey de Wilton, Lord, 249 - - Guadalajara, 284 - - Guadix, 65 - - Guevara, Anna de, 352 - - Guevara, Velez de, 337 - - Guienne, Duke of, 17, 23 - - Guise, Duke of, 321 - - Guisnes, 249 - - Guzmans, 39 - - - Harcourt, Duke of, 423, 502, 503 - - Haro, Count de, 179 - - Haro, Luis de, 355, 375, 383 - - Harrach, Count, 499 - - Heliche, Marquis of, 370 - - Henry II. (of France), 269 - - Henry IV. (of France), 318, 319 - - Henry IV. (of Spain), 3; - impeachment, 11; - death, 26 - - Henry VII. (of England), 149, 153, 173 - - Henry VIII. (of England), 211 - - Hernandez, Garcia, 75 - - Hispanola, 121 - - Horn, Count, 230 - - Hornillos, 175 - - House tax, 38 - - Howell, James, quoted, 329 - - Huelva, 75 - - - Infantado, Duke of, 38, 272 - - Inquisition, 46, 48, 448, 514, 516 - - Isabel, Empress, 209 - - Isabel Farnese, xiii; - marriage, 537; - influence over Philip, 539 - - Isabel of Bourbon, betrothal, 320; - meeting with Philip, 322; - marriage, 323; - character and manners, 327; - love for stage, 328, 331; - escape from fire at Aranjuez, 331; - birth of son, 333; - children, 334; - rejoicings at birth of Baltasar Carlos, 334; - portraits, 336; - sells jewels to provide soldiers, 346; - struggle with France, 346; - breach with Olivares, 349; - Regent in absence of King, 350; - demands dismissal of Olivares, 352; - illness, 355; - death, 356 - - Isabel of the Peace, xi, xiv; - betrothal, 267; - marriage, 268; - journey to Spain, 273; - meeting with Philip, 284; - smallpox, 286; - illness, 295; - letter to Catharine, 299; - defeats conspiracy in Navarre, 298; - meets her mother at Bayonne, 302; - birth of daughter, 305; - birth of second daughter, 308; - death, 313 - - Isabel the Catholic, ix; - betrothed to Charles of Viana, 8; - suggested betrothal to King of Portugal, 9; - offered crown, 14; - accepts heirship, 15; - meeting with Henry, 16; - intrigues with reference to marriage, 17; - marriage, 22; - deprived of grants and privileges, 23; - birth of first child, 23; - reconciliation with Henry, 24; - revenue, 41; - reforms Court, 41; - treatment of religious orders, 42; - influence f Torquemada, 44; - establishes Inquisition, 47; - birth of Prince of the Asturias, 50; - crushes Portuguese, 52; - acknowledged Queen of Spain, 52; - birth of third child, 52; - war with Moors, 56; - birth of fourth child, 60; - takes command of campaign against Moors, 63; - birth of last child, 64; - pledges crown, 66; - Queen of Granada, 73; - terms with Columbus, 89; - domestic life, 95; - letter to Talavera, 100; - purification of monasteries, 100; - unification of coinage, 104; - marriages of children, 106; - death of Juan, 109; - death of eldest daughter and her son Miguel, 110; - troubles domestic and political, 110; - ill-health, 111; - visit of Philip and Joan, 127; - wishes in regard to succession, 129; - apoplexy, 131; - will, 135; - codicil, 136; - death, 136. - - Isle of Pheasants, 378, 425 - - - Jaen, 66 - - Jamaica, 371 - - James I. of England, 319, 324 - - James IV., 107 - - Jews, 45, 47, 48, 67 - - Jimenez de Cisneros, Royal Confessor, 97; - primate, 99, 136, 158, 164; - maintains order, 173, 175; - Cardinal, 177; - Regent, 182, 191 - - Joan the Mad, xi; - birth, 52; - marriage, 106; - birth of son, 125; - visit to Spain, takes oath with her husband as heir of Castile, 127; - receives homage as heir of Ferdinand, 128; - detention at Medina, 132; - returns to Flanders, 133; - proclaimed Queen of Castile, 141; - discord with husband, 143; - letter on being declared unfit to rule, 144; - journey to Spain, 150; - shipwreck and landing in England, 152; - meeting with Katharine, 153; - interview with Enriquez, 163; - receives oath of allegiance of Cortes, 164; - grief for death of Philip, 168; - refusal to perform duties of Government, 171; - pilgrimage to Granada, 171; - birth of youngest child, 172; - suggested marriage with Henry VII., 173; - dismisses Councillors of Philip, 175; - meeting with Ferdinand at Tortoles, 176; - at Arcos, 177; - imprisoned at Tordesillas, 180; - visited by Charles and Leonora, 184; - protest against treatment, 190; - conference with executive body of Regent’s government, 190; - receives Padilla, 194; - identifies herself with Revolution, 194; - anti-religious tendency, 200; - visited by Francis of Borgia, 202; - illness, 204; - death, 205 - - Juan, Prince of Asturias, 50, 54, 106, 109 - - Juan II., of Aragon, 20 - - Juan of Austria, 292 - - Juan Jose, of Austria (Don Juan), xii, 363, 370, 376, 383, 387, 388, - 390, 391; - controversy with Mariana, 393; - Viceroy of Aragon, 396; - ordered to Sicily, 401; - recalled by Charles, 402; - exiled to Aragon, 403; - recalled to Madrid, 405; - enters Madrid in State, 408; - decrease of power, 418; - death, 420 - - Juan II., of Castile, 3 - - - Katharine of Aragon, 100, 173 - - Katharine, Infanta, 172, 199 - - - Laredo, 107 - - Las Casas, 89 - - Las Huelgas, 431 - - Leganés, Marquis of, 351, 505 - - Lerida, 351, 354 - - Lerma, 323 - - Lille, 108 - - Lionne, M. de, 376 - - Lisle, Count Alva de, 4 - - Literature, Spanish, 327, 338 - - London, 153 - - Lope de Vega, 339, 342 - - Lotti, Cosme, 344 - - Louis XI., 61 - - Louis XII., 133, 147 - - Louis XIII., 320 - - Louis XIV., 460, 464, 521 - - Loja, 63 - - Luis de la Cruz, Friar, 203 - - Luna, Alvaro de, 27 - - Luxembourg, 106 - - - Madrigal, 20, 37 - - Malaga, 55, 64, 118 - - Maldonado, Dr., 79 - - Manrique, Pedro, 21 - - Mansfeldt, Count, 463, 490 - - Manuel, Juan, 143, 156, 165 - - Marchena, Antonio de, 79, 120 - - Margaret, Archduchess, 106, 108, 149, 153 - - Margaret, Empress, 368, 414 - - Margaret of Austria, 318 - - Margaret of Savoy, 352 - - Margaret Tudor, 107 - - Maria of Hungary, 146 - - Maria Louisa of Savoy, 532; - marriage, 532; - regent in absence of husband, 533; - ability and diligence, 533; - death, 536 - - Mariana of Austria, offered in marriage to Baltasar Carlos, 361; - marriage to Philip IV.; - meets Philip at Navalcarnero, 365; - birth of a daughter, 368; - paralysis, 371; - birth of son, 373; - intrigues against Don Juan, 382; - birth of a son, 382; - growth of power, 382; - Queen-Regent, 389; - conspiracy in favour of Don Juan, 394; - dismisses Nithard, 395; - alliance with England and Holland against France, 397; - seeks help of Don Juan, 398; - favour of Valenzuela, 400; - regency ends, 402; - triumph over Don Juan, 403; - prisoner in Alcazar, 406; - banished to Toledo, 406; - reconciled to Charles, 421; - return to Court, 421; - meeting with Marie Louise, 433; - treatment of Marie Louise, 444; - plots to ruin Marie Louise, 464; - plans for succession, 499; - death, 500 - - Maria Theresa, 371, 378, 380, 389, 396, 414 - - Marie Anne of Neuburg, married by proxy, 489; - journey to Spain, 489; - welcome at Corunna, 490; - sides with enemies of Oropesa, 493; - unpopularity, 496; - summons Count Harrach, 499; - efforts to secure succession of Archduke Charles, 500; - plans to crush Diaz, 517; - accused of witchcraft, 518; - secures dismissal of Diaz, 529; - head of Council of Regency, 526; - banished to Toledo, 526; - visited by Philip V., 526; - sides with Austria, 527; - banished to Bayonne, 527; - returns to Spain, 527; - death, 527 - - Marie Louise of Orleans, 415; - love for Dauphin, 416; - betrothed to King of Spain, 417; - marriage by proxy, 418; - journey to Spain, 423; - household, 424; - letter to Charles, 427; - marriage at Quintanapalla, 431; - meeting with Mariana, 433; - isolation at Burgos, 433; - entry into Madrid, 439; - frivolity, 444; - humoured by Mariana, 444; - growing interest in public affairs, 456; - discord with Mariana and Charles, 456; - unhappiness, 457; - influence of Madame Quantin, 458; - reproached for sterility, 458; - accused of plotting against King, 468; - French expelled from palace, 469; - letter to Louis XIV. _re_ Saint Chamans, 472; - smallpox, 479; - illness, 480; - death, 481 - - Martinez, Friar, 385 - - Mary of England, 213; - plans for marriage, 214–220; - accepts Philip, 223; - presents, 224; - meeting with Philip, 232; - marriage, 234; - parting from Philip, 241; - Queen of Spain, 243; - war with France, 247; - illness, 254; - death, 256 - - Mary Queen of Scots, 263, 290 - - Matienzo, Friar, 112 - - Matilla, Father, 493, 504, 506, 507 - - Maurice of Saxony, 212 - - Maximilian, 113, 133, 148, 179, 190 - - Mayenne, Duke of, 320, 382 - - Mazarin, 376, 382 - - Medici, Catharine de, 267 - - Medici, Marie de, 320, 321 - - Medillin, Count, 11 - - Medina, 34 - - Medina Celi, Duke of, befriends Colon, 76 - - Medina Celi, Duke of (under Charles), 415, 440, 453, 459, 463 - - Medina del Campo, 48, 56 - - Medina de las Torres, Duke of, 386, 387 - - Medina Sidonia, Duke of, 56, 76 - - Melcombe Regis, 153 - - Mello, 354 - - Mendoza, Cardinal, 19, 59, 80, 97 - - Mendoza, Bishop of Segovia, 519 - - Mendoza, Diego Hurtado de, 217 - - Metz, 212 - - Montalto, Duke of, quoted, 464, 470, 473, 475, 476, 477 - - Montenegro, 401 - - Monterey, Count, 505 - - Montgomerie, Sieur de l’Orge, 269 - - Montmorenci, 247 - - Moors, 55, 116, 118 - - Moscoso, 388 - - Moslems, 116, 119 - - Muley Abul Hassan, 55 - - Murcientes, 163 - - Muza, 72 - - - New Hall, 213 - - Nimeguen, 414 - - Nithard, Father Everard, 382, 389, 393, 394; - dismissed, 395 - - Noailles, Antoine de, 213, 220, 229, 238 - - Novas, Marquis de las, 224 - - - Ojeda, 47 - - Olivarez, Gaspar de Guzman, Count of, 230, 324, 345; - breach with Queen, 349; - fall, 353 - - Olivarez, Countess of, 339 - - Olmedo, 13 - - Oñate, 427 - - Orange, Prince of, 487 - - Oropesa, Count of, 463, 482; - dismissed, 494, 501–512 - - Osma, 21 - - Osorio, Isabel de, 217, 265 - - Osuna, Duke of, 418, 425 - - Ovando, Nicolas de, 123 - - - Padilla, 194, 224 - - Paget, 220 - - Palencia, 175 - - Palos, 75 - - Passau, 212 - - Pastrana, Duke of, 320 - - Patiño, 393 - - Perez, Friar Juan, 75, 80, 85 - - Peter Martyr, 112 - - Petre, 220 - - Philip II., 202; - Regent, 209; - betrothed to Mary, 223; - journey to England, 226; - marriage, 234; - leaves England, 241; - returns, 245; - proposal of marriage to Elizabeth, 262; - union with France, 263; - marriage to Isabel, 267; - poverty, 293; - marriage to Anne, 314 - - Philip III., 318 - - Philip IV., betrothed, 320; - marriage, 323; - succeeds, 323; - character, 324, 328; - jealousy, 330; - intrigue with Maria Calderon, 333; - birth of son, 334; - leads armies in Catalonia, 350; - returns to Madrid, 351; - letter to Maria de Agredo; - grief at loss of son, 362; - marriage to Mariana, 363; - poverty, 372; - birth of son, 373; - journey to French frontier, 379; - ill-health, 383; - reported bewitched, 384; - will, 386; - death, 387 - - Philip V., 523, 526; - marriage, 532; - in Italy, 533; - second marriage, 537 - - Philip of Burgundy, 108; - assumes title, Prince of Castile, 113, 127, 128, 133; - intrigues with England, 149, 153; - treaty with Ferdinand, 159; - death, 166 - - Philip Prosper, 374, 381 - - Plascencia, 11 - - Pole, Cardinal, 214, 220, 245 - - Portocarrero, Cardinal, 493, 522 - - Portugal, throws off Spanish yoke, 348; - independence recognised, 390 - - Pyrenees, Peace of, 379 - - - Quantin, Madame, 458, 465, 468 - - Quevedo, 337 - - Quintanapalla, 429 - - Quintanilla, Alfonso de, 79 - - - Raleigh, 324 - - Ramua, 108 - - Ratisbon, Treaty of, 460 - - Ravaillac, 319 - - Rebenac, 480 - - Religious Orders, 42 - - Renard, Simon, 213 - - Richelieu, 321 - - Richmond, 153 - - Rio Seco, Duke of, 505, 518 - - Rieux, Madame, 282 - - Riquelme, Maria de, 340 - - Rivers, Lord, 63 - - Rocaberti, 514, 517 - - Roche sur Yon, 273 - - Rocroy, 354 - - Rojas, Bishop, 192 - - Roncesvalles, 276 - - Ronquillo, Francisco, 505 - - Rosellon, 59, 100, 378 - - Ruiz, 116 - - Russell, Admiral, 489 - - Ryswick, Peace of, 501 - - - ‘Sacred Brotherhood,’ 37 - - Saint Chamans, 471 - - St. Jean de Luz, 425 - - St. Jean Pied de Port, 277 - - St Jerome, monastery of, 313, 322 - - Salamanca, 10, 150 - - Salic Law, 31 - - Salmas, Countess of, 182 - - Sanchez, Gabriel, 94 - - Sandwich, Lord, 390 - - Santa Fe, 69 - - Sant’angel, Luis de, 78, 80, 87 - - Santa Maria de la Rabida, 75 - - Santa Maria del Campo, 177 - - Santiago, 39 - - Segovia, 9, 10, 165 - - Seville, 39, 48 - - Sicily, 398, 414 - - Soissons, Countess of, 475 - - Soto, Dr., 204 - - Spinola, 346 - - Stanhope, Colonel, quoted, 490, 491, 498, 500, 509, 510, 513, 515, 517 - - Suffolk, Earl of, 152 - - - Talavera, Father, 51, 57, 59, 79, 93, 116 - - Tavara, Francisca de, 330 - - Tendilla, Count, 72, 93, 116 - - Terranova, Duchess of, 414, 429, 454 - - Tilly, 346 - - Toledo, 54, 127 - - Tordesillas, 33, 180; - battle, 196 - - Toro, 34, 36, 142 - - Torquemada, 44, 46; - inquisitor-general, 49, 57, 59 - - Torquemada (town), 172 - - Trenchard, Sir John, 152 - - - Uceda, Duke of, 321 - - Ureña, Countess of, 282 - - Ursinos, Princess of, 532, 534, 535, 536, 538 - - - Valdés, Pedro, 328 - - Valentinois, Duchess, 267 - - Valenzuela, Fernando de, 398; - honours, 403, 405; - flight, 406; - imprisoned at Consuegra, 408 - - Valladolid, 9, 20, 30, 154, 164, 223 - - Vanguyon, 461 - - Vaucelles, 262 - - Vega, Garcilaso de la, 163 - - Velazquez, 335, 337 - - Velazquez, Diego de Silva, 380 - - Velez, 55 - - Velez-Malaga, 64 - - Vendome, Duke of, 273 - - Venta de los Toros de Guisando, 16 - - Verjus, Father, 464 - - Vilaine, 468 - - Villafafila, 159 - - Villalar, 198, 209 - - Villamediana, Count of, 330, 331 - - Villars, Mme. de, quoted, 426, 433, 435, 443, 445, 446 - - Villars, Marquis de, 420, 431, 459 - - Villena, Marquis of, 5, 9, 11, 175 - - Vistahermosa, Duchess of, 50 - - Vivero, Juan, 22 - - - Westphalia, Treaty of, 364 - - Weymouth, 151 - - Winchester, 232 - - Windsor, 152 - - Wyatt family, 223 - - - Zahara, 56 - - Zamora, 35, 36 - - Zoraya, 62 - - Zuñiga, Diego Lopez de, 12 - ------ - -Footnote 1: - - The ceremony is described by Enriquez de Castillo in the contemporary - ‘Cronica de Enrique IV.’ - -Footnote 2: - - Hernando de Pulgar, ‘Cronica de los Reyes Catolicos.’ - -Footnote 3: - - Letter of Diego de Valera to Henry IV. MS. quoted by Amador de las - Rios. Historia de Madrid. See also the famous poems of the time, - Coplas de Mingo Revulgo, and Coplas del Provincial, where vivid - pictures are given of the prevailing anarchy. - -Footnote 4: - - The protest is in the archives of Villena’s descendant, the present - Duke of Frias, to whom I am indebted for an abstract of it. - -Footnote 5: - - The original treaty, which of course came to nothing, is in the Frias - Archives, and is signed by Louis XI. as one of the contracting - parties. It is dated 9th May 1463. I have not seen the fact stated - elsewhere. - -Footnote 6: - - The text of the demands, under thirty-nine heads, will be found in the - ‘Documentos Ineditos,’ vol. xiv. p. 369. - -Footnote 7: - - The exact sequence and dates of these and the following events have - never yet been made clear in any of the numerous histories of the - time, not even in Prescott, owing to the fact that Enriquez de - Castillo and Pulgar very rarely give dates, whilst Galindez only - mentions the years of such happenings as he records. The printing of - the contemporary so-called ‘Cronicon de Valladolid’ (partly written by - Isabel’s physician, Dr. Toledo) in the ‘Documentos Ineditos,’ now - enables us to set forth the events chronologically, and thus the - better to understand their significance. - -Footnote 8: - - Enriquez de Castillo, ‘Cronica de Enrique IV.‘ - -Footnote 9: - - A number of decrees issued by Alfonso at the time, conferring upon - Villena and his partisans great grants and privileges, are in the - Frias archives; and other charters rewarding the city of Avila for its - adherence to his cause have recently been printed by the Chronicler of - the city from its archives, Sr. de Foronda. - -Footnote 10: - - Of a poisoned trout which he ate, it was asserted by his partisans. - The suspicion of poison is strengthened by the fact that his death was - publicly announced as a fact some days before it happened, when he was - quite well. - -Footnote 11: - - In a series of documents recently published from the archives of the - city of Avila by St. Foronda, there is one very curious charter signed - by Isabel on 2nd September, before even she started for the interview - with her brother. In it she already acts as sovereign of Avila, - confirming the many privileges given to the city by her brother - Alfonso, whom she calls King, and cancelling the grants of territories - belonging to the city which King Henry had made to his follower, the - Count of Alba. Thus she annulled the King’s grants before he bestowed - the city upon her. - -Footnote 12: - - The original deed signed by the King of Portugal, dated 2nd May 1469, - is in the Frias archives. - -Footnote 13: - - Isabel only learnt of the deception practised upon her some time - afterwards (1471) from the partisans of the Beltraneja’s projected - marriage with the Duke of Guienne. A genuine bull of dispensation was - afterwards granted to her by the new Pope, Sixtus IV. - -Footnote 14: - - The story of Ferdinand’s coming and his marriage is graphically told - in the Decades of Alfonso de Palencia, who had been sent from Isabel - to fetch him, and accompanied him on his journey. - -Footnote 15: - - ‘Cronicon de Valladolid,’ a diary kept at Valladolid at the time by - Dr. Toledo, Isabel’s physician. _Doc. Ined._ 14. - -Footnote 16: - - In the Frias archives there is an undertaking, dated 2nd October 1470, - signed by the Duke of Guienne, promising rewards to Cardinal Mendoza, - the Marquis of Villena, the Duke of Arevalo, and others, for their aid - in bringing about the betrothal with the Beltraneja. - -Footnote 17: - - Dueñas was granted on the same day, 21st October 1470, to the Princess - Doña Juana (the Beltraneja). Cronicon de Valladolid. - -Footnote 18: - - How much Isabel prized the fidelity of these steadfast adherents is - seen by the last act of her life. On her deathbed she revoked—not very - honestly or graciously most people think—all grants and rewards she - had given out of crown possessions, on the pretext that she had been - moved to make them more by need than by her own wish. The only - exception she made was the manors of the Marquisite of Moya, which, - with the title, had been granted to Cabrera and his wife Doña Beatriz - Bobadilla. - -Footnote 19: - - Recorded in Enriquez de Castillo’s ‘Cronica de Enrique IV.‘ - -Footnote 20: - - It should be mentioned that the faithless Queen of Henry IV., the - mother of the Beltraneja, lived apart from him in Madrid. She had - several children by various men subsequently. - -Footnote 21: - - Galindez tells the story that Henry on his deathbed swore that Juana - was really his child, and says that he left a will in her favour of - which Villena was the executor. The latter having predeceased the - King, the will remained in the keeping of Oviedo, the King’s - secretary, who afterwards entrusted it to the curate of Santa Cruz at - Madrid. He, fearing to hold it, enclosed it in a chest with other - papers and buried it at Almeida, in Portugal. Years afterwards Isabel - learnt of this, and when, in 1504, she was mortally ill, she sent the - curate and the lawyer who had told her to disinter the will. When they - brought it she was too ill to see it, and it remained in the lawyer’s - keeping. He informed Ferdinand after the Queen’s death, and the King - ordered the document to be burnt, whilst the lawyer was richly - rewarded. Others say, continues Galindez, that the paper was - preserved. - -Footnote 22: - - She died in June 1475. - -Footnote 23: - - Although she allowed a poor madman who attempted to kill Ferdinand to - be torn to bits by red hot pincers, and consigned scores of thousands - of poor wretches to the flames for doubting the correctness of her - views on religion, she refused ever to go to a bullfight after - attending one at which two men had been killed. She strongly condemned - such waste of human life without good object. - -Footnote 24: - - Oviedo, who knew her well, says that no other woman could compare with - her in beauty. - -Footnote 25: - - ‘Cronicon de Valladolid,’ Doc. Ined. 14, and also Alfonso de Palencia. - -Footnote 26: - - As one instance of the mercenary character of the Castilian nobles of - the time, I may mention that there is a bond signed by the King of - Portugal in the Frias archives promising to young Villena the - Mastership of Santiago in payment for his help. - -Footnote 27: - - The King of Portugal, having heard that Castilian raiders had crossed - the Portuguese frontier, is said to have proposed to Ferdinand at this - juncture a compromise, by which the Beltraneja should be dropped, and - Isabel recognised in return for the cession to Portugal of all Galicia - and the two fortresses of Zamora and Toro which he occupied. Ferdinand - was inclined to agree to this, and sent an envoy to propose it to his - wife. Before the envoy had finished his first sentence Isabel stopped - him indignantly, and forbade him to continue. She herself, she said, - would in future direct the war, and no foot of her own realm of - Castile should be surrendered. She then hurried to Medina and summoned - the Cortes, as is told in the text. - -Footnote 28: - - Each group of 100 heads of families subscribed sufficient to pay, - mount, arm, and maintain a horseman; and when intelligence of a crime - came, every church bell in the district rang an alarm to summon the - members of the constabulary to pursue the evil-doer, a special prize - being given to the captor. It must be understood that the townships in - Spain extend in every case over a large territory outside the walls, - so that the house tax, although nominally urban because collected by - the municipalities, was really collected also from rural hamlets. - -Footnote 29: - - The importance of obtaining control of the Orders was seen by Isabel - at the very beginning of her reign. When the Master of Santiago died - in 1476 the Queen was at Valladolid. Without a moment’s delay she - mounted her horse and rode to the town of Huete, where the Chapter to - elect the new Master was to be held. She entered the Chapter and in an - energetic speech urged the knights for the sake of her, their - sovereign, to elect her husband their Master. The Castilian knights - were angry at the idea of an Aragonese heading them, and opposed the - suggestion. Isabel found a way out by pledging Ferdinand to transfer - his powers as Master to a Castilian as soon as he was elected; and - this he did, appointing his faithful follower Cardenas; but when the - latter died Ferdinand became actual Master. Thenceforward the - knighthoods (_encomiendas_) were endowed with pensions derived from - rent charges on portions of the estates, the bulk of the revenue being - absorbed by the King’s treasury. For details of the Orders and their - appropriation, see Ulick Burke’s ‘History of Spain’ to 1515, edited by - Martin Hume. - -Footnote 30: - - As at Jaen in 1473, where the Constable of Castile was killed whilst - trying to stop the massacre. - -Footnote 31: - - Galindez and Perez de Pulgar. - -Footnote 32: - - At the Cortes of Madrigal in 1479, and in those of Toledo in 1480, - Isabel and Ferdinand renewed all the old ferocious edicts against the - use of silk and jewels by Jews in their garments, and ordered them - strictly to confine their residence to the ghettoes, and two years - later all toleration they enjoyed by papal decree was abolished. - -Footnote 33: - - Father Florez claims for Isabel and Torquemada alone what he considers - the great honour of establishing the Inquisition. - -Footnote 34: - - In the first eight years of its existence, the Inquisition burnt in - Seville alone 700 people, and sent to perpetual imprisonment in the - dungeons 5000 more, confiscating all their goods.—_Bernaldez._ - -Footnote 35: - - Shortly after her death, the mayor of her own city of Medina del Campo - declared that the soul of Isabel had gone to hell for her cruel - oppression of her subjects, and that all the people around Valladolid - and Medina, where she was best known, were of the same - opinion.—_Spanish State Papers_, Supplement to vols. i. and ii. - -Footnote 36: - - Florez, ‘Reinas Catolicos.’ - -Footnote 37: - - Pulgar. ‘Cronica de los Reyes Catolicos.’ - -Footnote 38: - - The Moors justified the attack by the accusation that the famous Ponce - de Leon, Marquis of Cadiz, had raided and plundered the town of - Mercadillo, near Ronda. - -Footnote 39: - - When somewhat later the Queen urgently begged him to accept the - bishopric of Salamanca, and he persistently refused, she reproached - him for not obeying her once when she had obeyed him so many times. ‘I - will not be the bishop,’ he replied, ‘of any place but Granada.’ He - was in effect the first archbishop. - -Footnote 40: - - Pulgar, ‘Cronica de los Reyes Catolicos.’ - -Footnote 41: - - Lagréze. See also Zurita’s ‘Anales de Aragon.’ - -Footnote 42: - - Florez, ‘Reinas Catolicos.’ - -Footnote 43: - - See Perez de Pulgar, ‘Reyes Catolicos.’ - -Footnote 44: - - Florez, ‘Reinas Catolicos.’ - -Footnote 45: - - Bernaldez, ‘Reyes Catolicos,’ and Bleda’s ‘Cronica.’ - -Footnote 46: - - The chroniclers of the siege dilate much upon the magnificent - appearance of Isabel and her great train of ladies when, on the day of - her arrival before Baza, she reviewed her troops in full view of the - dumbfoundered Moors on the ramparts of the fortress. Her own Castilian - troops, frantic with enthusiasm, no longer cried ‘Long live the - Queen,’ but ‘Long live our _King_ Isabel.’—_Florez_, ‘Reinas - Catolicos,’ and Letters of Peter Martyr, who was present. - -Footnote 47: - - The professed Christian Jews were much more severely dealt with than - the unbaptised. - -Footnote 48: - - Perez de Hita (Historia de los Vandos) recounts that the city of Santa - Fe sprang from a marvellous edifice which four grandees caused to be - constructed in a single night. It consisted of four buildings of wood - covered with painted canvas to imitate stone, and surrounded by a - battlemented wall of a similar construction. Roadways in the form of a - cross divided the four blocks with a gate at each of the four - extremities. The Moors, on seeing what they thought was a strong - fortress raised so rapidly, thought that witchcraft had been at work, - and were utterly cast down. - -Footnote 49: - - The title ‘Catholic’ was formally conferred upon them by the Pope - after the taking of Granada. - -Footnote 50: - - He promptly sold this to Isabel, and retired to Fez, where he was - murdered. The account of the surrender is mainly taken from Perez de - Hita’s ‘Historia de los Vandos,’ 1610, and Perez de Pulgar’s - ‘Cronica.’ - -Footnote 51: - - She is said never to have allowed Ferdinand to wear a shirt except - those that she herself made for him.—_Navarro Rodrigo_, ‘El Cardinal - Cisneros.’ - -Footnote 52: - - The sequence of the movements of Columbus, and several facts and dates - here given, vary from the current accounts. The narrative here set - forth has been carefully compiled from the result of much recent - Spanish research, besides the well-known texts of Navarrete and the - superb anthology of contemporary information reproduced by Mr. - Thatcher in his exhaustive three volumes lately published. I have also - depended much upon Rodriguez Pinilla’s ‘Colon en España,’ Cappa’s - ‘Colon y los Españoles,’ and Ibarra y Rodriguez’s ‘Fernando el - Catolico y el Descubrimiento de America,’ etc. etc. - -Footnote 53: - - See Columbus’s own letter to the nurse of Prince Juan, reproduced by - Mr. Thatcher. - -Footnote 54: - - As Medina Celi was with Ferdinand during all the campaign of 1485, it - is possible that he may have mentioned it to the King then, and have - been told that when there was time the sovereigns themselves would - examine into the matter. - -Footnote 55: - - Las Casas and F. Colon. - -Footnote 56: - - Fernando Colon. - -Footnote 57: - - Las Casas. - -Footnote 58: - - Fernando Colon. - -Footnote 59: - - The speech, which is probably apocryphal, is given at length by Las - Casas. - -Footnote 60: - - The legend of Queen Isabel and her jewels has been now completely - disproved by my friend, Don Cesareo Fernandez Duro, in his article - ‘Las Joyas de la Reina Isabel’ in the ‘Revista Contemporanea,’ vol. - xxxviii. - -Footnote 61: - - Professor Ibarra y Rodriguez’s interesting study ‘Fernando el Catolico - y el Descubrimiento’ (Madrid, 1892) makes this matter clear for the - first time. The treasury of Castile was empty, but Ferdinand had - plenty of money in Aragon. He was careful, however, not to allow the - Castilians to know this, or they would have clamoured for some of it - for their war against Granada, whilst he was hoarding it for his war - against France. He therefore went through the comedy of causing - Sant’angel to lend the million maravedis, apparently out of his own - pocket, but the money was secretly advanced for the purpose to - Sant’angel from the King’s Aragonese treasury, to which it was - subsequently repaid through Sant’angel. - -Footnote 62: - - Some of these took the form of generosity at other people’s expense. - The town of Palos was ordered, as punishment for some offence, to - provide two caravels and stores. - -Footnote 63: - - Quoted by Florez. ‘Reinas Catolicos.’ - -Footnote 64: - - _Ibid._ Both Luis de Sant’angel, who served as accountant general, and - Gabriel Sanchez, the Aragonese treasurer, were of Jewish descent. - -Footnote 65: - - From Ulick Burke’s ‘History of Spain.’ Edited by Martin Hume. Only - five years after the expulsion from Spain, as many of the Spanish Jews - had fled to Portugal, Isabel, through her daughter, who had married - the King of Portugal, coerced the latter to expel all Jews from his - country. - -Footnote 66: - - It is said that Ferdinand tried to save the life of his assailant, who - had been condemned to the most cruel and awful tortures as a - punishment. The Catalans, furious at being baulked of their vengeance, - appealed to Isabel, who decided that the sentence should be carried - out, but that the victim should be secretly suffocated first. - -Footnote 67: - - The Luis de Sant’angel and the Sanchez letter have been published - several times, but the letter to the Sovereigns has been lost, but for - some passages quoted by Las Casas. - -Footnote 68: - - It is related that the Queen concealed from Jimenez her intention to - make him Primate, and handed him unexpectedly the papal bull addressed - to him as: The venerable brother Francisco Jimenez de Cisneros, - Archbishop-elect of Toledo. When the friar saw the superscription he - dropped the document and fled, crying, This bull is not for me. He was - pursued and caught two leagues from Madrid by envoys from Isabel, and - still refused the great preferment on the ground of his unworthiness. - He stood out for six months until Isabel obtained from the Pope a - peremptory command to him to accept the archbishopric, and even then - he insisted that the vast revenues should be used for pious and - charitable purposes. - -Footnote 69: - - A full account of these complicated intrigues will be found in the - present writer’s ‘Wives of Henry VIII.‘ - -Footnote 70: - - Father Florez quotes a remark of Isabel, on another occasion, warmly - approving of the bullfight, ‘which, though foreigners who have not - seen it condemn as barbarous, she considered it very different, and as - a diversion where valour and dexterity shine.’ - -Footnote 71: - - Florez, ‘Reinas Catolicos.’ - -Footnote 72: - - Montero de los Rios ‘Historia de Madrid.’ - -Footnote 73: - - Oviedo. - -Footnote 74: - - Ferdinand had wished to appoint an Aragonese commander, but as Castile - was defraying most of the expenses of the war, Isabel insisted upon a - Castilian being appointed. - -Footnote 75: - - Clemencin. ‘Elogio.’ - -Footnote 76: - - Zurita, ‘Anales,’ and Padilla, ‘Cronica de Felipe I.‘ - -Footnote 77: - - The Spanish chroniclers complain bitterly of Philip’s slowness in - coming to meet his bride. He was in Tyrol when she arrived in - Flanders, and spent nearly a month in joining her at Lille. From the - first the love was all on poor Joan’s side. - -Footnote 78: - - Ferdinand, it is related, fearing that the sudden news of Juan’s death - would kill Isabel with grief, caused her to be told that it was her - husband, Ferdinand himself, that had died, so that when he presented - himself before her, the—as he supposed—lesser grief of her son’s death - should be mitigated by learning that her husband was alive. The - experiment does not appear to have been very successful, as Isabel was - profoundly affected when she heard the truth. (_Florez_, ‘Reinas - Catolicos’). - -Footnote 79: - - In fact the Cortes of Aragon obstinately refused to swear allegiance - to the Infanta Isabel as heiress when she went to Saragossa for the - purpose in the autumn; and she was kept there in great distress until - her expected child should be born, which, if it were a male, would - receive the oath of the Cortes. The anxiety and worry consequent upon - this killed the Infanta (Queen of Portugal) in the birth of her child - Miguel in August. - -Footnote 80: - - Her story is told in ‘The Wives of Henry VIII.,’ by the present - writer. - -Footnote 81: - - ‘Spanish State Papers.’ Calendar, Supplement to vol. i. p. 405. - -Footnote 82: - - ‘Calendar of Spanish State Papers,’ Supplement to vol. i. ‘Reports of - the Sub-Prior of Santa Cruz to Isabel.’ - -Footnote 83: - - Ferdinand sent at once an envoy to remonstrate with Maximilian about - his son’s pretensions, but it was soon seen that Maximilian and his - son were entirely in accord. Maximilian had the effrontery to claim - the crown of Portugal in right of his mother, Doña Leonor of Portugal, - and the crown of Castile for Juana, in preference to any daughter that - might be born to her eldest sister, Isabel of Portugal. Ferdinand’s - enemy, the King of France, naturally supported these pretensions, - which were really put forward at the time to thwart Ferdinand, whose - plans in Italy were now seen to threaten the suzerainty of the empire - over some of the Italian States. - -Footnote 84: - - As showing how unrelenting was Isabel’s determination to exterminate - infidelity in the whole Peninsula at the time, it may be mentioned - that one of the conditions of the marriage of her eldest widowed - daughter Isabel to the King of Portugal in 1497, was that every Jew - should be expelled from Portugal. - -Footnote 85: - - Marmol Carbajal, ‘Rebelion of Castigo de los Moros de Granada.’ - -Footnote 86: - - Marmol Carbajal. It will be recollected that Ferdinand had opposed - Jimenez’s appointment, as he wanted the archbishopric and primacy for - his son. - -Footnote 87: - - Ulick Burke, ‘History of Spain.’ Edited by Martin Hume. - -Footnote 88: - - Las Casas. - -Footnote 89: - - Colon’s son, Ferdinand, says that he ordered his fetters to be buried - with him: but this does not appear to have been done. His bitter - indignation is expressed by his son, Fernando, and in Colon’s ‘Letter - to the Nurse.’ - -Footnote 90: - - Zurita: Rodriguez Villa, ‘Juana la Loca,’ and ‘Calendar of Spanish - State Papers,’ Supplement to Vol. i. - -Footnote 91: - - Especially the Archbishop of Besançon, whose influence over Philip was - great. Philip would not let him go; but he died suddenly directly - afterwards, doubtless of poison. Philip’s hurry to get away from Spain - was attributed to his own fears of poison. - -Footnote 92: - - A copy of their urgent remonstrance from Toledo is in MS. in the Royal - Academy of History, Madrid. - -Footnote 93: - - ‘Calendar of Spanish State Papers,’ Supplement to vols. i and ii. - -Footnote 94: - - Sandoval, in his ‘Historia de Carlos V.,’ gives a glowing account of - the festivities that followed, and especially of a ridiculously - fulsome sermon preached by the Bishop of Malaga on the occasion, - laying quite a malicious emphasis upon poor Joan’s devotion to what - was called in Spain ‘Christianity,’ or rather the strict Catholic - ritual. - -Footnote 95: - - These interesting letters are in MS. in the Royal Academy of History, - Madrid, A 11. Some of them are quoted by Rodriguez Villa in his ‘Dona - Juana la Loca.’ - -Footnote 96: - - Royal Academy of History, Madrid, A 9, and Rodriguez Villa. - -Footnote 97: - - He even had a letter written, as if by his child Charles of three - years old, to King Ferdinand praying that his mamma might be allowed - to come home to them. - -Footnote 98: - - When the will was signed Isabel called her husband to her bedside, and - with tears made him swear that, neither by a second marriage nor - otherwise, would he try to deprive Joan of the crown. She fell back - then prostrate and was thought to be dead, but afterwards revived. - -Footnote 99: - - Zurita, ‘Anales de Aragon.’ - -Footnote 100: - - A full account of the progress of events from day to day at the time - is given in Documents Ineditos, vol 18. - -Footnote 101: - - Ferdinand, after the Cortes had taken the oath of allegiance, - addressed to them a document (quoted in full by Zurita) saying that - when Queen Isabel provided in her will for the case of Joan’s - incapacity to rule, she had not gone further into particulars out of - consideration for her daughter; although the latter had, whilst she - was in Spain, shown signs of mental disturbance. The time had now - come, said Ferdinand, to inform the Cortes in strict secrecy of the - real state of affairs. Since Joan’s return to Flanders reports from - Ferdinand’s agents, and from Philip himself, which were exhibited to - the Cortes, said that her malady had increased, and that her state was - such that the case foreseen by Queen Isabel in her will had now - arrived. The Cortes, after much deliberation and against the nobles, - led by the Duke of Najera, thereupon decided to acknowledge Ferdinand - as ruler owing to the incapacity of Joan. - -Footnote 102: - - Zurita, ‘Anales de Aragon.’ - -Footnote 103: - - Discovered in the Alburquerque archives by Sr. Rodriguez Villa, and - published by him in his ‘Doña Juana La Loca.’ - -Footnote 104: - - It has already been mentioned on page 26 that, according to Galindez, - a will of Henry IV. leaving the crown of Castile to the Beltraneja had - come into Ferdinand’s possession on Isabel’s death. The authority for - the statement that Ferdinand offered marriage to the Beltraneja at - this juncture is principally Zurita, ‘Anales de Aragon,’ and it was - adopted by Mariana and later historians. Mr. Prescott scornfully - rejects the whole story, without, as it seems to me, any reason - whatever for doing so, except that it tells against Ferdinand’s - character. It is surely too late in the day to hope to save _that_. - -Footnote 105: - - ‘Collection de Voyages des Souverains des Pays Bas,’ vol. i. - -Footnote 106: - - From a most entertaining Spanish account in manuscript in the Royal - Academy of History, Madrid, in which the courtiers are mercilessly - chaffed. - -Footnote 107: - - ‘Spanish State Papers Calendar,’ vol. i. Peter Martyr (Epist. 300) - says that Katharine did her best to solace, comfort and entertain her - sister Joan, but that the latter would take pleasure in nothing, and - only loved solitude and darkness. In order to preserve appearances, - the treaty arranged and signed before Joan’s arrival at Windsor was - ostensibly entered into by Philip as ruler of Flanders, not as King of - Castile; but its whole object obviously was to strengthen Philip in - Spain. - -Footnote 108: - - None of Ferdinand’s envoys were allowed to see Joan at Corunna, but - when the great Castilian nobles, Count Benavente and Marquis de - Villena, came to pay homage, Joan was seated by the side of her - husband, and the reception hall was thrown open to the public. This - was necessary in consequence of the jealousy of Castilians against - foreigners, and their insistence upon Joan’s sovereignty; but it was - the only occasion on which Philip openly associated her with his - government. - -Footnote 109: - - See the draft summons to nobles and gentry, kept ready for the - eventuality, reproduced by Rodriguez Villa, ‘Doña Juana la Loca.’ - -Footnote 110: - - Her grand-daughter, another Joan, sister of Philip II. and Princess of - Portugal, had also after her widowhood this curious fancy to keep her - face hidden. - -Footnote 111: - - The part played by Jimenez at this period has always been a puzzling - problem. He was apparently in the full confidence of Philip, but it is - impossible to believe that he was not really acting in concert with - Ferdinand at the time. He probably knew that one way or the other - Philip was bound to disappear very soon, and his presence at the - crisis would enable him, as it actually did, to keep firm hold upon - the government until Ferdinand returned. His anxiety to get the - custody of Joan seems to point to this also, as the person who held - the Queen was the master of the situation. - -Footnote 112: - - Estanques’ ‘Cronica’ in Documentos Ineditos, vol. viii. - -Footnote 113: - - Although, as was usual, Philip’s Italian physician vehemently denied - that there were any indications of poison on the remains, there can be - but little doubt that Philip was murdered by agents of Ferdinand. The - statement to that effect was freely and publicly made at the time, but - the authorities were always afraid to prosecute those who made them. - See ‘Calendar of Spanish State Papers,’ Supplement to Vol. i., p. - xxxvii. There were many persons who attributed Philip’s death, not to - Ferdinand, but to the Inquisition, which Philip had offended by - softening its rigour, and suspending the chief Inquisitors, Deza and - Lucero; but this is very improbable. - -Footnote 114: - - ‘Collection de Voyages des Souverains des Pays Bas,’ vol. i. It is - here stated that foreign officers of the household broke up all the - gold and silver plate they could lay hands on to turn into money, and - pay their way back to Flanders. - -Footnote 115: - - ‘Collection de Voyages des Souverains des Pays Bas.’ - -Footnote 116: - - On the very day that Philip died, an attempt was made by a faction of - nobles to obtain possession of the young Prince. The keeper of the - Castle of Simancas was on his guard, as he knew of the King’s illness, - and refused admittance to any but the two gentlemen who bore Philip’s - signed order for the child to be delivered to them. When the morrow - brought news of the King’s death, the Seneschal refused to obey the - order, and defied the forces sent to capture the fortress. - -Footnote 117: - - The monks at first flatly refused to have the corpse moved, and the - Bishop of Burgos reproved the Queen. Joan, however, fell into such a - fury, that they were forced to obey. - -Footnote 118: - - An interesting letter from Ferdinand’s secretary, Conchillos, who was - at Burgos, to Almazan, who accompanied Ferdinand in Italy (Royal - Academy of History, Salazar A 12, reproduced by Sr. Rodriguez Villa), - dated 23rd December, gives a vivid picture of the confusion and - scandal caused by this sudden caprice of the Queen. He says that - though they had all done their best to prevent any one speaking to her - but her father’s partisans, the Marquis of Villena, his opponent, is - the person she welcomes most. ‘With this last caprice of the Queen - there is no one, big or little, who any longer denies that she is out - of her mind, except Juan Lopez, who says that she is as sane as her - mother was, and lends her money for all this nonsense.’ - -Footnote 119: - - Jimenez also raised a force of one thousand picked soldiers under an - Italian commander to enable him to keep the upper hand. - -Footnote 120: - - Puebla to Ferdinand, Spanish Calendar, vol. i. 409. - -Footnote 121: - - Peter Martyr, Epistolæ. - -Footnote 122: - - Villena was against Ferdinand, though Joan liked him. She probably - meant that it was he who had inspired the protest. - -Footnote 123: - - The Castilian jealousy of Aragonese government, which was really at - the bottom of the adherence of the nobility to Philip, was not by any - means dead; and, but for the firmness of Jimenez and the diplomacy of - Ferdinand, it is quite probable that a league of nobles would have - seized Joan at this time and have governed in her name. Most of the - greater Castilian nobles appear to have made mutual protests against - the assumption of rule in Castile by Ferdinand; and in the archives of - the Duke of Frias there is one dated 19th June 1507, just before - Ferdinand landed at Valencia, and signed by the Marquis Pacheco, - solemnly repudiating Ferdinand as King, swearing to be loyal to Joan, - and attributing anything that he may subsequently do to the contrary - effect, to intimidation and force. As these protests were kept secret - the nobles made themselves safe either way. - -Footnote 124: - - The Marquis of Villena had just been brought to his side, and somewhat - later Juan Manuel was bribed to give up his fortresses, though he - himself retired to Flanders, for he would never trust Ferdinand. The - only great noble who continued to hold out was the Duke of Najera. - -Footnote 125: - - Copied by Rodriguez Villa. - -Footnote 126: - - It is in the immediate neighbourhood of Burgos, and one of the coldest - places in Spain. - -Footnote 127: - - And at a later period, when that danger was at an end, the fear of - scandal being caused in a court so slavishly Catholic by Joan’s - violent hatred of the religious services. - -Footnote 128: - - This strangely privileged corps has always had the duty to guard the - sovereigns of Castile personally inside their apartments. The men are - all drawn by right from the inhabitants of the town of Espinosa only. - -Footnote 129: - - Calendar, Spanish State Papers, Supplement to vol. i. All the - documents quoted in narrating this period of Joan’s life are from the - same source, and from the collection of the Royal Academy of History - (Rodriguez Villa). - -Footnote 130: - - By a long series of intrigues Chièvres had forced the hands of Jimenez - to have Charles and Joan proclaimed joint sovereigns even before the - arrival of the former. The Pope and the Emperor had been persuaded to - address Charles as Catholic King upon Ferdinand’s death; but in the - face of the discontent of the Castilian nobles it was necessary for - Charles at last to make all manner of promises as to his future - residence in Spain, respect for Spanish traditions, and avoidance of - using Spanish money for foreign purposes, as well as that to which - reference is made in the text with regard to Joan, before he could be - fully acknowledged. He broke most of his pledges at once, and so - precipitated the great rising of the _Comuneros_. See ‘Vie de - Chièvres’ by Varilla. - -Footnote 131: - - Denia told the rebels that he had appealed to the Queen for a - certificate of his dismissal, but what he really asked for was her - written order to stay. In reply, she told him to go about his business - and talk to her no more. He was, however, successful in getting a - letter from the young Infanta to the revolutionary Junta praying them - not to send the marchioness away, but it had no effect. The Infanta - got into sad disgrace with her brother for her alleged kindness and - sympathy with the rebels, but she spiritedly defended herself, and - appealed to this letter of hers in favour of the Denias as proof that - she did what she could in very difficult and dangerous circumstances. - (Letters from Simancas copied by Señor Rodriguez Villa.) - -Footnote 132: - - It was one of the principal allegations of the government, that, - although Joan never signed anything for the rebels, her verbal orders - were at once taken down in notarial form and acted upon as royal - decrees. - -Footnote 133: - - One of her demands was that all her women should be sent away, as they - were. Her hatred of her own sex was remarkable. - -Footnote 134: - - The Admiral of Castile and other nobles at the time endeavoured to - prevail upon Joan to take the direction of affairs under _their_ - guidance; but she refused just as obstinately to give her signature to - them as she had to the rebels. Denia writes to the Emperor that the - Admiral is very anxious to cure the Queen; but in no case will it be - allowed without the Emperor’s permission. ‘Besides, it would be - another resurrection of Lazarus.’ The bitterest complaints of Denia - and his methods were sent by the great nobles to Charles, whilst Denia - could say no good word for them. - -Footnote 135: - - Mr. Bergenroth translated ‘_hacerle premia_,’ ‘applying torture,’ and - it may be so translated. I prefer, however, the wider interpretation; - though, no doubt, Denia meant to recommend physical coercion. - -Footnote 136: - - The Emperor ordered her to be taken to Toro in 1527, but Denia was - afraid of forcing her to go. - -Footnote 137: - - Denia’s account of the interview with Borgia (confirmed by the latter) - is extremely curious. The priestly Duke said, as she would do nothing - else, she might recite the ‘General Confession,’ and he would absolve - her. ‘Can you absolve?’ she asked. ‘Yes!’ he replied, ‘with the - exception of certain cases.’ ‘Then,’ said the Queen, ‘you recite the - General Confession.’ This Borgia did, and asked her whether she said - the same. ‘Yes,’ she replied; and ‘she then permitted him to absolve - her.’ It will be seen that there was not much submission in this. Only - a day or so afterwards she appears to have flown into a terrible - passion because some new hangings and gold ornaments had been placed - on the corridor altar; and she refused to eat until they had been - removed, and the altar left plain as before. - -Footnote 138: - - For particulars of this portrait, hitherto unknown, see ‘Calendars of - Spanish State Papers,’ vol. viii., edited by Martin Hume. - -Footnote 139: - - Ambassades de Noailles, vol. ii. p. 99. - -Footnote 140: - - Antonio de Guaras to the Duke of Alburquerque. ‘Antonio de Guaras,’ by - Dr. R. Garnett. For particulars of this personage, Antonio de Guaras, - see ‘Españoles é Ingleses,’ por Martin Hume. Madrid y Londres, 1903. - -Footnote 141: - - Correspondance de Cardinal de Granvelle. - -Footnote 142: - - These were all councillors in the interest and pay of the Emperor, and - were pledged in any case to favour the match. - -Footnote 143: - - Record Office. Record Commission Transcripts, Brussels, vol. i. - -Footnote 144: - - Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary. Camden Society. - -Footnote 145: - - Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary. Camden Society. - -Footnote 146: - - On the 21st January 1554 the Emperor wrote to Philip sending him the - treaty for ratification, and asked him to send powers for the formal - betrothal, since the English insist that when, by the blessing of God, - the marriage takes place you shall take an oath to respect the laws - and privileges of England: ‘_but the Queen confidently assures us that - secretly everything shall be done to our liking, and we believe - this_.’ MSS. Simancas. Estado, 808. - -Footnote 147: - - ‘The Coming of Philip the Prudent’ in ‘The Year after the Armada,’ by - Martin Hume. - -Footnote 148: - - Renard to the Emperor, 27th March 1554. Record Commission Transcripts, - also printed by Tytler. - -Footnote 149: - - Full details of Philip’s voyage and arrival in England will be found - in ‘The Coming of Philip the Prudent’ in ‘The Year after the Armada,’ - by Martin Hume. - -Footnote 150: - - Renard to the Emperor, 9th June 1554, Brussels Transcripts, Record - Office. - -Footnote 151: - - ‘The Coming of Philip the Prudent,’ in ‘The Year After the Armada,’ by - Martin Hume. Philip himself brought 600 Andalusian jennets to improve - the English breed of horses. - -Footnote 152: - - Though the palace is a crumbling ruin, the door in the garden wall - remains. - -Footnote 153: - - This, I am aware, is contrary to the statements of most English - historians, and especially of Mr. Froude. The evidence in favour of my - view of the King’s attitude is stated in my essay called ‘The Coming - of Philip the Prudent,’ in ‘The Year After the Armada’ and other - historical essays. Mr. Froude and his predecessors depended too - implicitly upon the entirely untrustworthy and biassed accounts sent - by Noailles to France, and the similarly inimical Venetian agent’s - version. - -Footnote 154: - - ‘The Coming of Philip the Prudent.’ - -Footnote 155: - - Ruy Gomez wrote from Richmond, 24th August 1554, to Eraso. ‘The King - entertains the Queen excellently, and knows very well how to pass over - what is not good in her for the sensibility of the flesh. He keeps her - so contented that truly the other day, when they were alone together, - she almost made love to him, and he answered in the same fashion. As - for these gentlemen (_i.e._, the English councillors), his behaviour - towards them is such that they themselves confess that they have never - yet had a King in England who so soon won the hearts of all men.’ MSS. - Simancas Estado, 808. In November 1554 Gonzalo Perez wrote to Vasquez: - ‘The English are now so civil you would hardly believe it. The - kindness and gifts they have received, and are receiving every day, - from the King would soften the very stones. The Queen is a saint, and - I feel sure that God will help us for her sake.’—MSS. Simancas Estado, - 808. - -Footnote 156: - - Ambassades de Noailles, vol. iii. Leyden, 1763. - -Footnote 157: - - It had been announced and was generally believed that Mary was dead, - and the citizens were overjoyed to see her in an open litter with - Philip and Pole riding by her side. - -Footnote 158: - - Badoero to the Doge. Venetian State Papers. 15th December 1558. - -Footnote 159: - - Michaeli, the Venetian Envoy (‘Calendar of Venetian State Papers’), - mentions one extraordinary journey of a courier at this time from - Paris to London in twenty-five hours. - -Footnote 160: - - It is related by the Flemish envoy Courteville that on his way through - Canterbury he entered the Cathedral with his spurs on, against the - rule; and on being charged with this by a student, he paid the fine by - emptying his purse of gold in the student’s cap. - -Footnote 161: - - Feria to the King. MSS., ‘Simancas Estado,’ 811. - -Footnote 162: - - This English fleet was mainly instrumental in gaining for the Flemings - a great victory over the French under Termes in July 1558. - -Footnote 163: - - MSS., ‘Simancas Estado,’ 811. - -Footnote 164: - - MSS., ‘Simancas Estado,’ 811. - -Footnote 165: - - This account of Mary’s last hours is from the Life of Jane Dormer, - Duchess of Feria, by her confessor and secretary, Father Clifford. - -Footnote 166: - - A curious account of the splendid festival, which celebrated at the - same time the signature of the peace with England and Isabel’s - baptism, is given by the Spanish ambassador. (Spanish Calendar, vol. - viii., edited by Martin Hume.) - -Footnote 167: - - The Bishop of Limoges, writing to Cardinal Lorraine soon after the - betrothal (8th August 1559), says: ‘Never was a prince so delighted - with any creature as he (_i.e._, Philip) is with the Catholic Queen, - his wife. It is impossible to put his joy in a letter.’—L. Paris, - ‘Negociations sous François II.‘ - -Footnote 168: - - Miss Freer’s ‘Elizabeth de Valois,’ quoted from Godefroi. - -Footnote 169: - - ‘Documentos Ineditos,’ vol. iii. Philip to Francis II. from - Valladolid. - -Footnote 170: - - Bibliothèque Nationale, ‘Fonds François,’ No. 7237, where there is a - considerable collection of the poems of both mother and daughter - unprinted. Miss Frere quotes some of Catharine’s lines to Isabel, but - not the above. - -Footnote 171: - - ‘Documentos Ineditos,’ vol. iii. - -Footnote 172: - - The account of Isabel’s voyage and reception is drawn mainly from the - narratives of eyewitnesses in the correspondence published by M. L. - Paris in ‘Negociations sous François II.‘ - -Footnote 173: - - ‘Négociations sous François II.,’ p. 173. - -Footnote 174: - - Even more comforted, we are told, were the poor maids of honour, whose - own beds and baggage had gone astray. - -Footnote 175: - - Brantome, ‘Dames Illustres.’ - -Footnote 176: - - Brantome says he had this story from one of Isabel’s ladies in waiting - who was present. - -Footnote 177: - - _i.e._ Anne of Bourbon Montpensier. - -Footnote 178: - - ‘Negociations sous Francois II.,’ p. 706. - -Footnote 179: - - Brantome, ‘Dames Illustres.’ - -Footnote 180: - - ‘Negociations sous François II.‘ - -Footnote 181: - - _i.e._ Margaret of Valois, La Reine Margot, who afterwards married - Henry IV., the Bearnais on the evil day of St. Bartholomew, and was - subsequently put aside by him. - -Footnote 182: - - Particulars of these intrigues will be found in ‘The Love Affairs of - Mary Queen of Scots’ by Martin Hume. - -Footnote 183: - - She afterwards married Philip himself as his fourth wife. - -Footnote 184: - - Négociations sous François II. - -Footnote 185: - - _Ibid._ - -Footnote 186: - - Letter from the French ambassador in Spain to Catharine de’ Medici, - quoted in ‘Vie d’Elisabeth de Valois,’ par le Marquis du Prat. - -Footnote 187: - - Speaking of this illness Brantôme says quaintly, ‘Elle tomba malade en - telle extrémité qu’elle fut abandonnée des medecins. Sur quoy il y eut - un certain petit medecin Italien qui pourtant n’avoit grande vogue à - la cour, qui se presentant au roy, dit que, si on le vouloit laisser - faire, il la gueriroit, ce que le roy permit: aussi estoit elle morte. - Il entreprend et luy donne une medecine, qu’apres l’avoir prise on luy - vit tout a coup monter miraculeusement la couleur au visage et - reprendre son parler et puis après sa convalescence. Et cependant - toute la cour et tout le peuple d’Espagne rompaient les chemins de - processions, d’allées et venues qu’ils fasoient aux eglises et aux - hospitaux pour sa Santé, les uns en chemise les autres nuds pieds, - nues testes, offrans offrandes, prieres, oraisons et intercessions à - Dieu par jeusnes, macerations de corps et autres telles sainctes et - bonnes dévotions pour sa Santé.’ - - Brantôme arrived in Spain soon after her recovery, and vividly - describes the joy and gratitude of the people at her convalescence. He - saw her, he says, go out in her carriage for the first time after her - recovery to give thanks to the Virgin of Guadalupe, and asserts that - she looked more lovely than ever as she sat at the door of the - carriage for the people to see her. She was dressed in white satin - covered with silver trimming, her face being uncovered. ‘Mais je crois - que jamais rien ne fut veu si beau que cette reine, comme je pris - l’hardiesse de luy dire.’ (Dames Illustres.) - -Footnote 188: - - L’Aubépine to Catharine. ‘Bibliothèque Nationale,’ printed in an - appendix to Du Prat’s ‘Elizabeth de Valois.’ - -Footnote 189: - - Isabel to Catharine. Bibliothèque Nationale, No. 39, printed in the - appendix of Du Prat’s ‘Elizabeth de Valois.’ - -Footnote 190: - - Archives Nationales, Paris C. K., 1393, quoted in the Introduction of - the Spanish Calendar of Elizabeth, edited by Martin Hume. - -Footnote 191: - - Bibliothèque Nationale, Colbert, vol. 140. ‘Bref discours de l’arrivée - de la Reine d’Espagne à St. Jehan de Luz.’ - -Footnote 192: - - It is usually assumed (and amongst others by Father Florez in ‘Reinas - Catolicas’) that the massacre of St. Bartholomew seven years later - (1572) in Paris was arranged at this meeting. There is, however, no - proof that such was the case. Philip and the Spanish party, it is - true, were loud in their praises of this enormity, but much happened - between Bayonne and Bartholomew. - -Footnote 193: - - Isabel herself ascribed the blessing to her prayers to the body of St. - Eugène, which she had with great difficulty persuaded the French to - surrender to Spain. It was carried with great pomp from St. Denis to - Toledo, and Isabel was constant in her adoration of it. - -Footnote 194: - - French ambassador Fourquevault to Catharine, June 1567. Bibliothèque - Nationale, No. 220 (Du Prat). - -Footnote 195: - - _Ibid._, No. 8. - -Footnote 196: - - Fourquevault to Catharine, 3rd October 1568. Du Prat. - -Footnote 197: - - Fourquevault to Catharine, 3rd October 1568. Du Prat. - -Footnote 198: - - Father Florez tells of her that on one occasion she was brought to - death’s door by her loathing her food; and as all mundane remedies had - been tried in vain, the King sent for the blessed friar Orozco. The - friar told the Queen he had a remedy recommended by his grandmother - which would cure her if she would take it. The Queen consented, and - the friar cooked a partridge and bacon before her, reciting verses of - the Magnificat at each turn of the spit. When the dish was ready he - took it to the Queen and said, ‘Eat, my lady, in the name of God, for - the mere smell of this would make a dead man hungry.’ Needless to say, - Anna ate and was cured. - -Footnote 199: - - She was much beloved, especially in Madrid, and died in childbed at - the Escorial in 1611. - -Footnote 200: - - An interminable account of the splendours of the occasion, for which - the favourite Duke of Lerma was mainly responsible, will be found in - ‘Documentos Ineditos,’ lxi. - -Footnote 201: - - To show how uncertain were still the relations between the people of - the two countries, it may be mentioned that an eyewitness of the - ceremonies of the exchange, etc., mentions as a marvellous thing that - there was no fighting between Spaniards and Frenchmen. - -Footnote 202: - - The only portion of this building now standing is the ancient Gothic - church where King Alfonso and Queen Victoria Eugénie were recently - married. It stands close to the famous picture gallery in the Prado. - -Footnote 203: - - From an unpublished MS. in the British Museum. Add. 10,236. - -Footnote 204: - - From MSS. of Diego de Soto, de Aguilar Royal Academy of History, - Madrid, G. 32, and another in British Museum, Add. 10,236. - -Footnote 205: - - Father Florez and other ecclesiastical writers give many instances of - her liberality in contributing to pious works, and in Reinas Catolicas - there is an account of Isabel’s action at the time (in 1624), that a - ‘heretic had outraged the Most Holy Sacrament in this my convent of - St. Philip.’ In addition to the services of atonement for the outrage - in all the churches, ‘the royal family made such an atonement as never - was seen, as befitted an insult to the greatest of the mysteries. The - corridors of the palace were adorned with all the valuable and - beautiful possessions of the crown, and a separate altar was erected - in the name of each royal personage. That of the Queen attracted the - attention of all beholders for the taste it exhibited, and the immense - value of the jewels that adorned it belonging to her Majesty. The - value of these jewels was computed at three million and a half’ (of - reals). - -Footnote 206: - - ‘Voyage d’Espagne.’ Aersens van Sommerdyk, and many other visitors to - Spain at the time testify to this. See also ‘Relatione dell’ - Ambasciatore di Venetia.’ British Museum MSS., Add. 8,701. - -Footnote 207: - - Historia del Arte Dramatico en España (translated from the German of - A. F. Schack). - -Footnote 208: - - Howell’s ‘Familiar Letters.’ - -Footnote 209: - - The steps of the Church of St. Philip in the Calle Mayor was so called - _El Mentidero_. - -Footnote 210: - - Speech (published) by Don Eugenio Hartzenbusch to the Royal Academy of - History, Madrid, 1861, where the whole question is discussed. - -Footnote 211: - - The house now belonging to Count Oñate, just out of the Puerta del - Sol. - -Footnote 212: - - It is certain that Olivares urged Philip most fervently to attend to - business in the early years of his reign. See my chapter on Philip IV. - in ‘The Cambridge Modern History,’ vol. iv., for a letter on the - subject from Philip. - -Footnote 213: - - On the site of the present Teatro español in the Plaza de Sant Ana. - -Footnote 214: - - Philip had had a son by another lady high at Court three years before - this, in 1626, of whom an account from unpublished sources will be - found in ‘The Year after the Armada,’ etc., by Martin Hume. - -Footnote 215: - - From an unpublished contemporary account in Italian. B. M. Add. 8,703. - -Footnote 216: - - Ashburton Collection. - -Footnote 217: - - Soto de Aguilar, one of Philip’s gentlemen of the wardrobe, wrote an - interminable account of all the festivities of his time (MS. Royal - Academy of History. Copy in the writer’s possession), from which have - been derived many details. - -Footnote 218: - - The garden was that of Monterey, and with the two adjoining gardens, - which for this occasion were thrown into one, occupied the whole space - from the Calle de Alcala to the Carrera de San Geronimo, called the - Salon del Prado. - -Footnote 219: - - Amongst other trifles offered to the ladies at this feast were some of - the small jars (_bucaros_) made of fine scented white clay, which it - was at the time a feminine vice to eat. Madame D’Aulnoy gives a - curious account of the evil effects produced by this strange eatable. - She also mentions the curious craze in Madrid at the time amongst - people of fashion to throw eggshells filled with scent at each other - in the theatres, parties, and even whilst promenading in carriages. - Philip himself was much addicted to this pastime. - -Footnote 220: - - This was the garden on the corner of the Carrera de San Geronimo and - the Prado, now occupied by the Villahermosa palace and grounds. - -Footnote 221: - - Philip is represented as wearing such a collar in his portrait by - Velazquez at Dulwich College. - -Footnote 222: - - Although he confesses that when most of the great folks had retired, - and daylight lit up the scene of revelry, great numbers of people were - found hidden in the shrubberies. - -Footnote 223: - - On the spot where the Bank of Spain now stands, until a few years ago - the site of the palace and grounds of the Marquis of Alcañices. - -Footnote 224: - - Appendix to Mesonero Romanos’ ‘El Antiguo Madrid.’ An account of this - feast, though much less full, is also given in the newsletters of the - date published by Sr. Rodriguez Villa in ‘La Corte de España en 1636 y - 1637.’ - -Footnote 225: - - The policy and aims of Olivares are fully set forth in ‘Spain, Its - Greatness and Decay,’ Cambridge Historical Series, by Martin Hume. - -Footnote 226: - - Olivares was notoriously offensive to ladies. On one occasion when - Isabel gave an opinion on State affairs he told Philip that monks must - be kept for praying and women for child-bearing. - -Footnote 227: - - One hundred and fifty persons in Madrid alone were cast into dungeons - for not being liberal enough with their contributions on this - occasion. - -Footnote 228: - - Relatione dell’ Ambasciatore di Venetia (MS. British Museum, Add. - 8,701), and also an account attributed (doubtfully) to Quevedo, - printed in vol. iii. of the Semanario Erudito. - -Footnote 229: - - News letter of 11th October in Semanario Erudito, vol. xxxiii. - -Footnote 230: - - Matias de Novoa, ‘Memorias.’ He was one of Philip’s chamberlains. - -Footnote 231: - - Life of Sor Maria de Agreda, quoted by Father Florez. - -Footnote 232: - - Cartas de la Venerable Madre Sor Maria de Agreda, edited by F. - Silvela. For two years after Isabel’s death all comedies and - theatrical representations were forbidden at the instance of Sor - Maria, but in 1648 Philip consented to their resumption. - -Footnote 233: - - ‘Cartas de la Venerable Madre Sor Maria de Agreda y Felipe IV.’ Edited - by Silvela. - -Footnote 234: - - Marie Anne de Montpensier, the daughter of Gaston, Duke of Orleans (La - Grande Demoiselle), was suggested, but rejected at once as impossible, - both from the French and Spanish point of view! It would, indeed, have - further alienated, rather than have drawn together, the French regency - and Spain. - -Footnote 235: - - ‘Cartas de la Venerable Madre Sor Maria de Agreda y Felipe IV.‘ - -Footnote 236: - - The progress and events from day to day are related by Mascarenhas, - Bishop of Leyria, who accompanied the Queen, in ‘Viage de la - Serenisima Reina Doña Margarita de Austria.’ Madrid, 1650. - -Footnote 237: - - It has puzzled many inquirers why the marriages of the kings of Spain - should usually have taken place in poverty-stricken little villages - like Navalcarnero and Quintanapalla, where no adequate accommodation - existed, or could be created. The real reason appears to be that when - a royal marriage took place in a town the latter was freed for ever - after from paying tribute. The poorer the place, therefore, the - smaller the sacrifice of public revenue. - -Footnote 238: - - It is all described in Amador de los Rios Historia de Madrid, and the - prodigious sums spent are given. - -Footnote 239: - - Cartas de Sor Maria. - -Footnote 240: - - _Ibid._ - -Footnote 241: - - In course of time she married her cousin the Emperor Leopold. - -Footnote 242: - - ‘Reinas Catolicas.’ Florez. - -Footnote 243: - - Even thus early she began to introduce Austrian etiquette in her - receptions; such, for instance, as causing the ladies presented to her - to pass before her, in by one door and out by an opposite door (Avisos - de Barrionuevo). - -Footnote 244: - - Avisos de Barrionuevo, vol. ii. p. 303 (February 1656). - -Footnote 245: - - _Ibid._ vol. i. - -Footnote 246: - - Barrionuevo, vol. ii. - -Footnote 247: - - The comedy of San Gaetano had been represented at the special desire - of the Queen shortly before, not without some difficulty from the - Inquisition, and the crush to see it was so great that several people - were killed. - -Footnote 248: - - Barrionuevo, vol. ii. 308. - -Footnote 249: - - Cartas de la Venerable Sor Maria de Agreda. - -Footnote 250: - - Barrionuevo, vol. iii. 63. - -Footnote 251: - - One day (8th November 1657) she suddenly asked for some _Buñuelos_ - (hot fritters), and men were sent out hurrying to the Plaza where they - were sold. A great cauldron of 8 lbs. of them were brought smoking hot - covered with honey, and Mariana ate greedily of them, to her great - contentment. - -Footnote 252: - - Barrionuevo. - -Footnote 253: - - Cartas de la Venerable Sor Maria de Agreda. The King’s prayer came - true, for the child died at the age of four. - -Footnote 254: - - The extravagance of these rejoicings produced a remonstrance from the - nun to the King. ‘It is good and politic for your Majesty to receive - the congratulations of your subjects ... but I do beseech you - earnestly not to allow excessive sums to be spent on these festivities - when there is a lack of money needful even for the defence of your - crown. Let there be in them no offence to God.... It is good to - rejoice for the birth of the prince, but let us do it with a clear - conscience.’—_Cartas._ - -Footnote 255: - - Barrionuevo. A curious circumstance is related by the same journalist - as having taken place at the christening. The lady-in-waiting, as - usual, handed the child to the little Infanta Margaret, aged six, who - was the godmother; and the only clothing the babe wore was an - extremely short tunic, the lower limbs being entirely bare. The little - Infanta, shocked at what she considered disrespectful neglect, asked - angrily why the prince was not properly dressed; and had to be told - that it was done purposely in order that all might see that he was - really a male. - -Footnote 256: - - Barrionuevo relates (vol. iv. p. 166), that a saintly Franciscan - friar, upon being appealed to by Philip to pray for the health of his - child, replied that he would do so, but a better prayer still would be - for the King to give up his constant comedies and rejoicings and pray - to God himself. This was in June 1658; and the nun was for ever giving - to Philip the same advice. - -Footnote 257: - - ‘Recueil des Instructions données aux ambassadeurs de France en - Espagne,’ vol. i. (Morel Fatio.) - -Footnote 258: - - ‘Journal du Voyage d’Espagne.’ Paris, 1669. - -Footnote 259: - - Luis de Haro alone took a household of 200 persons, whilst the King’s - medical staff alone consisted of ten doctors and four barbers. - -Footnote 260: - - ‘Viage del Rey N. S. a la Frontera de Francia.’ Castillo. Madrid, - 1667. - -Footnote 261: - - The golilla, so characteristic of Philip’s reign, was a stiff - cardboard projecting collar, the under surface of which was covered - with cloth to match the doublet, and the upper surface lined with - light silk. - -Footnote 262: - - Palamino. Life of Velazquez. All the sumptuary decrees were suspended. - From this date the Spanish fashion in dress changed. - -Footnote 263: - - Cartas de Sor Maria. - -Footnote 264: - - Original Letters of Sir R. Fanshawe. January 1664. - -Footnote 265: - - An interesting account of this ceremony is given by Lady Fanshawe in - her Memoirs. - -Footnote 266: - - This was Mariana’s daughter, the Infanta Margaret, so well recollected - by Velazquez’s portraits of her. She was at this time thirteen years - old, and had just been betrothed to the Emperor Leopold, her cousin. - She was married two years later, and died in 1673, at the age of - twenty-two. - -Footnote 267: - - Memoirs of Lady Fanshawe. - -Footnote 268: - - It is related that when Philip was asked if the bodies of the saints - should be brought into his room he said, ‘No, they can intercede in my - favour just as well in the chapel as here.’ - -Footnote 269: - - As soon as Philip breathed his last the Marquis of Malpica, who was on - duty as principal gentleman-in-waiting and captain of the guard, went - to the outer guardroom, and said to the assembled officers: - ‘Companions, there is no more for us to do here. Go up and guard our - King, Charles II.’ Philip had died in one of the lower ground-floor - rooms of the palace. The above account is condensed from a - contemporary unpublished MS. journal of a courtier in the ‘Biblioteca - National,’ c. xxiv. 4. Lady Fanshawe also gives a very precise account - of the lying-in-state, varying in some few details from the MS. - narrative above referred to. - -Footnote 270: - - My diarist gives another instance of the heartless conduct of the - nobles after the King’s death. When the body was to be transferred to - the Escorial each of the chamberlains and officials insisted that it - was not his duty to make the formal surrender, or to help to carry the - corpse. The squabble was only ended by the Duke of Medina ordering his - cousin Montealegre, to do it. - -Footnote 271: - - Fanshawe died in Spain soon after his recall, Lord Sandwich replacing - him to conclude the treaty. See ‘Letters of Earl of Sandwich’ and - ‘Fanshawe’s Letters.’ London. - -Footnote 272: - - An extremely detailed account of the events that accompanied the feud - between Mariana and Don Juan will be found in a rare book called - ‘Relation of the Differences that happened in the Court of Spain.’ - London, 1678. - -Footnote 273: - - Montero de los Rios, ‘Historia de Madrid.’ - -Footnote 274: - - ‘Diario de los Sucesos de la Corte.’ MS. in the Royal Academy of - History, Madrid. - -Footnote 275: - - A full description of the condition of Spain at the period, drawn from - many contemporary sources, is given in ‘Spain, Its Greatness and - Decay,’ by Martin Hume (Cambridge University Press). - -Footnote 276: - - The nobles and leaders were all excommunicated, and not even the - King’s intercession could mollify the Pope until full reparation was - made at tremendous cost, and penance done in most humiliating fashion. - -Footnote 277: - - The contemptible instability of the King is seen in a conversation he - had with the prior of the Escorial the day after Valenzuela’s capture. - The prior had been formerly urged most earnestly by Charles to shelter - and defend the favourite, and a written warrant to that effect was - given. As no written order for his capture was exhibited the Prior - presented himself before the King to explain what had been done. - Before he could speak Charles giggled and said, ‘So they caught him!’ - ‘Yes, sire, they caught him,’ replied the prior. ‘And his wife too?’ - asked the King. ‘His wife is now in Madrid, sire, and I come now to - crave mercy and protection for both of them.’ ‘For his wife but not - for him,’ said Charles. ‘But surely your Majesty will not abandon your - unhappy minister in this sad strait.’ ‘You may take it from me,’ - replied Charles, ‘that a holy woman has had a revelation from God that - Valenzuela was to be captured at the Escorial.’ ‘A revelation of the - devil more likely,’ blurted out the disgusted prior. ‘And pray do not - think, sire, that I am interceding for Valenzuela for interests of my - own: I never got anything from him in the world but this benzoin - lozenge.’ With this Charles jumped back in a fright. ‘Put it away! put - it away!’ he cried. ‘Perhaps it is witchcraft or poison.’ - - (The narrative is from an MS. relation written by one of the monks at - the time, and now in the Escorial Library. Portions of it have been - quoted by Don Modesto Lafuente, ‘Historia de Espana,’ vol. xii.) - -Footnote 278: - - ‘Memoires touchans le mariage de Charles II. avec Marie Louise,’ from - which many of details related in the text concerning the marriage in - France and the journey to the frontier are taken. - -Footnote 279: - - On the return of the Duke of Pastrana to Spain after the marriage at - Fontainebleau, Marie Louise sent by him her first letter to her - husband. I have had the good fortune to come across this hitherto - unpublished letter in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid. It is badly - written, in a great smeared school hand, evidently copied from a - draft. I transcribe it here in full: ‘Monseigneur. Je ne puis laisser - partir le duc de Pastrana sans tesmoigner à votre Majesté l’impatience - que j’ai d’avoir l’honneur de la voir. Je suplie en mesme temps votre - Majesté d’estre bien persuadée du respect que j’ai pour elle et de - l’attachement inviolable avec lequel je serai toute ma vie, - Monseigneur, de votre Majesté la tres humble et tres observante, Marie - Louise.’ - -Footnote 280: - - They are described with the minuteness of a milliner’s bill in - ‘Descripcion de las circunstancias esenciales ... en la funcion de los - desposorios del Rey N. S. Don Carlos II.’ Madrid, 1679. - -Footnote 281: - - Mme. D’Aulnoy’s celebrated ‘Voyage D’Espagne’ is usually quoted - largely for local colour in the histories and romances of this period. - I am, however, of opinion that very little credit can be given to it, - so far as the authoress’s own adventures are concerned. I have grave - doubts indeed, whether Mme. D’Aulnoy went to Spain at all. Much of her - information is easily traceable to other books, and the rest, apart - from the love romances that occupy so many of her pages, may well have - been gathered from her cousin, who was married to a Spanish nobleman. - The cousin is represented as a friend of Don Juan, and the - conversation very likely did take place with her, as Mme. D’Aulnoy - represents, though perhaps the latter was not present. - -Footnote 282: - - ‘Voyage d’Espagne.’ La Haye, 1692. - -Footnote 283: - - When he consented to the return of some of Mariana’s friends to Court - he was told that Don Juan would object. ‘What does that matter?’ he - replied. ‘I wish it, and that is enough.’ - -Footnote 284: - - ‘Recueil des Instructions aux Ambassadeurs de France (Espagne).’ - Paris, 1894. - -Footnote 285: - - The leather or damask curtains of the coaches were usually kept closed - except by confessedly immodest women; but on such occasions as these, - they were sometimes opened to satisfy the crowd, who wished to welcome - royal persons. - -Footnote 286: - - ‘Descripcion de las circunstancias,’ etc. Madrid, 1679. - -Footnote 287: - - _Ibid._ - -Footnote 288: - - ‘Semanario Erudito,’ vol. ii., where a pamphlet of the period is - reproduced accusing her of complicity in the murder of her cousin, Don - Diego de Aragon. - -Footnote 289: - - The lively Mme. D’Aulnoy gives a description of a scene previous to - the departure of the young Queen’s household from Madrid. The ladies - had been privately mustered in the Retiro Gardens for the King to see - how they would look mounted when they entered the capital in state - with the Queen. ‘The young ladies of the palace were quite pretty, - but, good God! what figures the Duchess of Terranova and Doña Maria de - Aragon cut. They were both mounted on mules, all bristling and - clanking with silver, and with a great saddle cloth of black velvet, - like those used by physicians on their horses in Paris. They were both - dressed in widows’ weeds, which I have already described to you, both - very ugly and very old, with an air of severity and imperiousness, and - they wore great hats tied on by strings under their chins. There were - twenty gentlemen around them holding them up, for fear they should - fall, though they would never have allowed one to touch them thus - unless they had been in fear of breaking their necks.—‘Voyage - d’Espagne.’ The same authority says that the Duchess of Terranova - alone took with her on the journey, ‘six litters of different coloured - embroidered velvet, and forty mules caparisoned as richly as ever I - have seen.’ - -Footnote 290: - - ‘Letters de Mme. de Villars.’ Paris, 1823. - -Footnote 291: - - Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, MSS. C., 1–5, transcribed by the present - writer. - -Footnote 292: - - ‘Mémoires de la Cour d’Espagne,’ par M. de Villars. - -Footnote 293: - - ‘Mémoires.’ Villars. - -Footnote 294: - - Lettres de Mme. Villars. - -Footnote 295: - - Mme. D’Aulnoy thus describes the King’s appearance at this first - interview with his bride: ‘I have heard that the Queen was extremely - surprised at his appearance. He had a very short, wide jacket (_just - au corps_) of grey barracan; his breeches were of velvet, and his - stockings of very loose spun silk. He wore a very beautiful cravat - which the Queen had sent him, but it was fastened rather too loosely. - His hair was put behind his ears, and he wore a light grey - hat.’—‘Voyage d’Espagne.’ La Haye, 1692. - -Footnote 296: - - A note on a previous page explains the reason why these small villages - were chosen for the marriage ceremonies of the Kings of Spain. - -Footnote 297: - - ‘Mémoires.’ Villars. - -Footnote 298: - - It will be seen that the sprightly letter-writer indulges here in an - untranslatable pun. The carriage was without glass = glace, and she - hoped the occupants would be without ice = glace. - -Footnote 299: - - Writing of this period, Mme. D’Aulnoy, who professes to have been in - Madrid at the time, says that the Marchioness de la Fuente told her - that: ‘the Queen had been much upset at the roughness of the Mistress - of the Robes, who, seeing that her Majesty’s hair did not lie flat on - the forehead, spat into her hand and approached for the purpose of - sticking the straying lock down with saliva. The Queen resented this - warmly, and rubbed hard with her pocket handkerchief upon the spot - where this old woman had so dirtily wetted her forehead.... It is - really quite pitiable the way this old Mistress of the Robes treats - the Queen. I know for a fact that she will not allow her to have a - single hair curled, and forbids her to go near a window or speak to a - soul.’—‘Voyage d’Espagne.’ - -Footnote 300: - - It was a hooped skirt of peculiar shape, fashionable in Spain, called - a _guardainfante_, of which a specimen may be seen in the portrait of - Mariana in the present volume. - -Footnote 301: - - ‘Lettre de Mme. Villars à Mme. Coulange,’ 15th December 1679. - -Footnote 302: - - Nouvelle relation de la magnifique et royale entrée ... à Madrid par - Marie Louise,’ etc. Paris, 1680. - -Footnote 303: - - ‘Mémoires de la Cour d’Espagne.’ Villars. - -Footnote 304: - - Lettres de Mme. Villars à Mme. Coulange. - -Footnote 305: - - ‘Voyage d’Espagne,’ Mme. D’Aulnoy. For the amount of credit to be - given to Mme. D’Aulnoy, see note on a previous page. - -Footnote 306: - - _Gabacho_ is an opprobrious term applied to Frenchmen in Spain. - -Footnote 307: - - ‘Mémoires de la Cour d’Espagne.’ Villars. - -Footnote 308: - - Mme. D’Aulnoy in her own Mémoires tells a curious though doubtful - story of these perroquets of which Marie Louise was so fond. They had - been brought from Paris, and the few sentences they had been taught - were in French, so that the Duchess of Terranova thought herself - justified in having them killed. When the Queen asked for them and - learnt their fate she said nothing: but when next the Mistress of the - Robes came to kiss her hand Marie Louise gave her two good sound slaps - on the face instead. When the indignant Duchess with all her followers - went in a rage to demand redress of the King, Marie Louise excused - herself by saying that she gave the slaps overcome by the irresistible - influence of a pregnant woman. This flattered the King and she was - absolved. - -Footnote 309: - - ‘Mémoires de la Cour d’Espagne.’ Villars. - -Footnote 310: - - ‘Mémoires de la Cour d’Espagne.’ Villars. Even so, she was not allowed - to mount her horses from the ground, but had to be driven in her coach - to the place and mount the horse from the step of the carriage. One of - her horses being very high spirited resented on one occasion this - strange performance, and the Queen was thrown to the ground, much to - her husband’s alarm. No one, it appears, dared to touch the Queen, - even to raise her from the ground, until Charles had sufficiently - recovered from the shock to do so himself. (Mme. D’Aulnoy.) - -Footnote 311: - - ‘Mémoires.’ Villars. - -Footnote 312: - - ‘Mémoires de la Cour d’Espagne.’ Villars. - -Footnote 313: - - ‘Recueil des Instructions aux ambassadeurs de France.’ Paris, 1894. - -Footnote 314: - - In January 1685 the Duke of Montalto in Madrid wrote to Pedro - Ronquillo, the ambassador in London. ‘The King attends to nothing but - his hunting pastimes, and the Queen in tiring horses, as if she were a - skilled horse-breaker. That is a pretty way to become pregnant! In - short, my dear sir, it is quite clear that God determines to punish us - on every side.’ Writing again, a month later (28th February), the same - correspondent, after vilifying the Medina Celi government, says: - ‘Neither the things in the palace or anywhere else here improve. It - looks, on the contrary, as if the devil himself had taken them in - hand. Medina Celi is very placid over it, and cares only for himself; - the King has been wolf-hunting for a week thirty miles off, and there - would be no harm in that if he would only despatch business. As for - the Queen, Medina Celi positively encourages her in her pranks so as - to be able to hold on to office by her. He does not care so long as - others have to pay.’ Both the correspondents, it is needless to say, - belonged to Mariana’s party. ‘Doc. Ined.,’ lxxix. - -Footnote 315: - - There was a document found in Marie Louise’s cabinet after her death, - which purported to be a political guide, written to her at this period - by Louis XIV. In this cynical document the Queen is advised how to - gain advantage from the King’s weakness and ineptitude, and how to - obtain control of him. She is to maintain an attitude between - complaint and friendship with the Queen-Mother, but to be very wary - with regard to her: she is advised to maintain Oropesa in the - ministry, but not to trust him, or to allow him more power than he - had. She is to continue to introduce French fashions, manners, etc., - in the palace; and advice is given her as to how she should treat all - the principal nobles. The manuscript concludes: ‘Withdraw this paper - into your most secret keeping. Live for yourself and for your beloved - France. In Spain they do not love you, as you know, and they do not - fear you either, for faint hearts easily conceive suspicions, and - strength is not needed to commit a cruelty.’ The original document is - in the Bibliotéca Nacional, Madrid (H. II), and there is a Spanish - translation of it in MSS. Add. 15,193, British Museum. The document - has usually been assumed to be authentic, but I am rather inclined to - regard it as one of the many means employed to blacken the French - cause after Marie Louise’s death. - -Footnote 316: - - To the French ambassador who was in Spain in 1688, the Count de - Rebenac, she gave the most intimate detailed reasons for her lack of - issue connected with the constitution of the King. Rebenac repeated - these confidences in his letters to Louis. - -Footnote 317: - - Mme. Quantin was a widow. It has been explained that all the ladies in - the palace had to be maids or widows. - -Footnote 318: - - ‘Doc. Ined.,’ lxxix. - -Footnote 319: - - ‘Doc. Ined.,’ lxxix. - -Footnote 320: - - _Ibid._ - -Footnote 321: - - MSS. of Father Léonard in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris. Quoted by - Morel Fatio in ‘Mémoires de la Cour d’Espagne.’ - -Footnote 322: - - This was Susanne Duperroy, to whom Marie Louise left 3,000 doubloons - in her will. Mme. Quantin herself received a legacy of 4,000 from the - Queen. - -Footnote 323: - - ‘Doc. Ined.,’ lxxix. - -Footnote 324: - - The letter is in the Archives of the Ministère des Affaires - Étrangères, Paris, vol. 71. It has been transcribed by M. Morel Fatio. - -Footnote 325: - - ‘Recueil des Instructions aux Ambassadeurs Français,’ Paris, 1894, and - ‘Correspondance de Rebenac, Archives du Ministère des Affaires - Etrangères.’ - -Footnote 326: - - The tragic end of the Queen so distressed the French ambassador - Rebenac that for a time he lost his reason after attending the funeral - ceremony. In his subsequent correspondence with the King of France he - made no secret of his belief that she had been murdered. The Duchess - of Orleans, the Queen’s stepmother, thus refers to Rebenac’s - statements in her correspondence: ‘Rebenac’s feelings have done no - wrong to our young Queen of Spain. It is the sharp-nosed Count of - Mansfeldt who poisoned her.’ De Torcy, in his ‘Mémoires,’ says: ‘The - Count of Mansfeldt and Count Oropesa are both suspected of having been - the authors of Marie Louise’s death, and take little care to exonerate - themselves. The Marquis de Louville, in his ‘Mémoires,’ also - distinctly states that the Queen was poisoned, and several other - contemporary French authorities are no less certain. - -Footnote 327: - - The jewels taken by Count Benavente from Charles was valued at 180,000 - crowns, and Mariana’s gift to her daughter-in-law 30,000. - -Footnote 328: - - Stanhope Correspondence in Lord Mahon’s ‘Spain under Charles II.‘ - -Footnote 329: - - ‘Reinas Catolicas,’ Father Florez. - -Footnote 330: - - Stanhope Correspondence. - -Footnote 331: - - ‘Modesto Lafuente Historia de España.’ - -Footnote 332: - - Stanhope Correspondence. - -Footnote 333: - - Stanhope says: ‘Our new junta, which raised so great expectations, at - first, is now grown almost a jest; especially since, at the time they - took away all pensions from poor widows and orphans, the Duke of - Osuna, one of the richest men in Spain, procured himself a pension of - 6000 crowns a year for life, by intercession of the confessor.’ - -Footnote 334: - - ‘Recueil des Instructions,’ etc. - -Footnote 335: - - Stanhope Correspondence, 3rd May 1696. - -Footnote 336: - - Stanhope reports, ‘There is now great noise of a miracle done by a - piece of a waistcoat she died in, on an old lame nun, who, in great - faith, earnestly desired it, and no sooner applied it to her lips, but - she was perfectly well and threw away her crutches. This, with some - other stories that will not be wanting, may in time grow up to a - canonisation.’ Correspondence in ‘Spain under Charles II.‘ - -Footnote 337: - - His recovery from this attack was attributed to the body of St. Diego, - which was brought to his bed; and when the King got better, amidst the - great rejoicings and bullfights to celebrate the miracle, Charles and - his wife spent some days at Alcalá worshipping the grim - relic.—_Stanhope._ - -Footnote 338: - - Stanhope Correspondence.—_Mahon._ - -Footnote 339: - - The Admiral of Castile, who was the Queen’s most ostentatious - champion, though she often quarrelled with him, was really betraying - her all the time (‘Recueil des Instructions’). - -Footnote 340: - - The account here given is taken mainly from a contemporary MS., - written by an officer of the Inquisition and an adherent of - Portocarrero, in the British Museum, Add. 10,241: and from another - account printed in Madrid, 1787. - -Footnote 341: - - ‘Stanhope Correspondence,’ _Mahon_, 11th June 1698. - -Footnote 342: - - Every detail of the correspondence will be found in the MSS. already - referred to, and, in English, in ‘The Exorcism of Charles the - Bewitched,’ in ‘The Year after the Armada,’ etc., by the present - writer. - -Footnote 343: - - MSS. account already referred to. British Museum MSS., Add. 10,241. - -Footnote 344: - - This struggle, which cannot be described here, is fully narrated in - ‘The Exorcism of Charles the Bewitched’ (‘Year After the Armada’), by - Martin Hume. - -Footnote 345: - - Stanhope Correspondence.—_Mahon._ - -Footnote 346: - - Stanhope Correspondence.—_Mahon._ - -Footnote 347: - - There is no doubt whatever that the French claim through Maria Theresa - and Anna of Austria, Queens of France, was the legitimate one, and - that the Emperor had no valid right by Spanish law. - - - Printed by T. and A. CONSTABLE, Printers to His Majesty at the Edinburgh - University Press. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES - - - 1. P. 171, changed “1906” to “1506”. - 2. P. 353, changed “1543” to “1643”. - 3. P. 433, changed “amoreux” to “amoureux”. - 4. P. 448, changed “1580” to “1680”. - 5. Silently corrected typographical errors and variations in spelling. - 6. Archaic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings retained as printed. - 7. Footnotes were re-indexed using numbers and collected together at - the end of the last chapter. - 8. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_. - 9. Superscripts are denoted by a caret before a single superscript - character or a series of superscripted characters enclosed in - curly braces, e.g. M^r. or M^{ister}. - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK QUEENS OF OLD SPAIN *** - -***** This file should be named 63831-0.txt or 63831-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/6/3/8/3/63831/ - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. 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} - </style> - </head> - <body> -<pre style='margin-bottom:6em;'>The Project Gutenberg EBook of Queens of old Spain, by Martin Andrew Sharp -Hume - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this ebook. - -Title: Queens of old Spain - -Author: Martin Andrew Sharp Hume - -Release Date: November 21, 2020 [EBook #63831] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -Produced by: Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed Proofreading - Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from - images generously made available by The Internet Archive) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK QUEENS OF OLD SPAIN *** -</pre> -<div class='tnotes covernote'> - -<p class='c000'><b>Transcriber’s Note:</b></p> - -<p class='c000'>The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.</p> - -</div> - -<div class='section ph1'> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c001'> - <div>QUEENS OF OLD SPAIN</div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div id='Frontispiece' class='figcenter id001'> -<img src='images/i_frontis.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic001'> -<p>MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF ENGLAND AND SPAIN.<br /><br /><em>After a Painting by Sir Antonio More.</em></p> -</div> -</div> - -<div class='titlepage'> - -<div> - <h1 class='c002'>Queens<br /> <span class='large'>of</span><br /> Old Spain</h1> -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c003'> - <div>BY</div> - <div class='c004'><span class='xlarge'>MARTIN HUME</span></div> - <div class='c004'><span class='small'>EDITOR OF THE CALENDARS OF SPANISH STATE PAPERS LECTURER IN SPANISH HISTORY AND LITERATURE PEMBROKE COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE</span></div> - <div class='c003'>ILLUSTRATED</div> - <div class='c003'><span class='large'>LONDON</span></div> - <div><span class='large'>GRANT RICHARDS LTD.</span></div> - <div><span class='large'>PUBLISHERS</span></div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class='lg-container-b'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><em>Published October 1906</em></div> - <div class='line'><em>Re-issued July 1911</em></div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_v'>v</span> - <h2 class='c005'>TO THE SEVERE BUT HONEST PUBLIC</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c006'>The books left by a man whose every thought was -about books, are even more himself than were his -actions during life. In fact, at times, I think it is -the case with all who write; for, after all, what a -man writes is really far more important than anything -he does.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Most of us in wandering through a churchyard -where we come upon a friend’s name, on a tombstone, -feel a spirit of revolt. It is no good to tell -us death is as natural as life. We all know that, and -still feel that in some strange way we have been -defrauded by the death of a dear friend. Nothing -is more unjust than is a natural cause.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Even the Greeks, with all their joyousness, must -have felt this when they invented Nemesis.</p> - -<p class='c007'>We Caledonians, who took our faith from Hippo -(nane o’ yer Peters, gie me Paul), perhaps stand up -against the stabs of Fate better than those nurtured -in the most damnable doctrine of freewill. Once -allow it, and life becomes a drunken whirligig on -which sit grave and reverend citizens playing on -penny whistles, all attired in black.</p> - -<p class='c007'>If though the name upon the tombstone strikes a -chill to the heart, half of regret and half of fear—for -what, when all is said and done, is your <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">memento -mori</span></i> but blue funk?—when we pick up a dead friend’s -book upon a stall, published at twelve-and-sixpence -and ticketed a penny, we must reflect—that is, the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_vi'>vi</span>most of us—that to that favour we shall come, and -all the pages, that cost us so much thought in the -writing, to be tied together with a piece of string -and sold with the base trash of Smith and Jones and -Brown, fellows who had no style, nor knew the difference -betwixt invention and imagination, humour -or wit, and did not know a colophon from an illuminated -capital, and sold all in a lot.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Therefore I am glad that this edition of one of -Hume’s best works is coming out, and I who saw -him laid to rest in the dry, marly earth of that drear -East End cemetery only a year ago—or was it ten, -for when a man is dead time ceases for him and for -ourselves in thinking of him—am writing these few -lines to do my best to keep his memory green.</p> - -<p class='c007'>His ‘Queens of Spain’ was one of the books that -he liked best.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Some say an author always likes his weakest book, -but, even if he does, what does it matter? A mother -not infrequently adores the least desirable of all her -sons, but the world judges him; and she who bore -him has to submit to all its judgments of her well-beloved, -just as the author has to bow the head to -what it says about his books.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Hume was a man who valued what the public said -about his work. I used to fancy him, as a good -gladiator, some Roman citizen who for his debts, or -some cause or another, was forced to live by push -of sword, and took it up in the same spirit in which -my friend took up the pen, and set about to write.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Such a man, I fancy, fighting of course like Tybalt, -by the book of arithmetic, would feel a pride in -dying well. Just as he fell, despatched by some rude -Dacian who in his life had never come within the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_vii'>vii</span>walls of any fencing school, he would wrap his mantle -round him decently, and murmur: ‘<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Civis Romanus -sum</span>,’ as he lay dying in the dust.</p> - -<p class='c007'>These kind of men are never vanquished. Even -if they die, their death serves as an example to the -world, and makes boys miserable at school who have -to put it into Greek hexameters.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Hume was of these good gladiators and passed -laborious days. How many reams of paper he must -have filled; how many miles of writing he must have -traced in his hard-working life, only himself could -have been sure of, and perhaps not he, for who shall -say if a silkworm measures the length of silk that -comes from the cocoon.</p> - -<p class='c007'>When in a music hall I see a man do something -easily which seems impossible, I always think upon -the hours he must have passed—missing, remissing, -perspiring, cursing, and at last see him successful, -and then no matter how respectable my neighbours -in the stalls appear, or tight my gloves are, clap with -a will. Noise, after all, is the reward, perhaps the -sole reward, that we accord success.</p> - -<p class='c007'>A modest modicum was all Hume had to show for -a self-denying life spent—that is to say, for the last -twenty years of it—in burrowing in archives and -writing ceaselessly upon the facts he found.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Most certainly he lived the simple life. Up early -in the morning, he used to begin writing just as a -mill horse turns round in a mill. Three or four -thousand lines by tea-time, and then perhaps he -would review a book. Then twice a week (no more) -he used to walk down to the club, dine simply, and -sit reading till it was time to walk back home, to -sleep and rise again to work.</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_viii'>viii</span>With almost lightning speed he wrote, so that, -when once he had his facts, nothing remained but -the material labour of the pen.</p> - -<p class='c007'>‘Martin fa presto’ I used to call him, and certainly, -considering how much he wrote, the level he maintained -was high; not perhaps in the vein of Hallam -or of Robertson, but then in history there are many -bypaths, and along them he strayed. Sometimes a -ramble in a country lane is better than a tramp upon -the Great North Road.</p> - -<p class='c007'>I like to fancy that in the Record Office, at -Simancas, Brussels, and in the Archives of the -Indies (that great red pile, in Seville), there are some -old librarians who remember him, and talk about -his work. I hear them say, at Seville or Simancas, -‘There was an Englishman who used to come here, -one who spoke Christian. He used to sit and write, -and knew the documents better than we ourselves’ -(which was not difficult). ‘I tell you that that -Englishman was like a devil at his work.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>If they exist, and Hume could hear of them, I -am certain he would smile in his grave way and -say: ‘Ah, yes; old Don Saturino Lopez, or Don -Eustaquio Perez,’ as the case might be, ‘I well -remember him. He never knew where to find anything; -he came from Coria, I think.’</p> - -<div class='lg-container-r'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>R. B. CUNNINGHAME GRAHAM.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_ix'>ix</span> - <h2 class='c005'>INTRODUCTION</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c006'>In a previous volume I have remarked upon the -extremely small political significance of most of the -Queens Consort of England, although socially the -country has become what it is mainly through feminine -influence. In Spain the exact reverse has happened, -and in no Christian country has the power of women -been less formative of the life and character of the -nation, whilst, largely owing to personal and circumstantial -accident, the share of ladies in deciding the -political destinies of the country from the throne has -been more conspicuous than in other European -monarchies. The oriental traditions dominant in -Spain for centuries tended to make wives the humble -satellites rather than the equal companions of their -husbands; and the inflated gallantry, before marriage -at least, that sprang from the chivalrous obsession -grafted upon mixed feudal and Islamic ideals, affected to -exclude woman from the harder facts of existence, and -from the practical problems that occupied the minds -of men. But whilst these traditions limited the power -of Spanish women generally, they were insufficient -to counteract the extraordinary political influence of a -series of remarkable feminine personalities who, mainly -owing to feebleness and ineptitude of consorts, or to -long minorities of sons, have on occasion during the -course of four centuries practically wielded the sceptres -of Spain. It is true that queens regnant in England -as well as in Spain have usually, and quite naturally, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_x'>x</span>been powerful political factors, but in most instances -they necessarily differed but little, either in aims or -methods, from male sovereigns. The difference -between the queens of the two countries is most -remarkable in the case of queens consort, who in -Spain have, either as wives or widowed regents, influenced -government to an extent quite unparalleled in -England. Apart from the accident of forceful personal -character, or other influential qualities possessed by -some of these ladies, the reason for their importance -must be sought in the fact that most of them represented -great dynastic interests or national alliances, -and were supported by powerful parties in Spain or -abroad. In order that their lives should be properly -understood, it will be necessary to keep in view contemporary -events in other parts of Europe which more -or less concerned them; and to relate the history of all -the Queens of Spain upon such a plan would exceed -the capacity of a single volume and the patience of the -ordinary reader. It is proposed, therefore, to select for -treatment only the lives of some of the Queens of Spain -who, for their greatness, their political significance, their -attractions, or their misfortunes, stand forth most prominently -in the romantic history of their country. The -temptation is great to dwell upon certain of the earlier -Queens of the small kingdoms which constituted Spain -before the union of the crowns: to tell the heroic story of -the great Berengaria, the mother of St. Ferdinand, and -those of Queen Maria de Molina and Blanche of Bourbon; -to recount the matrimonial vagaries of Peter the Cruel, -and dwell upon Catharine of Lancaster, whose marriage -with the heir of Castile closed the war of succession to -the Castilian crowns waged by her father John of Gaunt. -She, especially, stands forth with almost photographic -<span class='pageno' id='Page_xi'>xi</span>precision in the pages of the genius who penned the -chronicles of her time. Gigantic in size she seemed to -the more diminutive Spaniard: florid, fat, and fair; a -vast eater and drinker, whose valiant prowess at the -festal board astounded the abstemious people amongst -whom she lived; strong and masculine, but idle, and -careless of the feminine arts by which woman’s attraction -is increased; ruled by her favourites, but withal a -good woman and a good Queen, who governed Spain -honestly for ten years, during the minority of her weak -son, John <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Castile.</p> - -<p class='c007'>But, interesting as some of these earlier personages -are, they cannot rightly be called Queens of Spain; -and the first of all Spanish Queens, the great Isabel of -Castile and Aragon, may fittingly begin the volume, -which will contain the stories of other ladies perhaps -more loveable, more feminine, more sympathetic, but -none so splendidly steadfast, so noble of aim, or so -strong as she. Her function in the world, aided by -her husband, was to crush the rieving nobles, and -bring unity to Spain by religious exaltation. The end -endowed her country with transient greatness and -febrile force, whilst the methods by which it was -attained doomed the nation she loved so well to a long -agony of decay, and ultimate exhaustion. The problems -facing Spanish rulers thenceforward were no -longer centred upon the development of the country -as a prosperous Christian land, or even upon the maintenance -of the Mediterranean as a Christian sea. The -policy of the ‘Catholic Kings’ plunged Spain into the -vortex of mid-European politics at the critical period of -the world’s history, when new lines of demarcation -were being scored by religious schism across the -ancient boundaries: when deep, unbridgable crevasses -<span class='pageno' id='Page_xii'>xii</span>were being split between peoples hitherto bound -together by common interests and traditional friendship. -At this crucial time, when the centre of all -earthly authority was boldly challenged, Spain was -pledged by Isabel and Ferdinand to a course which -thenceforward made her the champion of an impossible -religious unity, and squandered for centuries the blood -and treasure of her people in the fruitless struggle to -fix enduring fetters upon the thoughts and souls of -men. Myriads of martyrs shed their blood to cement -the solid Spain that might serve as an instrument for -such gigantic ends; and the ecstatic Queen, though -gentle and pitiful at heart, yet had no pity for the -victims, as her clear eyes pierced the reek of sacrifice, -and saw beyond it the shining glory of her goal. To -her and to her descendant kings the end they aimed at -justified all things done in its attainment, and the touch -of mystic madness that in the great Queen was allied -to exalted genius, grew in those of her blood who -followed her to the besotted obsession that blinded them -to the nature and extent of the forces against them, and -led them down at last to babbling idiocy, and their -country to impotent decay. The pale figure of Joan -the distraught flits across our page, and forces to our -consideration once more the awful problem of whether -she was the victim of a hellish conspiracy on the part -of those who should have loved her best, or a woman -afflicted by the hand of God; whether her lifelong -martyrdom was the punishment of heresy or the need -of her infirmity. Pathetic Mary Tudor, Queen Consort -of Spain, demands notice because her marriage -with Philip <span class='fss'>II.</span> marked the vital need of Spain, at any -cost, to hold by the traditional alliance with England -amidst the shifting sands of religious revolt which were to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_xiii'>xiii</span>overwhelm and transform Europe; whilst, later, the desperate -attempt of Philip to form a new group of powers -which should enable Spain to dispense with unorthodox -England, is personified in the sweet and noble figure -of his third wife, Isabel of Valois, upon whose life-story, -poignant enough in its bare reality, romancers have -embroidered so many strange adornments. The Austrian -princesses, who in turn became consorts of the -Catholic Kings, all represent the unhappy persistence -of the rulers of Spain in clinging to the splendid but unrealisable -dream bequeathed by their great ancestor -the Emperor to his suffering realm; that of perpetuating -Spanish hegemony over Europe by means of -compulsory uniformity of creed, dictated from Rome -and enforced from Madrid. And in the intervals of -discouragement and disillusionment at the impotence -of Habsburg Emperors to secure such uniformity even -within the bounds of the empire itself, and the patent impossibility -for Spain alone to cope with the giant task, -we see the turning of kings and ministers in temporary -despair towards the secular enemy of the house of -Austria, and Spain in search of French brides who -might bring Catholic support to the Catholic champion. -When, at last, exhausted Spain could deceive herself -no longer, and was fain to acknowledge that she had -been beaten in her attempt to hold the rising tide and -deny to men the God-given right of unfettered thought, -the matrimonial alliances of her Kings, whilst ceasing -to be instruments for the realisation of the vision of -her prime, still obeyed the traditionary policies which -drew Spain alternately to the side of France or Austria. -But the end of such efforts now was not to serve -Spanish objects, wise or otherwise, but to snatch advantage -for the rival birds of prey who were hovering -<span class='pageno' id='Page_xiv'>xiv</span>over the body of a great nation in the throes of dissolution, -ravening for a share of her substance when -the hour of death should strike. Sordid and pathetic -as the story of these intrigues may be in their political -aspect, the personal share in them of the Queens -Consort themselves, their methods, their triumphs and -their failures, are often fraught with intense interest to -the student of manners. The life of the unscrupulous -Mariana of Austria, who in the interests of her house -held Spain so long in the name of her imbecile son, -and in her turn was outwitted by Don Juan and the -French interest, presents us with a picture of the times -so intimate, thanks to the plentiful material left behind -by a self-conscious age, as to introduce us into the -innermost secrets of the intrigues to an extent that -contemporaries would have thought impossible. And -again the sad, but very human, story of the young -half-English Princess, bright and light-hearted, torn -from brilliant Paris to serve French interests, as the -wife of Mariana’s half-witted son Charles <span class='fss'>II.</span>, only to -beat herself to death against the bars of her gloomy -golden cage and break her heart to old Mariana’s undisguised -joy, throws a flood of lurid light upon Spanish -society in its decadence, and proves the baseness to -which human ambition will stoop. More repugnant -is the career of poor Marie Louise’s German successor -as the Consort of the miserable Charles the Bewitched -in his last years, and the tale of the extraordinary series -of plots woven by the rival parties around the lingering -deathbed of the King, whom they worried and frightened -into his grave, a senile dotard at forty. Only -briefly dealt with here are the Queens of the Bourbon -renascence, stout little Marie Louise of Savoy, and -the forceful termagant Isabel Farnese, who, chosen to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_xv'>xv</span>serve as a humble instrument of others, at once seized -whip and reins herself, and drove Spain as she listed -during a long life of struggle for the aggrandisement of -her sons, in which Europe was kept at strife for years -by the ambition of one woman.</p> - -<p class='c007'>These and other Queens Consort will pass before us -in the following pages, some of them good, a few bad, -and most of them unhappy. There is no desire to -dwell especially upon the sad and gloomy features of -their history, or to represent them all as victims; but -it must not be forgotten, in condonation of the shortcomings -of some of them, that they were sent from -their own homes, kin, and country, often mere children, -to a distant foreign court, where the traditional etiquette -was appallingly austere and repellent; sacrificed in -loveless marriage to men whom they had never seen; -treated as emotionless pawns in the game of politics -played by crafty brains. No wonder, then, that girlish -spirits should be crushed, that young hearts should -break in despair, or, as an alternative, should cast to -the winds all considerations of honour, duty, and -dignity, and seek enjoyment before extinction came. -Some of them passed through the fiery ordeal triumphant, -and stand forth clear and shining. Great Isabel -herself, another more colourless Isabel, the Emperor’s -wife, a third, Isabel of the Peace, most beloved of -Spanish Queens, and Anne her successor, as solemn -Philip’s wife. Of these no word of reproach may -justly be said, nor of Margaret, the Austrian consort -of Philip <span class='fss'>III.</span>, nor of the spirited Isabel of Bourbon, -daughter of the gay and gallant Béarnais, and sister of -Henriette Marie of England. These and others bore -their burden bravely to the last; and of the few who -cast theirs down, and strayed amongst the poisoned -<span class='pageno' id='Page_xvi'>xvi</span>flowers by the way, it may be truly urged that the -trespasses of others against them were greater than -their own transgressions. Such of their stories as are -here told briefly are set forth with an honest desire to -attain accuracy in historical fact and impartiality in deduction -therefrom. There has been no desire to make -either angels or devils of the personages described. -They were, like the rest of their kind, human beings, -with mixed and varying motives, swayed by personal -and political influences which must be taken into -account in any attempt to appraise their characters or -understand their actions. Several of the lives are here -told in English for the first time by the light of modern -research, and in cases where statements are at variance -with usually accepted English teaching, references are -given in footnotes to the contemporary source from -which the statements are derived. The opening of the -archives of several European countries, and the extensive -reproduction in print of interesting historical texts -in Spain of late years, provide much of the new material -used in the present work; and the labours of recent -English, French, and Spanish historians have naturally -been placed under contribution for such fresh facts as -they have adduced. Where this is the case, acknowledgment -is made in the form of footnotes.</p> - -<div class='lg-container-r'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>MARTIN HUME.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_xvii'>xvii</span> - <h2 class='c005'>CONTENTS</h2> -</div> - -<table class='table0' summary='CONTENTS'> -<colgroup> -<col width='94%' /> -<col width='5%' /> -</colgroup> - <tr><td class='c008' colspan='2'>BOOK I</td></tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <th class='c009'></th> - <th class='c010'><span class='small'>PAGE</span></th> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c009'><span class='sc'>Isabel the Catholic</span></td> - <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_1'>1</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr><td class='c008' colspan='2'>BOOK II</td></tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c009'><span class='sc'>Joan the Mad</span></td> - <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_139'>139</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr><td class='c008' colspan='2'>BOOK III</td></tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c009'>1. <span class='sc'>Mary of England</span></td> - <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_207'>207</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c009'>2. <span class='sc'>Isabel of Valois</span></td> - <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_259'>259</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr><td class='c008' colspan='2'>BOOK IV</td></tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c009'>1. <span class='sc'>Isabel of Bourbon</span></td> - <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_315'>315</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c009'>2. <span class='sc'>Mariana of Austria</span></td> - <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_359'>359</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr><td class='c008' colspan='2'>BOOK V</td></tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c009'>1. <span class='sc'>Marie Louise of Orleans</span></td> - <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_411'>411</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c009'>2. <span class='sc'>Mariana of Neuburg</span></td> - <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_485'>485</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c009'><span class='sc'>Epilogue</span></td> - <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_529'>529</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c009'><span class='sc'>Index</span></td> - <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_543'>543</a></td> - </tr> -</table> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_xix'>xix</span> - <h2 class='c005'>ILLUSTRATIONS</h2> -</div> - -<table class='table0' summary='ILLUSTRATIONS'> -<colgroup> -<col width='80%' /> -<col width='20%' /> -</colgroup> - <tr> - <td class='c009'>MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF ENGLAND AND SPAIN. After a Painting by <span class='sc'>Antonio More</span></td> - <td class='c010'><em><a href='#Frontispiece'>Frontispiece</a></em></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c009'>ISABEL THE CATHOLIC AT THE SURRENDER OF GRANADA. After a Painting by <span class='sc'>Pradilla</span></td> - <td class='c010'><em>to face page</em> <a href='#i_064fp.jpg'>64</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c009'>JOAN THE MAD AND THE BODY OF HER HUSBAND. After a Painting by <span class='sc'>Pradilla</span></td> - <td class='c010'>„ „ <a href='#i_176fp.jpg'>176</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c009'>ISABEL OF VALOIS. After a Painting by <span class='sc'>Pantoja de la Cruz</span></td> - <td class='c010'>„ „ <a href='#i_288fp.jpg'>288</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c009'>ISABEL OF BOURBON. After a Painting by <span class='sc'>Velazquez</span></td> - <td class='c010'>„ „ <a href='#i_336fp.jpg'>336</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c009'>MARIANA OF AUSTRIA. After a Painting by <span class='sc'>Velazquez</span></td> - <td class='c010'>„ „ <a href='#i_368fp.jpg'>368</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c009'>ISABEL FARNESE. After a Painting by <span class='sc'>Van Loo</span></td> - <td class='c010'>„ „ <a href='#i_536fp.jpg'>536</a></td> - </tr> -</table> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div><span class='small'><em>The above Illustrations are reproduced from Photographs by J. Lacoste, Madrid.</em></span></div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_1'>1</span> - <h2 class='c005'><span class='large'>BOOK I</span><br /> ISABEL THE CATHOLIC</h2> -</div> - -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_3'>3</span> - <h3 class='c011'>CHAPTER I</h3> -</div> - -<p class='c012'>Proudly reared upon a lofty cliff above the trickling -Manzanares, there stood the granite palace that had -gradually grown around the ancient Moorish fortress -of Madrid. Like an eagle from its aerie, its tiny -windows blinked across the tawny plain at the far-off -glittering snow peaks of Guadarrama, standing forth -clear and sharp against a cobalt sky. The Alcazar had -been the scene of many strange happenings in the -past; and for a hundred years chivalric splendour had -run riot in its broad patios, with their arcades of -slender columns, and in its tapestried halls, whose carved -ceilings blazed with gold and colour. Frivolous, -pleasure-loving, Juan <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Castile, grandson of John -of Gaunt, had through a long reign outdone in vain -ostentation the epic poems and romances of chivalry -that filled his brain, and he himself, with his attendant -Nubian lion slouching by his side, had stalked through -the Alcazar upon the cliff, a figure more picturesque -than that of Amadis or Arthur. His lavish, easy-going -son, Henry <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, had followed in his footsteps, and had -made his palace of Madrid a home of dissolute magnificence -and humiliating debauchery, unexampled even -in that age of general decadence.</p> - -<p class='c007'>But rarely had scenes at once so pregnant of evil, -and yet so ostensibly joyous, been enacted in the palace -of Madrid as on the 17th March 1462. Greed, hate -and jealousy, raged beneath silken gowns and ermine -<span class='pageno' id='Page_4'>4</span>mantles; nay, beneath the gorgeous vestments of the -great churchmen who stood grouped before the altar -in the palace chapel, though smiling faces and words of -pleasure were seen and heard on every side. For to -the King, after eight years of fruitless marriage, an -heiress had been born, and the court and people of -Castile and Leon were bidden to make merry and -welcome their future Queen. Bull fights, tournaments, -and cane contests, the songs of minstrels and plenteous -banquets, had for days beguiled a populace palled with -gaudy shows; and now the sacred ceremonies of the -Church were to sanctify the babe whose advent had -moved so many hearts to shocked surprise. The King, -a shaggy, red-haired giant with slack, lazy limbs and -feeble face, towered in his golden crown and velvet -mantle over his nine-year-old half-brother Alfonso by -his side. The child, under a canopy, was borne in -state up to the font by Count Alba de Liste, and the -stalwart, black-browed primate of Spain, Alfonso -Carrillo, Archbishop of Toledo, who, with three attendant -bishops, performed the ceremony, blessed the baby -girl unctuously beneath the King’s lymphatic gaze, -though he had already resolved to ruin her. By the -side of the font stood the sponsors: a girl of eleven -and a sturdy noble in splendid attire, with his wife. -All around, the courtiers, their mouths wreathed in -doubtful smiles which their lifted brows belied, glanced -alternately at the little group of sponsors, and at the -noblest figure of all the courtly throng: a young man -glittering with gems who stood behind the King. -Tall, almost, as Henry himself, with flashing dark eyes -and jet black hair, a fair skin and gallant mien, this -youth formed with the King, and the group at the font, -the elements of a great drama, which ended in the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_5'>5</span>renascence of Spain. For the young man was Beltran -de la Cueva, the new Count of Ledesma, who, all the -court was whispering, was really the father of the new-born -Princess, and the sponsors, besides the Frenchman -Armignac, were the gorged and spoiled favourite -of the King, the all-powerful Juan Pacheco, Marquis -of Villena, and his wife, and the King’s half-sister, -Princess Isabel of Castile. The girl had seen nothing -of court life, for up to this time, from her orphaned -babyhood, she had lived with her widowed mother and -younger brother in neglected retirement at the lone -castle of Arevalo, immersed in books and the gentle -arts that modest maids were taught; but she went -through her part of the ceremony composedly, and -with simple dignity. She was already tall for her age, -with a fair, round face, large, light blue eyes, and the -reddish hair of her Plantagenet ancestors; and if she, -in her innocence, guessed at some of the tumultuous -passions that were silently raging around her, she -made no sign, and bore herself calmly, as befitted the -daughter of a long line of kings.<a id='r1' /><a href='#f1' class='c013'><sup>[1]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Seven weeks afterwards, on the 9th May, in the -great hall of the palace, the nobles, prelates, and -deputies of the chartered towns met to swear allegiance -to the new heiress of Castile. One by one, as they -advanced to kneel and kiss the tiny hand of the unconscious -infant, they frowned and whispered beneath -their breath words of scorn and indignation which they -dared not utter openly, for all around, and thronging -the corridors and courtyards, there stood with ready -lances the Morisco bodyguard of the King, eager to -punish disobedience. And so, though the insulting -<span class='pageno' id='Page_6'>6</span>nickname of the new Infanta Juana, <em>the Beltraneja</em>, -after the name of her assumed father, passed from -mouth to mouth quietly, public protest there was -none.<a id='r2' /><a href='#f2' class='c013'><sup>[2]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Already before the birth of the hapless <em>Beltraneja</em>, -the scandal of Henry’s life, his contemptible weakness -and the acknowledged sexual impotence which had -caused his divorce from his first wife, had made his court -a battle ground for rival ambitions. Like the previous -Kings of his house, which was raised to the throne -by a fratricidal revolution, and himself a rebel during -his father’s lifetime, Henry <span class='fss'>IV.</span> had lavished crown gifts -upon noble partisans to such an extent as to have -reduced his patrimony to nought. Justice was openly -bought and sold, permanent grants upon public revenues -were bartered for small ready payments, law and order -were non-existent outside the strong walls of the fortified -cities, and the whole country was a prey to plundering -nobles, who, either separately or in “leagues,” tyrannised -and robbed as they listed.<a id='r3' /><a href='#f3' class='c013'><sup>[3]</sup></a> Feudalism had never been -strong in the realms of Castile, because the frontier -nobles, who for centuries pushed back gradually the -Moorish power, always had to depend upon conciliating -the towns they occupied, in order that the new regime -might be more welcome than the one displaced. The -germ of institutions in Spain had ever been the municipality, -not the village grouped around the castle or -the abbey as in England, and the soldier noble in Spain, -unlike the English or German baron, had to win the -support of townsmen, not to dispose of agricultural -<span class='pageno' id='Page_7'>7</span>serfs. But when the Moors in Spain had been reduced -to impotence, and a series of weak kings had been -raised to the throne as the puppets of nobles; then -when feudalism was dying elsewhere, it attempted to -raise its head in Spain, capturing the government of -towns on the one hand and beggaring and dominating -the King on the other. By the time of which -we are now speaking, the process was well nigh -complete; and the only safeguard against the absolute -tyranny of the nobles, was their mutual greed and -jealousy.</p> - -<p class='c007'>For years Juan Pacheco, Marquis of Villena, had -ruled the King with a rod of iron. The grants and -gifts he had extorted for himself and his friends made -him more powerful than any other force in the land. -But there were those who sulked apart from him, -nobles, some of them, of higher lineage and greater -hereditary territories than his; and when the handsome -foot page, Beltran de la Cueva, captured the good -graces of the King and his gay young Portuguese -wife, Queen Juana, the enemies of Villena saw in the -rising star an instrument by which he might be -humbled. After the Beltraneja’s birth and christening, -honours almost royal were piled upon Beltran de la -Cueva; and Villena and his uncle, Alfonso Carrillo, -Archbishop of Toledo, grew ever more indignant and -discontented. Only a fortnight after the Cortes had -sworn allegiance to the new Princess, Villena drew up -a secret protest against the act, alleging the illegitimacy -of the child,<a id='r4' /><a href='#f4' class='c013'><sup>[4]</sup></a> and soon open opposition to King -and favourite was declared.</p> - -<p class='c007'>There is no space here to relate in detail the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_8'>8</span>complicated series of intrigues and humiliations that -followed. The King on one occasion was forced to -hide in his own palace from the assaulting soldiery of -Villena. To buy the goodwill of the jealous favourite -towards his little daughter he went so far as to agree -to a marriage between the Beltraneja and Villena’s -son;<a id='r5' /><a href='#f5' class='c013'><sup>[5]</sup></a> and more humiliating still, in December 1464, -he consented to the inquiry of a commission of churchmen -nominated by Villena and his friends, to inquire -into the legitimacy of his reputed daughter. The -inquiry elicited much piquant but entirely contradictory -evidence as to the virility of the King, who, -it was admitted on all hands, delighted in the society -of ladies, and aroused the violent jealousy of the -Queen; but, although with our present lights there -seems to have been no valid reason for disinheriting -the princess, the commission was sufficiently in doubt -to recommend the King to make the best terms he -could with the rebels. The King’s sister, Princess -Isabel, who at the time lived at Court, was also used -as an instrument by Henry to pacify the league against -him. She had been betrothed when quite a child at -Arevalo to Prince Charles of Viana, eldest son of the -King of Aragon, and in right of his mother himself -King of Navarre; a splendid match which, failing -issue from Henry and from her younger brother -Alfonso, might have led to the union of all Spain -in one realm. But Charles of Viana had already in -1461 fallen a victim to the hate and jealousy of his -stepmother, Juana Enriquez, daughter of a great -Castilian noble, Don Fadrique, the Admiral of the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_9'>9</span>realm, and Isabel became to her brother a valuable -diplomatic asset. Before the storm of war burst -Henry attempted to wed his sister to Alfonso <span class='fss'>V.</span> of -Portugal, his wife’s brother, and so to prevent her -claims to the Castilian crown being urged to the -detriment of the Beltraneja; but the match had no -attraction for the clever cautious girl of thirteen; for -the suitor was middle-aged and ugly, and already her -own genius or crafty councillors had suggested to her -the husband who would best serve her own interests. -So she gravely reminded her brother that she, a -Castilian princess, could not legally be bestowed in -marriage without the formal ratification of the -Cortes.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In September 1564 Beltran de la Cueva received -the great rank of Master of Santiago, which endowed -him not only with vast revenues, but the disposal of -an armed force second to none in the kingdom, and -this new folly of the King was the signal for revolt. -A party of nobles immediately seized Valladolid against -the King, and though the townspeople promptly -expelled them and proclaimed the loyalty of the city, -the issue between the factions was now joined. On -the following day, 16th September, an attempt that -nearly succeeded was made to capture and kidnap -the King himself near Segovia. He was a poor, -feeble-minded creature, hating strife and danger, and, -though some of his stronger councillors protested -against such weakness, he consented to meet the -revolted nobles, and redress their grievances. In -October Villena, the Archbishop of Toledo, Count -Benavente, the Admiral Don Fadrique, and the rest -of the rebels, met Henry between Cabezon and Cigales, -and in three interviews, during their stay of five weeks, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_10'>10</span>dictated to the wretched King their demands.<a id='r6' /><a href='#f6' class='c013'><sup>[6]</sup></a> The -King was to dismiss his Moorish guard and become -a better Christian: he was to ask for no more money -without the consent of the nobles, to deprive Cueva -of the Mastership of Santiago, recognise his own -impotence and the bastardy of his daughter, and acknowledge -as his heir his half-brother Alfonso, -whom he was to deliver to the guardianship of Villena. -On the 30th November the nobles and the King took -the oath to hold the boy Alfonso as the heir of -Spain; and then Henry, a mere cypher thenceforward, -sadly wended his way to Segovia, where the commission -to inquire into the shameful question of his -virility was still sitting,<a id='r7' /><a href='#f7' class='c013'><sup>[7]</sup></a> and Villena and his uncle, the -warlike Archbishop, were thus practically the rulers of -Spain. But though Henry consented to everything -he characteristically tried to avoid the spirit of the -agreement. Beltran de la Cueva was deprived of the -Mastership of Santiago, but he was made Duke of -Alburquerque in exchange for the loss, and the poor -little disinherited Beltraneja was treated with greater -consideration than before.</p> - -<p class='c007'>When civil war was seen to be inevitable in the -spring of 1465, Henry carried his wife and child with -his sister Isabel to Salamanca, whilst the Archbishop -<span class='pageno' id='Page_11'>11</span>of Toledo, in the name of the revolted nobles, seized -the walled city of Avila, where within a few days he -was joined by Villena and his friends, bringing with -them the Infante Alfonso, who, in pursuance of the -agreement made with the King at Cigales, had received -the oath of allegiance as heir to the crown. From the -King it was clear that the nobles could hope for no -more, for he had summoned the nation to arms to -oppose them; but from a child King of their own -making, rich grants could still be wrung, and for the -first time since the dying days of the Gothic monarchy, -the sacredness of the anointed Sovereign of Castile -was mocked and derided. In April 1565, at Plascencia, -the nobles swore secretly to hold Alfonso as King; -and on the 5th June 1364, on a mound within sight -of the walls of Avila, the public scene was enacted -that shocked Spain like a sacrilege. Upon a staging -there was seated a lay figure in mourning robes, with -a royal crown upon its head; a sword of state before -it, and in the hand a sceptre. A great multitude of -people with bated breath awaited the living actors in -the scene; and soon there issued from the city gate a -brilliant cavalcade of nobles and bishops, headed by -Villena escorting the little prince Alfonso. Arriving -before the scaffolding, and in mockery saluting the -figure, most of the nobles mounted the platform, whilst -Villena, the Master of Alcantara, and Count Medillin, -with a bodyguard, conveyed the Infante to a coign of -vantage some distance away. Then in a loud voice -was read upon the platform the impeachment of the -King, which was summed up under four heads. For -the first, it ran, Henry of Castile is unworthy to enjoy -the regal dignity; and as the tremendous words were -read the Archbishop of Toledo stepped forth and tore -<span class='pageno' id='Page_12'>12</span>the royal crown from the brows of the lifeless doll: for -the second, he is unfit to administer justice in the realm, -and the Count of Plascencia removed the sword of state -from its place: for the third, no rule or government -should be entrusted to him, and Count of Benavente -took from the figure’s powerless grasp the sceptre -which it held: for the fourth, he should be deprived of -the throne and the honour due to kings, whereupon -Don Diego Lopez de Zuñiga cast the dummy down -and trampled it under foot, amidst the jeers and curses -of the crowd. When this was done, and the platform -cleared, young Alfonso was raised aloft in the arms of -men that all might see, and a great shout went up of -“<em>Castilla, Castilla, for the King Don Alfonso</em>,” and -then, seated on the throne, the boy gave his hand to -kiss to those who came to pay their new sovereign -fealty. Like wildfire across the steppes and mountains -of Castile sped the awful news, and Henry in Salamanca -was soon surrounded by hosts of subjects whose -reverence for a sacrosanct King had been wounded by -what they regarded as impious blasphemy.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Both factions flew to arms, and for months civil war -raged, the walled cities being alternately besieged and -captured by both parties. Isabel herself remained -with the King, usually at Segovia or Madrid; though -with our knowledge of her character and tastes, she -can have had little sympathy with the tone of her -brother’s court. At one time during the lingering -struggle in 1466, Henry endeavoured to win Villena -and his family from the side of rebellion by betrothing -Isabel to Don Pedro Giron, Master of Calatrava, -Villena’s brother. The suitor was an uncouth boor, -and that an Infanta of Castile should be sacrificed in -marriage with an upstart such as he was too much for -<span class='pageno' id='Page_13'>13</span>Isabel’s pride and great ambition. Nothing in the -world, she said, should bring her to such a humiliation; -though the King, careless of her protests, petitioned -the Pope to dispense Don Pedro from his pledge of -celibacy as Master of a monkish military order. -Isabel’s faithful friend, Doña Beatriz Bobadilla, wife -of Andres Cabrera, High Steward of the King, and -Commander of the fortress of Segovia, was as determined -as her mistress that the marriage should not -take place, and swore herself to murder Don Pedro, if -necessary, to prevent it. A better way was found -than by Dona Beatriz’s dagger, for when the papal -dispensation arrived, and the prospective bridegroom -set out in triumph to claim his bride, poison cut short -his career as soon as he left his home. Whether -Isabel herself was an accomplice of the act will never -be known. She probably would not have hesitated to -sanction it in the circumstances, according to the ethics -of the time; for she never flinched, as her brother did, -at inflicting suffering for what she considered necessary -ends.</p> - -<p class='c007'>On the 20th August 1467, the main bodies of both -factions met on the historic battlefield of Olmedo, the -warlike Archbishop of Toledo, clad in armour covered -by a surcoat embroidered with the holy symbols, led -into battle the boy pretender Alfonso; whilst the -royal favourite, Beltran de la Cueva, now Duke of -Alburquerque, on the King’s side, matched the valour -of the Churchman.<a id='r8' /><a href='#f8' class='c013'><sup>[8]</sup></a> Both sides suffered severely, but -the pusillanimity of the King caused the fight to be -regarded as a defeat for him, and the capture of his -royal fortress of Segovia soon afterwards proved his -impotence in arms so clearly, that a sort of <i><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">modus -<span class='pageno' id='Page_14'>14</span>vivendi</span></i> was arranged, by which for nearly a year each -King issued decrees and ostensibly ruled the territories -held by his partisans.<a id='r9' /><a href='#f9' class='c013'><sup>[9]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>At length, in July 1468, the promising young pretender -Alfonso died suddenly and mysteriously in his -fifteenth year, at Cardeñosa, near Avila; perhaps of -plague, as was said at the time, but more probably of -poison;<a id='r10' /><a href='#f10' class='c013'><sup>[10]</sup></a> and the whole position was at once revolutionised. -Isabel had been in the Alcazar of Segovia with -her friends the commander and his wife when the city -was surrendered to the rebels, and from that time, late -in 1567, she had followed the fortunes of Alfonso, with -whom she was at his death. She at once retired -broken-hearted to the convent of Santa Clara in Avila, -but not, we may be certain, unmindful of the great -change wrought in her prospects by her brother’s premature -death. She was nearly seventeen years of age, -learned and precocious far beyond her years; the -events that had passed around her for the last six years -had matured her naturally strong judgment, and there -is no doubt from what followed that she had already -decided upon her course of action. She was without -such affectionate guidance as girls of her age usually -enjoy; for her unhappy widowed mother, to whom she -was always tender and kind, had already fallen a victim -to the hereditary curse of the house of Portugal, to -which she belonged, and lived thenceforward in lethargic -<span class='pageno' id='Page_15'>15</span>insanity in her castle of Arevalo. Isabel’s -brother the King was her enemy, and she had no other -near relative: the churchmen and nobles who had -risen against Henry, and were now around her, were, -it must have been evident to her, greedy rogues bent -really upon undermining the royal power for their own -benefit; and deeply devout as Isabel was, she was -quite unblinded by the illusion that the Archbishop -and bishops who led the revolt were moved to their -action by any considerations of morality or religion. -On the other hand, the rebellious nobles and ecclesiastics -could not persist in their revolt without a royal -figure head. Young Alfonso, a mere child, had been -an easy tool, and doubtless the leaders thought that -this silent, self-possessed damsel would be quite as -facile to manage.</p> - -<p class='c007'>They did not have to wait many days for proof to -the contrary. The Archbishop of Toledo was the -mouthpiece of his associates. Within the venerable -walls of the royal convent at Avila he set before Isabel -a vivid picture of the evils of her elder brother’s rule, -his shameful laxity of life, his lavish squandering of -the nation’s wealth upon unworthy objects, and the -admitted illegitimacy of the daughter he wished to -make his heiress; and the Archbishop ended by -offering to Isabel, in the name of the nobles, the -crowns of Castile. The wearer of these crowns, -wrested painfully through centuries of struggle from -intruding infidels, had always been held sacred. The -religious exaltation born of the reconquest had invested -the Christian sovereigns in the eyes of their subjects -with divine sanction and special saintly patronage. -To attack them was not disloyalty alone, but sacrilege; -and the deposition of Henry at Avila had, as we have -<span class='pageno' id='Page_16'>16</span>seen, thrilled Spain with horror. It was no part of -Isabel’s plan to do anything that might weaken the -reverence that surrounded the throne to which she -knew now she might succeed. So her answer to the -prelate was firm as well as wise. With many sage -reflections taken from the didactic books that had -always been her study, she declared that she would -never accept a crown that was not hers by right. She -desired to end the miserable war, she said, and to be -reconciled to her brother and sovereign. If the nobles -desired to serve her they would not try to make her -Queen before her time, but persuade the King to -acknowledge her as his heir, since they assured her -that the Princess Juana was the fruit of adultery.</p> - -<p class='c007'>At first the nobles were dismayed at an answer that -some thought would mean ruin to them. But the -Archbishop, Carrillo, knew the weakness of Henry, -and whispered to Villena as they descended the -convent stairs, that the Infanta’s resolve to claim -the heirship would mean safety and victory for them. -Little did he or the rest of the nobles know the great -spirit and iron will of the girl with whom they had to -deal. No time was lost in approaching the King. -He was ready to agree to anything for a quiet life, -and Alburquerque, and even the great Cardinal -Mendoza, agreed with him that an accord was -advisable; though it might be broken afterwards -when the nobles were disarmed. Before the end -of August all was settled, and the cities of Castile had -sent their deputies to take the oath of allegiance to -Isabel as heiress to the crown. A formal meeting was -arranged to take place between Henry and his sister -at a place called the Venta de los Toros de Guisando, -a hostelry famous for some prehistoric stone figures of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_17'>17</span>undetermined beasts in the neighbourhood. All was -amiable on the surface. Henry embraced his sister -and promised her his future affection, settling upon her -the principality of Asturias and Oviedo, and the cities -of Avila, Huete, Medina, and many others, with all -revenues and jurisdictions as from the beginning of -the revolt (September 1464).<a id='r11' /><a href='#f11' class='c013'><sup>[11]</sup></a> But by the agreement -Isabel was bound not to marry without the King’s -consent, and it is evident that to this condition Henry -and his friends looked for rendering their concessions -voidable.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The intrigues of the two parties of Castile were -therefore now centred upon the marriage of the -Princess. Suitors were not lacking. If we are to -believe Hall, Edward <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of England, before his -marriage with Elizabeth Grey, was approached by -the Spaniards, and it is certain that his brother -Richard, Duke of Gloucester, was at one time a -wooer. Either of them would have suited Henry of -Castile, because it would have removed Isabel from -Spain. A Portuguese would have also been acceptable -to the same party, because Portugal was naturally on -the side of the Beltraneja and her Portuguese mother. -But Isabel had other views, and the only suitors that -were entertained seriously were the Duke of Guienne, -the brother of Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span>, and the young Ferdinand of -Aragon, the son and heir of John <span class='fss'>II.</span> and nephew of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_18'>18</span>the doughty old Admiral of Castile, who had stood by -the side of the nobles in their revolt. There was -never any doubt as to which of the suitors Isabel -favoured. The Frenchman was reported to her as a -poor, puny creature with weak legs and watery eyes, -whilst Ferdinand, a youth of her own age, was praised -to the skies for his manliness, his good looks, and his -abilities, by those whose judgment she trusted. It is -impossible to say whether Isabel as yet fully understood -what such a marriage might mean to Spain; but -it is certain that the wicked old John <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Aragon -was quite aware of its advantages for his own realm.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The house of Aragon, with its domains of Sicily and -Naples, and its secular ambition towards the east, had -found itself everywhere opposed by the growing power -of France. The Mediterranean, the seat of empire for -centuries, had no finer havens than those under the -sceptre of Aragon, but the Catalans were harsh and -independent with their kings, and sparing of their -money for royal purposes. A poor king of Aragon -could not hope, with his own unaided resources, to -beat France on the Gulf of Lyons, and bear the red -and yellow banner of Barcelona to the infidel Levant. -But with the resources in men and money of greater -Castile at his bidding, all was possible; and John <span class='fss'>II.</span>, -who had not scrupled to murder his first-born son for -the benefit of his second, and oust his own children -from their mother’s realm of Navarre, was ready to go -to any lengths to bring about the union which might -realise the dream of Aragon.</p> - -<p class='c007'>From Isabel’s point of view, too, the match was a -good one, apart from personal inclination. There is -no doubt whatever that she was, even thus early, -determined when her time came to crush the tyrannous -<span class='pageno' id='Page_19'>19</span>nobles who had reduced Castile to anarchy and the -sovereign to a contemptible lay figure. With her -great talent she understood that to do this she must -dispose of force apart from that afforded by any league -of nobles in Castile itself; and she looked towards -Aragon to lend her such additional strength. This -fact, however, was not lost upon the greedy nobles, -especially Villena. The turbulent leader of conspiracy -already looked askance at the quiet determined girl -who thus early imposed her will upon her followers, -and throwing his power again on the side of the king -he had once solemnly deposed, he seized the mastership -of Santiago as his reward. In a panic at the fear -of the Aragonese match, the king and Villena once -more agreed to marry Isabel with the king of Portugal, -Villena and Cardinal Mendoza being heavily bribed -by the Portuguese for their aid.<a id='r12' /><a href='#f12' class='c013'><sup>[12]</sup></a> Isabel was at her town -of Ocaña at the time, and her position was extremely -difficult and perilous when the Portuguese envoys -came to her with Villena to offer her their king’s hand. -As Isabel had several weeks before secretly bound -herself to marry Ferdinand of Aragon, her reply was -a diplomatic refusal to the Portuguese advances; and -Villena, enraged, was disposed to capture her on the -spot and carry her a prisoner to Court. Inconvenient -princes and princesses were easily removed in those -days, and Isabel’s danger was great. But she had the -faculty of compelling love and admiration; she was as -brave as a lion and as cunning as a serpent, and the -people of Ocaña made it quite evident to Villena that -they would allow no violence to be offered to her. -But clearly something must be done to prevent Isabel -<span class='pageno' id='Page_20'>20</span>from becoming too strong; and as a last resort after -her refusal to entertain the Portuguese match it was -determined to capture her by force of arms. She was -then at Madrigal, and Villena’s nephew, the Bishop of -Burgos, bribed her servants to desert her in her hour -of need: the King sent orders to the townsmen that -no resistance was to be offered to his officers; and -Cardinal Mendoza with a strong force marched towards -Madrigal to arrest Isabel. But another archbishop, -more warlike than he, Carrillo of Toledo, was before -him. With the Admiral Don Fadrique and a band of -horsemen, he swooped down from Leon and bore -Isabel to safety amongst those who would have died -for her, and entered into the great city of Valladolid -after sunset on the 31st August 1469. No time was -to be lost. Envoys were sent in disguise hurrying up -to Saragossa, to hasten the coming of the bridegroom. -The service was a dangerous one; for if Ferdinand -had fallen into the hands of the Court party a short -shrift would have been his. But the stake was great, -and Juan <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Aragon and his son, young as the latter -was, did not stick at trifles. One difficulty, indeed, -was overcome characteristically. Isabel was known to -be rigidity itself in matters of propriety; and, as she -and Ferdinand were second cousins, a papal bull was -necessary for the marriage. The Pope, Paul <span class='fss'>II.</span>, was -on the side of the Castilian Court, and no bull could -be got from him; but Juan <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Aragon and the -Archbishop of Toledo carefully had one forged to -satisfy Isabel’s scruples.<a id='r13' /><a href='#f13' class='c013'><sup>[13]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Whilst one imposing cavalcade of Aragonese bearing -<span class='pageno' id='Page_21'>21</span>rich presents took the high road into Castile and -occupied the attention of the King’s officers, a modest -party of five merchants threaded the mountain paths -by Soria, after leaving the Aragonese territory at -Tarazona on the 7th October. The first day after -entering Castile they rode well-nigh sixty miles; and -late at night the little cavalcade approached the walled -town of Osma, where Pedro Manrique and an armed -escort were to meet them. The night was black, and -their summons at the gates of the town was misunderstood: -a cry went up that this was a body of the -king’s men to surprise the place; and from the ramparts -a shower of missiles flew upon the strangers -below. One murderous stone whizzed within a few -inches of the head of a fair-haired lad of handsome -visage and manly bearing, who, as a servant, accompanied -those who wore the garb of merchants. It was -Ferdinand himself who thus narrowly escaped death, -and a hurried explanation, a shouted password, the -flashing of torches followed, and then the creaking -drawbridge fell, the great gates clanged open, and the -danger was over.<a id='r14' /><a href='#f14' class='c013'><sup>[14]</sup></a> The next day, with larger forces, -Ferdinand reached Dueñas, in Leon, near Valladolid; -and four days later, now in raiment that befitted a -royal bridegroom, for his father had made him king -of Sicily, he rode when most men slept to Valladolid. -It was nearly midnight when he arrived, and the gates -of the city were closed for the night, but a postern -in the walls gave access to the house in which Isabel -was lodged; and there the Archbishop of Toledo led -him by hand into the presence of his bride, to whom -<span class='pageno' id='Page_22'>22</span>he was solemnly betrothed by the Archbishop’s chaplain. -It was all done so secretly that no inkling of it -reached the slumbering town; and within two hours -the youth was in the saddle again and reached Dueñas -long before dawn.<a id='r15' /><a href='#f15' class='c013'><sup>[15]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>On the 18th October 1469, four days later, all was ready -for the public marriage, and Ferdinand entered the city -this time in state, with Castilian and Aragonese men-at-arms -and knights around him. Isabel was staying at -the best house in Valladolid, that of her partisan, Juan -Vivero, and the great hall was richly decked for the -occasion of this, one of the fateful marriages of history, -though none could have known that it was such at the -time. The celebrant was the warlike Archbishop who -had been so powerful a factor in bringing it about; and -the next day, after mass, the married pair dined in -public amidst the rejoicing of the faithful people of -Valladolid. There was little pomp and circumstance -in the wedding, for the times were critical, the realm -disturbed, and money scarce; but imagination is stirred -by the recollection of the great consequences that -ensued upon it, and those who saw the event, even -with their necessarily limited vision of its effects, must -have realised that any splendour lavished upon it -could not have enhanced its importance.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The news of the dreaded marriage filled the King -and his court with dismay. Villena, in close league -with Alburquerque and the Mendozas, now espoused -the cause of the Beltraneja,<a id='r16' /><a href='#f16' class='c013'><sup>[16]</sup></a> who was declared the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_23'>23</span>legitimate heiress to the Crown, and betrothed to -Isabel’s former suitor, the Duke of Guienne, in the -presence of the assembled nobles, at the monastery of -Loyola, near Segovia. It mattered not, apparently, -that the very men who now swore fealty to Juana, the -hapless Beltraneja, had previously denounced her as a -bastard: they wanted a puppet, not a mistress, as -Isabel was likely to be, and they were quite ready to -perjure themselves in their own interests. Isabel was -formally deprived of all her grants and privileges, even -of the lordship of her town of Dueñas, near Valladolid;<a id='r17' /><a href='#f17' class='c013'><sup>[17]</sup></a> -where she and Ferdinand had kept their little court, -and where their first child had just been born (October -1470), a daughter, to whom they gave the name of -Isabel.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Ferdinand could not remain long in idleness, and -was soon summoned by his father to aid him in a war -with France, being absent from his wife for over a -year, winning fresh experience and credit both as -soldier and negotiator. In the meanwhile, things were -going badly again for the Beltraneja. Her French -betrothed died in May 1472; and some of the nobles, -jealous of the greed of Villena, were once more wavering, -and making secret approaches to Isabel. She -had bold and zealous friends in the Chamberlain -Cabrera, who held the strong castle of Segovia, and -his wife, Beatriz de Bobadilla.<a id='r18' /><a href='#f18' class='c013'><sup>[18]</sup></a> In the last weeks of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_24'>24</span>1473, Doña Beatriz and her husband urged Henry to -forgive and receive his sister. She was, they told -him, being persecuted by the Marquis of Villena, and -had meant no harm in her marriage with the man she -loved. Henry was doubtful, but Cardinal Mendoza -and Count Benavente had changed sides again, and -now quietly used their influence in Isabel’s favour. -A grudging promise was given by the King, but it was -enough for Doña Beatriz; and, disguised as a farmer’s -wife, she set forth from Segovia on a market pad; and -alone over the snowy roads, hurried to carry the good -news to the Princess in the town of Aranda, which had -just been surrendered to her by the townsfolk. A few -days afterwards, on further advice from Doña Beatriz, -Isabel, escorted by the Archbishop of Toledo and his -men-at-arms, travelled through the night, and before -the first streak of dawn on the 28th December 1473, -they were admitted into the Alcazar of Segovia, where -no force but treachery could harm her.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Villena’s son, who, fearing betrayal, had refused to -enter the city when he had come with the King weeks -before, and had remained in the neighbourhood at the -famous Geronomite monastery of El Parral, founded -by his father, fled at the news. His father, with -Alburquerque and the Constable of Castile, Count of -Haro, at once met at Cuellar, and sent an insolent -order to Henry to expel his sister from Segovia. It -came too late, however. The King, by this time, had -met Isabel, who had received him at the gate of the -Alcazar, and professed her love and duty to him. In -a speech full of womanly wisdom,<a id='r19' /><a href='#f19' class='c013'><sup>[19]</sup></a> she said she had -come to pray him to put aside anger towards her, for -she meant no evil; and all she asked was that he -<span class='pageno' id='Page_25'>25</span>should fulfil his oath taken at Toros de Guisando, and -acknowledge her as heiress of Castile. ‘For by the -laws of God and man, the succession belonged to her.’ -Weak Henry swayed from one side to the other like -a reed in the wind, as either party had his ear; and at -last Isabel took the bold course of sending secretly for -Ferdinand, who had just returned from Aragon. The -risk was great, but Isabel knew, at least, that she -could depend upon the Commander of the Alcazar of -Segovia, and Ferdinand secretly entered the fortress -on the 4th January 1474. It was a difficult matter for -Doña Beatriz to persuade the King to receive his -young brother-in-law; but she succeeded at last, and -when Henry had consented, he did the thing handsomely, -and they all rode together through the city in -state, with great show of affection and rejoicing. On -Twelfth Day, Doña Beatriz and her husband gave a -great banquet to the royal party<a id='r20' /><a href='#f20' class='c013'><sup>[20]</sup></a> at the Bishop’s -palace, between the Alcazar and the Cathedral. Whilst -the minstrels were playing in the hall after dinner, the -King suddenly fell ill. Violent vomiting and purging -seemed to point to poison, and the alarm was great. -Prayers and processions continued night and day, and -the unfortunate man seemed to recover; but, though -he lived for nearly a year longer, he never was well -again, the irritation of the stomach continuing incessantly -until he sank from weakness.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In the interim both factions interminably worried -him to settle the succession. Sometimes he would -lean to Isabel’s friends, sometimes to Villena and -Alburquerque, but Isabel herself, wise and cautious, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_26'>26</span>knew where safety alone for her could be found, and -took care not to stir outside the Alcazar of Segovia, -in the firm keeping of Cabrera, who himself was in -the firm keeping of his wife, Doña Beatriz. Once -in the summer it was found that the King had -treacherously agreed that Villena’s forces should surreptitiously -enter the town and occupy the towers of -the cathedral, whence they might throw explosives -into the Alcazar and capture Isabel on the ground -that she was poisoning the King; but the plan was -frustrated, and Henry, either in fear or ashamed of -his part of the transaction, left Segovia to place himself -in the hands of Villena at Cuellar. Greedy to -the last, Villena carried the sick King to Estremadura -to obtain the surrender of some towns there that he -coveted; but to Henry’s expressed grief, and the -relief of the country, the insatiable favourite died unexpectedly -of a malignant gathering in the throat on -the way, and the King returned to Madrid, himself -a dying man. His worthless life flickered out before -dawn on the 12th December 1474, and his last plans -were for the rehabilitation of the Beltraneja. He is -said to have left a will bequeathing her the succession; -but Cardinal Mendoza, Count Benavente, -and his other executors, never produced such a document, -which, moreover, would have been repudiated -now by the nation at large, passionately loyal, as it -already mainly was, to Isabel.<a id='r21' /><a href='#f21' class='c013'><sup>[21]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_27'>27</span>There was hardly a private or public shortcoming -of which Henry in his lifetime had not been accused. -From the Sovereign Pontiff to frank, but humble -subjects, remonstrances against his notoriously bad -conduct had been offered to the wretched King; and -at his death the accumulated evils, bred by a line of -frivolous monarchs, had reached their climax. There -was no justice, order or security for life or property, -and the strong oppressed the weak without reproach -or hindrance, the only semblance of law being maintained -by the larger walled cities in their territories -by means of their armed burgess brotherhood. But -in the disturbances that had succeeded the birth of -the Beltraneja the cities themselves were divided, and -in many cases the factions within their own walls made -them scenes of bloodshed and insecurity. Faith and -religion, that had hitherto been the mainstay of the -throne of Castile, had been trampled under foot and -oppressed by a monarch whose constant companions -and closest servitors had been of the hated brood of -Mahomet. Nobles who, for themselves and their -adherents, had wrung from the Kings nearly all they -had to give, and threatened even to overwhelm the -cities, were free from taxation, except the almost -obsolete feudal aid in spears which the Sovereign -had nominally a right to summon at need. Such -men as Villena, or Alvaro de Luna in the previous -reign, with more armed followers than the King and -greater available wealth, were the real sovereigns of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_28'>28</span>Castile in turbulent alternation, and the final disintegration -of the realm into petty principalities -appeared to be the natural and imminent outcome of -the state of affairs that existed when Henry <span class='fss'>IV.</span> -breathed his last.</p> - -<p class='c007'>All Castile and Leon, with their daughter kingdoms, -were looking and praying for a saviour who could -bring peace and security; and at first sight it would -seem as if a turbulent State that had never been -ruled by a woman could hardly expect that either of -the young princesses who claimed the crown could -bring in its dire need the qualities desired for its salvation. -Isabel’s popularity, especially in Valladolid, -Avila and Segovia, was great; and at the moment of -the King’s death her friends were the stronger and -more prompt, for Villena had just died, the Beltraneja -was but a child of twelve, and the Queen-Mother, discredited -and scorned, was lingering out her last days -in a convent in Madrid.<a id='r22' /><a href='#f22' class='c013'><sup>[22]</sup></a> The towns, for the most -part, awaited events in awe, fearing to take the wrong -side, and a breathless pause followed the death of the -King. Isabel was at Segovia, and under her influence -and that of Cabrera, the city was the first to throw -off the mask and raised the pennons for Isabel and -Ferdinand, to whom, in her presence, it swore -allegiance and proclaimed sovereigns of Castile. -Valladolid followed on the 29th December; whilst -Madrid, whose fortress was in the hands of Villena’s -son, declared for the Beltraneja. The nobles shuffled -again; moved by personal interest or rivalry, the -Archbishop of Toledo, abandoning Isabel out of -jealousy of Cardinal Mendoza; whilst Alburquerque, -the supposed father of the Beltraneja, joined her -<span class='pageno' id='Page_29'>29</span>opponent, and civil war, aided by foreign invasion from -Portugal, was organised to dispute with Isabel and -her husband their right to the crown.</p> - -<p class='c007'>By rare good fortune the young couple, who were -thus forced to fight for their splendid inheritance, -were the greatest governing geniuses of their age. -It is time to say something of their gifts and characters. -They were both, at the time of their accession, -twenty-three years of age, and, as we have seen, their -experience of life had already been great and disillusioning. -Isabel’s was incomparably the higher -mind of the two. The combined dignity and sweetness -of her demeanour captivated all those who -approached her, whilst her almost ostentatious religious -humility and devotion won the powerful commendation -of the churchmen who had suffered so heavily -during the reign of Henry. There is no reason to -doubt her sincerity or her real good intentions any -more than those of her great-grandson, Philip <span class='fss'>II.</span>, a -very similar, though far inferior, character. Like him, -she never flinched from inflicting what we now call -cruelty in the pursuance of her aims, though she had -no love for cruelty for its own sake. She was determined -that Spain should be united, and that rigid -orthodoxy should be the cementing bond; that the -sacred sovereign of Castile should be supreme over -the bodies and souls of men, for her crown in her -eyes was the symbol of divine selection and inspiration, -and nothing done in the service of God by His -vice-regent could be wrong, great as the suffering -that it might entail. She was certainly what our -lax generation calls a bigot; but bigotry in her time -and country was a shining virtue, and is still her -greatest claim to the regard of many of her countrymen. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_30'>30</span>She was unmerciful in her severity in suppressing -disorder and revolt; but we have seen the state -at which affairs had arrived in Castile when she -acceded to the crown, and it is quite evident that -nothing but a rod of iron governed by a heart of -ice was adequate to cope with the situation. Terrible -as was Isabel’s justice, it entailed in the end much -less suffering than a continuance of the murderous -anarchy she suppressed.<a id='r23' /><a href='#f23' class='c013'><sup>[23]</sup></a> Her strength and activity -of body matched her prodigious force of mind, and -she constantly struck awe in her potential opponents -by her marvellous celerity of movement over desolate -tracts of country almost without roads, riding often -throughout the night distances that appear at the -present day to be almost incredible.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Ferdinand was as despotic and as ambitious as she, -but his methods were absolutely different. He wanted -the strength of Castile to push Aragonese interests in -Italy and the Mediterranean; and, like Isabel, he saw -that religious unity was necessary if he was to be provided -with a solid national weapon for his hand. But for -Isabel’s exalted mystic views of religion he cared -nothing. He was, indeed, severely practical in all -things; never keeping an oath longer than it suited him -to do so, loving the crooked way if his end could be -gained by it, and he positively gloried in the tergiversation -by which throughout his life he got the better -of every one with whom he dealt, until death made sport -of all his plans and got the better of him. His school -<span class='pageno' id='Page_31'>31</span>of politics was purely Italian; and he cynically acted -upon the knowledge, as Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> of England also -did, that the suppression of feudalism doomed the -sovereign to impotence unless he could hoard large -sums of ready money wrung from subjects. In future -he saw that kings would be feared, not for the -doubtful feudatories they might summon, but in proportion -to the men and arms they could promptly pay -for in cash; and he went one better than the two Henry -Tudors in getting the treasure he saw was needed. -They squeezed rills of money from religious orthodoxy, -and divided their subjects for a century; he drew floods -of gold by exterminating a heterodox minority, and -united Spain for the ends he had in view. Ferdinand -and Isabel might therefore challenge the admiration of -subjects for their greatness and high aims, and command -loyalty by their success as rulers; but they cannot be -regarded as loveable human beings.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Between two such strong characters as these it was -not to be expected that all would be harmonious at first, -and the married life of Isabel began inauspiciously -enough in one respect. There is no doubt that both -Ferdinand and his father intended that the former -should be King regnant of Castile, and not merely -King consort. Ferdinand indeed, through his grandfather -of the same name, was the male heir to the -Castilian crowns; and as the Salic law prevailed in -Aragon, they assumed that it might be enforced in -Castile. This, however, was very far from Isabel’s -view; reinforced as she was by the decision of the -Castilian churchmen and jurists, and she stood firm. -For a time Ferdinand sulked and threatened to leave -her to fight out her battle by herself; but better counsels -prevailed, and an agreement was made by which they -<span class='pageno' id='Page_32'>32</span>were to reign jointly, but that Isabel alone should appoint -all commanders, officers and administrators, in Castile, -and retain control of all fiscal matters in her realms.</p> - -<p class='c007'>On the 2nd January 1475, Ferdinand joined his wife -in Segovia, where a Cortes had been summoned to take -the oath of allegiance to them. Through the thronged -and cheering street he rode to the Alcazar; Beltran -de la Cueva, Duke of Alburquerque, by his side, and -nobles, bishops and burgesses, flocked to do homage -to the new sovereigns. Two months later the faithful -city of Valladolid greeted the royal couple with effusive -joy; and a round of festivities drew the lieges and gave -time for adherents to come in. Both parties were -mustering forces for the great struggle; and it needed -stout hearts on the part of Isabel and her husband to -face the future. The Archbishop of Toledo was now -on the side of the Beltraneja; and so was Madrid and -some of the great nobles of Andalucia; and, worst of -all, Alfonso of Portugal had been betrothed to his niece -the Beltraneja; and was even now gathering his army -to invade Castile and seize the crown. On the 3rd -April the new sovereigns held high festival at Valladolid. -Isabel, in crimson brocade and with a golden crown -upon her veiled abundant russet hair, mounted a white -hackney with saddle cloth, housings and mane covered -with gold and silver flowers. She was followed by -fourteen noble dames dressed in parti-coloured tabards, -half green brocade and half claret velvet, and head -dresses to imitate crowns; and, as they rode to take the -place of honour in the tilt yard, men said that no woman -was ever seen so beautiful and majestic as the Queen -of Spain.<a id='r24' /><a href='#f24' class='c013'><sup>[24]</sup></a> Knights and nobles flocked to the lists, and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_33'>33</span>King Ferdinand rode into the yard mounted upon his -warhorse to break a lance, the acknowledged finest -horseman in Spain. But as he entered the populace -stared to see the strange crest he bore upon his helm, -and the stranger motto emblazoned upon his shield. -What could it mean? asked, not without fear, some of -those who professed to be his friends. The crest took -the form of a blacksmith’s anvil, and the motto ran;—</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b c014'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><i><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Como yunque sufro y callo,</span></i></div> - <div class='line'><i><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Por el tiempo en que me hallo.</span></i></div> - </div> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>I do bear, like anvil dumb,</div> - <div class='line'>Blows, until the time shall come.<a id='r25' /><a href='#f25' class='c013'><sup>[25]</sup></a></div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c015'>which we are told was meant as a warning to those at -his side that he knew they were beguiling him with such -pageantry whilst they were paltering with his enemies.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It was a gay though ominous feast; but Isabel could -not afford much time for such trifling, and on the second -day she mounted her palfrey and rode out to Tordesillas, -forty miles away, to inspect the fortifications, and -then to make an attempt to win back to her cause the -Archbishop of Toledo. With prodigious activity the -young Sovereigns separately travelled from fortress to -fortress, animating followers, and providing for defence; -and Isabel was in the imperial city of Toledo late in -May 1475, when the news came to her that the King -of Portugal had entered Spain with a large army, had -formally married the Beltraneja at Palencia, and proclaimed -himself King of Castile.<a id='r26' /><a href='#f26' class='c013'><sup>[26]</sup></a> Without wasting a -moment Isabel started on horseback for her faithful fief -of Avila, ninety miles away. She was less than two days -<span class='pageno' id='Page_34'>34</span>on the road, and, though she had a miscarriage on the -way at Cabezon she dared not tarry until safe within the -walls of the city, which she entered on the 28th May.</p> - -<p class='c007'>For some months thereafter the fate of Spain hung -in the balance. Ferdinand strained every nerve, but -the forces against him were stronger than his, and the -Archbishop of Toledo with his wealth and following -had reinforced the Portuguese. The invading army -lay across the Douro at Toro, a frontier fortress of -Leon of fabulous strength, and Ferdinand from Valladolid -attempted to push them back and was beaten. -All Leon, and the plain of Castile as far as Avila, -looked at the mercy of the invaders. But the Portuguese -was slow of action, and at this critical juncture -the splendid courage of Isabel saved the situation.<a id='r27' /><a href='#f27' class='c013'><sup>[27]</sup></a> -Summoning Cortes at her city of Medina, the centre -of the cloth industry and the greatest mart for bills of -exchange in Europe, she appealed to their patriotism, -their loyalty, and their love. Her eloquent plea was -irresistible. Money was voted without stint, merchants -and bankers unlocked their coffers, churches sold -their plate, and monasteries disinterred their hoards. -Aragonese troops marched in, Castilian levies came to -the call of their Queen, and by the end of 1475 -Ferdinand was at the head of an army strong enough -<span class='pageno' id='Page_35'>35</span>to face the invaders. Isabel took her full share of the -military operations. On the 8th January 1476, she -rode out of Valladolid through terrible weather, in the -coldest part of Spain, to join Ferdinand’s half-brother, -Alfonso, before Burgos. For ten days the Queen -travelled through the deep snowdrifts before she -reached the camp, to find that the city had already -surrendered; and on the evening of her arrival, in the -gathering dusk, she entered the city of the Cid, to be -received by kneeling, silk-clad aldermen with heads -bowed for past transgressions, to be graciously -pardoned by the Queen. The pardon was hearty -and prompt; for these, and such as these, Isabel -meant to make her instruments for bringing Spain to -heel.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In the meanwhile Ferdinand had marched to meet -the invading army of 3000 horse and 10,000 foot -which lay across the Douro at Toro. First he set -siege to Zamora, between the invading army and its -base, and the King of Portugal ineffectually attempted -to blockade him. Failing in this, the invaders on the -17th February raised their camp and marched towards -Toro again. They stole away silently, but Ferdinand -followed them as rapidly as possible, and caught up -with them twelve miles from Toro, late in the afternoon, -on the banks of the Douro. The charge of the -Aragonese upon the disorganised army on the march -was irresistible, and a complete rout of the invaders -ensued, no less than 300 of the fugitives being drowned -in the river in sheer panic. King Alfonso of Portugal -fled, leaving his royal standard behind him, and before -nightfall all was over, and the last hope of the -Beltraneja had faded for ever.</p> - -<p class='c007'>A month afterwards Zamora, the almost impregnable -<span class='pageno' id='Page_36'>36</span>fortress, surrendered to Ferdinand; and then -the King marched to subdue other towns, whilst -Isabel laid siege to Toro. The Queen scorned to -avail herself of the privilege of her sex, and suffered -all the hardships and dangers of a soldier’s life. Early -and late she was on horseback superintending the -operations, and ordered and witnessed more than one -unsuccessful assault upon the town. At length, after -a siege of many months, Toro itself fell, the last great -fortress to hold out, and Isabel rode into the starving -city in triumph. Then indeed was she Queen of -Castile, with none to question her right.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The waverers hastened to join the victorious side, -the nobles who had helped the Beltraneja, even the -Archbishop of Toledo, came penitently, one by one, to -make such terms as their mistress would accord; -whilst the Beltraneja herself, unmarried again by an -obedient Pope, retired to a Portuguese convent, and -the King of Portugal afterwards laid aside his royal -crown and assumed the tonsure and coarse gown of -a Franciscan friar. Never was victory more complete; -and when three years later, early in 1479, the old -King of Aragon, Ferdinand’s father, went to his -account, Isabel and Ferdinand, for ever known as ‘the -Catholic kings,’ by grace of the Pope, reigned over -Spain jointly from the Pyrenees to the Pillars of -Hercules, one poor tributary Moorish realm, Granada, -alone remaining to sully with infidelity the reunited -domains of the Cross.</p> - -<p class='c007'>But the elements of aristocratic anarchy still existed, -especially in Galicia and Andalucia, where certain -noble families assumed the position of almost independent -sovereigns, and at any time might again -imperil the very existence of the State. With the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_37'>37</span>great ambitions of Ferdinand and the exalted fervour -of Isabel to spread Christianity, it must have been -clear to both sovereigns that they must make themselves -absolutely supreme in their own country before -they could attempt to carry out their views abroad. -The realms of Aragon offered no great difficulty, since -good order prevailed, although the strict parliamentary -constitutions sorely limited the regal power, and gave -to the estates the command of the purse. In Castile, -however, the nobles, eternally at feud with each other, -were quite out of hand, and Isabel’s first measures -were directed towards shearing them of their power -for mischief. All the previous kings of her line—that -of Trastamara—had been simply puppets in the hands -of the nobility; she was determined, as a preliminary -of greater things, to be sole mistress in her realm. -Her task was a tremendous one, and needed supreme -diplomacy in dividing opponents, as well as firmness -in suppressing them. Isabel was a host in herself; -and to her, much more than to her husband, must be -given the honour of converting utter anarchy into -order and security in a prodigiously short time.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The only semblance of settled life and respect for -law in Castile was to be found in the walled towns. -The municipal government had always been the unit -of civilisation in Spain, and the nobility being untaxed, -the Castilian Cortes consisted entirely of the representatives -of the burgesses. With true statesmanship -Isabel therefore turned to this element to reinforce the -crown as against lawless nobles. The proposal to -revive in a new form the old institution of the -‘Sacred Brotherhood’ of towns was made to her at the -meeting of the Cortes at Madrigal in April 1476, and -was at once accepted. A meeting of deputies was -<span class='pageno' id='Page_38'>38</span>called at Dueñas in July, and within a few months the -urban alliance was complete. An armed force of 2000 -horsemen and many foot-soldiers was formed and paid -by an urban house tax.<a id='r28' /><a href='#f28' class='c013'><sup>[28]</sup></a> They were more than a mere -constabulary, although they ranged the country far and -wide, and compelled men to keep the peace, for the -organisation provided a judicial criminal system that -effectually completed the task of punishment. Magistrates -were appointed in every village of thirty families -for summary jurisdiction, and constables of the -Brotherhood were in every hamlet, whilst a supreme -council composed of deputies from every province in -Castile judged without appeal the causes referred to -it by local magistrates. The punishments for the -slightest transgression were terrible in their severity, -and struck the turbulent classes with dismay. In -1480 a league of nobles and prelates met at Cabeña, -under the Duke of Infantado, to protest against the -Queen’s new force of burgesses. In answer to their -remonstrance she showed her strength by haughtily -telling them to look to themselves and obey the law, -and at once established the Brotherhood on a firmer -footing than before, to be a veritable terror to evildoers, -gentle as well as simple.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Isabel was no mild saint, as she is so often represented. -She was far too great a woman and Queen -to be that; and though for the first two or three years -<span class='pageno' id='Page_39'>39</span>of her reign diplomacy was her principal weapon, no -sooner had she divided her opponents and firmly -established the Holy Brotherhood, than the iron flail -fell upon those who had offended. In Galicia the -nobles had practically appropriated to themselves the -royal revenues, and the Queen’s writ had no power. -That might suit weak Henry, but Isabel was made of -sterner stuff than her brother had been, and in 1481 -she sent two doughty officers to summon the representatives -of the Galician towns to Santiago, and to -demand of them money and men to bring the nobles -to their senses. The burgesses despaired, and said -that nothing less than an act of God would cure the -many evils from which they suffered. The act of God -they yearned for came, but Isabel was the instrument. -Forty-seven fortresses, which were so many brigand -strongholds, were levelled to the ground in the province; -and some of the highest heads were struck -from noble shoulders. The stake and the gibbet were -kept busy, the dungeons and torture chambers full; -and those of evil life in sheer terror mended their ways, -or fled to places were justice was less strict.</p> - -<p class='c007'>But it is in the suppression of the anarchy at Seville -that Isabel’s personal action is most clearly seen. For -years the city had been a prey to the sanguinary -rivalry between two great families who lorded it over -the greater part of Andalucia, the Guzmans and the -Ponces de Leon; and at the time of Isabel’s accession -the feud had assumed the form of predatory civil war, -from which no citizen was safe. The cities of the -south were less settled in Christian organisation -than those of the north, and their municipal governments -not so easy to combine; and Isabel, in 1477, -determined by her personal presence in Seville to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_40'>40</span>enforce the hard lessons she had taught the rest of her -realms. The armed escort that accompanied her was -sufficient, added to the awe already awakened by her -name, to cow the turbulent spirits of Seville. Reviving -the ancient practice of the Castilian kings, Isabel, -alone or with her husband by her side, sat every -Friday in the great hall of the Moorish Alcazar at -Seville, to deal out justice without appeal to all comers. -Woe betided the offender who was haled before her. -The barbaric splendour, which Isabel knew how to use -with effect, surrounding her, gave to this famous royal -tribunal a prestige that captured the imagination of the -semi-oriental population of Seville, whilst the terrible -severity of its judgments and the lightning rapidity -of its executions reduced the population to trembling -obedience whilst Isabel stayed in the city. No less -than four thousand malefactors fled—mostly across the -frontier—to escape from the Queen’s wrath, whilst all -those who in the past had transgressed, either by -plundering or maltreating others, and could be caught, -were made to feel to the full what suffering was. So -great was Isabel’s severity that at last the Bishop of -Cadiz, accompanied by the clergy and notables of -Andalucia, and backed by hosts of weeping women, -came and humbly prayed the Queen to have mercy in -her justice. Isabel had no objection. She did not -scourge and slay because she loved to do it, but to -compel obedience. Once that was obtained she was -content to stay her hand; and before she left the city, -a general amnesty was given for past offences except -for serious crimes. But she left behind her an organised -police and criminal tribunals, active and vigilant -enough to trample at once upon any attempt at reviving -the former state of things.</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_41'>41</span>A more difficult task for Isabel was that of reforming -the moral tone of her court and society at large. The -Alcazar of Henry IV. had been a sink of iniquity, and -the lawlessness throughout the country had made the -practice of virtue almost impossible; whilst the clergy, -and especially the regular ecclesiastics, were shamefully -corrupt. Isabel herself was not only severely discreet -in her conduct, but determined that no countenance -should be given to those who were lax in any of the -proprieties of life; and it was soon understood by -ecclesiastics and courtiers that the only certain passport -to advancement in Castile was strict decorum. -It is probable that much of the sudden reform thus -effected was merely hypocrisy; but it lasted long -enough to become a fixed tradition, and permanently -raised the standard of public and private life in Spain.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In all directions Isabel carried forward her work of -reform. The great nobles found to their dismay, when -the Queen was strong enough to do it, that she, fortified -by the Cortes of Toledo, had cancelled all the -unmerited grants so lavishly squandered by previous -kings upon them. Some of those who had been most -active in the late troubles, such as the Dukes of -Alburquerque and Alba and the Admiral of Castile, -Ferdinand’s maternal uncle, were stripped almost to -the skin. Isabel’s revenue on her accession had only -amounted to 40,000 ducats, barely sufficient for necessary -sustenance; but in a very few years (1482) it had -multiplied by more than twelvefold, and thirty millions -of maravedis a year had been added to the royal -income from resumed national grants. To all remonstrances -from those who suffered, Isabel was firm and -dignified, though conciliatory in manner. Her voice -was sweet and her bearing womanly; she always -<span class='pageno' id='Page_42'>42</span>ascribed her measures, however oppressive they might -seem, to her love for the country and her determination -to make it great. Upon this ground she was -unassailable; and enlisted upon her side even those -who felt the pinch by appealing to their national pride.</p> - -<p class='c007'>There was no one measure that added more to -Isabel’s material power than her policy towards the -religious orders of knighthood. These three great -orders, Calatrava, Santiago, and Alcantara, had grown -out of the long crusade against the Moors; devout -celibate soldiers receiving in community vast grants of -territory which they wrested from the infidel. By the -time of Isabel they had grown to be a scandal, for the -grandmasters disposed of revenues and forces as large -as those of the crown, and were practically independent -of it. Isabel’s treatment of them was diplomatic and -wise as usual. As each mastership fell vacant she -granted it to her husband; and thus the three most -dangerous rivals to the royal authority were made -thenceforward appanages of the crown, to which the -territories were afterwards appropriated.<a id='r29' /><a href='#f29' class='c013'><sup>[29]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>The Queen’s activity and strength of body and mind -<span class='pageno' id='Page_43'>43</span>must have been marvellous. We hear of her travelling -vast distances, almost incessantly in the saddle, visiting -remote parts of her husband’s and her own dominions -for State business, to settle disputed points, to inspect -fortifications, to animate ecclesiastical or municipal -bodies, and to suppress threatened disorder. No -difficulty seemed to dismay her, no opposition to -deflect her from the exalted purpose she had in view. -For it must not be supposed that this strenuous -activity was sporadic and without a central object -which inspired it all. In this supreme object the -key to Isabel’s life must be sought. Isabel’s mother -was mad: after the death of her husband she had -sunk into the gloomy devotional lunacy which afflicted -in after years so many of her descendants; and in -the impressionable years of Isabel’s youth, passed in -the isolated castle of Arevalo, the whole atmosphere -of her life had been one of mystic religious exaltation.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The Christian Spaniard of Castile had through -seven centuries gradually regained for Christ his lost -kingdom by a constant crusade against the infidel. -The secular struggle had made him a convinced -believer in his divine mission to re-establish the reign -of the cross on earth. To this end saints had led -him into battle in shining armour, blazing crosses in -the sky had heralded victory to God’s own militia, -and holy relics, miraculously revealed, had served as -talismans which ensured success. Mysticism and the -yearning for martyrdom was in the air in Isabel’s -youth, and she, a saintly neurotic, who happened also -to be a genius and a queen, shared to the full the -Castilian national obsession. The man who fostered -the growth of this feeling in the young princess at -Arevalo might have been useful in spurring a sluggish -<span class='pageno' id='Page_44'>44</span>mind to devotion; but to further inflame the zeal of -a girl of Isabel’s innate tendency was unnecessary, -and of this alone was he capable. He was a fiery, -uncompromising, Dominican monk, called Tomas de -Torquemada. The Dominicans, centuries before, had -been entrusted by the Pope with the special duty to -maintain the purity of the faith, and as its guardians, -spiritual pride and arrogance had always been the -characteristic of the order. Torquemada, as Isabel’s -confessor and spiritual tutor, had abundant opportunities -of influencing her, and never ceased to keep -before her the sacred duty imposed upon rulers of -extirpating heresy, root and branch, at any cost. Her -own brother Henry had been surrounded by the hated -infidel, the enemy of Christ and Spain. Failure as a -king, ruin as a man, and a miserable death, had been -his portion. And so the lesson was ceaselessly dinned -into Isabel’s ear, that no ruler could be happy or -successful who did not smite heretics, infidels and -doubters, hip and thigh, for the glory of God. The -Moor, she was told, still defiled in Granada the -sacred soil of Spain, suffered by an unworthy -Christian king to linger for the sake of the paltry -tribute paid.</p> - -<p class='c007'>To establish the rule of Christ on earth, which she -was taught was her sacred duty, Isabel knew that a -strong weapon was needed. Only a united and -centralised Spain could give her that, and Spain must -be unified first of all. Her marriage with Ferdinand -was a great step in advance; her suppression of the -nobles and the masterships of the orders another, the -submission of the country to her will and law a third, -the increase of her revenues a fourth; but a greater -than all was the reawakening in the breasts of all -<span class='pageno' id='Page_45'>45</span>Spaniards the mystic exaltation and spiritual pride -that gave strength to their arms against the Moor -in the heroic days of old. The character of the -Spanish people, and the state of the public mind at -the time, made it easy to stir up the religious rancour -of the majority against a minority already despised -and distrusted. Throughout Spain there were -numerous families of the conquered race nominally -Christians, but yet living apart in separate quarters, -and unmixed in blood with their neighbours. They -were, as a rule, industrious and well-to-do handicraftsmen -and agriculturists, whose artistic traditions and -skill gave them the monopoly in many profitable and -thriving avocations. The Christian Spaniard had not, -as a rule, developed similar qualities, and were naturally -jealous of the so-called new Christians who lived -with them, but were not of them.</p> - -<p class='c007'>There was, however, at first but little open enmity -between these two races of Spaniards, though distrust -and dislike existed. It was otherwise in the case of -the Jews. They, during the centuries of Moorish -rule, had grown rich and numerous, and had in subsequent -periods almost monopolised banking and -financial business throughout Spain, marrying in many -cases into the highest Christian families. As farmers -of taxes and royal treasurers they had become extremely -unpopular, especially in Aragon; and although, for -the most part, professed Christians, they were eyed -with extreme jealousy by the people at large, and on -many occasions had been the victims of attack and -massacre in various places.<a id='r30' /><a href='#f30' class='c013'><sup>[30]</sup></a> Nevertheless, so far as -can be seen, the first steps towards religious persecution -<span class='pageno' id='Page_46'>46</span>by Isabel and her husband do not appear to -have been prompted, although they may have been -strengthened, by this feeling. There had for centuries -existed in Aragon and Sicily an Inquisition for the -investigation of cases of heresy. It was a purely -papal institution, and its operations were very mild, -though extremely unpopular. In Castile, the papal -Inquisition had never been favoured by rulers, who -were always jealous of the interference of Rome, and -at the time of Isabel’s accession it had practically -ceased to exist.</p> - -<p class='c007'>When the sovereigns were holding Court at Seville -in 1477, a Sicilian Dominican came to beg for the -confirmation of an old privilege, giving to the Order -in Sicily one-third of the property of all the heretics -condemned there by the Inquisition. This Ferdinand -and Isabel consented to, and the Dominican, whose -name was Dei Barberi, suggested to Ferdinand that -as religious observance had grown so lax under the -late King Henry, it might be advisable to introduce -a similar tribunal into Castile. Ferdinand’s ambitions -were great. He wanted to win for Barcelona the -mastership of the Mediterranean and the reversion of -the Christian Empire of the East, and, as a preliminary, -to clear Spain itself of the taint of dominant -Islam at Granada. He understood that times had -changed, and that the nerve of war was no longer -feudal aids, but the concentration in the hands of the -King of the ready money of his subjects. The people -who had most of the ready money in Spain were the -very people whose orthodoxy was open to attack, and -he welcomed a proposal that might make him rich -beyond dreams.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Isabel was not greedy for money as her husband -<span class='pageno' id='Page_47'>47</span>was: she was too much of a religious mystic for that; -but to spread the kingdom of Christ on earth, to crush -His enemies and raise His cross supreme in the eyes -of men, seemed to promise her the only glory for -which she yearned. By her side was her confessor -Torquemada, the Dominican Ojeda, and the Papal -Nuncio, all pressing upon her that to strike at heresy -in her realms was her duty. So Isabel took the step -they counselled, and begged the Pope for a bull -establishing the Inquisition in Castile. The bull was -granted in September 1478, but no active steps were -taken for nearly two years.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In 1480, Isabel and her husband were again in -Seville, and the Dominicans were ceaseless in their -exhortations to them to suppress the growing scandal -of obstinate Judaism. The complaints of the clergy -against the Jews were such as they knew would be -supported by the populace. Amongst other things, -they said that the Jews bought up and ate all the -meat in the market for their Sabbath, and there was -none left for Christians on Sunday;<a id='r31' /><a href='#f31' class='c013'><sup>[31]</sup></a> that they were -hoarding coin to such an extent that there was a lack -of currency; that they donned rich finery and ornaments -only fit for their betters, and so on.<a id='r32' /><a href='#f32' class='c013'><sup>[32]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>The various modern apologists of Isabel have striven -to minimise her share in the establishment of the dread -tribunal that sprang out of these and similar complaints. -There seems to me no reason for doing so: she herself -probably considered it a most praiseworthy act, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_48'>48</span>and her only hesitation in the matter was caused by -her dislike of strengthening the papal power over the -church of Castile.<a id='r33' /><a href='#f33' class='c013'><sup>[33]</sup></a> There could have been no repugnance -in her mind to punishing, however severely, -those whom she looked upon as God’s enemies, and -consequently unworthy of the privileges of humanity. -Ferdinand added his persuasion to the clamours of the -churchmen; and from Medina del Campo, Isabel, in -September 1480, commissioned two Dominicans to -act as Inquisitors, and to establish their tribunal at -Seville.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The Jews of Seville took alarm at once, and large -numbers of them fled from the city to the shelter of -some of the neighbouring great nobles, who looked -with dislike at this new development of priestly power. -A decree of the sovereign’s at once forbade all loyal -subjects to withhold suspected heretics from their -accusers, and those fugitive Jews who could escape -sought the safety of Moorish Granada. In the first -days of 1481, the Inquisition got to work, striking at -the highest first, and before the end of the year 2000 -poor wretches were burnt in Andalusia alone.<a id='r34' /><a href='#f34' class='c013'><sup>[34]</sup></a> All -Spain protested against it. Deputations from the chief -towns came and demanded the abolition of a foreign -tribunal over Spaniards. The Aragonese, rough and -independent as usual, resorted to violence, and hunted -the Inquisitors, whilst in Old Castile the tribunal could -only sit, in many places, surrounded by the Queen’s -soldiers. But Isabel’s heart was aflame with zeal, and -Ferdinand, with gaping coffers, was rejoicing at the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_49'>49</span>showers of Jewish gold that flowed to him; and all -remonstrance was in vain. The Pope himself soon -took fright at the severity exercised, and threatened to -withdraw the bull, but Ferdinand silenced him with a -hint that he would make the Inquisition an independent -tribunal altogether, as later it practically became, and -thenceforward the horrible business went on unchecked -until Spain was seared from end to end, and independent -judgment was stifled for centuries in blood -and sacrificial smoke.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The heartless bigot Torquemada, Isabel’s confessor, -was appointed Inquisitor-General in 1483, and he, the -most insolent, because the humblest, man in Spain, -became the greatest power in the land, master of -Isabel’s conscience and feeder of Ferdinand’s purse. -Isabel’s Spanish biographers continue to assert that she -was tireless in her endeavours to soften the rigour of -her own tribunal, and to intercede for her ‘dear Castilians.’ -There is not a scrap of real evidence known -to prove that she did so, and certainly her contemporaries -did not believe it.<a id='r35' /><a href='#f35' class='c013'><sup>[35]</sup></a> Her administration, however, -had already been extremely successful. Peace -and order reigned, the pride of Spaniards, which she -so sedulously fostered, had been worked up to a high -pitch, the Queen herself was personally popular, in consequence -of her dignity, her activity, and her patriotism; -and the urban populations, who had so greatly aided -her, and were now so powerful, dreaded to cause disturbance -that might have thrown the country again -into the clutches of the nobles. Terrible, therefore, as -<span class='pageno' id='Page_50'>50</span>was the action of the Holy Office, acquiesced in by the -Queen, there were many reasons why no combined -opposition to it in Castile was offered, although for the -first years of its existence it was bitterly hated.</p> - -<p class='c007'>To the Queen during these first few years of ceaseless -activity, no other child had been born but the -Infanta Isabel, the first fruit of her marriage in 1470. -The constant long journeys on horseback, the hardships -and risk entailed by her work, thus for eight -years prevented the birth of a male heir. But during -Isabel’s stay at Seville, on the 30th June 1478, the -prayed for Prince of Asturias, Juan, was born. Ferdinand -was away in the north at the time, but all the -pomp and splendour, which Isabel knew so well how -to use, heralded the birth of the Prince. On the 15th -July the Queen was sufficiently well to ride in state to -the cathedral from the Moorish Alcazar where she -lived, and to present her first-born son to the Church. -Through the narrow, tortuous lanes of the sunny city, -packed with people, Isabel rode on a bay charger; her -crimson brocade robe, all stiff with gold embroidery, -trailing almost to the ground, over the petticoat covered -with rich pearls. Her saddle, we are told, was of gold, -and the housings black velvet, with bullion lace and -fringe. Ferdinand’s base brother Alfonso, and his -kinswoman the Duchess of Vistahermosa, followed -close behind, and the Queen’s bridle was held by the -Constable of Castile and Count Benavente. The -merry music of fife, tabor, and clarion preceded the -royal party; and behind there came on foot the nobles -and grandees, and the authorities of the city. The -baby Prince was borne in the arms of his nurse, seated -upon a mule draped with velvet, and embroidered with -the scutcheons of Castile, Leon, and Aragon, and led -<span class='pageno' id='Page_51'>51</span>by the Admiral of Castile. At the high altar of the -famous Mudejar Cathedral, Isabel solemnly devoted -her child to the service of God, and then, with splendid -largess to all and sundry, she returned to the palace.<a id='r36' /><a href='#f36' class='c013'><sup>[36]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Isabel was unremitting always in the performance of -her religious duties, and wherever she stayed, endowments -for purposes of the Church commemorated her -visit. Her humility and submission to priests and -nuns is cited with extravagant praise by her many -ecclesiastical eulogists, and they tell the story of how, -when Father Talavera first succeeded Torquemada as -her confessor, he bade her kneel at his feet like an -ordinary penitent. When she reminded him that -monarchs always sat by the side of the confessor, as -she had always done before, he rebuked her by saying -that his seat was the seat of God, before whom all -kneeled without distinction; and the Queen thenceforward -kept upon her knees before the priest, whom -she honoured thenceforward for what in our days we -should consider unpardonable arrogance.</p> - -<p class='c007'>There was little of repose for Isabel, even after the -birth of her child. To Seville came the news a few -months afterwards that the old soldier Archbishop of -Toledo and the Pachecos had once more persuaded -Alfonso of Portugal to strike a blow for his niece and -wife the Beltraneja. Raising what troops she could, -Isabel rode through Estremadura at the head of her -force, determined to end for good claims that she -thought had already been disposed of. Ferdinand was -in Aragon, where, his father having just died, his -presence could not be dispensed with; but Isabel was -undismayed. In vain her councillors begged her to -refrain from undertaking the campaign in person. The -<span class='pageno' id='Page_52'>52</span>country was devastated by famine and war, they said; -pestilence prevailed in the towns, and the raids of the -Portuguese and rebels would expose her to great -danger. ‘I did not come hither,’ Isabel replied, ‘to -shirk danger and trouble, nor do I intend to give my -enemies the satisfaction, nor my subjects the chagrin, -to see me do so, until we end the war we are engaged -upon or make the peace we seek.’<a id='r37' /><a href='#f37' class='c013'><sup>[37]</sup></a> Isabel, in command -of the Castilians, finally crushed the Portuguese at the -battle of Albuera; and then, after reducing to submission -the rebel noble fortresses, she negotiated a -peace with Portugal and France at Alcantara, by -which both powers were compelled to recognise her as -Queen of Spain. Suppressing revolt, deciding disputes, -and punishing transgressions on her way, Isabel -then rode to Toledo, where Ferdinand joined her, and -there her third child, Joan, was born, in November -1479.</p> - -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_53'>53</span> - <h3 class='c011'>CHAPTER II</h3> -</div> - -<p class='c012'>Castile and Aragon, now being indissolubly united, -and internal peace secured, it was time for the sovereigns -to prepare for the execution of the great designs -that had respectively moved them to effect what they -had done. These designs were to some extent divergent -from each other. Ferdinand’s main object was -to cripple his rival, France, in the direction of Italy, -and assume for Aragon the hegemony of the Mediterranean -and of the sister Peninsula, of which Sicily -already belonged to him and Naples to a member of -his house. Castile, on the other hand, had for centuries -cultivated usually harmonious relations with -France, the frontiers not being conterminous except -at one point, the mouth of the Bidasoa; and the -ambitions of Castile were traditionally towards the -absorption of Portugal, the domination of the coast of -North Africa, and the spread of the Christian power -generally to the detriment of Islam, its secular enemy. -Its own Moorish populations were as yet but imperfectly -assimilated, and the existence of the realm of -Granada in the Peninsula kept hopes alive in the -breasts of the Castilian Moors. The presence of -many thousands of potential enemies in the midst of -Christian Spain, and the wealth and number of the -Jews, who, in a struggle, would probably side with -the Moors, undoubtedly influenced greatly in causing -the severity of the Inquisition against them and their -subsequent expulsion. The first step, therefore, to be -<span class='pageno' id='Page_54'>54</span>taken towards the objects either of Aragon and Castile, -was to reduce to impotence any Moorish power in -Spain itself that might cause anxiety to the Christian -rulers whilst they were busy upon plans abroad, though -this step was mainly important to Castile rather than -to Aragon.</p> - -<p class='c007'>This was the state of affairs in the beginning of -1481. The Castilians were subdued and prepared to -do the bidding of their Queen, but the Catalans and -Aragonese, rough and independent, had to be conciliated -before they could be depended upon to give their aid -to an object apparently for the advantage of Castile. -Isabel had summoned a Cortes of her realms to the -imperial city of Toledo late in 1480, to take the oath -of allegiance to her infant son Juan as heir to the -throne: and thence, with a splendid train, she rode to -visit for the first time her husband’s kingdoms, to receive -their homage as joint sovereign. Ferdinand -met his wife at Calatayud in April 1481, and there, -before the assembled Cortes of Aragon, the oath of -allegiance to the sovereigns and their heir was taken. -The Aragonese were rough-tongued and jealous, and -even more so the Catalans, dreading the centralising -policy of Isabel and their assimilation by Castile; and -throughout Ferdinand’s dominions Isabel was forced to -hear demands and criticisms to which the more amenable -Cortes of Castile had not accustomed her. It -was gall and wormwood to her proud spirit that subjects -should haggle with monarchs, and in Barcelona -she turned to her husband, when the Cortes had refused -one of his requests, and said: ‘This realm is not ours, -we shall have to come and conquer it.’ But Ferdinand -knew his subjects better than she, and gradually -made them understand that in all he did he had their -<span class='pageno' id='Page_55'>55</span>interests in view. He was forced, indeed, by circumstances -and his wife to allow precedence to Castilian -aims, the better to compass those of Aragon.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The turbulent Valencians were being won to benevolence -by the presence of their King and the smiles -of his wife in the last days of 1481, when the news -reached the sovereigns that the pretext they needed -for their next great step had been furnished by the -Moors of Granada. From the fairy palace of the -Alhambra for the previous two hundred and fifty -years, the Kings of Granada had ruled a territory in the -South of Andalucia, running from fifteen miles north of -Gibraltar along the Mediterranean coast two hundred -and twenty miles to the borders of Murcia, and including -the fine ports of Malaga, Velez, and Almeria. -The industry of the people and the commerce of their -important seaboard, facing the African land of their -kinsmen, made the population prosperous and their -standard of living high; but a series of petty despots, -successively reaching the throne by usurpation and -murder, had enabled the Kings of Castile, by fomenting -the consequent discord, to reduce Granada to the -position of a tributary. When Isabel succeeded, and -the treaties between Castile and Granada had to be -renewed in 1476, Ferdinand had demanded the prompt -annual payment of the tribute in gold. Muley Abul -Hassan had paid no tribute to Isabel’s brother, and -intended to pay none to her. ‘Tell the Queen and -King of Castile,’ he replied, ‘that steel and not gold -is what we coin in Granada.’ From the day they -received the message Isabel and Ferdinand knew that -they could not wield a solid Spain to their ends until -the Cross was reared over the Mosque of Granada. -When, therefore, all the rest of Spain was pacified, and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_56'>56</span>the sovereigns were at Valencia at Christmas 1481, -the pretext for action came, not unwelcome, at least -for Isabel. The Moors of Granada had swept down -by night and captured the Christian frontier fortress -of Zahara.<a id='r38' /><a href='#f38' class='c013'><sup>[38]</sup></a> Isabel and her husband had never ceased -since their accession to prepare for the inevitable war. -The civil conflict they had passed through had proved -the superiority for their purpose of paid troops of their -own over feudal levies, and already the organisation of -a national army existed. The Royal Council appointed -by Isabel had brought from France, Italy, and Germany -the best skilled engineers and constructors of the -recently introduced iron artillery; great quantities of -gunpowder had been imported from Sicily, and improved -lances, swords, and crossbows had been invented -and manufactured in Italy and Spain.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The troops that had been expelled from Zahara, and -those that at first revenged the insult by the capture -and sack of the important Moorish fortress of Alhama, -between Malaga and Granada, were the vassals of the -princely Andalucian nobles, the Duke of Medina -Sidonia and the Marquis of Cadiz; but the sovereigns, -hurrying from Valencia to the Castilian town -of Medina del Campo, set about organising the coming -war with national forces. The efficiency and foresight -shown were extraordinary, and, up to that time, -unexampled. Nothing seems to have been forgotten -or left to chance; flying hospitals, field ambulances, -and army chaplains, testify to Isabel’s personal influence. -Whatever may have been the case with -Ferdinand, his wife approached the struggle as to a -<span class='pageno' id='Page_57'>57</span>sacred crusade. Torquemada, though not yet Inquisitor-General, was busy with the Holy Office, and had just -been replaced as Isabel’s confessor by the saintly -Father Talavera, whose influence over the Queen -was greater still; and whose zeal for the conquest of -Granada for the cross was a consuming passion, only -comparable in its strength with his proud humility.<a id='r39' /><a href='#f39' class='c013'><sup>[39]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>The kingdom of Granada was girt around with -mountain fortresses of immense strength upon the -spurs and peaks of the Sierra Nevada; and in the -midst stood the lovely city, as it stands to-day, with its -twin fortresses upon their sister cliffs, the Alhambra -and the Albaycin, each capable of housing an army. -The task of reducing the mountain realm was a great -one, for the outlying fortresses had to be subdued -separately before the almost impregnable capital could -be attacked, whilst the long line of coast had to be -watched and blockaded to prevent, if possible, succour -being sent from Africa by kinsmen across the sea. -In the first days of March 1482, the news of the -capture of Alhama by the Andalucian nobles, and the -awful slaughter of the women and children, as well as -the men, who so heroically defended it, reached Isabel -at Medina; and the splendid exploit and vast booty -won uplifted all Castilian hearts. It is said by many -historians, but is not true, that Isabel herself set out -barefooted on a pilgrimage to Compostella, to thank -Santiago for the victory. But though she had no time -for this, she bade the Church throughout Castile sing -praises for the boon vouchsafed to the Christian cause. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_58'>58</span>But then came tidings less bright. The Moorish -King, with all his force of 80,000 men, was besieging -the Marquis of Cadiz in Alhama: the water supply -had been cut off, food was scarce, and the Christians -surrounded. Within a week of the news Ferdinand -was on the march with his army, and the Duke of -Medina Sidonia, with his 40,000 armed retainers, was -rapidly approaching Alhama to succour his ancient foe -the Marquis of Cadiz. The slaughter of Moors in the -constant unsuccessful assaults upon Alhama had been -immense; the King, Muley Abul Hassan, had bitter -domestic enemies, and daring not to face the approaching -Christians, he raised the siege and returned to -Granada. The rich booty taken in the town by the -original captors aroused the cupidity of the relieving -force, and dissensions between the Christians arose -over the division of the spoil. Medina Sidonia and -his army marched away, and again Muley Abul -Hassan beleaguered Alhama, with artillery this time, -and a powerful army. Once more deeds of unheard -of gallantry and hardihood were done by the Moorish -chivalry; but, as before, unavailingly. By the end of -March Ferdinand’s great host, with 40,000 beasts of -burden carrying supplies and munitions, approached, -and again Muley Abul Hassan retreated to his disaffected -capital. It was a blow from which the -Moorish power in Spain never recovered, and thenceforward -Granada fought hopelessly with her back to -the wall.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Into the fertile vega of Granada swept Ferdinand’s -host in the midsummer of 1482, carrying devastation -and ruin in its van. From the heights of Granada the -Moors, with impotent hate and rage, saw their blazing -villages, their raided flocks and herds, their murdered -<span class='pageno' id='Page_59'>59</span>countrymen, and desolated fields; and yet within the -fair city treason and civil discord numbed all hearts, -and paralysed the warrior’s arms. For Muley Abul -Hassan was fighting foes within his own harem more -deadly than the Christians who raided beneath his -walls; and a palace revolution led by his wife and his -undutiful son, Abu Abdalla (Boabdil), was already -plotting his downfall. To secure his position in the -vega of Granada, it was necessary for Ferdinand to -capture the frowning fortress that crowned the height -of Loja, and commanded the pass into Castile. It -had long been a thorn in the Christian flesh, and now -Ferdinand, with all the chivalry of Spain, were -pledged to capture it at any cost. Though brave -and cool, Ferdinand was no great tactician, and was -easily outwitted by the wily Moors, who led his forces -into ambush and utterly routed the Christian host. -Panic and flight ensued, with the loss of baggage, -standards, and arms; and Ferdinand himself escaped -only by the efforts of a small devoted band of Castilian -knights. The ruin was complete, and when Ferdinand -joined his heroic wife at the ancient Moorish Alcazar of -Cordova, even her faith and steadfastness for a time -wavered.</p> - -<p class='c007'>But not for long. Talavera, Torquemada, and -Mendoza, the Cardinal of Spain, with fiery zeal for -the extirpation of heresy, were at her side. Not for -territory alone, but to fix God’s realm on earth freely, -must sacrifice be made and final victory won: and, -though Ferdinand with longing eyes towards his own -aims, yearned to use his arms against France for the -recapture of his own provinces of Rosellon and -Cerdagne, and tried to persuade his wife that though -‘her war might be a holy one, his against the French -<span class='pageno' id='Page_60'>60</span>would be a just one,’ Isabel had her way, and with -unflinching zeal set about organising to snatch conquest -from defeat.<a id='r40' /><a href='#f40' class='c013'><sup>[40]</sup></a> Muley Abul Hassan, expelled -from his city of Granada, but holding his own in -Malaga and the south, had been succeeded in his -capital by the weak, rebellious Boabdil. The old -King and his brother, El Zagal, were still fighting -doughtily, and even successfully raiding the Christian -land near Gibraltar; and Boabdil, jealous of their -activity, determined to sally from Granada and strike -a blow for his cause, at the instigation of his masculine -mother. At the head of 9000 Moors, all glittering -and confident, the Prince sallied out of Granada in -April 1483, and, collecting the veteran guard of Loja -on the way, marched towards Cordova. The Moors -were undisciplined, loaded with loot, and led by a fool, -when they approached the Christian Cordovese city of -Lucena, and their ostentatious march into Christian -land had been heralded. Their attack upon the city -was repulsed with great valour, and whilst they were -meditating a renewed assault, a relieving force of -Christians approached. The Moors retired, but were -overtaken and utterly routed. Boabdil the King, -garbed in crimson velvet mantle heavy with gold, and -armed in rich damascened steel, was singled out from -amongst the mob of fugitives, captured by a Castilian -man-at-arms, and borne in triumph by the Christian -chief, the Count of Cabra, to the strong castle of -Porcuna, there to await the sovereign’s decision as to -his fate. Isabel and her husband were far away at the -time; for, after the birth of her fourth child, Maria, in -the previous summer of 1482, she and Ferdinand had -travelled north to Madrid to meet the Castilian Cortes, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_61'>61</span>and ask for supplies for carrying on the war. Thence, -on a more questionable errand, they had moved further -north. The little mountain realm of Navarre on the -Pyrenees, a buffer state between Castile and France, -belonged to the descendants of Ferdinand’s father by -his first wife. The desire of the Aragonese King to -unite Navarre to Ferdinand’s kingdoms, had removed -by murder one Navarrese sovereign after another, until -now, in 1482, the beautiful young half French Francis -Phœbus was King. He was one more obstacle to be -removed; for after him a sister would come to the -throne, and she might be easily dealt with: so poison -ended the budding life of Francis Phœbus—by -Ferdinand’s orders, it was credibly said at the time;<a id='r41' /><a href='#f41' class='c013'><sup>[41]</sup></a> -and Ferdinand and his wife hurried up to Vitoria, -bent, if possible, upon adding one more crown to the -brows of the Queen of Castile.<a id='r42' /><a href='#f42' class='c013'><sup>[42]</sup></a> It was a cynically -clever move of Ferdinand’s, for it would bring Castile -in touch with France, and thus play into the hands of -the Aragonese, but the threatening attitude of Louis -XI. convinced Ferdinand that he must wait for a more -fitting opportunity, which he did for thirty years, when -Isabel had long been dead. When the news came to -Tarazona, where the Cortes of Aragon were in session, -that Boabdil was captured, Ferdinand hurried south to -Cordova to reap the fruits of victory, leaving Isabel in -Castile.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In the great hall of the Alcazar of Cordova, -Ferdinand sat in council in August 1483, surrounded -by the soldiers who in his absence had overrun the -vega, and two Moorish embassies claimed audience. -One came from the old King, Muley Abul Hassan, in -<span class='pageno' id='Page_62'>62</span>Malaga, begging with heavy bribes the surrender of -his rebellious son Boabdil. This embassy Ferdinand -refused to receive; but the other from the Queen -Zoraya, Boabdil’s mother, with offers of ransom, submission, -and obedience, was admitted. Ferdinand was -the craftiest man of his age, and saw that the imprisonment -of Boabdil gave unity to the Granadan Moors, -whilst his presence amongst them would again be the -signal for fratricidal conflict. But the King of Aragon -drove a hard bargain, as he always did, and the foolish, -vain Boabdil only bought his liberty at a heavy price. -He was to do homage to the Christian kings, to pay a -heavy ransom and yearly tribute, and give passage to -the Christian armies to conquer his father in Malaga. -Boabdil meekly subscribed to any terms, and then -paying homage on bended knee to his master, he -wended his way to Moorish land, a mark for the scorn -of all men, ‘Boabdil the Little’ for the rest of time.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Anarchy thenceforward reigned through the kingdom -of Granada, as Ferdinand had foreseen. I shall pluck -the pomegranate, seed by seed, chuckled the Christian -king. And so he did; for, although a two years’ -truce had been settled with Boabdil, the civil war -gave to the Christian borderers constant opportunities -of overrunning the land, on the pretext of aiding or -avenging one of the combatants and attacking the -old King. Ferdinand would fain have attacked the -new King of France, Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>, but Isabel was -firm; and though Ferdinand was thereafter obliged -to stay a time in his own dominions to placate the -discontented Catalans, Isabel was tireless in her insistence -upon the Christian crusade that she had -undertaken, though, for appearance sake, she consented -to both wars being carried on at the same -<span class='pageno' id='Page_63'>63</span>time, which she knew was impracticable.<a id='r43' /><a href='#f43' class='c013'><sup>[43]</sup></a> The spirit -of the woman was indomitable. Travelling south -towards the seat of war in 1484 with the new Archbishop -of Toledo, Cardinal Mendoza, she herself took -command of the campaign against the Moor.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It was, verily, her own war. In counsel with -veteran soldiers she surprised them with her boldness -and knowledge; and her harangues to the soldiery, -and care for their welfare, caused her to be idolised -by men who had never yet regarded a woman as -being capable of such a stout heart as hers. She -managed even to spur Ferdinand into leaving Aragon, -and once more taking the field against the old King -of Granada, and, one by one, the Moorish fortresses -fell, and the Christian host encamped almost before -the walls of Granada: the Queen herself, though -approaching childbirth (in 1485), travelling from place -to place in the conquered country, encouraging, supervising, -and directing. The following year, 1486, -Isabel and her husband again travelled to Cordova -from Castile, and now with a greater force than ever -before. For news of this saintly warrior Queen, who -was fighting for the cross, had spread now through -Christendom, and not Iberian knights alone, but the -chivalry of France and Italy, Portugal and England, -were flocking to share the glory of the struggle.</p> - -<p class='c007'>At the conquest of Loja in May 1486, Lord Rivers, -Conde de Escalas, as the Spaniards called him, aided -greatly with his men in capturing the place, and earned -the praise of Isabel.<a id='r44' /><a href='#f44' class='c013'><sup>[44]</sup></a> As each church was dedicated -to the true worship in the conquered towns, Isabel -herself contributed the sacred vessels and vestments -<span class='pageno' id='Page_64'>64</span>necessary for Christian worship; relics of the saints, -and blessed banners sent by her, went always with -the Castilian hosts; and soon the spiritual pride, -which had been the secret of all Spain’s strength in -the past, became again the overwhelming obsession, -which, whilst it strengthened the arms, hardened the -hearts of all those who owned the sway of Isabel.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In December 1485, Isabel’s last child, Katharine, was -born at Alcalá de Henares, and through most of the -stirring campaigns of 1486 the Queen accompanied -the army in their sieges of Moorish towns, and thence -rode with her husband right across Spain to far -Santiago, crushing rebellion (that of Count Lemos), -holding courts of justice, punishing offences and -rewarding services on the way. The next spring -again saw her in the field against the important -maritime city of Velez-Malaga, which was captured -in April; and in the autumn the great port of Malaga -fell after an heroic defence. But heroism of infidels -aroused no clemency in the breast of the Christian -Queen. By her husband’s side, with cross borne -before them, and a crowd of shaven ecclesiastics -around them, they rode in triumph through the -deserted city to the mosque, now purified into a -Christian cathedral. Christian captives in chains were -dragged from pestilent dungeons that the manacles -might be struck from their palsied limbs in the victors’ -presence, and when the Christians had given thanks to -the Lord of Hosts, the whole starving population of -Malaga were assembled in the great courtyard of the -fortress, and every soul was condemned to slavery -for life: some to be sent to Africa in exchange for -Christian captives; some to be sold to provide funds -for the war, some for presents for the Pope and other -potentates and great nobles, whilst all the valuables -in the wealthy city were grabbed by greedy Ferdinand, -by one of his usually clever and heartless devices.<a id='r45' /><a href='#f45' class='c013'><sup>[45]</sup></a></p> - -<div id='i_064fp.jpg' class='figcenter id002'> -<img src='images/i_064fp.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic001'> -<p>ISABEL THE CATHOLIC AT THE SURRENDER OF GRANADA.<br /><br /><em>After a Painting by Pradilla.</em></p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_65'>65</span>The want of magnanimity and common humanity -to these poor people, who had only defended their -homes against the invader, is usually ascribed entirely -to Ferdinand; but there is nothing whatever to show -that Isabel thought otherwise than he, except that she -objected to a suggestion that they should all be put -to the sword. She was a child of her age, an age -that did not recognise the right of others than -orthodox Christians to be regarded as human beings; -and in Isabel all instinctive womanly feeling was -dominated by her conviction of the greatness of her -duty as she understood it, and the sacred mission of -her sovereignty. The fall of Malaga rendered inevitable -that of the city of Granada, only held, as it was, -under the nominal rule of the miserable Boabdil, supported -by the Christian troops under Gonzalo de -Cordova. Every week his little realm grew smaller, -and every hour the streets of Granada rang with -Moslem curses of his name. Outside the walls rapine -and war, inside treachery and murder, scourged -Granada; and whilst the pomegranate was rotting to -its fall, in the intervals of fresh conquests Isabel and -her husband progressed through Aragon and Valencia, -everywhere carrying terror to evildoers and strengthening -the arm of the Inquisition. The next year, 1488, -the same process was continued, and in 1489 the large -cities of Baza, Almeria and Guadix were conquered -from Boabdil’s rebel uncle. Baza was the strongest -fortress in the kingdom, and offered a resistance so -obstinate that the Christians, despairing of taking it, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_66'>66</span>sent to Isabel at Jaen, asking her permission to raise -the siege. She commanded them to redouble their -efforts. Fresh men, money and munitions were sent -to them. The Dukes of Alba and Najera, and the -Admiral of Castile, were bidden to lead their men to -aid Ferdinand before Baza. New field hospitals were -supplied, and all the Mancha and Andalucia were -swept for food and transport, no less than 14,000 -mules, for the relief of the besiegers. Floods broke -down the bridges and made the roads impassable, but -still Isabel did not lose heart. A body of 6000 men -were raised to repair the ways. The cost exhausted -the Queen’s treasury, but she laid hands on the church -plate and the treasures of the convents, pledged her -own crown with the Jews to overcome the obstacle, -and raised a hundred million maravedis for her purpose. -Her ladies followed her example and poured -their gold and jewels into her coffers, and yet Baza -still held out, and winter was close at hand. Ferdinand -was for abandoning the siege, but the stout-hearted -Queen herself set out from Jaen in November, and -rode undaunted through the bitter weather, night and -day, to join her troops at Baza. Her presence struck -the Moors with dismay, and filled the Christian hearts -with confidence, for both knew that there she would -stay, at any cost, until the place surrendered, as it -did, to her, on the 4th December 1489,<a id='r46' /><a href='#f46' class='c013'><sup>[46]</sup></a> whereupon -Almeria and Guadix gave up the struggle, and the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_67'>67</span>Queen and her husband returned to winter at Seville, -knowing now that Granada itself was theirs for the -plucking when the season should arrive.</p> - -<p class='c007'>All through the year 1490 the preparations for the -crowning feat went on throughout Castile. Patriotism, -in the sense of a common pride of territory, did not -exist in Spain; but already in the nine years that -the Inquisition had been at work, and Isabel’s fiery -zeal against the Moors had continued, the spiritual -arrogance, always latent, had knit orthodox Spaniards -together as they had never been bound before. To -the majority, the persecution of a despised and hated -minority was confirmation of their own mystic selection. -Isabel was the personification of the feeling, and to -her, as to her people now, the oppression of the -unbeliever was an act that singled her out as the -chosen of God to vindicate His faith. So Torquemada -and the Inquisition, with the approval of the Queen, -harried the wretched Jews, who professed Christianity, -more cruelly every day.<a id='r47' /><a href='#f47' class='c013'><sup>[47]</sup></a> If a ‘New Christian’ broke -bread with a Jew it was the former who was punished. -If he dared to wear clean linen on Saturday, or used -a Hebrew name, the Dominican spies, who dogged -his footsteps, accused him, and the flames consumed -his carcass whilst Ferdinand emptied his coffers. The -revenue of the Jewish confiscations had provided much -of the treasure needed for the constant war of the last -eight years; but Ferdinand wanted more, and ever -more, money before Granada could be made into a -Christian city. Isabel would conquer Granada, and -at any cost gain the undying glory of recovering for -Christ the last spot in Spain held by the infidel. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_68'>68</span>Injustice, cruelty, robbery, and the torture of innocent -people were nothing, less than nothing, to the end -she aimed at; and when the flames were found all -too slow for feeding Ferdinand’s greed, Isabel easily -consented to a blow being struck at the unbaptised -Jews, in a body, whenever it was necessary to collect -a specially large sum of money for <em>her</em> war.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In April 1491, the siege of the lovely city, set in its -vast garden plain, was begun. The Moors inside were -gallant and chivalrous, determined to sell their city -dearly, however their spiritless King might deport -himself; but their dashing cavalry sallies where almost -futile against an army so carefully organised and -disciplined as that of Isabel. The head quarters of -the Christian Queen were about two leagues from -Granada, and when Isabel joined her army the siege -opened in grim earnest. The many contemporary -chroniclers of the campaign have left us astonishing -descriptions of the dazzling splendour which surrounded -the Queen. She, who in the privacy of her palace -was sober in her attire, and devoted to housewifely -duties, could, when she thought desirable, as she did -before Granada, present an appearance of sumptuous -splendour almost unexampled. Her encampment, with -its silken tents magnificently furnished, its floating -banners and soaring crosses, were such as had never -been since the time of the Crusades. On a white -Arab charger, with floating mane and velvet trappings -to the ground, the Queen, herself dressed in damascened -armour and regal crimson, was everywhere animating, -consoling, and directing. Cardinals and bishops, princes, -nobles and ladies, thronged around her; and every -morning as the sun tipped with gold the snow peaks of -the Sierra, all in that mighty host, from the Queen down -<span class='pageno' id='Page_69'>69</span>to the poorest follower, bowed before the gorgeous altar -in the midst of the camp, whilst the Cardinal of Spain -(Mendoza) performed the sacred mystery of the mass.</p> - -<p class='c007'>One night in the summer (14th July) the Queen -had retired to her tent and was sleeping, when, two -hours after midnight, a lamp by her bedside caught -the hangings, stirred by the breeze, and in a minute -the great pavilion was ablaze. Isabel in her night garb -had barely time to escape, and witnessed the conflagration -spread from tent to tent till much of the -encampment was reduced to ruin. At the cries and -bugle calls of the distressed Christians, the Moors afar -off on the walls beheld with joy the discomfiture of -their enemies; and if another leader than Boabdil had -been in command, it would have gone ill with Isabel -and her men. But there was no defeat for a woman -with such a spirit as hers. The suggestions that the -siege should be raised until the next year, she rejected -in scorn. Once again her virile spirit had its way. -More money was raised, mostly squeezed out of the -miserable Jews; the army was quartered in neighbouring -villages, and within eighty days a city of -masonry and brick replaced the canvas encampment, -and here, in the city of Santa Fe,<a id='r48' /><a href='#f48' class='c013'><sup>[48]</sup></a> Isabel solemnly swore -to stay, winter and summer, until the city of Granada -should surrender to her.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Granada was entirely cut off from the world. The -coast towns were no longer in Moorish hands, and no -<span class='pageno' id='Page_70'>70</span>succour from Africa could come to the unhappy Boabdil. -The desperate warriors of the crescent were for sallying -<i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en masse</span></i> and dying or conquering, once for all; but -Boabdil was weak and incapable; and less than a month -after the completion of Isabel’s new city of Santa Fe, -he made secret advances to his enemy at his gates for -a capitulation. The Queen entrusted the greatest of -her captains, Gonzalo de Cordova, who understood -Arabic, with the task of negotiation; but soon the news -was whispered inside the city, and twenty thousand -furious Moorish warriors rushed up the steep hill to the -Alhambra, to demand a denial from the King. Seated in -the glittering hall of the ambassadors, Boabdil received -the spokesmen of his indignant people, and pointed -out to them with the eloquence of despair the hopelessness -of the situation; and the wisdom of making terms -whilst they might. Stupefied and grief-stricken the -populace acknowledged the truth, bitter as it was, and -with bowed heads and coursing tears left the beautiful -palace that was so soon to pass from them.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The negotiations were protracted, for Granada was -divided and might still have held out, and the Moors -begged hard for at least some vestige of independence -as a State. But at last, on the 28th November 1491, -the conditions were agreed to. The Granadan Moors -were to enjoy full liberty for their faith, language, laws -and customs; their possessions and property were to -be untouched, and those who did not desire to owe -allegiance to Christian sovereigns were to be aided to -emigrate to Africa. The tribute to be paid was the -same as that rendered to the Moorish King, and the -city was to be free from other taxation for three years; -whilst Boabdil was to have a tiny tributary kingdom -(Purchena) of his own in the savage fastnesses of the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_71'>71</span>Alpujarra mountains, looking down upon the splendid -heritage that had been his. The terms were generous -to a beaten foe, and their gentleness is usually ascribed -to Isabel. Since, however, they were afterwards all -violated with her full consent, it matters little whether -the Queen or her husband drafted them. But mild as -the conditions of surrender were, many of the heartbroken -Moors of the city were still for fighting to the -death in defence of the land of their fathers and their -faith; and Boabdil, in deadly fear for his life, begged -the visitors to hasten the taking possession of the city. -On the last day but one of the year 1491, the Christian -men-at-arms entered the Alhambra; and on the 2nd -January 1492, a splendid cavalcade went forth from the -besieging city of Santa Fe to crown the work of Isabel -the Catholic. Surrounded by all the nobles and chivalry -of Castile and Aragon, the Queen, upon a splendid -white charger, rode by her husband’s side, followed by -the flower of the victorious army. Upon a hill hard -by the walls of the city, Isabel paused and gazed upon -the towers and minarets, and upon the two fortresses -that crowned the sister heights, for which her heart -had yearned. This must have seemed to her the most -glorious moment of her life: for the last stronghold -of Islam was within her grasp; and well she must have -known that, capitulations notwithstanding, but a few -short years would pass before the worship of the false -prophet would disappear from the land where it had -prevailed so long.</p> - -<p class='c007'>At a signal the gates of the city opened, and a mournful -procession came towards the royal group upon the -rise. Mounted upon a black barb came Boabdil the -Little, dusky of skin, with sad, weeping eyes downcast. -His floating haik of snowy white half veiled a tunic of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_72'>72</span>the sacred green, covered with barbaric golden ornaments. -As he approached the group upon the mound, -the conquered King made as if to dismount, and kneel -to kiss the feet of the Queen and her husband. But -Ferdinand, with diplomatic chivalry, forbade the last -humiliation, and took the massive keys of the fortress, -whilst Boabdil, bending low in his saddle, kissed the -sleeve of the King as he passed the keys to the Queen, -who handed them to her son, and then to the Count of -Tendilla, the new governor of the city. Four days -later, Granada was swept and garnished, purified with -holy water, ready for the entry of the Christian -Sovereigns.<a id='r49' /><a href='#f49' class='c013'><sup>[49]</sup></a> The steep, narrow lane leading to the -Alhambra from the Gate of Triumph was lined by -Christian troops, and only a few dark-skinned Moors -scowled from dusky jalousies high in the walls, as the -gallant chivalry of Castile, Leon, and Aragon, flashed -and jingled after the King and Queen. As they -approached the Alhambra, upon the tower of Comares -there broke the banner of the Spanish Kings fluttering -in the breeze, and at the same moment, upon the -summit of the tower above the flag, there rose a great -gilded cross, the symbol of the faith triumphant.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Then, at the gates, the heralds cried aloud, ‘Granada! -Granada! for the Kings Isabel and Ferdinand;’ and -Isabel, dismounting from her charger, as the cross -above glittered in the sun, knelt upon the ground in all -her splendour, and thanked her God for the victory. -The choristers intoned Christian praise in the purified -mosque, whilst the Moors, who hoped to live in favour -of the victors, led by the renegade Muza, added the -strange music of their race to the thousand instruments -<span class='pageno' id='Page_73'>73</span>and voices that acclaimed the new Queen of Granada. -Amidst the rejoicing and illuminations that kept the -city awake that night, Boabdil the beaten was forgotten. -When he had delivered the keys of the Alhambra, he -had refused to be treated by his followers any longer -with royal honours, and had retired weeping to the -citadel, soon to steal forth with a few followers and -his masculine mother to the temporary shelter of his -little principality.<a id='r50' /><a href='#f50' class='c013'><sup>[50]</sup></a> When the sad cavalcade came to -the hill called Padul, ‘The last sigh of the Moor,’ -thenceforward tears coursed down the bronze cheeks -of the King as he gazed upon the lost kingdom he was -to see no more. ‘Weep! weep!’ cried his mother, -‘weep! like a woman for the city you knew not how to -defend like a man.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>Throughout Christendom rang the fame of the great -Queen, whose steadfastness had won so noble a victory; -and even in far-off England praise of her, and thanks -to the Redeemer whose cause she had championed, -were sung throughout the land. For the conquest of -Granada marked an epoch, and sealed with permanence -and finality the Christianisation of Europe, the struggle -for which had begun eight centuries before, from the -mountains of Asturias. The imagination of the world -was touched by the sight of a warrior-crusading Queen, -more splendid in her surroundings than any woman -since Cleopatra, who yet was so modest, meek, and -saintly in the relations of daily life, so exemplary a -mother, so faithful a wife,<a id='r51' /><a href='#f51' class='c013'><sup>[51]</sup></a> so wise a ruler; and the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_74'>74</span>cautious, unemotional Ferdinand, whose ability as a -statesman was even greater than that of his wife, was -overshadowed by her radiant figure, because she fought -for an exalted abstract idea, whilst his eyes were for -ever turned towards the aggrandisement of himself and -Aragon. She could be cruel, and deaf to pleas for -mercy, because in her eyes the ends she aimed at transcended -human suffering; he could be mean and false, -because his soul was baser and his objects all mundane.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In the Christian camp before Granada there had -wandered a man who was not a warrior, but a patient -suitor, waiting upon the leisure of the Sovereigns to -hear his petition. He was a man of lofty stature, with -light blue eyes that gazed afar away, fair, florid face -and ruddy hair, already touched with snow by forty -years of toil and hardship. He had long been a -standing joke with some of the shallow courtiers and -churchmen that surrounded the Queen, for he was a -dreamer of great dreams that few men could understand, -and, worst offence of all, he was a foreigner, a -Genoese some said. He had followed the Court for -eight long years in pursuit of his object, the scoff of -many and the friend of few; but the war, and the -strenuous lives that Isabel and Ferdinand lived, had -again and again caused them to postpone a final -answer to the prayer of the Italian sailor, who had, to -suit Spanish lips, turned his name from Cristoforo -Colombo to Cristobal Colon.</p> - -<p class='c007'>At the end of 1484,<a id='r52' /><a href='#f52' class='c013'><sup>[52]</sup></a> the man, full of his exalted -<span class='pageno' id='Page_75'>75</span>visions, had sailed from Lisbon, disgusted at the perfidy -of the Portuguese, who had feigned to entertain his -proposals only to try to cheat him of the realisation of -them. His intention was first to sail to Huelva in -Spain, where he had relatives, and to leave with them -his child Diego, who accompanied him, whilst he himself -would proceed to France, and lay his plans before -the new King, Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> Instead of reaching -Huelva, his pinnace was driven for some reason -to anchor in the little port of Palos, on the other -side of the delta, and thence the mariner and his boy -wended their way to the neighbouring Franciscan -Monastery of St. Maria de la Rabida, to seek shelter -and food, at least for the child. Colon, as we shall call -him here, was an exalted religious mystic, full of a great -devotional scheme, and himself, in after years, wore a -habit of St. Francis. It was natural, therefore, that he -should be well received by the brothers in that lonely -retreat overlooking the delta of the Rio Tinto; for he -was, in addition to his devotion, a man of wide knowledge -of the world as well as of science and books, and -in the monastery there was an enlightened ecclesiastic -who had known courts and cities, one Friar Juan -Perez, who had once been a confessor of Queen Isabel. -With him and the physician of the monastery, Garcia -Hernandez, Colon discussed cosmogony, and interested -them in his theories, and the aims that led him -on his voyage. The mariner needed but little material -aid, two or three small ships, which could easily have -been provided for him by private enterprise. But his -plans were far reaching, and well he knew that to be -<span class='pageno' id='Page_76'>76</span>able to carry them out, the lands he dreamed of discovering -could only produce for him the means to -attain the result he hungered for, if a powerful sovereign -would hold and use them when he had found them.<a id='r53' /><a href='#f53' class='c013'><sup>[53]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>There was a great magnate within a few days’ -journey of the monastery, who himself was almost a -sovereign, and not only had ships in plenty of his own, -but could, if he pleased, obtain for any plan he accepted -the patronage of powerful sovereigns. This was the -head of the Guzmans, the Duke of Medina Sidonia, -the Andalucian noble who controlled the port of Seville -and the coasts of the south. It must have seemed -worth while to Colon to address himself to this neighbouring -noble before setting out on his long voyage to -France; for he journeyed from La Rabida towards -Seville, leaving his child, Diego, to be educated and -cared for by the friars of the monastery. He found the -Duke of Medina Sidonia irresponsive to his approaches, -and was again thinking of taking ship to France, when -he was brought into contact, by what means is not -known, with another great noble almost as powerful as -the head of the Guzmans, the Duke of Medina Celi, -who, from his palaces at Rota and Puerto de Santa -Maria, on the Bay of Cadiz, disposed of nearly as -many sail as Medina Sidonia.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The magnate listened, often and attentively, to the -eloquent talk of the sailor seer whom he lodged in his -house: how, far away across the western ocean, beyond -the islands that the Portuguese had found, lay Asia, -the home of gems and spices rare, now only reached -painfully across the forbidden lands of the infidel and -by the Levant Sea, or perchance, though that was not -<span class='pageno' id='Page_77'>77</span>sure, around the mighty African continent; that -wealth untold lay there in pagan hands, awaiting those -who, with cross and sword, should capture it, and win -immortal souls for Christ, and so eternal glory. He, -Colon, was the man destined by God to open up the -new world foretold to Saint John in the tremendous -dream of the Apocalypse, for some vast object of -which he yet refrained to speak. Books, Seneca, -Ptolemy, and the Arab geographers, the Fathers of -the Church, legends half forgotten, the conclusions of -science, the course of the stars, and the concentrated -experience of generations of sailor men, were all used -by the Genoese to convince the Duke. The prospect -was an attractive one, and Medina Celi promised to fit -out the expedition.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In the building yards of Port Santa Maria the keels -of three caravels were laid down to be built under -Colon’s superintendence. They were to cost three or -four thousand ducats, and be fitted, provisioned and -manned, for a year at the Duke’s expense; and Colon -must have thought that now his dream was soon to -come true, and that his doubt and toil would end. But -for the inner purpose he had in view beyond the discovery -of the easy way to Asia, he needed a patron -even more powerful than Medina Celi; and it may -have been the discoverer who took means to let the -Queen of Castile know the preparations that were -being made, or, as Medina Celi himself wrote afterwards, -the information may have been sent to Court -by the Duke, fearing to undertake so great an expedition -without his sovereign’s licence.<a id='r54' /><a href='#f54' class='c013'><sup>[54]</sup></a> In either case, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_78'>78</span>when Isabel was informed of it in the winter of 1485, -she and her husband were in the north of Spain, and -instructed the Duke to send Colon to court, that they -might hear from his own mouth what his plans were.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The mariner arrived at Cordova on the 20th January -1486, with letters of introduction from the Duke to the -Queen and his friends at court. The sovereigns were -detained by business in Madrid and Toledo for three -months after Colon came to Cordova; but his letters -procured for him some friends amongst the courtiers -there, with whom he discussed the theories he had -formed, especially with the Aragonese Secretary of -Supplies, the Jewish Luis de Sant’angel, who, throughout, -was his enlightened and helpful friend. Most of -the idle hangers-on of the court at Cordova, clerical -and lay, made merry sport of the rapt dreamer who -lingered in their midst awaiting the coming of the -sovereigns. His foreign garb and accent, his strange -predictions, absurd on the face of them—for how could -one arrive at a given place by sailing directly away -from it?—all convinced the shallow pates that this carder -of wool turned sailor was mad.</p> - -<p class='c007'>When Isabel and Ferdinand at last arrived at Cordova, -on the 28th April 1486, the season was already -further advanced than usual to make preparations for -the summer campaign: and there was little leisure for -the sovereigns to listen to the vague theories of the -sailor. But early in May Colon was received kindly -by Isabel and her husband, and told his tale. Their -minds were full of the approaching campaign, and of -the trouble between Aragon and the new King of -France about the two counties on the frontier unjustly -withheld from Ferdinand; and after seeing Colon for -the first time Isabel instructed the secretary, Alfonso -<span class='pageno' id='Page_79'>79</span>de Quintanilla to write to the Duke of Medina Celi -that she did not consider the business very sure; but -that if anything came of it the Duke should have a -share of the profits.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In the meanwhile Ferdinand and his wife were too -busy to examine closely themselves into the pros and -cons of Colon’s scheme, and followed the traditional -course in such circumstances, that of referring the -matter to a commission of experts and learned men to -sift and report. The president of the commission was -that mild-mannered but arrogant-minded confessor of -the Queen, Father Talavera; the man of one idea -whom the conquest of Granada for the cross blinded -to all other objects in life. With him for the most -part were men like himself, saturated with the tradition -of the church, that looked upon all innovation as impiety, -and all they did not understand as an invention -of the evil one. So, when Colon sat with them and -expounded his theories to what he knew were unsympathetic -ears, he kept back his most convincing proofs -and arguments; for his treatment in Portugal had -taught him caution.<a id='r55' /><a href='#f55' class='c013'><sup>[55]</sup></a> There were two, at least, of the -members of the commission who fought hard for -Colon’s view, Dr. Maldonado and the young friar -Antonio de Marchena, but they were outvoted; and -when the report was presented it said that Colon’s -project was impossible, and that after so many thousands -of years he could not discover unknown lands, and so -surpass an almost infinite number of clever men who -were experienced in navigation.<a id='r56' /><a href='#f56' class='c013'><sup>[56]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Hardly had Talavera and his colleagues assured the -sovereigns that the whole plan was impossible and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_80'>80</span>vain, unfit for royal personages to patronise,<a id='r57' /><a href='#f57' class='c013'><sup>[57]</sup></a> than -Ferdinand again took the field (20th May), and once -more Cristobal Colon was faced by failure. But he -was a man not easily beaten. During his stay at -Cordova he had made many friends, and gained many -protectors at Court. First was his close acquaintance, -Luis de Sant’angel, by whose intervention he was so -promptly received by the sovereigns after their arrival -at Cordova; but others there were of much higher -rank: the great Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo, Mendoza, -the tutor of the Prince Don Juan, Friar Diego -Deza, Friar Juan Perez, who had first received Colon -at La Rabida, and was now at court, Alonso de Quintanilla, -the Queen’s secretary, Juan Cabero, the intimate -Aragonese friend and chamberlain of the King; and -one who probably did more in his favour quietly than -any one else, that inseparable companion of Isabel, -Beatriz de Bobadilla, now Marchioness of Moya.</p> - -<p class='c007'>But it was weary waiting. As we have seen, the -energies of the sovereigns were absorbed in the war. -Ferdinand, moreover, was desperately anxious to finish -it successfully, and get to Aragonese problems that -interested him more directly; the intended war with -France and that world-wide combination he was already -planning, by which not the strength of Spain alone -but that of all Christendom should be at his bidding, -to humble his rival and exalt Aragon in Italy, the -Mediterranean and the East. It was too much to -expect that Ferdinand would welcome very warmly -any project for frittering away in another direction the -strength of the nation he was hungering to use for his -own ends. Isabel, on the other hand, would naturally -be inclined to listen more sympathetically to such a -<span class='pageno' id='Page_81'>81</span>project as that of Colon. Here was half a world to -be won to Christianity under her flag, here was wealth -illimitable to coerce the other half, and, above all, here -was the fair-faced mystic with his lymphatic blue eyes, -like her own, showing her how the riches that would -fall to his share were all destined for a crusade even -greater than that of Granada, the winning of the Holy -Sepulchre from the infidel, and the fixing for ever of -the sovereign banner of Castile upon the country -hallowed by the footsteps of our Lord. To Isabel, -therefore, more than to Ferdinand, must it be attributed, -that when the campaign of 1486 was ended the -Italian mariner was not dismissed, notwithstanding -the unfavourable report of Talavera’s commission.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The sovereigns were obliged to start out to far -Galicia, as has been related on page <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>; but before they -went they replied to Colon that, ‘though they were -prevented at present from entering into new enterprises, -owing to their being engaged in so many wars -and conquests, especially that of Granada, they hoped -in time that a better opportunity would occur to -examine his proposals and discuss his offers.’<a id='r58' /><a href='#f58' class='c013'><sup>[58]</sup></a> This -answer, at all events, prevented Colon’s supporters in -Spain from despairing; and whilst the monarchs were -in Galicia in the winter of 1486, the Dominican Deza, -the Prince’s tutor, who was also a professor at Salamanca, -conceived the idea that an independent inquiry -by the pundits of the university might arrive at a -different conclusion from that of Talavera’s commission, -and undo the harm the latter had effected. Though -there is no evidence of the fact, it is certain that Deza, -who was a Castilian and a member of the Queen’s -household, would not have taken such a step as he did -<span class='pageno' id='Page_82'>82</span>without Isabel’s consent. In any case, Colon travelled -to Salamanca; and there, as the guest of Deza in the -Dominican monastery of Saint Stephen, he held constant -conference with the learned men for whom the -famous University was a centre.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Isabel and her husband themselves arrived at Salamanca -in the last days of the year 1486, and heard -from Deza and other friends that, in the opinion of -most of them, the plans of Colon were perfectly sound. -The effect was seen at once: the mariner accompanied -the Court to Cordova in high hopes, no longer an unattached -projector of doubtful schemes, but a member -of the royal household. Before once more taking the -field in the spring of 1487, the Queen officially informed -Colon that ‘when circumstances permitted she and the -King would carefully consider his proposal’; and in -the meantime a sum of 3000 maravedis was given -to him for his sustenance, a grant that was repeated, -and sometimes exceeded, every few months afterwards. -In August 1487, Colon was summoned by the sovereigns -to the siege of Malaga, probably to give advice -as to some maritime operations; but thenceforward he -usually resided in Cordova, awaiting with impatience -the convenience of the Queen and King.</p> - -<p class='c007'>During the heartbreaking delay he entered again -into negotiation with the Kings of Portugal, France, -and England, but without result; and it was only -when the city of Granada was near its fall, and the -end of the long war in sight, that Colon, following the -sovereigns in Santa Fe, saw his hopes revive. Now, -for the first time, he was invited to lay before them the -terms he asked for if success crowned his project. -Isabel had been already gained to Colon’s view by the -transparent conviction of the man and his saintly zeal. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_83'>83</span>His friends at Court were now many and powerful, and -Ferdinand himself had not failed to see that the -promised accession of wealth to be derived from the -discovery would strengthen his hands. Perhaps he, -like Isabel, had been dazzled with Colon’s life dream -of the recovery of the Holy Sepulchre; for that would, -if it were effected, tend to realise the highest ambitions -of Aragon. But Ferdinand, as a prudent man of -business, never allowed sentiment, however exalted, to -override practical considerations. When, therefore, the -terms demanded by Colon were at length submitted to -him and the Queen, he unhesitatingly rejected them -as absolutely out of the question. Much obloquy -has been heaped upon Ferdinand for his lack of -generosity in doing so; but a perusal of the conditions, -with a consideration of the circumstances and ideas of -the times, will convince any impartial person that -Ferdinand’s first rejection of them was more to his -credit than his subsequent acceptance with the obvious -intention of violating them.</p> - -<p class='c007'>They were, indeed, extravagant and impracticable to -the last degree. The title of Admiral had only been -given in Spain to nobles of the highest rank and -greatest possessions. The office, usually hereditary, -carried with it seignorial rights over the coasts and -ports that were practically sovereign, as in the case of -the Enriquezs in Castile and of Medina Sidonia in -Andalucia. And yet Colon, a plebeian Italian sailor, -dropped as if from the clouds, made as his first -demand, that he should be recognised as ‘Admiral of -all the islands and continents that may be discovered or -gained by his means, for himself during his life, and -for his heirs and successors for ever, with all the -prerogatives and pre-eminences appertaining to such -<span class='pageno' id='Page_84'>84</span>office, as they are enjoyed by Don Alonso Enriquez, -your Admiral of Castile.’ The Admiral of Castile was -Ferdinand’s uncle, and the second person in realm -after the blood royal; and, although the office was -hereditary in his house, the sovereigns of Castile had -never surrendered the power of withdrawing the title -if they pleased, whereas the Italian mariner demanded -that for ever he and his should be practically independent -of the sovereigns. The second condition was, -that Colon was to be Governor and Viceroy of all -islands and continents discovered, with the right of -nominating three persons for each sub-governorship or -office from which the sovereigns were bound to choose -one. This latter condition was also an infraction of -the right of the kings to choose their own officers -freely. The discoverer claimed for himself and his -heirs for ever one clear tenth of all merchandise, gold, -gems, pearls, and commodities of every sort, bought, -bartered, found, gained, or possessed, in the territories -discovered. It was just, of course, that Colon should -be splendidly rewarded if success crowned his efforts, -but the imagination reels at the idea of the stupendous -wealth that would have been his by virtue of such a -claim as this. But this was not all. Colon claimed -the right, if he pleased, of taking one-eighth share in -every expedition and trading venture leaving Spain for -the Indies, and, to crown all, if any dispute arose with -regard to the discoverer’s rights and profits, under the -capitulation, he and his nominees were to be the sole -judges of the case.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Most of these demands could not be legally granted -under the laws of Castile, and it is no wonder that -when Colon refused to modify them, he was curtly -dismissed by Ferdinand, and told to go about his -<span class='pageno' id='Page_85'>85</span>business and propose his plans elsewhere. There is -no reason to doubt, in spite of romantic legends -unsupported by evidence, that Isabel acquiesced in -this action of her husband. She was, it is true, -strongly in favour of the proposed undertaking; but -she was a greater stickler than Ferdinand for her -regal prerogatives, and it is unlikely that she would -have lightly surrendered them thus any more than he. -In any case, Colon, in high dudgeon, left Santa Fe -with the intention of offering his plans to France. -First visiting in Cordova the lady with whom he had -lived, he proceeded on his way to La Rabida, where -his son Diego was still living, thence to embark for -France. In the monastery there he again met the -guardian, Fray Juan Perez, the Queen’s confessor, to -whom he told his tale of disappointment; and the -physician, Hernandez, was summoned to the conference.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Colon, with his earnestness and eloquence, impressed -them more than ever with the glowing prospects of -wealth unlimited for Spain, and glory undying for the -Christian Queen, who should bring pagan Asia into -the fold of the Church; and, unknown to the explorer, -Juan Perez sent post haste by a trusty messenger a -letter to the Queen urging her not to let Colon go -elsewhere with his plans. It is well-nigh two hundred -miles, and a bad road, from Palos to Granada, and -Isabel was in the midst of taking possession of the -conquered city; but yet she found time to send back -an answer within a fortnight to Perez, who, by one -pretext or another, had detained Colon in the -monastery, bidding her late confessor himself to -come and see her without delay, that she might -discuss with him the subject of his solicitude. Perez -lost no time; for at midnight the same day, without -<span class='pageno' id='Page_86'>86</span>a word to Colon, he rode out of La Rabida towards -Granada.</p> - -<p class='c007'>What arguments he used to Isabel we do not know, -probably he told her that Colon was inclined now to -modify his pretensions. In any case, the good friar -hurried back to the monastery with the cheering news -that the Queen had promised to provide three caravels -for the expedition, and summoned Colon to court -again, sending him, in a day or two, two thousand -maravedis to buy himself some new clothes, and make -him fit to appear before her. It is extremely unlikely—indeed -impossible—that Isabel should have taken -this step without Ferdinand’s consent. She was the -stronger vessel, and may have won him over to her -way of thinking, aided probably by the representations -of Juan Perez, that Colon’s terms would be modified.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The explorer arrived at Granada shortly after the -triumphal entry of the conquerors, and saw Isabel (and -presumably her husband) on several occasions at their -quarters at Santa Fe. To Ferdinand’s annoyance he -found that Colon still insisted upon the same impracticable -conditions as before. Talavera, the new -Archbishop of Granada, full of zeal for the Christianisation -of his new diocese, frowned at all suggestions -that might divert attention to another direction; and -finally, the King and Queen decided to dismiss Colon -for good as impossible to deal with. Rather than bate -a jot of his vast claims, for, as he solemnly asserted -afterwards, he needed not the wealth for himself, but -to restore the Holy Land to Christendom, he wended -his way heartbroken towards his home at Cordova; -his red hair now blanched entire to snow. The glory -for Spain of discovering a new world for civilisation -was trembling in the balance. The great dreamer, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_87'>87</span>hopeless, had turned his back upon the court after -seven years of fruitless waiting, and Ferdinand, this -time, had no intention of recalling him.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Then the keen business prescience of the Jew -Secretary of Supplies, Luis de Sant’angel, pained -that such bright hopes should be carried to other -lands, took what, for a man of his modest rank, was a -very bold step. He was a countryman of Ferdinand, -and in his confidence, but it was to Isabel he went, -and with many expressions of humility and apology -for his daring,<a id='r59' /><a href='#f59' class='c013'><sup>[59]</sup></a> urged her not to miss such a chance as -that offered by the Genoese. Sant’angel appears to -have been under the impression that the main reason -for Colon’s dismissal was the difficulty of the Castilian -treasury providing the money he asked for, as he -offered to lend the million maravedís necessary. It is -quite likely, indeed, that he did not know the details of -the explorer’s demands as to reward. Isabel appears -to have thanked Sant’angel for his offer and opinion, -with which she said she agreed; but asked him to -defer the matter until she was more at leisure.</p> - -<p class='c007'>This was something gained; but the principal difficulty -was to persuade Ferdinand. Another Aragonese -it was who undertook it; that inseparable companion of -the King, the Chamberlain, Juan Cabero. What -arguments he employed we know not, but he was -as astute as Ferdinand himself, and probably we shall -not be far from the truth when we presume that he -and his master agreed that, since the Queen was so -bent upon the affair, it would be folly to haggle further -over terms, which, after all, if they were found inconvenient, -could be repudiated by the sovereigns, and it -<span class='pageno' id='Page_88'>88</span>is probable that Isabel may have been influenced by -the same view. So, a few hours only after Colon had -shaken the dust of Santa Fe from his feet, a swift -horseman overtook him at the bridge of Los Pinos, -and brought him back to court.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Again he stood firm in his immoderate pretensions, -and the chaffering with him was resumed, for it must -have been evident to Ferdinand that the terms could -never be fulfilled. It must not be forgotten that -Colon had come with a mere theory. The plan was -not to discover a new continent: there was no idea -then of a vast virgin America, but only of a shorter -way to Japan and the realms of the great Khan. -Such a project, great as the profit that might result, -would naturally loom less in the sight of contemporary -Spaniards than the Christianisation of Granada, and -it is unjust to blame Ferdinand for holding out against -terms which were even a derogation of his own and -his wife’s sovereignty. Isabel, far more idealist than -her husband, was ready to accede to Colon’s demands, -and her advocacy carried the day. Possibly, to judge -from what followed, even she assented, with the -mental reservation that she, as sovereign, could, if -she pleased, cancel the concessions she granted to -Colon if she found them oppressive.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The terms demanded, however, were not the only -difficulty in the way. There was the question of -ready money; and the war had exhausted the treasury. -It is an ungracious thing to demolish a pretty traditional -story, but that of Isabel’s jewels, sacrificed to -pay for Colon’s first voyage, will not bear scrutiny.<a id='r60' /><a href='#f60' class='c013'><sup>[60]</sup></a> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_89'>89</span>As a matter of fact, her jewels were already pawned -for the costs of the war, and although Las Casas, -Bernaldez, and Colon’s son Fernando, say that the -Queen offered to Sant’angel to pawn her jewellery -for the purpose, and it is probable enough that in -the heat of her enthusiasm she may have made such -a suggestion figuratively, it is now quite certain -that the money for the expedition was advanced -by Luis de Sant’angel, although not as was, and -is, usually supposed, from his own resources, but -from money secretly given to him for the purpose -from the Aragonese treasury, of which he was a -high officer.<a id='r61' /><a href='#f61' class='c013'><sup>[61]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>The agreement with Colon was signed finally in -Santa Fe on the 17th April 1492, and at the end -of the month the great dreamer departed, this time -with a light heart and rising hopes, to Palos and -La Rabida to fit out his caravels, and sail on the -3rd August 1492 for his fateful voyage. With him -went Isabel’s prayers and hopes; and during his -tiresome and obstructed preparations at Palos, she -aided him to the utmost by grants and precepts,<a id='r62' /><a href='#f62' class='c013'><sup>[62]</sup></a> as -well as by appointing his legitimate son, Diego, page -to her heir, Prince Juan, in order that the lad might -<span class='pageno' id='Page_90'>90</span>have a safe home during his father’s absence. Although -Isabel’s action in the discovery may be less heroic -and independent of her husband, than her enthusiastic -biographers are fond of representing, it is certain that -but for her Ferdinand would not have patronised the -expedition. Looking at the whole circumstances, and -his character, it is difficult to blame him, except at -last for agreeing to terms that he knew were impossible -of fulfilment, and which he probably never meant to -fulfil. But Isabel’s idealism in this case was wiser -than Ferdinand’s practical prudence, so far as the -immediate result was concerned, and to Isabel the -Catholic must be given the glory of having aided -Columbus, rather than to her husband, who was -persuaded against his will.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Granada was conquered for Isabel, and it was now -Ferdinand’s turn to have his way. For years Aragonese -interests had had to wait, though, as Ferdinand well -knew, the unifying process, which he needed for his -ends, was being perfected the while. Under the stern -rule of Torquemada the Inquisition had struck its -tentacles into the nation’s heart, and, crazy with the -pride of superiority over infidels, the orthodox Spaniard -was rapidly developing the confidence in his divine -selection to scourge the enemies of God, which made -the nation temporarily great. Isabel was the inspiring -soul of this feeling. A foreigner, visiting her court -soon after Granada fell, wrote, as most contemporaries -did of her, in enthusiastic praise of what we should -now consider cruel bigotry. ‘Nothing is spoken of -here,’ he says, ‘but making war on the enemies of -the faith, and sweeping away all obstructions to the -Holy Catholic Church. Not with worldly, but with -heavenly aim, is all they undertake, and all they do -<span class='pageno' id='Page_91'>91</span>seems inspired direct from heaven, as these sovereigns -most surely are.’<a id='r63' /><a href='#f63' class='c013'><sup>[63]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>This eulogium refers to the plan then under discussion -for ridding Isabel’s realms of the taint of -Judaism. We are told that to the Queen’s initiative -this terrible and disastrous measure was due. ‘The -Jews were so powerful in the management of the -royal revenues that they formed almost another royal -caste. This gave great scandal to the Catholic Queen, -and the decree was signed that all those who would -not in three months embrace the faith, were to leave -her kingdoms of Castile and Leon.’<a id='r64' /><a href='#f64' class='c013'><sup>[64]</sup></a> Ferdinand was -quite willing, in this case, to give the saintly Queen -and her clergy a free hand, because, to carry out his -world-wide combination to humble France, he would -need money—very much money—and the wholesale -confiscation of Jewish property that accompanied the -edict of expulsion was his only ready way of getting -it. On the 30th March 1492, less than three weeks -before the signature of the agreement with Colon, the -dread edict against the Jews went forth. Religious -rancour had been inflamed to fever heat against -these people, who were amongst the most enlightened -and useful citizens of the State, and whose services -to science, when the rest of Europe was sunk in -darkness, make civilisation eternally their debtor. -They were said to carry on in secret foul rites of -human sacrifice, to defile the Christianity that most -of them professed, and Isabel’s zeal, prompted by the -churchmen, was already climbing to the point afterwards -reached by her great-grandson, Philip II., when -<span class='pageno' id='Page_92'>92</span>he swore that, come what might, he would never be -a king of heretic subjects.</p> - -<p class='c007'>By the 30th July 1492 not a professed Jew was to -be left alive in Isabel’s dominions. With cruel irony, -in which Ferdinand’s cynical greed is evident, the -banished people were permitted to sell their property, -yet forbidden to carry the money abroad with them. -At least a quarter of a million of Spaniards of all -ranks and ages, men, women, and children, ill or well, -were driven forth, stripped of everything, to seek -shelter in foreign lands. The decree was carried -out with relentless ferocity, and the poor wretches, -straggling through Spain to some place of safety, -were an easy prey to plunder and maltreat. It was -a saturnalia of robbery. The shipmasters extorted -almost the last ducat to carry the fugitives to Africa -or elsewhere, and then, in numberless cases, cast their -passengers overboard as soon as they were at sea. It -was said that, in order to conceal their wealth, the -Jews swallowed their precious gems, and hundreds -were ripped up on the chance of discovering their -riches. There was no attempt or pretence of mercy. -The banishment was intended, not alone to remove -Judaism as a creed from Spain—that might have been -done without the horrible cruelty that ensued—but -as a doom of death for all professing Jews; for -Torquemada had, five years before, obtained a Bull -from the Pope condemning to major excommunication -the authorities of all Christian lands who failed to -arrest and send back every fugitive Jew from Spain.<a id='r65' /><a href='#f65' class='c013'><sup>[65]</sup></a> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_93'>93</span>Isabel appears to have had no misgiving. Her -spiritual guides, to whom she was so humble, praised -her to the skies for her saintly zeal: her subjects, -inflated with religious arrogance, joined the chorus -raised by servile scribes and chroniclers, that the discovery -of the new lands by Colon was heaven’s reward -to Isabel for ejecting the Hebrew spawn from her -sacred realm; and if her woman’s heart felt a pang -at the suffering and misery she decreed, it was -promptly assuaged by the assurance of the austere -churchmen, who ruled the conscience of the Queen.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Leaving Talavera as archbishop, and Count de -Tendilla as governor of conquered Granada, Isabel -and her husband, with their children and a splendid -court, travelled in the early summer of 1492 to their -other dominions where their presence was needed. -Ferdinand, indeed, was yearning to get back to his -own people, who were growing restive at his long -absence, and for the coming war with France, it was -necessary for him to win the love of his Catalan -subjects, who, at first, still remembering his murdered -half-brother, the Prince of Viana, had borne him little -affection. He had treated them, however, with great -diplomacy, respecting their sturdy independence, and -had asked little from them, and by this time, in the -autumn of 1492, when he and Isabel, with their -promising son, Juan, by their side, rode from Aragon -through the city of Barcelona to the palace of the -Bishop of Urgel, where they were to live, the Catalans -were wild with enthusiasm for the sovereigns with -whose names all Christendom was ringing.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Ferdinand nearly fell a victim to the attack of a -lunatic assassin in December, as he was leaving his hall -of justice at Barcelona, and during his imminent danger -<span class='pageno' id='Page_94'>94</span>Isabel’s affection and care for him gained for her also -the love of the jealous Catalans.<a id='r66' /><a href='#f66' class='c013'><sup>[66]</sup></a> Throughout the -winter in Barcelona Ferdinand was busy weaving his -web of intrigue around France and Europe, to which -reference will presently be made, and in March 1493 -there came flying to the court the tremendous news -that Colon had run into the Tagus for shelter after -discovering the lands for which he had gone in search. -No particulars of the voyage were given; but not -many days passed before Luis de Sant’angel, the -Aragonese Treasurer Gabriel Sanchez, and the monarchs -themselves, received by the hands of a messenger -sent by the explorer from Palos, letters giving full -details of the voyage.<a id='r67' /><a href='#f67' class='c013'><sup>[67]</sup></a> No doubt as to the importance -of the discovery was any longer entertained, and when -the Admiral of the Indies himself entered Barcelona -in the middle of April, after a triumphal progress across -Spain, honours almost royal were paid to him. He -was received at the city gates by the nobles of the -court and city, and led through the crowded streets to -the palace to confront the sovereigns, at whose feet he -was, though he and they knew it not, laying a new -world. With him he brought mild bronze-skinned -natives decked with barbaric gold ornaments, birds of -rare plumage, and many strange beasts; gold in dust -and nuggets had he also, to show that the land he had -found was worth the claiming.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Ferdinand and Isabel, with their son, received him in -<span class='pageno' id='Page_95'>95</span>state in the great hall of the bishop’s palace; and, rising -as he approached them, bade him to be seated, an unprecedented -honour, due to the fact that they recognised -his high rank as Admiral of the Indies. With fervid -eloquence he told his tale. How rich and beautiful was -the land he had found; how mild and submissive the -new subjects of the Queen, and how ready to receive -the faith of their mistress. Isabel was deeply moved -at the recital, and when the Admiral ceased speaking -the whole assembly knelt and gave thanks to God for -so signal a favour to the crown of Castile. Thenceforward -during his stay in Barcelona, Colon was treated -like a prince; and when he left in May to prepare his -second expedition to the new found land, he took with -him powers almost sovereign to turn to account and -bring to Christianity the new vassals of Queen Isabel.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It is time to say something of Isabel’s family and her -domestic life. As we have seen, she had been during -the nineteen years since her accession constantly absorbed -in state and warlike affairs; and the effects of -her efforts to reform her country had already been -prodigious, but her public duties did not blind her to -the interests of her own household and kindred; and -no personage of her time did more to bring the new-born -culture into her home than she. She had given -birth during the strenuous years we have reviewed to -five children. Isabel, born in October 1470; John, -the only son, in 1478; Joan in 1479, Maria in 1482, -and Katharine at the end of 1485: and these young -princesses and prince had enjoyed the constant supervision -of their mother. Her own education had been -narrow under her Dominican tutors, and that of Ferdinand -was notoriously defective. But Isabel was determined -that her children should not suffer in a similar -<span class='pageno' id='Page_96'>96</span>respect, and the most learned tutors that Italy and -Spain could provide were enlisted to teach, not the -royal children alone, but the coming generation of -nobles, their companions, the wider culture of the -classics and the world that churchmen had so much -neglected. And not book learning alone was instilled -into these young people by the Queen. She made her -younger ladies join her in the work of the needle and the -distaff, and set the fashion for great dames to devote -their leisure, as she did, to the embroidering of gorgeous -altar cloths and church vestments, whilst the noble -youths, no longer allowed, as their ancestors had been, -to become politically dangerous, were encouraged to -make themselves accomplished in the arts of disciplined -warfare and literary culture.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Isabel, like all her descendants upon the throne, -set a high standard of regal dignity, and in all her -public appearances assumed a demeanour of impassive -serenity and gorgeousness which became traditional -at a later period; but she could be playful -and jocose in her family circle, as her nicknames -for her children prove. Her eldest girl, Isabel, who -married the King of Portugal, bore a great resemblance -to the Portuguese mother of Isabel herself, and -the latter always called her child ‘mother,’ whilst her -son Juan to her was always the ‘angel,’ from his -beautiful fair face. She could joke, too, on occasion, -though the specimens of her wit cited by Father Florez -are a little outspoken for the present day; and her -contemporary chroniclers tell many instances of her -keen caustic wit. Her tireless and often indiscreet zeal -for the spread of the faith has been mentioned several -times in these pages; but submissive as she was to the -clergy, she was keenly alive even to their defects, and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_97'>97</span>the laxity of the regular orders, which had grown to be -a scandal, was reformed by her with ruthless severity. -Her principal instrument, perhaps the initiator, of this -work was the most remarkable ecclesiastical statesman -of his time, and one of the greatest Spaniards who ever -lived, Alfonso Jimenez de Cisneros.</p> - -<p class='c007'>A humble Franciscan friar of over fifty, living as an -anchorite in a grot belonging to the monastery of -Castañar, near Toledo, after a laborious life as a secular -priest and vicar-general of a diocese, would seem the -last man in the world to become the arbiter of a nation’s -destinies; and yet this was the strange fate of Jimenez. -When Talavera was created Bishop of Granada, Isabel -needed a new principal confessor; and, as usual in such -matters, consulted the Cardinal Primate of Spain, -Mendoza, who years before had been Bishop of -Sigüenza, and had made Father Jimenez his chaplain -and vicar-general, because his rival archbishop, that -stout old rebel Carrillo, had persecuted the lowly priest. -Mendoza knew that his former vicar-general had retired -from the world, and was living in self-inflicted suffering -and mortification; and he was wont to say that such a -man was born to rule, and not to hide himself as an -anchorite in a cloister. When, after the surrender of -Granada, a new royal confessor was required, Jimenez, -greatly to his dismay, real or assumed, was at the instance -of the Cardinal summoned to see the Queen. -Austere and poorly clad, he stood before the sovereign -whom he was afterwards to rule, and fervently begged -her to save him from the threatened honour. In vain -he urged his unfitness for the life of a court, his want of -cultivation and the arts of the world; his humility was -to Isabel a further recommendation, and she would take -no denial.</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_98'>98</span>Thenceforward the pale emaciated figure, in a frayed -and soiled Franciscan frock, stalked like a spectre -amidst the splendours that surrounded the Queen; -feared for his stern rectitude and his iron strength of -will. His mind was full, even then, of great plans to -reform the order of Saint Francis, corrupted as he had -seen it was in the cloisters; and when the office of -Provincial of the Order became vacant soon afterwards -the new Confessor accepted it eagerly. Through all -Castile, to every monastery of the Order, Jimenez rode -on a poor mule with one attendant and no luggage; -living mostly upon herbs and roots by the way. -When, at last, Isabel recalled him peremptorily to her -side, he painted to her so black a picture of the shameful -licence and luxury of the friars, that the Queen, horrified -at such impiety, vowed to sustain her Confessor in -the work of reform. It was a hard fought battle; for -the Priors were rich and powerful, and in many cases -were strongly supported from Rome. All sorts of influences -were brought to bear. Ferdinand was besought -to mitigate the reforming zeal of Isabel and -Jimenez, and did his best to do so. The Prior of the -Holy Ghost in Segovia boldly took Isabel to task personally, -and told her that her Confessor was unfit for -his post. When Isabel asked the insolent friar whether -he knew what he was talking about he replied, ‘Yes, -and I know that I am speaking to Queen Isabel, who -is dust and ashes as I am.’ But all was unavailing, -the broom wielded by Jimenez and the Queen swept -through every monastery and convent in the land; the -Queen herself taking the nunneries in hand, and with -gentle firmness examining for herself the circumstances -in every case before compelling a rigid adherence to -the conventual vows. When Mendoza died in January -<span class='pageno' id='Page_99'>99</span>1495, the greatest ecclesiastical benefice in the world -after the papacy, the Archbishopric of Toledo, became -vacant. Ferdinand wanted it for his illegitimate son, -Alfonso of Aragon, aged twenty-four, who had been -Archbishop of Saragossa since he was six. But Toledo -was in the Queen’s gift, and to her husband’s indignation -she insisted upon appointing Jimenez. The Pope, -Alexander VI., who had just conferred the title of -‘Catholic’ upon the Spanish sovereigns, was by birth -a Valencian subject of Ferdinand; and there was a -race of the rival Spanish claimants to win the support -of Rome. But Castile had right as well as might on -his side this time, and, again to his expressed displeasure, -Jimenez became primate of Spain, and the -greatest man in the land after the King who distrusted -him.<a id='r68' /><a href='#f68' class='c013'><sup>[68]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>From their births Ferdinand had destined his -children to be instruments in his great scheme for -humbling France for the benefit of Aragon; and -Isabel, in this respect, appears usually to have let -him have his way. It was a complicated and tortuous -way, which, in a history of the Queen, cannot be fully -described. Suffice it to say that when Ferdinand -found himself by the fall of Granada free to take his -own affairs seriously in hand, he had for years been -intriguing for political marriage for his children. First -<span class='pageno' id='Page_100'>100</span>he had endeavoured to capture the young King of -France, Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>, on his accession in 1483, by a -marriage with Isabel, the eldest daughter of Spain. -Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> was already betrothed to Margaret of -Burgundy, but Anne of Brittany, with her French -dominion, was preferred to either, and then (1488) -Ferdinand, finding himself forestalled, betrothed his -youngest daughter, Katharine, to Arthur, Prince of -Wales, to win the support of Henry Tudor in a war -against France,<a id='r69' /><a href='#f69' class='c013'><sup>[69]</sup></a> to prevent the absorption of Brittany. -All parties were dishonest; but Ferdinand outwitted -allies and rivals alike. Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> of England was -cajoled into invading France; whilst Ferdinand, instead -of making war on his side as arranged, quietly -extorted from the fears of Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> an offensive -and defensive alliance against the world, with the -retrocession to Aragon of the counties of Roussillon -and Cerdagne; and England was left in the lurch.</p> - -<p class='c007'>There is no doubt that the object of the King of -France in signing such a treaty was to buy the implied -acquiescence of Ferdinand in making good his shadowy -claims to the kingdom of Naples, then ruled by the -unpopular kinsman of Ferdinand himself. As was -proved soon afterwards, nothing was further from -Ferdinand’s thoughts than thus to aid the ambition -of the shallow, vain King of France in the precise -direction where he wished to check it. But in appearance -the great festivities held in Barcelona on the -signature of the treaty in January 1493, heralded a -cordial settlement of the long-standing enmity between -the two rivals. Isabel took her share in the rejoicings; -and rigid bigots appear to have written to her -<span class='pageno' id='Page_101'>101</span>late Confessor, Archbishop Talavera, an exaggerated -account of her participation in the gaiety. Isabel, in -answer to the letter of reprimand he sent her, defended -herself with spirit and dignity, after a preface expressing -humble submission. ‘You say that some danced -who ought not to have danced; but if that is intended -to convey that I danced, I can only say that it is not -true; I have little custom of dancing, and I had no -thought of such a thing.... The new masks you -complain of were worn neither by me nor by my ladies; -and not one dress was put on that had not been worn -ever since we came to Aragon. The only dress I wore -had, indeed, been seen by the Frenchmen before, and -was my silk one with three bands of gold, made as -plainly as possible. This was all my part of the festivity. -Of the grand array and showy garments you -speak of, I saw nothing and knew nothing until I read -your letter. The visitors who came may have worn -such fine things when they appeared; but I know of -no others. As for the French people supping with -the ladies at table, that is a thing they are accustomed -to do. They do not get the custom from us; but -when their great guests dine with sovereigns, the -others in their train dine at tables in the hall with -the ladies and gentlemen; and there are no separate -tables for ladies. The Burgundians, the English and -the Portuguese, also follow this custom; and we on -similar occasions to this. So there is no more evil in -it, nor bad repute, than in asking guests to your own -table. I say this, that you may see that there was no -innovation in what we did; nor did we think we were -doing anything wrong in it.... But if it be found -wrong after the inquiry I will make, it will be better -to discontinue it in future. The dresses of the gentlemen -<span class='pageno' id='Page_102'>102</span>were truly very costly, and I did not commend -them, and, indeed, moderated them as much as I could, -and advised them not to have such garments made. -As for the Bull feasts, I feel, with you, though perhaps -not quite so strongly. But after I had consented to -them, I had the fullest determination never to attend -them again in my life, nor to be where they were held. -I do not say that I can of myself abolish them; for -that does not appertain to me alone, nor do I defend -them, for I have never found pleasure in them.<a id='r70' /><a href='#f70' class='c013'><sup>[70]</sup></a> When -you know the truth of what really took place, you may -determine whether it be evil, in which case it had better -be discontinued. For my part all excess is distasteful -to me, and I am wearied with all festivity, as I have -written you in a long letter, which I have not sent, nor -will I do so, until I know whether, by God’s grace, -you are coming to meet us in Castile.’<a id='r71' /><a href='#f71' class='c013'><sup>[71]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>This letter gives a good idea of Isabel’s submission -to her spiritual advisers, as well as of her own good -sense and moderation, which prevented her from -giving blind obedience to them. Another instance -of this is seen by Isabel’s attitude towards the chapter -of Toledo Cathedral after the death of her friend -Cardinal Mendoza (January 1495), the third King of -Spain, as he had been called. The Queen travelled -from Madrid to Guadalajara to be with him at his -death, and tended him to the last, promising, personally, -to act as his executor, and to see that all his -testamentary wishes were fulfilled. Amongst these -was the desire of the prelate to be buried in a -<span class='pageno' id='Page_103'>103</span>certain spot in the chancel of the cathedral. To -this the chapter had readily assented in the life of -the archbishop, but when he had died they refused -to allow the structural alterations necessary, and the -matter was carried to the tribunals, which decided in -favour of the executors. The chapter still stood firm -in their refusal, and then the Queen, as chief executrix, -took the matter in her own hands, and herself superintended -the necessary demolition of the wall of the -chapel at night, to the surprise and dismay of the -chapter, who no longer dared to interfere.<a id='r72' /><a href='#f72' class='c013'><sup>[72]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>On leaving Aragon after the signature of the hollow -Treaty of Barcelona (1493), Isabel and her husband -took up their residence in the Alcazar of Madrid, -where, with short intervals, they remained in residence -for the next six years. During this period, spent, -as will be told by Ferdinand, in almost constant -struggle for his own objects in Italy and elsewhere, -Isabel was tireless in her efforts for domestic reform. -The purification of the monasteries and convents went -on continually under the zealous incentive of the new -Archbishop of Toledo, Jimenez: the roads and water-sources -throughout Castile were improved; the municipal -authorities, corrupt as they had become by the -introduction of the purchase of offices, and the effects -of noble intrigue, were brought under royal inspection -and control; and this, though it improved the government -of the towns, further sapped their independence -and legislative power. The Universities and high -schools, which had shared in the universal decadence, -were overhauled, and a higher standard of graduation -enforced: the coinage, which had become hopelessly -debased, in consequence of the vast number of noble -<span class='pageno' id='Page_104'>104</span>and municipal mints in existence, was unified and -rehabilitated: sumptuary pragmatics, mistaken as they -appear to us now, but well-intentioned at the time, -endeavoured to restrain extravagance and idle vanity: -measures for promoting agriculture, the great cloth -industry of Segovia and oversea commerce, and a -score of other similar enactments during these years, -from 1494 to the end of the century, show how -catholic and patriotic was Isabel’s activity at the -time that Ferdinand was busy with his own Aragonese -plans. The annals of Madrid at this period give a -curious account of Isabel’s prowess in another direction. -The neighbourhood of the capital was infested with -bears, and one particular animal, of special size and -ferocity, had committed much damage. By order of the -Queen a special battue was organised, and the bear was -killed by a javelin in the hands of Isabel herself, upon -the spot where now stands the hermitage of St. -Isidore, the patron of Madrid.<a id='r73' /><a href='#f73' class='c013'><sup>[73]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Ferdinand’s marvellous political perspicacity, and -the far-reaching combinations he had formed, now -began to produce some of the international results -for which he had worked. The Treaty of Barcelona -had bound Ferdinand to friendship with France, and -abstention from marrying his children in England, -Germany or Naples, and implied the leaving to -Charles VIII. of a free hand in Italy: but no sooner -had Ferdinand received his reward by the retrocession -of Roussillon and Cerdagne to him, than he broke all -his obligations under the treaty. Charles VIII. had -marched through Italy, to the intense anger of the -native princes, and took possession of Naples, and -then Ferdinand, in coalition with the Valencian Pope, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_105'>105</span>Alexander <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, formed the combination of Venice, and -Spanish troops under the great Castilian, Gonzalo de -Cordova, expelled the French from Naples, and set -up the deposed Aragonese-Neapolitan king, until it -should please, as it soon did, Ferdinand to seize the -realm for himself.</p> - -<p class='c007'>This war was an awakening to all Europe that a -new fighting nation had entered into the arena. -Already the proud spirit of superiority by divine -selection was being felt by Spaniards as a result of -the religious persecution of the minority, and the -devotional exaltation inspired by the example of the -Queen: and under so great a commander as Gonzalo -de Cordova Spanish troops for the first time now -showed the qualities which, for a century at least, -made them invincible.<a id='r74' /><a href='#f74' class='c013'><sup>[74]</sup></a> Whilst this result attended -the policy of Isabel and her husband in religious -affairs, their action in another direction simultaneously, -whilst for the moment seeming to give to Ferdinand -the hegemony of Europe, really wrought the ruin of -Spain by bringing her into the vortex of central European -politics, and burdening her with the championship -of an impossible cause under impossible conditions.</p> - -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_106'>106</span> - <h3 class='c011'>CHAPTER III</h3> -</div> - -<p class='c012'>Amidst infinite chicanery and baseness on both sides -the marriage treaty of Isabel’s youngest daughter, -Katharine, with Arthur, Prince of Wales, had been -alternately confirmed and relaxed, as suited Ferdinand’s -interests. But he took care that it could be at -any time revived when need should demand it. This -made Ferdinand always able to deal a diverting blow -upon France in the Channel. But Ferdinand’s main -stroke of policy was the double marriage of his -children, Juan, Prince of Asturias, with the Archduchess -Margaret, daughter of Maximilian, sovereign -of the Holy Roman Empire; and of Joan, Isabel’s -second daughter, with Philip, Maximilian’s son, and, -by right of his mother, sovereign of the dominions of -the Dukes of Burgundy with Holland and Flanders; -whilst Isabel’s eldest daughter, already the widow of -the Portuguese prince, Alfonso, was betrothed to his -cousin, King Emmanuel. Imagination is dazzled at -the prospect opened out by these marriages. The -children of Philip and Joan would hold the fine -harbours of Flanders, and would hem in France by -the possession of Artois, Burgundy, Luxembourg, and -the Franche Comté; whilst their possession of the -imperial crown and the German dominions of the -house of Habsburg would identify their interests with -those of Ferdinand in checking the French advance -<span class='pageno' id='Page_107'>107</span>towards Italy. On the other side of the Channel the -grandchildren of Ferdinand and Isabel would rule -England, and hold the narrow sea; whilst the friendship -between England and Scotland, prompted by -Ferdinand, and the marriage of Margaret Tudor with -James <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, deprived France of her ancient northern -ally. The King of Aragon might then, with the -assurance of success, extend his grasp from Sicily to -the East, and become the master of the world. The -plan was a splendid one; and for a time it went merry -as the marriage bells that heralded it. With his -family seated on the Portuguese throne, Ferdinand -had, moreover, no attack to fear on that side from -French intrigue, such as had often been attempted; and -for a brief period it seemed as if all heaven had smiled -upon the astute King of Aragon.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Isabel had always been an exemplary mother to her -children, who, on their side, were deeply devoted to -her. She had rarely allowed them to be separated -from her, even during her campaigns; and had herself -cared for their education in letters, music, and the arts -under the most accomplished masters in Europe.<a id='r75' /><a href='#f75' class='c013'><sup>[75]</sup></a> -When they had to be sacrificed one by one for the -political ends of their father, Isabel’s love as a mother -almost overcame her sense of duty as a queen, and in -the autumn of 1496 she travelled through Spain with a -heavy heart to take leave of her seventeen-year old -daughter, Joan, for whom a great fleet of 120 sail was -waiting in the port of Laredo, near Santander. The -King was away in Catalonia preparing his war with -France; the times were disturbed, and a strong navy -with 15,000 armed men were needed to escort the -young bride to Flanders, the home of her husband, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_108'>108</span>Philip of Burgundy, heir of the empire, and to bring -back to Spain the betrothed of Prince Juan, Philip’s -sister, Margaret, who, in her infancy, had been allied -to the faithless Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> of France. For two -nights after the embarkation Isabel slept on the ship -with her daughter, loath to part with her, as it seemed, -for ever; and when, at last, the fleet sailed, on the -22nd August 1496, the mother, in the deepest grief, -turned her back upon the sea, and rode sadly to -Burgos to await tidings of her daughter.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Storms and disasters innumerable assailed the fleet. -Driven by tempest into Portland, one of the largest of -the ships came into collision and foundered; and though -the young Archduchess received every courtesy and -attention from the English gentry, she was not even -yet at the end of her troubles; for on the Flemish -coast another great ship was wrecked, with most of -her household, trousseau, and jewels. Eventually the -whole fleet arrived at Ramua, sorely disabled, and -needing a long delay for refitting before it could return -to Spain with the bride of Isabel’s heir.<a id='r76' /><a href='#f76' class='c013'><sup>[76]</sup></a> Whilst Joan -was being married, with all the pomp traditional in the -house of Burgundy, to her handsome, good-for-nothing -husband, Philip, at Lille, Queen Isabel, at Burgos, in -the deepest distress, was mourning for the loss of her -own distraught mother, as well as for her daughter.<a id='r77' /><a href='#f77' class='c013'><sup>[77]</sup></a> -Every post from Flanders brought the Queen evil -news. The fleet that had carried Joan over, and was -refitting to bring Margaret to Spain, was mostly -unseaworthy: Philip neglected and ill-treated his -<span class='pageno' id='Page_109'>109</span>wife’s countrymen to the extent of allowing 9000 of -the men on the fleet at Antwerp to die from cold and -privation, without trying to help them; already his -young wife was complaining of his conduct. Her -Spanish household were unpaid; and even the income -settled upon her by Philip was withheld, on the pretext -that Ferdinand had not fulfilled his part of the bargain, -which was, of course, true.</p> - -<p class='c007'>At length, after what seemed interminable delay, the -Archduchess Margaret arrived at Santander early in -March 1497. Ferdinand, with a great train of nobles, -received his future daughter-in-law as she stepped -upon Spanish soil, and a few days later Queen Isabel -welcomed her in the palace of Burgos, where, with -greater rejoicing than had ever been seen in Castile, -the heir of Ferdinand and Isabel was married to -gentle Margaret, one of the finest characters of her -time. Seven months afterwards the Prince of Asturias, -at the age of twenty-one, was borne to his grave, -and his wife gave birth to a dead child.<a id='r78' /><a href='#f78' class='c013'><sup>[78]</sup></a> The blow -was one from which Isabel never recovered. Juan -was her only son, her ‘angel,’ from the time of his -birth; and the dearest wish of her heart had been the -unification of Spain under him and his descendants. -The next heiress was Isabel, her eldest daughter, just -(August 1497) married to King Emmanuel of Portugal, -and the jealous Aragonese and Catalans would hardly -brook a woman sovereign; and, above all, one ruling -<span class='pageno' id='Page_110'>110</span>from Portugal, when Ferdinand should die.<a id='r79' /><a href='#f79' class='c013'><sup>[79]</sup></a> Hastily -Cortes of Castile was summoned at Toledo, and swore -allegiance to the new heiress and her Portuguese -husband as princes of Asturias in April 1498, but -she, too, died in childbed in August, when the heirship -devolved upon her infant son, Miguel, who, if he had -lived, would have united not only Spain, but all the -Iberian Peninsula under one rule. But it was not to be, -and the babe followed his mother to the grave in a -few months.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Troubles fell thick and fast upon Isabel and her -husband. Death within three years had made cruel -sport of all their plans; and the support of England, -long held in the balance by Ferdinand, to be bought -when it was worth the price demanded, had now to be -obtained almost at any cost. The price had increased -considerably; for Henry Tudor was as keen a hand at -a bargain as Ferdinand of Aragon, and closely watched -events. With the usual grasping dishonesty on both -sides, the treaty for the marriage of Isabel’s youngest -daughter, Katharine, to the heir of England was again -signed and sealed, and the young couple were married -by proxy in May 1499. But Katharine was young. -Her mother could hardly bring herself to part with her -last-born, and send her for ever to a far country -amongst strangers; and she fought hard for two years -longer to delay her daughter’s going, with all manner -of conditions and claims as to her future life. At -length Henry of England put his foot down, and said -<span class='pageno' id='Page_111'>111</span>he would wait no longer; and, worse still, he hinted -that he would marry Arthur elsewhere, and throw his -influence on the side of Philip of Burgundy, Ferdinand’s -son-in-law, in the struggle that was already -looming on the horizon. Isabel and her daughter -both knew that the latter was being sent to serve her -father’s political interests against her own sister and -brother-in-law; but, from her birth, Katharine had -been brought up in her mother’s atmosphere of -uncompromising duty, surrounded by the ecstatic -devotion which demanded serene personal sacrifice -for higher ends; and, on the 21st May 1501, the -Princess of Aragon bade a last farewell to her mother -in the elfin palace of the Alhambra, to see her no more -in her life of martyrdom.<a id='r80' /><a href='#f80' class='c013'><sup>[80]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Isabel’s health was already breaking down with -labour and trouble. Disappointment faced her from -every side, and as tribulations fell, bringing her end -nearer, and ever nearer, the stern religious zeal that -inflamed her grew more eager to do its work in her -day. She had never been a weakling, as we have -seen. From her youth the persecution of infidels had -been as grateful to her sense of duty, as the crushing -of her worldly opponents had been satisfying to her -love of undisputed dominion. In all Castile, no man -but her confessor, and he at his peril, had dared to -say her nay; but at this juncture, when health was -failing and her strength on the wane, there came to -her tidings from across the sea that turned her heart -to stone. Joan, her daughter, had always been somewhat -wayward and rebellious at the gloomy, devout -tone that pervaded her mother’s life, and Isabel had -coerced her, on some occasions by forcible means, to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_112'>112</span>take her part in the religious observances that occupied -so large a share of attention at the Spanish court.<a id='r81' /><a href='#f81' class='c013'><sup>[81]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Joan was young and bright: the life in her palace -at Brussels was free from the gloom that hung over -crusading Castile. Philip, her husband, cared for -little but pleasure, and, though he was but a faithless -husband, she was desperately in love with him. The -new culture, moreover, which had even found its way, -with Peter Martyr, into Isabel’s court, had, in rich, -prosperous Flanders, brought with it the freedom of -thought and judgment that naturally came from the -wider horizon of knowledge that men gained by it, -and doubtless the change from the rigid and uncomfortable -sanctimony of her native land to the -gay and debonair society of Flanders had seemed to -Joan like coming out of the darkness into the daylight. -The Spanish priests who surrounded her sounded a -note of warning to Isabel only a few months after -Joan had arrived in Flanders. She was said to be -lax in her religious duties: her old confessor, who -continued to write to her fervent exhortations to preserve -the faith as it was held in Spain, could get no -reply to any of his letters, and he learnt that the -gay Parisian priests, who flocked in the festive court, -were leading Joan astray.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Isabel sent a confidential priest, Friar Matienzo, to -Flanders to examine and report on all these, and the -like accusations. He saw Joan in August 1498, and -found her, as he says, more handsome and buxom -than ever, though far advanced in pregnancy; but -when he began to press her about religion, though -she had plenty of reasons ready for what she did, she -was as obstinate as her mother could be in holding -<span class='pageno' id='Page_113'>113</span>her own way. She refused to confess at the bidding -of the friar, to accept any confessor appointed by her -mother, or to dismiss the French priests who were with -her, and the friar sent the dire news to Isabel that her -daughter had a hard heart and no true piety.<a id='r82' /><a href='#f82' class='c013'><sup>[82]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>This was bad enough, but on the death of the -Queen of Portugal, Isabel’s eldest daughter and -heiress, leaving her infant son as heir to the united -crowns, Philip assumed for himself and his wife, Joan, -the title of Prince and Princess of Castile. This was -a warning for Ferdinand.<a id='r83' /><a href='#f83' class='c013'><sup>[83]</sup></a> Already Philip and his -father, the Emperor Maximilian, had shown that they -had no idea of being the tools of Ferdinand’s foreign -policy, but if Philip of Burgundy successfully asserted -Joan’s right to succeed her mother as Queen of Castile, -then all Ferdinand’s edifice of hope fell like a house of -cards, for most of Spain would be governed by a foreigner, -with other ends and methods, and poor, isolated -Aragon, by itself, must sink into insignificance.</p> - -<p class='c007'>When the infant Portuguese heir, Miguel, died, -early in 1499, the issue between Ferdinand and his -son-in-law was joined. Isabel was visibly failing, and -it was seen would die before her husband, in which -case Joan would be Queen of Castile, in right of her -mother. Philip, her husband, with the riches of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_114'>114</span>Flanders and Burgundy, and the prestige of the -empire behind him, would come, perhaps in alliance -with the French, and reduce greedy, ambitious -Ferdinand to the petty crown of Aragon. Thenceforward -it was war to the knife between father and -son-in-law, who hated each other bitterly; and Isabel’s -distrust of her daughter Joan grew deeper as religious -zeal and ambition for a united Spain joined in adding -fuel to the fire. With true statesmanship Isabel, under -the great influence of Jimenez, clung more desperately -than ever to the idea of a Spain absolutely united. -Ferdinand’s object in working for the consolidation of -the realms had always been to forward the traditional -objects of Aragon in humbling France, but those of -Isabel and Jimenez were different. To them the -spread of Christianity in the dark places of the earth, -for the greater glory of Castile, was the end to be -gained by a united Spain, and for that end it was -necessary that the people should be unified in orthodoxy -as well as in sovereignty. The cruel and disastrous -expulsion of the Jews<a id='r84' /><a href='#f84' class='c013'><sup>[84]</sup></a> served this object in Isabel’s -mind, though to Ferdinand its principal advantage -was the filling of his war chest. The squandering of -Castilian blood and treasure in Naples and Sicily was -to Isabel and Jimenez a means of strengthening the -Spaniards in their future Christianisation of north -Africa, whilst to Ferdinand it meant the future -domination of Italy, the Adriatic, and gaining the -trade of the Levant for Barcelona.</p> - -<p class='c007'>When Isabel and her husband went to Granada, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_115'>115</span>after a long absence, in 1499, with the all-powerful -Jimenez in his dirty, coarse, Franciscan gown, the -difference of view of the husband and wife was again -seen. The Moors of Granada had lived, since their -capitulation, contented and prosperous in the enjoyment -of toleration for their customs and faith under -the sympathetic rule of the Christian governor, the -Count of Tendilla, and the ardent, but always -diplomatic, religious propaganda of Archbishop Talavera. -If these two men had been allowed to continue -their gentle system for a generation, there is no doubt -that in time Granada would have become Christian -without bloodshed, even if it had retained its Arabic -speech. But Jimenez and the Queen could not wait, -and determined upon methods more rapid than those -of Talavera. In the seven years that had passed -since Granada surrendered to Isabel, the crown of -Spain had become much more powerful. The prestige -and wealth of the sovereigns had been increased; the -discovery of America had considerably added to -the importance of Castile, whilst the expulsion of -the French from Naples had magnified Aragon. The -Jews had been expelled from Spain, and, above all, -the Inquisition, under the ruthless Torquemada, had -raised the arrogance both of people and priests on -the strength of the stainless orthodoxy of Spain.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Jimenez doubtless felt that the circumstances -demanded, or at least excused, stronger measures -towards the Moslems in Granada. He soon persuaded -or stultified Talavera, and set about converting -the Moors wholesale. Bribery, persuasion, flattery, -were the first instruments employed, then threats and -severity. Thousands of Moors were thus brought -to baptism, with what sincerity may be supposed. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_116'>116</span>Jimenez, a book lover himself, and afterwards the -munificent inspirer of the polyglot Bible in his splendid -new University of Alcalá, committed the vandalism of -burning the priceless Arabic manuscripts that had -been collected by generations of scholars in Granada. -Five thousand magnificently illuminated copies of the -Koran were cast into the flames, whilst many thousands -of ancient Greek, Hebrew, and Arabic texts -were sacrificed to the blind bigotry and haste of -Jimenez and Isabel, who, even in learning, drew the -line at Christian writings. From sacrificing books to -sacrificing men was but a step for Jimenez. Isabel -and her husband had sworn to allow full toleration -to the Moors, but what were oaths of monarchs as -against the presumed interests of the faith? Soon -the dungeon, the rack, and the thumbscrew came to -fortify Jimenez’s propaganda, and, though the Moslems -bowed their heads before irresistible force, they cursed -beneath their breath the day they had trusted to the -oath of Christian sovereigns.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The absence of Ferdinand and Isabel in Seville -early in 1500, gave to Jimenez full freedom; and soon -the strained cord snapped, and the outraged Moors -rebelled. Like a spark upon tinder an excess of insolence -on the part of one of Jimenez’s myrmidons set -all Granada in a blaze; and the Primate was besieged -in his palace, in imminent danger of death. He acted -with stern courage even then, and refused to escape -until Count de Tendilla with the soldiery dispersed the -populace, and drove them into their own quarter, the -Albaicin. There they were impregnable, and Tendilla, -who was popular, with Talavera, even more beloved, -took their lives in their hands, and unarmed and bareheaded -entered the Albaicin to reassure the Moors. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_117'>117</span>‘We do not rise,’ cried the latter, ‘against their highnesses, -but only to defend their own signatures,’<a id='r85' /><a href='#f85' class='c013'><sup>[85]</sup></a> and -the beloved Archbishop and Governor, who left his -own wife and children in the Albaicin as hostages of -peace, soothed the Moors into quietude almost as -soon as the storm had burst.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The news flew rapidly to Seville, though Jimenez’s -version was not the first to arrive, and when he heard -it, Ferdinand turned in anger to Isabel. ‘See here, -madam,’ he said, handing her the paper, ‘our victories, -earned with so much Spanish blood, are thus ruined in -a moment by the rashness and obstinacy of your -Archbishop.’<a id='r86' /><a href='#f86' class='c013'><sup>[86]</sup></a> Isabel herself wrote in grave sorrow to -Jimenez, deploring that he had given her no proper -explanation of what had happened; and after sending -his faithful vicar, Ruiz, to placate the monarchs somewhat, -the Archbishop himself appeared before the -Queen and her husband. He was a man of tremendous -power. Over Isabel his religious influence was great, -and he proved now that he knew how to get at the -weak side of Ferdinand. The Moors, he urged, had -been converted by thousands; and so far, his work had -been successful. But rebellion on the part of subjects -could never be condoned, no matter what the cause, -and he appealed to both sovereigns only to pardon -Granada for its revolt on condition that every Moor -should become a Christian or leave Spain. It was a -shameful violation of a sacred pledge given only seven -years before, but the rising of the Albaicin was the -salve which Jimenez applied to the wounded honour -of his Queen and King.</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_118'>118</span>To Granada he returned triumphant, with the fell -decree in the pocket of his shabby grey gown. More -converts flocked in than ever when the alternative was -presented to them. But up in the wild Alpujarras, the -Moslem villagers and farmers looked with hatred and -dismay at the lax townsmen abandoning Allah and his -only prophet at the bidding of a ragged, sour-faced -priest who broke his monarch’s word. Like an avalanche -the mountaineers swept down from their fastnesses upon -Malaga, beating back the Christian force from Granada -which came to rescue the city. But Ferdinand from -Seville and the greatest soldier in Europe, Gonzalo de -Cordova, hastened with an army to crush the desperate -handful who had defied an empire; and every Moor in -arms, with many women and children, were pitilessly -massacred. The repression was carried out with a -savage ferocity and heartlessness only equalled by the -despairing bravery of the insurgents; but at last, by the -end of 1500, the few who were still left unconverted were -brought to their knees: all except the fierce mountaineers -of Ronda, a separate African tribe, notable -even to-day for their lawlessness and indomitable independence. -From their savage fortress over the gorge -they repelled one Christian force after another, until -Ferdinand himself, with vengeance in his heart against -all rebels, came with an army strong enough to crush -them. A ruinous ransom and instant conversion were -dictated to them, and confiscation and death, or deportation -to Africa, for those who hesitated.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Then came the turn of Granada itself. Jimenez and -the new Inquisitor-General, Deza, the friend of Colon, -demanded of Isabel and Ferdinand the establishment -of the Inquisition in the city. This was considered too -flagrant a violation of all promises; but what was refused -<span class='pageno' id='Page_119'>119</span>in the letter was granted in the spirit; and the -Inquisition of Cordova was given power to extend its -operations over Granada. What followed will always -remain a blot upon the name of Isabel, who with Jimenez -was principally responsible. In July 1501, she with her -husband issued a decree forbidding the Moslem faith -throughout the kingdom of Granada, on pain of death -and confiscation; and in February 1502, the wicked -edict went forth, that the entire Moslem population, -men, women, and all children of over twelve years, -should quit the realm within two months, whilst they -were forbidden to go to a Mahommedan country. -Whither were the poor wretches to go but to Africa, -opposite their own shores? and some found their way -there. This was a pretext a few months afterwards -for prohibiting any one to emigrate from Spain at all; -and such Moors as still remained in Spain had only the -alternatives of compulsory conversion or death.<a id='r87' /><a href='#f87' class='c013'><sup>[87]</sup></a> By -the end of 1502 not a single professed Moslem was left -in Spain; and Isabel, with saintly joy in her heart, -could thank God that she had done her duty, and that -in her own day the miracle had come to pass: the -Jews expelled, the Moors ‘converted,’ the Inquisition -scourging religious doubt with thongs of flame; all -men in very fear bowing their heads to one symbol and -muttering one creed. This was indeed a victory to be -proud of, and it made Spain what it was and what it is.</p> - -<p class='c007'>To Isabel, in broken health and sad bereavement, -it was the one ray of glory that gilded all her sorrow. -Not the least of her troubles were those arising from -her new domain across the sea. The impossible terms -insisted upon by the discoverer had, as we have seen, -been accepted with the greatest unwillingness by Ferdinand, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_120'>120</span>and probably with no intention of fulfilling -them; and when Colon began to prepare his second -expedition on a great scale, and thousands of adventurers -craved to accompany him, the King realised the -danger that threatened his own plans in Europe if -such an exodus continued; and, at the same time, the -tremendous power that this foreign sailor, now Admiral -of the Indies and perpetual Spanish Viceroy, with -riches untold, would hold in his hands. So the process -of undermining him began. The Council of the -Indies was formed to control all matters connected with -the new domain, and the priests that ruled it obstructed -and thwarted the Admiral at every turn. Isabel was -mainly concerned in winning her new subjects to -Christianity; and four friars went this time in the -fleet to baptise. All of them but his friend Marchena -were disloyal to the chief, and so were the crowd of -Aragonese who accompanied the expedition. Of the -fifteen hundred adventurers who at last were selected, -the great majority were greedy, reckless men whom -the end of the Moorish war had left idle.</p> - -<p class='c007'>At first the news from Colon on his second voyage -were bright and hopeful. New lands, richer than ever, -were discovered, and the prospects of coming wealth -from this source, whilst delighting the King, only made -the downfall of the Admiral more inevitable. But -soon the merciless violence of the colonists provoked -reprisals, and every ship that returned to Spain brought -to Isabel bitter complaints of Colon’s rapacity and -tyranny; whilst he, on his side, denounced the want -of discipline, of industry, and of justice, on the part of -those who were rapidly turning a heaven into a hell. -At length the complaints, both of friars and laymen, -against the high-handed Admiral of the Indies, became -<span class='pageno' id='Page_121'>121</span>so violent that the sovereigns summoned him to Spain -to give some explanation of the position. Colon saw -the Queen at Burgos in 1496, and found her, at least, -full of sympathy for him in his difficulties, and still -firmly convinced that his golden hopes would be fulfilled. -But the reaction had set in against the extravagant -expectations aroused by his second expedition. -The idlers, many of them, had come back disappointed, -fever-stricken and empty-handed, and had much evil -to say of the despotic Italian who had lorded over land -granted by the Viceregent of Christ at Rome to the -Spanish sovereigns; and though Isabel herself, full -of zeal for winning all Asia, as she thought, for the -faith, did her best, the treasury was empty after the -wars of Granada and Italy, and the heavy expense of -the royal marriages then in progress.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Amidst infinite obstruction from the Council of the -Indies, and with little but frowning looks from Ferdinand, -Colon’s third expedition was painfully and -slowly fitted out. Few adventurers were anxious to -go now; and condemned criminals had to be enlisted -for the service; but, withal, at length in May 1498, -the Admiral sailed on his third voyage to his new -land. When he arrived at his centre, the isle of -Hispanola (Haiti), he found that a successful revolt -of the lawless ruffians he had left behind had overturned -all semblance of order and discipline. The -mines were unworked, the fields untilled, the natives -atrociously tortured, and violence everywhere paramount. -Isabel’s verbal instructions to the Admiral -when she took leave of him had been precise. Her -first object, she said, was to convert the Indians to -Christianity, and to carry to them from Spain, not -slavery and oppression, but the gentle, Christian, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_122'>122</span>virtues. This doubtless to some extent was the desire -of Colon himself, with his mystic devotional soul, -though wholesale slavery of natives was part of his -system, and he set about his work of the reconciliation -of the Indians, whose horrible sufferings had driven -them to armed opposition or flight. The undisciplined -Spaniards had the whip hand, and the Admiral could -only with much diplomacy, and perhaps unwise concessions -to them, at length bring some semblance of -peace and order to the colony. But mild as his -methods were on the occasion, they were bitterly resented -by arrogant Spaniards, indignant that a foreigner -should wield sovereign powers over them in their own -Queen’s territory.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Complaints and accusations more bitter than ever -came to the King and Queen by every ship. The -men who returned to Spain assured Ferdinand that -Colon was sacrificing every interest to his own insatiable -greed; and Isabel, favourably disposed as she -was to the discoverer generally, at length lost patience -when she found that he was shipping cargoes of -Indians to Spain to be sold for slaves. To enslave -infidels was not usually held to be wrong, and Colon -considered it a legitimate source of profit: but Isabel’s -new subjects, mild and gentle as they were, had been -looked upon by her as actual or potential Christians, -and her indignation was great when she saw that -Colon was treating them indifferently as chattels of his -own.<a id='r88' /><a href='#f88' class='c013'><sup>[88]</sup></a> At length it was decided to send an envoy to -Hispanola, with full powers to inquire into affairs and -to take possession of all property and dispose of all -persons in the new territories. The man chosen thus -to exercise unrestrained power was Francisco de -<span class='pageno' id='Page_123'>123</span>Bobadilla, probably a relative of the Queen’s great -friend, Beatriz de Bobadilla, Marchioness of Moya; -but in any case an intolerant tyrant, who considered it -his business, as, by Ferdinand, it was probably intended -to be, to degrade the Admiral in any case. With unexampled -insolence and harshness, he loaded the great -explorer with manacles almost as soon as he arrived in -Hispanola; and then, whilst Colon lay in prison, the -whole of the charges against him were raked together, -and, without any attempt to sift them judicially, were -embodied in an act of accusation, and sent to Spain by -the same caravel as that which carried in chains the -exalted visionary, whose dream had enriched Castile -with a new world.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The shameful home-coming of Colon in December -1500, struck the imagination and shocked the conscience -of the people; and Isabel herself was one of the first -to express her indignation. She and Ferdinand were -at Granada at the time, and sent to the illustrious -prisoner a dignified letter of regret, ordering him at -once to be released, supplied with funds, and to present -himself before them. The Queen received him in her -palace of the Alhambra, and as he stood before his -sovereign, with his bared white head bowed in grief -and shame for the insult that had eaten into his very -soul,<a id='r89' /><a href='#f89' class='c013'><sup>[89]</sup></a> Isabel lost her usual calm serenity and wept, -whereupon the Admiral himself broke down, and he -cast himself at the foot of the throne that he had so -nobly endowed. The title of Admiral was restored -to him: though in his stead as Viceroy was sent out -Nicolas de Ovando, with thirty-two vessels and a -<span class='pageno' id='Page_124'>124</span>great company of gentlemen. But disaster overtook -the fleet; and, though Ovando arrived, most of the -ships and men were lost, and thenceforward Isabel’s -zeal for maritime adventure grew cooler.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The cost and drain of men for the enterprise had -been very great. The fame of the discovery had rung -through the world, and had exalted Isabel and Castile -as they had never been exalted before, but up to this -period the returns in money had been insignificant, -whilst the unsettling influence of the adventure upon -the nation at large had been very injurious. Ferdinand, -for reasons already explained, always regarded -it coldly; and the loss of Ovando’s fleet seemed to -prove him right. When, therefore, Colon begged for -the Queen’s aid to sail with a fourth expedition early -in 1502, she was unwilling to help; though she was -sufficiently his friend still to prevent others from -hindering him; and he sailed for the last time in -March 1502, to see his patroness no more; for when -he came back, two years and nine months later, broken -with injustice, and with death in his heart, Isabel the -Catholic was dead.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Even greater sorrows than those of America came -to Isabel in her last years, troubles that stabbed her -to the very heart, and from which one of the great -tragedies of history grew. From Flanders came tidings -of grave import for the future of the edifice so -laboriously reared by Ferdinand and Isabel. The -heiress of Spain, the Archduchess Joan, with her -cynical, evil-minded husband, Philip the Handsome, -were daily drifting further away from the influence of -Joan’s parents. Dark whispers of religious backsliding -on the part of the Court of Brussels were rife -in the grim circle of friars and devotees that accompanied -<span class='pageno' id='Page_125'>125</span>Isabel. It was said that Joan and her husband -openly slighted the rigid observance of religious form -considered essential in Spain, and that the freedom of -thought and speech common in Flanders was more to -the taste of Joan than the terror-stricken devotion of -her Inquisition-ridden native land. Isabel had dedicated -her strenuous life and vast ability to the unification -of the faith in Spain. She had connived at cruelty -unfathomable, and had exterminated whole races of -her subjects with that sole object. Throughout her -realms and those of her husband no heresy dared now -raise its head, or even whisper doubt; and the thought -that free-thinking, mocking Burgundian Philip, with -his submissive wife, so alienated from her own people -that she refused to send a message of loving greeting -to her mother, should come and work their will upon -the sacred soil of Castile, must have been torture to -Isabel. To Ferdinand it must have been as bad; for -it touched him, too, in his tenderest part. His life -dream had been to realise the ambitions of Aragon. -For that he had plotted, lied, and cheated; for that -he had plundered his subjects, kept his realms at war, -bartered his children and usurped his cousin’s throne. -But it would be all useless if Castile slipped through -his fingers when his wife died, and his deadly enemy, -his son-in-law, became king of Castile in right of his -wife Joan.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The difficulty became more acute when Joan gave -birth to her son at Ghent in February 1500, because, -according to the law of succession, the child christened -Charles, a name unheard of in Spain before, would -inherit, not Castile and Leon alone, but Aragon as -well, with Flanders, Burgundy, Artois, Luxembourg, -the Aragonese kingdoms in Italy, and, worst of all, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_126'>126</span>Austria and the empire. Where would the interests -of Aragon, nay, even of Spain, be amongst such -world-wide dominions; and how could such a potentate -devote himself either to aggrandising Aragon, or to -carrying the Cross into the dark places of Moorish -Africa? What added to the bitterness in Ferdinand’s -case was, that Philip was even now intriguing actively -with the Kings of France, Portugal, and England -against Aragon; and was, with vain pretexts, evading -the pressing invitations of his wife’s parents to bring -her to Spain, to receive with him the oath of allegiance -as heirs of the realms.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It was necessary somehow to conciliate Philip and -Joan before they went too far; for Philip’s plan, to -marry the infant Prince Charles to a French princess, -struck at the very root of Ferdinand’s policy. Envoy -after envoy was sent to Flanders to expedite the -coming of Philip and Joan, if possible, with the infant -Charles; but the Archduke had no intention of -becoming the tool of his astute father-in-law, and was -determined to be quite secure before he placed himself -in his power. He was anxious enough to obtain -recognition as heir of Castile jointly with his wife, but -desired to leave Spain immediately afterwards, which -did not suit Ferdinand, who wished to have time to -influence him towards his policy, and alienate him -from his Flemish and French favourites.<a id='r90' /><a href='#f90' class='c013'><sup>[90]</sup></a> Joan -herself flatly refused to come without her husband; of -whom, with ample reason, she was violently jealous; -and neither would allow the infant Charles to come -without them. At length, after Joan had been -delivered of her third child, a daughter named Isabel, the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_127'>127</span>prayers and promises of Queen Isabel and her husband -prevailed, and the Archduke and Archduchess consented -to come to Spain. But it was under conditions -that turned the heart of Ferdinand more than ever -against his son-in-law. They would travel to Spain -through France, and ratify in Paris the betrothal of -their one-year old son Charles, heir of Spain, Flanders, -and the empire, with Claude of France, child of Louis -XII. Philip went out of his way during the sumptuous -reception in Paris to show his submission to the King -of France; and even did homage to him as Count of -Flanders; but Joan, mindful for once, at least, that she -belonged to the house of Aragon, and was heiress of -Spain, refused all tokens implying her subservience.</p> - -<p class='c007'>On the 7th May 1502, Joan and her husband entered -the imperial city of Toledo with all the ceremony that -Castile could supply. At the door of the great hall in -the Alcazar, Isabel stood to receive her heirs. Both -knelt before her and tried to kiss her hand, but the -Queen raised them, and embracing her daughter, -carried her off to her private chamber. Soon afterwards -the Archduchess and her husband took the oath -as heirs of Castile in the vast Gothic Cathedral; and -the splendid festivities to celebrate the event were -hardly begun before another trouble came in the -announcement of the death of Arthur, Prince of Wales, -husband of Isabel’s youngest daughter, Katharine. -The event immediately changed the aspect of the -game. The next heir of England was a boy of -eleven, who might be married to a French princess, -and thus cause one other blow to Ferdinand’s carefully -arranged schemes. This made it more necessary than -ever that Joan and Philip should be brought into -entire obedience to Spanish views. War broke out -<span class='pageno' id='Page_128'>128</span>between France and Spain at once, and strenuous -efforts were made by Ferdinand to expel from Spain -the councillors of Philip, who were known to be in the -French interest.<a id='r91' /><a href='#f91' class='c013'><sup>[91]</sup></a> The Archduchess and her husband -were then taken to Aragon, to receive the homage of -the Cortes there as heirs of Ferdinand, and then -Philip, in spite of all remonstrance, hurried back -again to his own country. Isabel gravely took her -son-in-law to task when he announced his intention to -return to Flanders by land through France whilst -Spain was at war. It was, she said, his duty to -recollect, moreover, that he was, in right of his wife, -heir to one of the greatest thrones in the world, and -should stay at least long enough in the country to -know the people and their language and customs. To -her entreaties the Archduchess, now far advanced in -pregnancy, and unable to travel, added her prayers -and tears. But all in vain; Philip, against the -respectful protest even of the Cortes, would go, and -insisted upon travelling through France, the enemy of -Spain.<a id='r92' /><a href='#f92' class='c013'><sup>[92]</sup></a> So, almost in flight, Philip of Burgundy -crossed the frontiers of his father-in-law, leaving his -wife Joan and their unborn child in Castile, in -December 1502.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Never in their lives had Ferdinand and Isabel -suffered such a rebuff as this. That the man, who on -their death would succeed them, was a free-living -German Fleming, who cared nothing for Spain, to -promote whose glory they had lived and laboured so -<span class='pageno' id='Page_129'>129</span>hard, was bitter enough for them. But that he should -be so lost to all duty and respect towards them and to -their country as to leave them thus, to rejoice with the -enemy in arms against them, convinced them that -under him and his wife Spain and the faith had -nothing to expect but neglect and sacrifice for other -interests. Isabel’s frequent conversations with her -daughter Joan, during the months she had been in -Spain, had more than confirmed the worst fears she -had formed from the reports sent to her from Flanders. -Joan, though of course a Catholic, obstinately refused -to conform to the rigid ritual of Castile; and, both in -acts and words, showed a strange disregard of, and, -indeed, captious resistance to, her mother’s wishes. -She was inconstant and fickle; sometimes determined, -notwithstanding her condition, to go and rejoin her -husband, sometimes docile and amiable.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It had become evident to Isabel and her husband -not many weeks after Joan and Philip’s arrival, that -these were no fit successors to continue the policy that -was to make Spain the mistress of the world and the -arbiter of the faith; and to the Cortes of Toledo, -which took the oath of allegiance to Philip and his -wife, it was secretly intimated that the Queen wished -that, ‘if, when the Queen died, Juana was absent from -the realms, or, after having come to them, should be -obliged to leave them again, or that, although present, -she might not choose, or <em>might not be able to reign and -govern</em>,’<a id='r93' /><a href='#f93' class='c013'><sup>[93]</sup></a> Ferdinand should rule Castile in her name. -This was a serious departure both from strict legality -and from usage, and has been considered by recent -commentators to indicate that, even thus early, Isabel -wished to exclude her daughter from the throne, either -<span class='pageno' id='Page_130'>130</span>for heresy or madness, or with that pretext. That -Joan was hysterical, obstinate, and unstable, is evident -from all contemporary testimony, and that she defied -her mother in her own realm is clear from what -followed; but it seems unnecessary to seek to draw -from these facts the deduction that Isabel at this -juncture meant to disinherit her daughter <em>in any case</em>. -Philip’s flagrant flouting of what Isabel and her -husband considered the best interests of Spain, and -his laxity in religion, as understood in Castile, -furnished ample reason for the desire on the part -of Isabel, when she felt her health failing, to ensure, so -far as she could do it, that the policy inaugurated by -her and her husband should be continued by him after -her death, instead of allowing Spain to be handed over -by an absentee prince to a Flemish viceroy. The -suggestion that Joan <em>might not be able</em> to govern, even -if she was in Spain, was not unnatural, considering -that her conduct, as reported to Isabel from Flanders, -had certainly been strangely inconsistent, whilst her -behaviour since she had arrived in Spain had not -mended matters.<a id='r94' /><a href='#f94' class='c013'><sup>[94]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Joan gave birth in March 1503 at Alcalá de -Henares to a son, who, in after years, became the -Emperor Ferdinand; and immediately after the -christening in Toledo Cathedral the Archduchess -declared that she would stay in Spain no longer, -but would join her husband in Flanders. Isabel -humoured her as best she could, persuading her to -accompany her from Alcalá to Segovia, on the pretext -<span class='pageno' id='Page_131'>131</span>that it would be more easy to arrange there the sea -voyage from Laredo. The Princess was held in -semi-restraint under various excuses for a time, but -at last she extracted from her mother a promise that -she would let her go by sea (but not through France, -with which they were still at war), when the weather -should be fair, for it was still almost winter.</p> - -<p class='c007'>From Segovia the Queen took her daughter to Medina -del Campo, as she said, to be nearer the sea; but there -the worry of the situation threw Isabel into some sort -of apoplectic fit, and for a time her life was despaired -of. Ferdinand was with his successful army on the -French frontier; and the physicians, in their reports to -him of his wife’s illness, attribute the attacks she -suffered entirely to the life that Joan was leading her. -‘The disposition of the Princess is such, that not only -must it cause distress to those who love and value her -so dearly, but even to a perfect stranger. She sleeps -badly, eats little, and sometimes not at all, and she is -very sad and thin. Sometimes she will not speak, and -in this, and in some of her actions, which are as if she -were distraught, her infirmity is much advanced. She -will only take remedies either by entreaty and persuasion, -or out of fear, for any attempt at force -produces such a crisis that no one likes or dares to -provoke it.’<a id='r95' /><a href='#f95' class='c013'><sup>[95]</sup></a> This trouble, the doctor adds, together -with the usual constant worries of government, is -breaking the Queen down entirely, and something -must be done. The Secretary, Conchillos, writing at -the same time, gives the same testimony. ‘The -Queen,’ he says, ‘is better, but in great tribulation -<span class='pageno' id='Page_132'>132</span>and fatigue with this Princess, God pardon -her.’<a id='r96' /><a href='#f96' class='c013'><sup>[96]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Isabel soon had to travel to Segovia, after praying -her daughter not to leave Medina until her father -returned. But she took care to give secret instructions -to the Bishop of Cordova, who had charge of -Joan, ‘to detain her, if she tried to get away, as -gently and kindly as possible.’ Nothing, however, -short of force would suffice to prevent Joan from -joining her husband, who, on his side from Flanders, -constantly urged her coming, and protested against -delay.<a id='r97' /><a href='#f97' class='c013'><sup>[97]</sup></a> At last Joan became so clamorous that a -message was sent to her from her mother, saying -that the King and herself were coming to see her -at Medina, and ordering her not to attempt to leave -until they arrived. Joan seems to have taken fright -at this, and, horses being denied her, she attempted -to escape alone and on foot from the great castle of -La Mota, where she was lodged. Finding when she -arrived at the outer moat that the gates were shut -against her by the Bishop of Cordova, she fell into -a frenzy and refused to move from the barrier where -she was stayed. All that day and night, in the bitter -cold of late autumn, the princess remained immovable -in the open, deaf to all remonstrance and entreaty, -refusing even to allow a screen of cloth to be hung -for her shelter. Isabel was gravely ill at Segovia, -forty miles away, but she instantly sent Joan’s uncle, -Enriquez, to pacify the princess and persuade her at -least to go to her rooms again. But neither he nor -the powerful Jimenez, Cardinal Primate of Spain, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_133'>133</span>could move her, and at last Isabel, sick as she was, -had to travel to Medina, and prevailed upon her -daughter again to enter the castle, where she remained -on the assurance of the Queen that she should go -and rejoin her husband in Flanders when the King -arrived.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In the meanwhile peace was made with France, -and Isabel and her husband tried their hardest to -persuade Philip to send the infant Charles to Spain -to replace his mother. Promise after promise was -given that Charles should go to his grandparents; -but Philip had no intention of entrusting his heir to -Ferdinand’s tender mercies, and all the promises were -broken. Isabel’s death was seen to be approaching, -and already a strong Castilian party, jealous of Aragon -and of the old King, was looking towards Isabel’s -heiress in Flanders and drifting away from Ferdinand. -The detention of Joan against her will at Medina was -regarded sourly by Castilians generally, and at length -the scandal had to be ended. In March 1504, the -princess therefore was allowed to leave her place of -detention at Medina, and after two months further -delay in Laredo, took ship for Flanders, to see her -mother no more.</p> - -<p class='c007'>No sooner was she safe in her husband’s territory -than the plot that had long been hatching against -her father came to a head. In September 1504 -Philip, his father Maximilian, Louis <span class='fss'>XII.</span>, and a little -later the Pope, joined in a series of leagues, from -which Ferdinand was pointedly excluded. It was -intended as a notice to Ferdinand, that when his -wife died he would no longer be King of Spain, -but only King of Aragon, unable to hold what he -had grasped; and, though the wily King fell ill and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_134'>134</span>was like to die at the news, he was not beaten yet, -and in time to come was more than a match for all -his enemies. But Isabel was sick unto death. A -united orthodox Spain had been her life’s ideal. -With labour untiring she and her husband had -attained it, and now she saw the imminent ruin of -her work through the undutifulness of her daughter’s -foreign husband. It was no fault of Isabel’s, for she -had been single-minded in her aims; but Ferdinand -had been brought to this pass by his own overreaching -cleverness. In yoking stronger powers than -himself to his car he had enlisted forces that he -could not control, and which were now pulling a -different way from that in which he wanted to go. -Those that he depended upon to be his prime instruments -had been removed by death, whilst those who -he had hoped to make subsidiary factors in his favour -were now principals and against him.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The accumulating troubles at length, in the autumn -of 1504, threw Isabel into a tertian fever, which was -aggravated by the fact that Ferdinand, being also -ill in bed, could not visit his wife. Isabel’s anxiety -for her husband was pitiable to witness; and though -her physicians assured her that he was in no danger, his -absence from her bedside increased the fever and -threw her into delirium. Symptoms of dropsy, and -probably diabetes, since constant insatiable thirst -and swelling of the limbs are mentioned as symptoms, -ensued, and for three months the Queen lay gradually -growing worse and worse. Rogations for her recovery -were offered up in every church in Castile, but by -her own wish, after a time, this was discontinued, and -the heroic Queen, strong to the last, faced death undismayed, -confident that she had done her best, yet -<span class='pageno' id='Page_135'>135</span>humble and contrite. When the extreme unction was -to be administered she exhibited a curious instance of -her severe modesty, almost prudery, by refusing to -allow even her foot to be uncovered to receive the -sacred oil, which was applied to the silken stocking -that covered the limb instead of to the flesh.</p> - -<p class='c007'>To the last she was determined that, if she could -prevent it, Joan and her husband should not rule in -Castile as absentee sovereigns whilst Ferdinand lived. -Her will, which was signed in October, is a notable -document, showing some of Isabel’s strongest characteristics. -She would be buried very simply, and -without the usual royal mourning, in the city of her -greatest glory, the peerless Granada; ‘but if the -King, my lord,’ desires to be buried elsewhere, then -her body was to be laid by the side of his. Her -debts were to be paid, and many alms distributed -and religious benefactions founded, and all her jewels -were to be given to Ferdinand, ‘that they may serve -as witness of the love I have ever borne him, and -remind him that I await him in a better world, and -so that with this memory he may the more holily -and justly live.’ What does not seem so saintly a -provision was, that all the royal grants she had given, -except those to her favourite Beatriz de Bobadilla, -were cancelled on her death. With a firm hand she -signed this will later in October 1504, providing in -it also that her daughter Joan should succeed her -on the throne of Castile:<a id='r98' /><a href='#f98' class='c013'><sup>[98]</sup></a> but before she died, almost -indeed in the last act of her life, her fears for Spain -<span class='pageno' id='Page_136'>136</span>conquered her love for her daughter. In a codicil -signed on the 23rd November, three days before her -death, she left to Ferdinand the governorship of -Castile in the name of her daughter Joan; and -enjoined him solemnly to cause the Indians of -America to be brought to the faith gently and -kindly, and their oppression to be redressed.</p> - -<p class='c007'>With trembling hands and streaming eyes she -handed the codicil to Jimenez, solemnly entrusting -him with the fulfilment of all her wishes, a trust -which he obeyed far better than did her husband, -and then Isabel the Catholic had done with the -world. Thenceforward she was serene; eyewitnesses -say as beautiful as in youth. ‘Do not weep,’ she -said to her attendants, ‘for the loss of my body; rather -pray for the gain of my soul.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>And so at the hour of noon, on the 26th November -1504, the greatest of Spanish queens gently -breathed her last, a dignified, devout, great lady to -the end. Days afterwards, when Ferdinand was busy -plotting how he could oust his daughter from her -heritage, the body of Isabel was carried across bleak -Castile, with soaring crucifixes and swinging censers, -by a great company of churchmen to far away -Granada, there to lay for all time to come, under -the shadow of the red palace that she had won for -the cross. As the velvet hearse with the body of -the Queen of Castile, dressed in death as a Franciscan -nun, wound its way over the land she had made great, -the wildest tempest in the memory of man roared her -requiem. Earthquake, flood and hurricane, scoured -the way by which the corpse was borne: skies of ink -by night and day for all that three weeks’ pilgrimage -lowered over the affrighted folk that accompanied -<span class='pageno' id='Page_137'>137</span>the bier, convinced that heaven itself was muttering -mourning for the mighty dead. But it is related that -when at last Granada was reached, and the Christian -mosque received the corpse of its conqueror, the -glorious sun burst out at its brightest for the first -time, and all the vega smiled under a stainless sky.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Isabel the Catholic was a great queen and a good -woman, because her aims were high. She was not -tender, or gentle, or what we should now call -womanly. If she had been, she would not have -made Castile one of the greatest powers in Europe -in her reign of thirty years. She was not scrupulous, -or she would not have been so easily persuaded to -displace her niece the Beltraneja. She was not tender-hearted, -or she would not have looked unmoved upon -the massacre or expulsion, in circumstances of atrocious -inhumanity, of Jews and Moors, to whom she broke -her solemn oath upon a weak pretext. She was -none of these pleasant things; nor was she the -sweet, saintly housewife she is usually represented. -If she had been, she would not have been Isabel the -Catholic—one of the strongest personalities, and -probably the greatest woman ruler the world ever -saw: a woman whose virtue slander itself never -dared to attack; whose saintly devotion to her faith -blinded her eyes to human things, and whose anxiety -to please the God of mercy made her merciless to -those she thought His enemies.</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_139'>139</span> - <h2 class='c005'><span class='large'>BOOK II</span><br /> JOAN THE MAD</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_141'>141</span>On the same day (26th November 1504) that Isabel -died, Ferdinand, with sorrow-stricken face, and tears -coursing down his cheeks, sallied from the palace of -Medina del Campo, and upon a platform hastily raised -in the great square of the town, proclaimed his daughter -Joan Queen of Castile, with the usual ceremony of -hoisting pennons and the crying of heralds: ‘Castile, -Castile, for our sovereign lady Queen Joan.’ Then -the clause of the dead Queen’s will was read, giving to -Ferdinand power to act as King of Castile whenever -Joan was absent from Spain, or was unable or unwilling -to govern, and enjoining upon Joan and her -husband obedience and submission to Ferdinand. -Castile was in a ferment; for all men knew that the -death of the Queen opened infinite possibilities of -change. The Castilian nobles, so long humbled by -Isabel, dared again to hope that better times for them -might come in the contending interests around the -throne; and there were not a few, especially Aragonese, -that counselled Ferdinand to claim the throne of -Castile for himself<a id='r99' /><a href='#f99' class='c013'><sup>[99]</sup></a> by right of descent, instead of -governing in his daughter’s name.</p> - -<p class='c007'>But Ferdinand’s way was always a tortuous one, and -the letters from him the same night that carried to -Flanders the news of his wife’s death were addressed -to Joan and Philip, by the grace of God Sovereigns -<span class='pageno' id='Page_142'>142</span>of Castile, Leon, Granada, Princes of Aragon, etc., -etc.’; whilst every city in the realms was informed -that henceforward the title of King of Castile would -be borne no more by Ferdinand, but only that of -Administrator for Joan.<a id='r100' /><a href='#f100' class='c013'><sup>[100]</sup></a> The step was profoundly -diplomatic, for all Europe and half Spain was distrustful -of Ferdinand, and the open usurpation of -Castile would have been forcibly resisted. And yet, -as we shall see, he intended to rule Castile; and in the -end had his way. Philip and Joan, in reply to their -loving father, declined to commit themselves as to -Ferdinand’s proceedings, and announced their coming -to take possession of their realm of Castile. They -were equally cool to Ferdinand’s envoy, Fonseca, -Bishop of Cordova, whom Joan had no reason to love. -In the meanwhile, Cortes was convoked at Toro -(January 1505) in the name of Joan; and there Ferdinand -played his first card, by claiming, under the -clause in Isabel’s will, the right to govern Castile until -Joan should be present and demonstrate her fitness to -rule.<a id='r101' /><a href='#f101' class='c013'><sup>[101]</sup></a> The nobles of Castile, already jealous of -Aragon, were determined to resist this, though the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_143'>143</span>Cortes agreed; and Juan Manuel, the most notable -diplomatist in Castile, descended from the royal house, -and Ferdinand’s deadly enemy, was sent to Philip, -over whom his influence was complete, as the envoy of -the Castilian nobles; thenceforward from Flanders to -animate and direct the diplomatic campaign against -Ferdinand.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The situation thus became daily more strained. -Ferdinand’s confidential agents endeavoured to sow -discord between Joan and her husband, not a difficult -matter; and on one occasion the Queen, in a fit of -jealousy, was persuaded by the Aragonese Secretary -Conchillos to sign a letter approving of her father’s -acts. The messenger to whom it was entrusted betrayed -it to Philip, and Conchillos was cast into a dungeon; -all Spaniards were warned away from Court, and Joan -completely isolated, even from her chaplain. Thinking -that in the palace of Brussels Joan was too easy of -access, Philip arranged that she should be secretly -removed. Whilst the Burgomaster and Councillors -were discussing at dead of night in the palace the details -of the secret flitting, poor Joan herself learnt what -was in the wind; and being denied an interview with the -Spanish bishop who attended her, she peremptorily -summoned the Prince of Chimay. He dared not enter -her chamber alone; but accompanied by another courtier -he obeyed the Queen’s summons. They found her in -a violent passion, and with difficulty escaped personal -attack; with a result that, though the Queen was not -immediately removed, she was thenceforward kept -strictly guarded in her chambers, a prisoner.<a id='r102' /><a href='#f102' class='c013'><sup>[102]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>When news came of the decision of the Cortes of -Toro that Joan was unfit to rule, Philip prevailed upon -<span class='pageno' id='Page_144'>144</span>his wife to sign a remarkable letter<a id='r103' /><a href='#f103' class='c013'><sup>[103]</sup></a> for publication in -Castile. ‘Since they want in Castile to make out that I am -not in my right mind, it is only meet that I should come -to my senses again, somewhat; though I ought not to -wonder that they raise false testimony against me, since -they did so against our Lord. But, since the thing has -been done so maliciously, and at such a time, I bid you -(M. de Vere) speak to my father the king on my behalf, -for those who say this of me are acting not only against -me but against him; and people say that he is glad of -it, so as to have the government of Castile, though I -do not believe it, as the King is so great and catholic -a sovereign and I his dutiful daughter. I know well -that the King my Lord (<em>i.e.</em> Philip) wrote thither complaining -of me in some respect; but such a thing should -not go beyond father and children! especially as, if I -did fly into passions and failed to keep up my proper -dignity, it is well known that the only cause of my -doing so was jealousy. I am not alone in feeling this -passion; for my mother, great and excellent person as she -was, was also jealous; but she got over it in time, and -so, please God, shall I. Tell everybody there (<em>i.e.</em> in -Castile) ... that, even if I was in the state that my -enemies would wish me to be, I would not deprive the -King, my husband, of the government of the realms, -and of all the world if it were mine to give.’...—Brussels, -3rd May 1505.</p> - -<p class='c007'>We can see here, and in the several reports sent, that -Joan had little or no control over herself. In the conflict, -daily growing more bitter, between her husband -and her father, she swayed from one side to another -according to the influences brought to bear upon her. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_145'>145</span>Her gusts of jealous rage and frenzied violence gave to -both sides the excuse of calling her mad when it suited -them to do so, or to declare that such temporary fits -were compatible with general sanity when they wanted -her sane. Joan’s affection for her husband was fierce, -and monopolous, and his influence over her was great, -especially when he appealed to her pride and her rights -as Queen of Castile, but her sense of filial duty was -also high; and whenever she understood that a measure -was intended to be against her father, she indignantly -refused to countenance it. Ferdinand knew that the -King of France had been enlisted by Philip and -Maximilian against him; and that an army was being -mustered in Flanders; whilst a project was on foot for -Philip to come to Castile without Joan. This he was -determined to prevent; and warned his son-in-law that -he would not be allowed to act as King without his -wife. To this warning Philip retorted by ordering his -father-in-law to leave Castile, and return to his own -realm of Aragon.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In this contest poor hysterical Joan was but a cypher, -with her gusts of jealous passion and her lack of fixed -resolution. When she had arrived in Flanders after -her detention in Spain, she had discovered that her -husband, whose coolness she noted from the first, was -carrying on a liaison with a lady of the court. We are -told that she sought out the lady in a raving fury and -seriously injured her; as well as causing all her beautiful -hair, of which she was proud, to be cut off close to -the scalp. This led to a violent scene between Philip -and Joan, in which not only hard words but hard blows -were exchanged; and Joan took to her bed, seriously -ill both in body and mind. These scenes continued at -intervals, either with or without good reason, but with -<span class='pageno' id='Page_146'>146</span>the natural result that Philip in his relations with his -father-in-law acted almost independently of his wife; -who, as Ferdinand afterwards said, was really a good -dutiful daughter, proud of Spain and her people.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Ferdinand had at his side at this juncture the great -Cardinal Jimenez. The stern Franciscan had been no -friend of the King, who had opposed his appointment -as primate; but he was a patriotic Spaniard, and could -not fail to see that if Flemish Philip was paramount in -Spain, the work of Isabel for the faith would be in peril. -Ferdinand, he knew, was an able and experienced ruler, -who would not greatly change the existing system; -and he threw all his powerful influence on the side of -an arrangement that might leave Ferdinand real power -in Castile, without entirely alienating Philip. Above -all, Jimenez was determined to prevent the ambitious -Castilian nobles from again dominating the government; -which they hoped to do if an inexperienced foreigner -like Philip took the reins. It was, indeed, quite as -much a struggle between Ferdinand and Jimenez and -the Castilian nobles, as between Ferdinand and his son-in-law. -But Jimenez’s patriotic efforts met with little -success, so far as Philip was concerned; and, in the -meantime, Ferdinand, whilst ostensibly solacing himself -in hunting, was quietly planning a characteristic stroke -at his enemy.</p> - -<p class='c007'>He was fifty-five years of age and still robust, and -he bethought himself that he might yet win the game -by a second marriage. It was almost sacrilege to -contemplate such a thing in the circumstances; but -to Ferdinand of Aragon any crooked way was straight -that led him to his goal. So he sent his natural son, -Hugo de Cardona, to propose secretly to the King of -Portugal that the forgotten Beltraneja should leave -<span class='pageno' id='Page_147'>147</span>her convent and become Queen of Aragon, joining her -claims to Castile to those of Ferdinand and ousting -Joan and Philip.<a id='r104' /><a href='#f104' class='c013'><sup>[104]</sup></a> It was a wicked cynical idea, for -it made Isabel a usurper; but neither the King of -Portugal nor his cousin, the Beltraneja, would have -anything to say to it; so Ferdinand turned towards a -solution, which, if not quite so iniquitous morally, was -even more inimical to the interest of Spain as a nation. -This was nothing less than to outbid Philip for the -friendship of the King of France, upon which he -mainly depended to frustrate his father-in-law’s plans. -Ferdinand had broken all his former covenants with -Louis <span class='fss'>XII.</span> The French had been turned out of -Naples, and the great Gonzalo de Cordova was there -as Ferdinand’s viceroy. He was a Castilian; and -already Ferdinand’s spies had reported that the Castilian -nobles, in union with Philip and France, were -tampering with Cordova’s loyalty and endeavouring -to establish the claim of Castile, instead of Aragon, to -Naples. Ferdinand, with what sincerity may be supposed, -rapidly patched up an alliance with Louis <span class='fss'>XII.</span>, -by which the widowed King of Aragon was to marry -the niece of the King of France, Germaine de Foix, a -spoiled and petted young beauty of twenty-one. Any -heirs of the marriage were to inherit Aragon, Sicily, -and Naples; but in the case of no children being left, -Naples was to be divided between France and Aragon; -<span class='pageno' id='Page_148'>148</span>great concessions were made at once to the French in -Naples, and a million gold crowns were to be paid by -Ferdinand to France as indemnity for the late war.</p> - -<p class='c007'>This, it will be seen, quite isolated Philip, threatened -again to separate Aragon and Castile, and at one blow -to undo the work both of Isabel and her husband. -But as Ferdinand never kept more of a treaty than -suited him at the moment, it may be fairly assumed -that he signed this only to bridge his present difficulty -and with such mental reservation as was usual with -him. When the news reached Brussels Maximilian -himself was there with his son, and they at once tried -their best to deal a counterstroke. When certain papers -were presented to Joan for signature denouncing to -the Castilian people Ferdinand’s treaty and second -marriage, she stood firm in her refusal to sign. Philip -exerted the utmost pressure upon his wife; but at last, -worn out by his and Maximilian’s importunity, the unhappy -lady burst into ungovernable rage, flinging the -papers from her and crying that she would never do -anything against her father. The isolation and close -guard over the Queen was indeed working its natural -effect upon her highly wrought nervous system; and -Ferdinand’s ambassadors, who had come to announce -his marriage with his French bride, and to offer terms -of friendship to his son-in-law, were scandalised at the -treatment of their Queen. When, after much difficulty, -they were allowed to see her at the palace of Brussels -it was only on condition that they should have no conversation -with her.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Shortly afterwards, in September 1505, Joan was -delivered of a daughter (Maria, afterwards Queen of -Hungary and Governess of the Netherlands), and -Philip then decided that the time had come to carry -<span class='pageno' id='Page_149'>149</span>her to Castile and claim the throne. First issuing a -manifesto to the Castilian nobles and towns, ordering -them not to obey Ferdinand in anything, he made -overtures to the King of France to allow him to pass -overland to Spain. This was flatly refused. The -French princess, Germaine, was now Ferdinand’s wife, -and all the help that Louis <span class='fss'>XII.</span> could give would be -against Philip and Joan. It was therefore decided to -make the voyage by sea, and a large fleet of sixty ships, -with a retinue of three thousand persons, was mustered -in one of the ports of Zeeland. In the meanwhile -ceaseless intrigue went on both in Spain and abroad. -France having abandoned him, Philip turned to England. -Juan Manuel’s sister, Elvira, was the principal -lady-in-waiting upon Katharine, Princess of Wales, -and through her and Katharine secret negotiations -were opened for a marriage between Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> and -Philip’s sister, the Archduchess Margaret, the widow -of Juan, Prince of Asturias and of the Duke of Savoy, -with an alliance between England and Philip—though -Katharine probably did not understand at first how -purely this was a move against her father. So, although -Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> still professed to be on Ferdinand’s side in -the quarrel, he was quite ready for a secret alliance with -Philip and Joan against him and the King of France.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The King and Queen of Castile left Brussels early -in November to join the waiting fleet, but from the -slowness of their movements and the ostentatious -publicity given to them, it is clear that their first object -was to prepare Castile in their favour. Philip, for a -time, scouted all idea of arrangement with Ferdinand. -He knew that the Castilian nobles were on his side, -and that his wife’s legal right was unimpeachable. The -wily old King of Aragon saw that his best policy was to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_150'>150</span>temporise, and to do that he must seem strong. His -first move was to declare to the Castilians that Joan was -sane, but was kept a prisoner by her husband, and he -proposed to send a fleet to rescue her and bring her and -her son Charles to Castile. Philip’s Flemish subjects -were discontented at his proposed long absence, and -also threatened trouble. Then Ferdinand hinted that -he would mobilise all his force to resist Philip’s landing.</p> - -<p class='c007'>This series of manœuvres delayed the departure of -Philip and his wife month after month; until Ferdinand, -by consummate diplomacy, managed to patch -up an agreement with Philip’s ambassadors at Salamanca -at the end of November; which, though on the -face of it fair enough, was really an iniquitous plot for -the exclusion of Joan in any circumstances. Philip -and Joan were to be acknowledged by Castile as sovereigns, -and their son Charles as heir; but, at the -same time, Ferdinand was to be accepted as perpetual -governor in his daughter’s absence: and in the case -of Queen Joan being unwilling or unable to undertake -the government, the two Kings, Ferdinand and Philip, -were to issue all decrees and grants in their joint names. -The revenues of Castile and of the Grand Masterships -were to be equally divided between Philip and -Ferdinand.</p> - -<p class='c007'>When once this wicked but insincere agreement was -ratified there was no further need for delay, and Philip’s -fleet sailed for Spain on the 8th January 1506 to -engage in the famous battle of wits with his father-in-law, -which only one could win. All went well -until the Cornish coast was passed, and then a dead -calm fell, followed by a furious south-westerly gale -which scattered the ships and left that in which Philip -and Joan were without any escort. To add to the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_151'>151</span>trouble a fire broke out upon this vessel, and a fallen -spar gave the ship such a list as to leave her almost -waterlogged. Despair seized the crew, and all gave -themselves up for lost. Philip played anything but -an heroic part. His attendants dressed him in an -inflated leather garment, upon the back of which was -painted in staring great letters, ‘The King, Don -Philip,’ and thus arrayed, he knelt before a blessed -image in prayer, alternating with groans, expecting -every moment would be his last. Joan does not -appear to have lost her head. She is represented -by one contemporary authority<a id='r105' /><a href='#f105' class='c013'><sup>[105]</sup></a> as being seated on -the ground between her husband’s knees, saying that -if they went down she would cling so closely to him -that they should never be separated in death, as they -had not been in life. The Spanish witnesses are loud -in her praise in this danger. ‘The Queen,’ they say, -‘showed no signs of fear, and asked them to bring -her a box with something to eat. As some of the -gentlemen were collecting votive gifts to the Virgin of -Guadalupe, they passed the bag to the Queen, who, -taking out her purse containing about a hundred -doubloons, hunted amongst them until she found the -only half-doubloon there, showing thus how cool she -was in the danger. A king never was drowned yet, -so she was not afraid, she said.’<a id='r106' /><a href='#f106' class='c013'><sup>[106]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>At length, mainly by the courage and address of -one sailor, the ship was righted, the fire extinguished, -and the vessel brought into the port of Weymouth -on the 17th January 1506. Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> of England -<span class='pageno' id='Page_152'>152</span>had been courted and conciliated by Philip for some -time past, but it was a dangerous temptation to put -in the wily Tudor’s way to enable him to make his -own terms for an alliance. Above all, he wanted to -get into his power the rebel Earl of Suffolk, who was -in refuge in Flanders, and this seemed his opportunity. -Philip had had enough of the sea for a while. -We are assured by one who was there that he was -‘fatigate and unquyeted in mynde and bodie,’ and he -yearned to tread firm land again. His councillors -urged him to take no risk, but Philip and Joan landed -at Melcombe Regis to await a fair wind for sailing -again. From far and near the west country gentry -flocked down with their armed bands, ready for war -or peace, but when they found that the royal visitors -were friendly their hospitality knew no bounds. Sir -John Trenchard would take no denial. The King -and Queen must rest in his manor-house hard by -until the weather mended; and, in the meanwhile, -swift horses carried the news to King Henry in -London.</p> - -<p class='c007'>As may be supposed, when he heard the news, -‘he was replenyshed with exceeding gladnes ... for -that he trusted it should turn out to his profit and -commodity,’ which it certainly did. But Philip grew -more and more uneasy at the pressing nature of the -Dorsetshire welcome. The armed bands grew greater, -and though the weather improved, Trenchard would -not listen to his guests going on board until the King -of England had a chance of sending greeting to his -good brother and ally. At length Philip and Joan -realised that they were in a trap, and had to make -the best of it, which they did with a good grace, for -they were welcomed by Henry with effusive professions -<span class='pageno' id='Page_153'>153</span>of pleasure. Philip was conveyed with a vast cavalcade -of gentlemen across England to Windsor, where he -was met by Henry and his son, the betrothed of -Katharine, Joan’s sister. Then the King of Castile -was led to London and to Richmond with every -demonstration of honour. But, withal, it was quite -clear that Henry would not let his visitors go until -they had subscribed to his terms, whatever they -might be. And so the pact was solemnly sworn upon -a fragment of the true cross in Saint George’s Chapel, -Windsor, by Philip and Henry, by which Suffolk was -to be surrendered to his doom, Philip’s sister Margaret, -with her fat dowry, was to be married to the widowed -old Henry, and England was bound to the King of -Castile against Ferdinand of Aragon.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Joan was deliberately kept in the background during -her stay in England. She had followed her husband -slowly from Melcombe, and arrived at Windsor ten -days later, the day after Philip, with great ceremony, -had been invested with the Order of the Garter and -had signed the treaty. On her arrival at Windsor -on the 10th February she saw her sister Katharine, -though not alone, and Katharine left the next day -to go to Richmond. Three days later, on the 14th -February, Joan set out from Windsor again towards -Falmouth, whilst Philip joined Henry at Richmond; -and soon after the King of Castile was allowed to -travel into the west and once more take ship for his -wife’s kingdom. The cynical exclusion of Joan from -all participation in the treaty with England,<a id='r107' /><a href='#f107' class='c013'><sup>[107]</sup></a> and the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_154'>154</span>fact that she was only allowed to see her sister once, -and in the presence of witnesses in the interests of -Philip, seems to prove that she was purposely kept -in the dark as to the real meaning of the treaty, which -was directed almost as much against herself as against -her father, because, with England on his side, Philip -could always paralyse France from interfering with -him in Spain; and it is clear that, whether Joan was -really incapacitated at the time or not, both Ferdinand -and Philip had already determined to make out that -she was.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Like a pair of wary wrestlers the two opponents still -played at arms’ length. Ferdinand, after celebrating -his second marriage—as he had celebrated his first, -nearly forty years before—at Valladolid, awaited at -Burgos, so as to be near on arrival of his daughter and -her husband at one of the Biscay ports, as was -expected. But nothing was further from Philip’s -thoughts than to land at any place near where -Ferdinand was waiting. His idea was to go to -Andalucia, so as to be able to march through Spain -before meeting the old King, and to gather friends -and partisans on the way. Contrary winds, however, -drove the fleet into Corunna, on the extreme north-west -of the Peninsula, on the 26th April; and -Ferdinand, when he got the news, for a moment -lost his smooth self-control, and was for flying at his -undutiful son-in-law sword in hand. But the outbreak -was not of long duration, for the circumstances were -serious, and needed all the great astuteness of which -Ferdinand was capable. He was determined to rule -<span class='pageno' id='Page_155'>155</span>Castile whilst he lived for the benefit of his great -Aragonese aims.</p> - -<p class='c007'>He had, indeed, some cause for complaint against -fortune; for, with the exception of the kingdom of -Naples, he had not yet gathered the harvest that he -had reckoned upon as the result of the union of the -realms. His son-in-law, now that, by the death of -other heirs, Joan had become Queen of Castile, was -an enemy instead of an ally, and his defection had -rendered necessary the pact between Ferdinand and -France, which had stultified much of the advantage -previously gained by the Castilian connection. At -any cost Castile must be held, or all would be lost. -If Joan herself took charge of the government, as was -her right, then goodbye to the hope of Ferdinand -employing for his own purposes the resources of -Castile; for around her would be jealous nobles hating -Aragon; whereas, with Philip as King, it was certain -that his imprudence, his ignorance of Spain, and the -Castilian distrust of foreigners, would soon provoke a -crisis that might give Ferdinand his chance. Both -opponents, therefore, were equally determined to keep -Joan away from active sovereignty, whatever her -mental state; and as Philip and his wife rode through -Corunna, smiling and debonair, gaining friends everywhere, -but surrounded with armed foreigners, German -guards, archers, and the like, strange to Spaniards, as -if in an enemy’s country, the plot thickened between -the two antagonists.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Everywhere Philip took the lead, and Joan was -treated as a consort.<a id='r108' /><a href='#f108' class='c013'><sup>[108]</sup></a> In the verses of welcome it -<span class='pageno' id='Page_156'>156</span>was Don Philip’s name that came first; and Joan -showed her discontent at the position in which she was -placed by refusing to confirm the privileges of the -cities through which they passed until she had seen -her father, though Philip promised readily to do so. -No sooner did Philip find himself supported by the -northern nobles, than he announced that he would not -be bound by the treaty of Salamanca, and generally -gave Ferdinand to understand that he, Philip, alone, -intended to be master. Ferdinand travelled forward -to meet his son-in-law, making desperate attempts at -conciliation and to win Juan Manuel to his side, but -without success: whilst Philip tarried on the way and -exhausted every means of delay in order to gain -strength before the final struggle. To Philip’s insulting -messages Ferdinand returned diplomatic answers; -in the face of Philip’s scornful rejection of advances, -Ferdinand was amiable, conciliatory, almost humble; -he who, with the great Isabel, had been master of -Spain for well nigh forty years. But he must have -chuckled under his bated breath and whispering -humbleness, for he knew that he was going to win, -and he knew how he was going to do it.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Slowly Ferdinand travelled towards the north-west, -sending daily embassies to Philip soliciting a friendly -interview, and at every stage, as he came nearer, his son-in-law -grew in arrogance. When Ferdinand left Astorga -in the middle of May, Juan Manuel sent a message to -him that if he wished to see the King of Castile, he -must understand three things: first, that no business -<span class='pageno' id='Page_157'>157</span>would be discussed; second, that Philip must have -stronger forces than he; and third, that he must not -expect that he would be allowed to obtain any -advantage by, or through, his daughter, Queen Joan, -as they knew where that would lead them to. Therefore, -continued Manuel, King Ferdinand had better -not come to Santiago at all. In the meanwhile the -inevitable discord was brewing in the Court of Joan -and Philip at Corunna. The proud Castilian nobles, -greedy and touchy, who had flocked to Philip’s side, -found that Flemings and Germans always stood -between them and the throne, and intercepted the -favours for which they hungered. The Teutons, who -thought they were coming to Spain to lord over all, -found a jealous nobility and a nation convinced of its -own heaven-sent superiority, ready to resist to the -death any encroachment of foreigners, whom they -regarded with hate and scorn.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The Castilians deplored most the isolation of Joan, -and endeavoured by a hundred plans to persuade her -to second her husband’s action towards her father. -Philip ceased now even to consult her, since she had -refused to oppose Ferdinand; and in the pageantry of -the entrance into Santiago and the triumphal march -through Galicia, with a conquering army rather than a -royal escort, Joan, in deepest black garments and -sombre face, passed like a shadow of death. As the -Kings gradually approached each other, Ferdinand, in -soft words, begged Philip to let him know what -alterations he desired to make in the agreement of -Salamanca. After much fencing, Philip replied that if -his father-in-law would send Cardinal Jimenez with full -powers, he would try to arrange terms. The great -point, he wrote, was that of Queen Joan; and the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_158'>158</span>King of Aragon knew full well that upon this point -the issue between him and Philip would be joined. -Ferdinand had little love or trust in the great Castilian -Cardinal, Jimenez, though the latter was faithful to -him, not for his own sake, but for the good of Spain; -but the Cardinal went to Philip with full powers, and -bearing a private letter, saying that, as Joan was -incapacitated from undertaking the government, -Ferdinand besought Philip to join and make common -cause with him, in order to prevent her, either of her -own accord or by persuasion of the nobles, from -seizing the reins. This was the line upon which -Philip was pleased to negotiate, and Cardinal Jimenez -found a ready listener. Ferdinand, however, was -ready with the other alternative solution if this failed. -If Philip would not join with him to exclude Joan, he -would join Joan to exclude Philip, and all preparations -were quietly made to muster his adherents at Toro, -make a dash for Benavente, the place where Philip was -to stay, rescue Joan, and govern, with her or in -her name, to the exclusion of foreigners.<a id='r109' /><a href='#f109' class='c013'><sup>[109]</sup></a> But it was -unnecessary. Jimenez’s persuasion and Ferdinand’s -supple importunity conquered; and, though with -infinite distrust and jealousy on all sides, the Kings -still slowly approached each other, stage by stage, -whilst the negotiations went on.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The Teutons and Castilians were at open loggerheads -now; Queen Joan, reported Jimenez, was more -closely guarded and concealed than ever, and Philip -less popular in consequence. But, at length, the two -rival Kings, on the 20th June 1506, found themselves -in neighbouring villages; and on that day at a farmhouse -<span class='pageno' id='Page_159'>159</span>half-way between Puebla and Asturianos they -met. Ferdinand, in peaceful guise, was attended only -by the Duke of Alba and the gentlemen of his household, -not more than two hundred in all, mostly mounted -on mules and unarmed; whilst Philip came in warlike -array with two thousand pikemen and hundreds of -German archers in strange garments and outlandish -headgear, whilst the flanks of his great company of -nobles were protected by a host of Flemish troops. -When Philip approached his father-in-law, with steel -mail beneath his fine silken doublet, and surrounded by -armed protectors, it was seen that his face was sour -and frowning, whilst Ferdinand, almost alone and quite -unarmed, came smiling and bowing low at every step. -When the Castilian nobles came forward one by one -shamefacedly, to kiss the hand of the old monarch -they had betrayed, Ferdinand’s satiric humour had -full play, and many a sly thrust pierced their breasts, -for all their hidden armour. After a few empty polite -words between the Kings the conference was at an -end, and each returned the way he came; Ferdinand -more than ever chagrined that he had not been allowed -even to see his daughter.</p> - -<p class='c007'>For the next few days the Kings travelled along -parallel roads towards Benavente; Philip continuing -to treat his father-in-law as an intruder in the most -insulting fashion. At length their roads converged at -a small village called Villafafila, at the time when the -long discussed agreement had been settled by their -respective ministers; and here, in the village church, -the two rivals finally met to sign their treaty of peace -on the 27th June 1506. It was a hellish compact, and -it sealed the fate of unhappy Joan whatever might -happen. Ferdinand came, as he said, with love in his -<span class='pageno' id='Page_160'>160</span>heart and peace in his hands, only anxious for the -happiness of his ‘beloved children,’ and of the realm -that was theirs: and, after warmly embracing Philip, -he led him towards the little village church to sign and -swear to the treaty. With them, amongst others, were -Don Juan Manuel and Cardinal Jimenez, and when the -treaty was signed and the church cleared, the great -churchman took the arm of Manuel, and whispered, -‘Don Juan, it is not fitting that we should listen to -the talk of our masters. Do you go out first, and I -will serve as porter.’ And there alone, in the humble -house of prayer, the two Kings made the secret compact -which explains the treaty they had just publicly -executed. In appearance Ferdinand gave up everything. -He was, it is true, to have half the revenues -from the American discoveries, and to retain much -plunder from the royal Orders and other grants of -money, but he surrendered completely all share and -part in the government of Castile, and allied himself to -Philip for offence and defence against the world.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The secret deed, the outcome of that sinister private -talk between two cruel scoundrels in the village church, -allows us to guess, in conjunction with what followed, -the reason for Ferdinand’s meek renunciation of the -government. ‘As the Queen Joan on no account -wishes to have anything to do with any affair of -government or other things; and, even if she did wish -it, it would cause the total loss and destruction of these -realms, having regard to her infirmities and passions, -which are not described here for decency’s sake’; -and then the document provides that, ‘if Joan of her -own accord, or at the instance of others, should attempt -to interfere in the government or disturb the arrangement -made between the two Kings, they will join -<span class='pageno' id='Page_161'>161</span>forces to prevent it.’ ‘And so we swear to God our -Lord, to the Holy Cross, and the four saintly evangelists, -with our bodily hands placed upon His altar.’ -And the two smiling villains came out hand in hand, -both contented; each of them sure that the best of the -evil bargain lay with him, and Ferdinand made preparations -for departure to his own Aragon, and so to -his realm of Naples and Sicily, delighted that his -‘beloved children’ should peacefully reign over the -land of Castile.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It was more than two years and a half since Ferdinand -had seen his daughter Joan. During that time -both he and Philip had alternately declared she was -quite sane and otherwise, as suited their plans. Now -both were agreed, not only that she did not <em>wish</em> to -govern her country: but that if ever she <em>did</em> wish, or -Castilians wished for her to do so, then her ‘passions -and infirmities,’ so vaguely referred to, would make -her rule disastrous. It ensured Philip being King of -Castile <em>so long as he lived</em>, and Ferdinand being master -if he survived, and until the majority of his grandson -Charles. There is no reason to deny that Joan was -wayward, morbid, and eccentric; subject to fits of -jealous rage at certain periods or crises, and that subsequently -she developed intermittent lunacy. But at -this time, according to all accounts, she was not mad -in a sense that justified her permanent exclusion from -the throne that belonged to her. Philip, heartless, -ambitious, and vain, wished to rule Castile alone, -according to Burgundian methods, which were alien -to Spain and to the Queen. Ferdinand knew that, in -any case, such an attempt could not succeed for long; -and by permanently excluding Joan he secured for -himself the reversion practically for the rest of his life. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_162'>162</span>And so Joan was pushed aside and wronged by those -whose sacred duty it was to protect and cherish her, -and as Joan the Mad she goes down to all posterity.</p> - -<p class='c007'>But old Ferdinand had not yet shot his last bolt, for -symmetry and completeness in his villainy was always -his strong point. On the very day that the secret -compact was signed, he came again to that humble -altar of Villafafila, accompanied this time only by those -faithful Aragonese friends who would have died for -him, Juan Cabrero, who had befriended Colon, and his -secretary, Almazan. Before these he swore and signed -a declaration that Philip had come in great force whilst -he had none, and had by intimidation and fear compelled -him to sign a deed so greatly to the injury of -his own daughter. He swore now that he had only -done so to escape his peril, and never meant that Joan -should be deprived of her liberty of action: on the -contrary, he intended when he could to liberate her -and restore to her the administration of the realm that -belonged to her: and he solemnly denounced and repudiated -the former oath he had just taken on the -same altar. And then, quite happy in his mind, Ferdinand -the Catholic went on his way, having left -heavily bribed all the men who surrounded doomed -Philip, including even the all-powerful favourite Juan -Manuel.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Philip lost no time. Before Ferdinand had got -beyond Tordesillas, a courtier reached him from his -son-in-law giving him news of Joan’s anger and -passion when she learnt that she was pushed aside -and was not to see her father. What would Ferdinand -recommend? asked Philip. But the old King was -not to be caught; he would not be cajoled into giving -his consent to Joan being shut up, but he sent a long -<span class='pageno' id='Page_163'>163</span>sanctimonious rigmarole enjoining harmony, but meaning -nothing. Philip then appealed to the nobles one -by one, asking them to sign a declaration assenting -to Joan’s confinement. The Admiral of Castile, -Ferdinand’s cousin, led a strong opposition to this, -and demanded a personal interview with the Queen -to which Philip consented, and the Admiral and Count -Benavente went to the fortress of Murcientes, where -Joan and her husband were staying. At the door of -the chamber stood Garcilaso de la Vega, a noble in -Philip’s interest, and Cardinal Jimenez was just inside; -whilst in a window embrasure in the darkened room -sat the Queen alone, garbed in black with a hood -which nearly obscured her face. She rose as Admiral -Enriquez approached, and with a low curtsey, asked -him if he came from her father. ‘Yes,’ he replied, -‘I left him yesterday at Tudela on his way to Aragon.’ -‘I should so much have liked to see him,’ sighed poor -Joan; ‘God guard him always.’ For many hours that -day and the next the noble spoke to the Queen, saying -how important it was to the country that she should -agree well with her husband, and take part in the -government that belonged to her. He reported afterwards -that in all these conferences she never gave a -random answer.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The Admiral was too important a person to be -slighted, and Philip was forced to listen to some -plain warnings from him. He must not venture to go -to Valladolid without the Queen, or ill would come -of it: the people were jealous already, and if Joan was -shut up their fears would be confirmed. So Joan -was borne by her husband’s side to Valladolid in -state, though her face was set in stony sorrow -beneath the black cowl that shrouded it. Near there -<span class='pageno' id='Page_164'>164</span>one other interview took place between the two kings -with much feigned affection, but no result as regards -Joan. On the 10th July 1506, Joan and her husband -rode through the city of Valladolid with all the pomp -of Burgundy and Spain. Two banners were to be -carried before the royal pair, but Joan knew she -alone was Queen of Castile, and insisted that one -should be destroyed before she would start. She -was mounted upon a white jennet, housed in black -velvet to match her own sable robes, and a black -hood almost covered her face.<a id='r110' /><a href='#f110' class='c013'><sup>[110]</sup></a> Shows, feasts and -addresses were arranged for their reception, but they -rode straight through the crowded, flower-decked -streets without staying to witness them; and this -joyous entry, we are told by an eyewitness, meant -to be so gay, was blighted by an all-pervading gloom, -as of some great calamity to come.</p> - -<p class='c007'>On the following day the Cortes took the oath of -allegiance to Joan as Queen, and to Philip only as -consort, and she personally insisted upon seeing the -powers of the deputies. The ceremonies over, Philip -came to business. Great efforts were made to persuade -the Cortes to consent to Joan’s confinement and Philip’s -personal rule; and Jimenez did his best to get the -custody of her.<a id='r111' /><a href='#f111' class='c013'><sup>[111]</sup></a> But the stout Admiral Enriquez -<span class='pageno' id='Page_165'>165</span>stood in the way, and insisted that this iniquity -should not be, so that Philip was obliged to put up -with the position of administrator for his wife, since -he could not be King in her stead. Flemings, Germans -and Castilians, in the meanwhile, vied with each other -in rapacity. Philip was free enough with the money -of others, but even he had to go out hunting by -stealth to escape importunity when he had given away -all he had to give and more. But of all the greedy -crew there was none so rapacious as Juan Manuel, -little of body but great of mind, who, like the Marquis -of Villena forty years before, grabbed with both hands -insatiate. Fortresses, towns, pensions, assignments of -national revenue, nothing came amiss to Manuel, and -at last his covetous eyes were cast upon the fortress-palace of Segovia, still in the keeping of that stout -Andrés Cabrera and his wife, Beatriz de Bobadilla, -Marchioness of Moya, the lifelong friend of the great -Isabel. Philip gave an order that the Alcazar of -Segovia was to be surrendered to Manuel. Surrender -the Alcazar! after fifty years of keeping! No, forsooth, -said big-hearted Dona Beatriz; only to Queen Joan -will we give the fortress that her great mother entrusted -to our keeping.</p> - -<p class='c007'>And so it happened that Philip, with Joan still in -black by his side, rode out of Valladolid in August -towards Segovia, to demand the fortress from its -keeper. When the cavalcade reached Cogeces, half -way to Segovia, Joan would go no further. They -were taking her to Segovia, she cried, to imprison -her in the Alcazar, and she threw herself from her -horse writhing upon the ground, and refused to stir -another step on the way. The prayers and threats -of Philip and his councillors, whom she hated, were -<span class='pageno' id='Page_166'>166</span>worse than useless, and all that night she rode hither -and thither across country refusing to enter the town. -When the morning came Philip learnt that Cabrera -had surrendered the Alcazar of Segovia to Manuel; -and as there was no reason now for going thither, -they rode back to Burgos. As they travelled through -Castile, brows grew darker and hearts more bitter at -this fine foreign gallant with his fair face and his gay -garments, who kept the Queen of Castile in durance -in her own realms, and packed his friends and foreign -pikemen in all the strong castles of the land. When -Burgos was reached on the 7th September, Philip -deepened the discontent by ordering the immediate -departure of the wife of the Constable of Castile, an -Enriquez by birth, and consequently a cousin of -Ferdinand, in order that Joan should have no relative -near her, although they lodged in the Constable’s -palace. The Admiral of Castile and the Duke of -Alba were also attacked by Philip, who demanded -their fortresses as pledges of loyalty; and soon all -Castile was in a ferment, clamouring for the return -of the old King Ferdinand, and the liberation of their -Queen Joan.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The King, not content with conferring upon his -favourite Manuel the Alcazar of Segovia, now entrusted -to his keeping the castle of Burgos, where it was -determined to celebrate the surrender by entertaining -Philip at a banquet. After the feast the King was -taken ill of a malignant fever, it was said, caused by -indulgence or over-exercise, and Philip lay ill for days -in raging delirium. Joan, dry-eyed and cool, never -left his side, saying little, but attending assiduously -to the invalid. At one o’clock on the 25th September -1506 Philip <span class='fss'>I.</span>, King of Castile, breathed his last, in -<span class='pageno' id='Page_167'>167</span>his twenty-eighth year: but yet Joan, without a tear -or a tremor, still stayed by his side, deaf to all -remonstrance and condolence, to all appearance unmoved. -She calmly gave orders that the corpse of -her husband should be carried in state to the great -hall of the Constable’s palace upon a splendid catafalque -of cloth of gold, the body clad in ermine-lined -robes of rich brocade, the head covered by a jewelled -cap, and a magnificent diamond cross upon the breast. -A throne had been erected at the end of the hall, and -upon this the corpse was arranged, seated as if in -life. During the whole of the night the vigils for -the dead were intoned by friars before the throne, -and when the sunlight crept through the windows the -body, stripped of its incongruous finery, was opened -and embalmed and placed in a lead coffin, from -which, for the rest of her life, Joan never willingly -parted.<a id='r112' /><a href='#f112' class='c013'><sup>[112]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Joan, in stony immobility, dazed and silent, gave no -indication that she understood the tremendous importance -of her husband’s death; but courtiers and -nobles, Castilians and Teutons alike, did not share her -insensibility. Dismay fell upon the rapacious crew, -fierce denunciations of poison,<a id='r113' /><a href='#f113' class='c013'><sup>[113]</sup></a> scrambling for such -plunder as could be grasped,<a id='r114' /><a href='#f114' class='c013'><sup>[114]</sup></a> and dread apprehensions -<span class='pageno' id='Page_168'>168</span>as to what would happen to them all when the King -of Aragon should return. Joan had to be forcibly -removed from the corpse; and for days remained shut -up in a darkened room without speaking, eating, or -undressing. When, at length, she learnt that the -coffin had been carried to the Cartuja de Miraflores, -near Burgos, she insisted upon going thither, and -ordered an immense number of new mourning garments -fashioned like nun’s weeds. Arriving at the -church, she heard mass, and then caused the coffin to -be raised from the vault and broken open, the cerecloths -removed from the head and feet, which she -kissed and fondled until she was persuaded to return -to Burgos, on the promise that the coffin should be -kept open for her to visit it when she pleased; which -she did thenceforward every few days whilst it -remained there.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The Flemish chronicler, whom I have quoted -several times, gives a curious description of Joan’s -jealous amorous obsession for her husband. Philip is -represented as being libidinous to the last degree, as -well as being the handsomest man of his time; whilst -Joan herself is praised for her beauty, grace, and -delicacy. ‘The good Queen fell into such jealousy -that she could never get free from it, until at last it -became a bad habit which reached amorous delirium, -and excessive and irrepressible rage, from which for -three years she got no repose or ease of mind; as if -she was a woman possessed or distraught.... She -was so much troubled at the conduct of her husband -that she passed her life shut up alone, avoiding the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_169'>169</span>sight of all persons but those who attended upon and -gave her food. Her only wish was to go after her -husband, whom she loved with such vehemence and -frenzy, that she cared not whether her company was -agreeable to him or not. When she returned to -Spain, she would not rest until all the ladies that had -come with them were sent home, or she threatened to -make a public scandal. So far did she carry this -mania, that it ended by her having no woman near her -but a washerwoman, whom, at any hour that seized -her caprice, she made to wash the clothes in her -presence. In this state, without any women attendants, -she kept close to her husband, serving herself like a -poor, miserable woman. Even in the country she did -not leave him, and went by his side, followed sometimes -by ten thousand men, but not one person of her -own sex.’<a id='r115' /><a href='#f115' class='c013'><sup>[115]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>The frantic jealousy of her husband during life, -together with the knowledge that he was determined -to confine her as a lunatic, whilst ruling her kingdom -at his will, turned into gloomy misanthropy and -rebellion at her fate at his death; and her refusal to -sign the formal documents presented to her as Queen -in the first days of her widowhood, made evident to -the few nobles who kept their heads that some sort of -government would have to be improvised, pending the -return of Ferdinand from Naples. Juan Manuel, -fiercely hated by every one, kept in the background; -only hoping to save his life and some of his booty; -but the stern old man in his coarse grey frock, to -whom money and possessions were nothing, though, -next to the Pope, he was the richest churchman in -Christendom, Cardinal Jimenez, who perhaps was not -<span class='pageno' id='Page_170'>170</span>taken by surprise by the opportune disappearance of -Philip, had everything ready, even before the King -died, for the establishment of a provisional government; -and on the day of the death a meeting of all -the nobles and deputies in Burgos confirmed the -arrangements he had made. All parties of nobles -were represented upon the governing council; but -Jimenez himself was president, and soon became -autocrat by right of his ability. Order was temporarily -guaranteed, and all the members, in a self-denying -ordinance, undertook not to try to obtain possession of -the Queen or of her younger son, Ferdinand, who was -in Simancas Castle,<a id='r116' /><a href='#f116' class='c013'><sup>[116]</sup></a> the elder, Charles, being in -Flanders. Joan, sunk in lethargy, refused to sign -the decrees summoning Cortes; and the latter were -irregularly convoked by the government. But when -they were assembled, carefully chosen under Jimenez’s -influence in favour of Ferdinand, Joan would not -receive the members, until, under pressure, she did so -only to tell them to go home and not meddle with -government any more without her orders. Thus with -a provisional government, whose mandate expired with -the year 1506, a Queen who refused to rule, and -already anarchy and rebellion rife in the South, -Castilians could only pray for the prompt return of -King Ferdinand, who, but a few short weeks before, -had been expelled with every circumstance of insult -and ignominy the realm he had ruled so long.</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_171'>171</span>No entreaty could prevail upon Joan to fulfil any of -the duties of government. Her father would see to -everything, she said, when he returned; all her future -work in the world was to pray for the soul of her -husband, and guard his dead body. On Sunday, 19th -December 1506,<a id='t171'></a> after mass at the Cartuja, Joan -announced her intention of carrying the body for -sepulture in the city of Granada, near the grave of -the great Isabel, in accordance with Philip’s last wish.<a id='r117' /><a href='#f117' class='c013'><sup>[117]</sup></a> -The steppes of Castile in the depth of winter are as -bleak and inhospitable as any tract in Europe. For -scores of miles over tableland and mountain the snow -lay deep, and the bitter blast swept murderously. The -Queen cared for nothing but the drear burden that she -carried upon the richly bedizened hearse; and with a -great train of male servitors, bishops, churchmen, and -choristers, she started on her pilgrimage on the 20th -December.<a id='r118' /><a href='#f118' class='c013'><sup>[118]</sup></a> The nights were to be passed in wayside -inns or monasteries, and at each night’s halt the grisly -ceremony was gone through of opening the coffin that -the Queen might fondle and kiss the dead lips and -feet of what had been her husband. At one point on -the way, when after nightfall the cortège entered the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_172'>172</span>courtyard of the stopping place, Joan learnt that, -instead of being a monastery for men, it was a convent -of nuns. Instantly her mad jealousy of women flared -up, and she peremptorily ordered the coffin to be -carried out of the precincts. Through the crude -winter’s night Joan and her attendants kept their -vigil in the open field over the precious dust of Philip -the Handsome, until daylight enabled them to go -again upon their dreary way. Such experiences as -this could not be long continued, for Joan was far -advanced in pregnancy; and when she arrived at -Torquemada, only some thirty miles from her starting-place, -the indications of coming labour warned her -that she could go no further; and here, on the 14th -January 1507, her youngest child, Katharine, was born.</p> - -<p class='c007'>There is no doubt whatever that Joan was throughout -carefully watched by the agents of her father and -Jimenez; and that, although ostensibly a free agent, -any attempt on her part to act independently or enter -into a political combination would have promptly -checked. Her mental malady was certainly not minimised -by her father or his agents; who were as -anxious to keep her in confinement now as her husband -had been. Nevertheless, when every deduction -has been made, it is indisputable that in her morbid -condition it might have been disastrous to the country -to have allowed her to exercise full political power at -this time, even if she had consented to do so; though -if Ferdinand had not been, as he was, solely moved by -his own interests, the unhappy woman might after his -arrival have been associated with him in the government, -and have retained, at least, her personal liberty -and ostensible sovereignty.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Jimenez, in the meanwhile, kept his hand firmly on -<span class='pageno' id='Page_173'>173</span>the helm of State. The great military orders, of which -Ferdinand was perpetual Grand Master, were at his -bidding, and enabled him to hold the nobles in check,<a id='r119' /><a href='#f119' class='c013'><sup>[119]</sup></a> -as well as the Flemish party, which claimed for the -Emperor Maximilian the regency of Castile as representing -the dead King’s son Charles. The great -Cardinal, far stronger than any other man in Spain, -thus kept Castile from anarchy until the arrival of -Ferdinand in July 1508. His methods were, of course, -arbitrary and unconstitutional; for the Queen either -would not, or was not allowed to, do anything; but, -at least, Jimenez governed in this time of supreme -crisis, as he did at a crisis even more acute on the -death of Ferdinand eight years later: and when Ferdinand -eventually came from Naples everything was -prepared for him to govern Castile as he listed for the -ends of Aragon.</p> - -<p class='c007'>So far Ferdinand had triumphed both at home and -abroad. The death of Philip made it necessary for -Henry of England to change his attitude and court -the friendship of the King of Spain. Katharine of -Aragon, the neglected and shamefully treated widowed -Princess of Wales, once more found her English -father-in-law all smiles and amiability. To please him -further she consented to try to bring about a marriage -between Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span>, recently a widower by the death -of Queen Elizabeth of York, and poor Joan, languishing -by her dead husband’s side at Torquemada. The -proposal was a diabolical one; for Joan’s madness and -morbid attachment to her husband’s memory had been -everywhere proclaimed from the housetops: but Katharine -of Aragon made no scruple at urging such a -<span class='pageno' id='Page_174'>174</span>match, in order to improve her own position in England. -Ferdinand gently dallied with the foul proposal. -It was a good opportunity for gaining some concession -as to the payment of Katharine’s long overdue dowry, -without which Henry threatened to break off her -match with his son and heir. So Ferdinand wrote in -March 1507 from Naples, praying that the proposal to -marry Joan should be kept very secret until he arrived -in Spain, or Joan ‘might do something to prevent it’; -but if she ever married again he promised that it should -be to no one but to his good brother of England.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Whatever may have been Ferdinand’s real intention, -and it would appear very unlikely that he would have -permitted so grasping a potentate as Henry Tudor to -gain a footing, as regent or otherwise, in Castile, his -agent in England was quite enamoured of this plan for -getting Joan out of the way in Spain. ‘No king in -the world,’ he wrote on the 15th April 1507, ‘would -make so good a husband (as Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span>) for the Queen -of Castile, whether she be sane or insane. She might -recover her reason when wedded to such a husband; -but even in that case King Ferdinand would, at all -events, be sure to retain the Regency of Castile. On -the other hand, if the insanity of the Queen should -prove incurable, it would perhaps be not inconvenient -that she should live in England. The English do not -seem to mind her insanity much; especially as it is -asserted that her mental malady will not prevent child-bearing.<a id='r120' /><a href='#f120' class='c013'><sup>[120]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Whilst Katharine in England was, as she says, -‘baiting’ Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> for her own benefit with the -tempting morsel of the marriage with Joan, and the -King of France was offering the hand of a French -<span class='pageno' id='Page_175'>175</span>prince, the Queen of Castile remained in lethargic -isolation at Torquemada, though the plague raged -through the summer in the over-crowded village. -Joan had been told by some roguish friar that Philip -would come to life again there, and she obstinately -stayed on in the face of danger; saying when she was -urged to go to the neighbouring city of Palencia, where -there was more accommodation, that it was not meet -that a widow should be seen in public, and the only -move she would consent to make was to a small place -called Hornillos, a few miles from Torquemada, in -April.<a id='r121' /><a href='#f121' class='c013'><sup>[121]</sup></a> She spoke little, and with the exception of -listening to music, of which she was fond, she had no -amusement; but it is evident from at least one incident -that, however strange her conduct might be, she was -not deprived entirely of her reason. Jimenez had -obtained from her a decree dismissing all the Councillors -appointed by Philip. These favourites of her -husband were naturally furious, and demanded audience -of the Queen at Hornillos. They were received by -her in the church where the corpse of Philip was deposited. -‘Who put you into the Council?’ she asked -them. ‘We were appointed by a decree issued and -signed by your Highness,’ they replied. An angry -exchange of words then took place, and Joan, turning -to the Marquis of Villena,<a id='r122' /><a href='#f122' class='c013'><sup>[122]</sup></a> who was behind her, told -him that it was his smartness that brought such affront -as this upon her. Then she declared in a resolute -tone that it was her wish that every one should return -to the office or position he held before she and her -husband landed in Spain; so that when King Ferdinand -<span class='pageno' id='Page_176'>176</span>arrived he should find everything as it used to -be in his time. This, of course, was a victory for -Ferdinand’s party, but it is clear that Joan knew what -she was talking about on this occasion.<a id='r123' /><a href='#f123' class='c013'><sup>[123]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>At length, in the early autumn of 1507, came the -happy news that King Ferdinand had landed at -Valencia; and, accompanied by a large force, was -entering Castile; being generally welcomed by nobles -and people.<a id='r124' /><a href='#f124' class='c013'><sup>[124]</sup></a> As soon as Joan learnt that her father -had entered her realm, she caused a <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Te Deum</span></i> to be -sung in the church of Hornillos, and set forth to receive -him, carrying always the corpse of her husband, and -travelling only by night, as was now her custom. At -a small place called Tortoles, about twenty-five miles -beyond Valladolid, father and daughter met. The -King approached, surrounded and followed by great -crowds of nobles and prelates. He was met at the -door of the house by Joan, attended by her half-sister -and the Marchioness of Denia; and as he doffed his -cap she threw back the black hood which she wore as -a Flemish widow, and bared the white coif with which -her hair was covered. Casting herself upon her knees -she sought to kiss her father’s hand; but he also knelt -and embraced her tenderly; leading her afterwards by -the hand into the house. Every sign of dutiful submission -was given by Joan to her father; and after -several long private conferences between them, Ferdinand -announced that she had delegated to him the -government of Castile.</p> - -<div id='i_176fp.jpg' class='figcenter id002'> -<img src='images/i_176fp.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic001'> -<p>JOAN THE MAD WITH THE UNBURIED BODY OF HER HUSBAND.<br /><br /><em>After a Painting by Pradilla.</em></p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_177'>177</span>A few days afterwards the whole court moved to -another small place, called Santa Maria del Campo, a few -miles nearer Burgos, Joan, as usual, travelling by -night, accompanied by the coffin; and here, at Santa -Maria, the grand anniversary funeral service for Philip -was celebrated (25th September 1507), and Jimenez -received the Cardinal’s hat, though Joan would not -allow that joyous ceremony, as she said, to be held in -the church that held her husband’s remains. With -infinite trouble Ferdinand at length persuaded his -daughter to accompany him to a larger town, where -more comfort could be obtained, and in early October -they set forth, Ferdinand travelling by day and Joan -by night. Suddenly, however, Joan guessed that they -were taking her to Burgos, that dreadful city where -Philip had died. No consideration would induce her to -go another step in that direction; and she took up her -residence at Arcos, a few miles away, whilst Ferdinand -established himself at Burgos with his young French -wife, whom Joan received politely.</p> - -<p class='c007'>At Arcos Joan, with her two children, Ferdinand -and Katharine, lived her strange, solitary life for -eighteen months, broken only when Ferdinand, going -in July 1508 to reduce Andalusia to order, decided to -take his favourite little grandson and namesake with -him. Joan flew into a fury when she learnt that her -<span class='pageno' id='Page_178'>178</span>child was to be taken from her; and there is no doubt -that the disturbance thus caused aggravated her -malady for a time, although it is said that she forgot -the boy in a few days. A curious idea of her life at -Arcos is given in a letter sent on the 9th October -1508 by the Bishop of Malaga, her confessor, to the -King. ‘As I wrote before, since your Highness left, -the Queen has been quiet, both in word and action; -and she has not injured or abused any one. I forgot -to say that since then she has not changed her linen, -nor dressed her hair, nor washed her face. They tell -me also that she always sleeps on the ground, as -before.’ There follow some medical details, from -which the Bishop draws the conclusion that the Queen -would not live long. ‘It is not meet,’ he says, ‘that she -should have the management of her own person, as -she takes so little care of herself. Her lack of cleanliness -in her face, and they say elsewhere, is very great, -and she eats with the plates on the floor, and no -napkin. She very often misses hearing mass, because -she is breakfasting at the hour it is celebrated, and -there is no opportunity of her hearing it before noon.’<a id='r125' /><a href='#f125' class='c013'><sup>[125]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Before leaving to suppress the revolt in Andalucia, -Ferdinand took effective measures to prevent Joan -from being made a tool of faction. He had tried -without success to prevail upon her to remove to the -remote town of Tordesillas, on the river Douro, where -there was a commodious castle-palace fit for her -habitation, and the climate was good; but he posted -around Arcos strong forces, commanded by faithful -partisans, with orders that if the Queen at last gave -way to the persuasion of her attendants, and removed -to Tordesillas, the troops were to guard her just as -<span class='pageno' id='Page_179'>179</span>closely and secretly there. But Joan obstinately -refused to move; and Ferdinand found her still there -when he returned from the South in February 1509. -Whilst he had been absent, the great magnate in -whose district of Burgos Arcos was situated, the -Constable of Castile (Count de Haro) had been -coquetting with the Emperor Maximilian to displace -Ferdinand by his grandson Charles, now nine years -old; and the possession of the person of Joan was of -the highest importance. Ferdinand decided, therefore, -that, either willingly or unwillingly, Joan should be -placed where she would be safe from capture by -surprise. When he visited her at Arcos, he found -her thin and weak with the cold, unhealthy climate.<a id='r126' /><a href='#f126' class='c013'><sup>[126]</sup></a> -‘Her dress was such as on no account could be -allowed, or is fit even to write about, and everything -else looked similarly, and as if it would be totally -impossible for her to go through another winter if she -continued to live in the same way.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>The King stayed with her for some days, without -broaching the sore subject of removing her; but on -the 14th February 1509, he had her aroused at three -o’clock in the morning—since he knew she would not -travel in daylight—and told her she must prepare -to be gone. She offered no resistance, but only -pleaded for one day to prepare, which was granted; -and she consented to cast away the filthy rags which -she had been wearing, and don proper garments before -setting out on the journey to her new home; carrying -her little daughter, Katharine, with her; the corpse of -Philip on its great hearse drawn by four horses, as -usual, leading the way. Although it was evening -<span class='pageno' id='Page_180'>180</span>when she started, great crowds of people had flocked -over from Burgos to see their Queen, who had been -invisible for so long, and was by many thought to be -dead.</p> - -<p class='c007'>As the morning sun on the third day was glinting -with horizontal rays the bare brown cornlands that -stretch for many miles around Tordesillas on both -sides of the turbid Douro, the wan and weary cavalcade -rode over the ancient bridge. Between the main -street and the river stood a fortress-palace with -frowning walls and little windows looking across the -road at the convent of Saint Clara, with its florid -Gothic church and cloisters. Into the palace rode, -by her father’s side, with her face shrouded, Joan, Queen -of Castile; and thenceforward, for forty-seven dreary -years, the palace was her prison, until, an old, broken -woman of seventy-six, but wayward and rebellious to -the last, she joined her long-lost husband in the splendid -sepulchre in Granada. From the windows of Joan’s -early apartment in the palace, she could see the coffin -of Philip deposited in the convent cloister, and in the -first years of her confinement, she kept her vigil over the -corpse in most of her waking hours, as well as on rare -occasions, and closely guarded, attending commemoratory -services in the convent in honour of the dead, -until her undutiful son, the Emperor Charles, either -overcoming her resistance, or perhaps finding the -dismal caprice outworn, transferred the mouldering -remains of Philip the Handsome to its last abiding -place; whilst Joan the Mad waited for her release -with fierce defiance in her heart, and revilings on her -tongue for all that her oppressors held sacred.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It would not be profitable, even if it were possible, -to follow closely the monotonous life of Joan during -<span class='pageno' id='Page_181'>181</span>her long years of confinement; but, at certain crises in -the political history of her country, her personality -assumed temporary importance, and on these occasions -a flood of light is thrown upon her, which, to some -extent, will enable us to see the reality and extent of -her malady, and to judge how far her laxity in religious -observance was the cause of her continued incarceration. -Mr. Bergenroth, in his introduction to the early -volumes of the Calendars of Spanish State Papers, -very forcibly urges the view that Joan was not really -mad at all, and that she was sacrificed solely to the -ambition of her husband, her father and her son, in -succession. After carefully considering all the documents -adduced by my learned predecessor as Editor -of the Calendars, and many in the Spanish Royal -Academy of History which were unknown to him, I -find myself unable to come to the same conclusion. -The separate accounts of her behaviour are so numerous, -and many of them so disinterested, as to leave in -my mind no reasonable doubt that after Philip’s death, -whatever may have been the case before, Joan was -not responsible for all her actions. She appears to -have been able on many occasions to discuss complicated -subjects quite rationally, as is not infrequent -with people undoubtedly insane, but her outbursts of -rage against religious ceremonies, her neglect of her -person, her persistence for days in refusing food, and -other aberrations, are not only clearly indicative of lunacy, -but were the symptoms repeated exactly in the case of -her great-grandson, Don Carlos, who was undoubtedly -insane. At the same time it is clear to see that there -was no reason for keeping her closely confined and -isolated under strong guard, except the dread of Ferdinand, -and afterwards of Charles, that leagues of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_182'>182</span>nobles might make use of her to weaken the power -of the Castilian crown.<a id='r127' /><a href='#f127' class='c013'><sup>[127]</sup></a> That this fear was not -groundless has already been shown, and at one point, -as will be related presently, the peril was imminent. -That Joan did not seize the opportunity when it was -offered to her after her bitter complaints of her treatment -is, in my view, the best proof that she was not -capable of independent rule.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Ferdinand died in January 1516, leaving the whole -of his realms to his grandson Charles in Flanders, in -view of Joan’s ‘mental incapacity.’ He tried almost -with his last breath to divide Spain for the benefit of -his younger son, Ferdinand; but was overborne by -the remonstrances of his Council. Jimenez was appointed -to be Regent until the new King arrived; and -when Cardinal Adrian, Charles’s ambassador, claimed -the Regency in virtue of a secret authority he produced, -Jimenez accepted him as colleague, but made -him a cypher. Up to this period Joan had been under -the care of Ferdinand’s faithful Aragonese friend, -Mosen Ferrer, the man whom rumour accused of -having poisoned Philip: whilst her principal lady in -waiting was the Dowager Countess of Salinas. The -personal guard of the Queen was entrusted to the incorruptible -<i><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Monteros de Espinosa</span></i>, and there were some -companies of Castilians on duty in, and around, the -palace. Mosen Ferrer was hated, especially by the -townspeople of Tordesillas and by the Castilian -attendants of Joan, because it was asserted that he -had treated the Queen cruelly, and had not attempted -to cure her. He gave strict orders that Joan should -<span class='pageno' id='Page_183'>183</span>not be told of her father’s death; but such news could -not be hidden, for all Castile was astir to know what -was coming next.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Many of the nobles were around young Ferdinand, -and were claiming Castile for him, in accordance with -the old King’s penultimate wish; and not a few were -looking towards Queen Joan. When she first heard -the news she was disturbed to know that Jimenez was -not on the spot when the King died, but was tranquilised -to learn that he was on the way, and would -promptly assume the government. No sooner was it -known in Tordesillas that Ferdinand was dead than -the townspeople and the Castilian guards endeavoured -to enter the Queen’s apartments and expel Mosen -Ferrer: but the latter and the <i><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Monteros de Espinosa</span></i><a id='r128' /><a href='#f128' class='c013'><sup>[128]</sup></a> -stood firm, and for weeks the feud continued. The -Guards brought an exorcising priest to cast out the -devils that afflicted the Queen; but Ferrer would not -let them enter the room; though they got into an ante-chamber, -where, quite unknown to the Queen, the -exorciser performed his futile incantations through a -hole in the door. As soon as Jimenez had established -himself in the regency, he sent the Bishop of Majorca -to set matters right in Tordesillas. Ferrer, intensely -indignant at the accusations against him, wrote a letter -to the Regent, which, being read between the lines, -tells us much. How could he hope to cure the Queen -when her own father could not do so? and how could -he be so bad a man as they say, if wise King Ferdinand -entrusted his daughter to his care? This does -not seem very convincing: but when he tries to excuse -<span class='pageno' id='Page_184'>184</span>himself Ferrer makes matters much worse. It was, -he says, only to prevent the Queen from starving herself -to death that he had put her to the torture (<i><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">dar -cuerda</span></i>). He complains bitterly that though he is not -dismissed he is not allowed to go near the Queen, for -fear he should injure her health. Jimenez, probably -recognising that Ferrer had thought more of Aragonese -interests than of the health of Joan, thereupon let him -go, and appointed the Duke of Estrada to be her -Keeper.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The first instructions sent by the new King Charles, -whose age was barely sixteen, to the Regent Jimenez -concerned Joan. Her custody was so important, he -said, that he agreed, in view of the dissensions amongst -Spaniards, that a Fleming should guard her. Until -one was appointed he directed that ‘whilst she was to -be very well treated, she was to be so closely guarded -that if any body should attempt to thwart my good -intentions they may not be able to do it. It is more -my duty than that of any one to care for the honour, -contentment, and solace of the Queen; and if any one -else attempts to interfere it will be with an evil object.’<a id='r129' /><a href='#f129' class='c013'><sup>[129]</sup></a> -Nevertheless many did attempt to interfere by whispering -doubts to Joan of her Flemish eldest son, in the -interests of his young brother Ferdinand, whom his -mother and all Spaniards loved best; and when in -September 1517 one of the <i><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">monteros</span></i> approached her -and said: ‘Madam, our sovereign lord King Charles, -your highness’ son, has arrived in Spain,’ Joan burst -forth in a great rage. ‘I alone am Queen: my son -<span class='pageno' id='Page_185'>185</span>Charles is but the prince,’ and she always resisted calling -him King thenceforward.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Charles and his sister Leonora came to Tordesillas -to see their mother in December. Charles’s tutor and -counsellor, Chièvres, first saw Joan to break to her the -news of the presence of her children; and when, immediately -afterwards, they entered the room and knelt -before their mother, she was overcome with joy to see -those whom she had left as little children twelve years -before, now in the best period of adolescence. When -Charles and his sister had retired, Chièvres lost no time -in saying that in order to relieve the Queen, and -accustom Charles to rule, it would be well to entrust -the government of Spain to him. Joan made no great -objection to this; but it is clear that her intention was, -that he should administer the government for her and -not rule on his own account as he subsequently did; -and when, a few months afterwards, Charles met the -Cortes at Valladolid they would only confirm his power -as joint sovereign, jealous as they were of Flemings, -on condition that he swore that if ever Joan recovered -her faculties he would resign the government to her.<a id='r130' /><a href='#f130' class='c013'><sup>[130]</sup></a> -Thenceforward Joan, though her name appeared for -years on decrees and proclamations, was politically -dead.</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_186'>186</span>During his stay at Tordesillas, Charles was distressed -to see the sad fate of his young sister, -Katharine, now aged eleven. Joan was fiercely -attached to her, and would hardly let her out of her -sight. The child’s rooms were behind those of the -Queen, and could only be reached with Joan’s knowledge; -little Katharine’s sole amusement being to look -through a window which had been specially cut for her, -and watch the people going to the opposite church, -and the children playing in the side lane that led to -the river, who were encouraged by money to play -there for her amusement. She never left the palace, -and was dressed in mean rags, such as the Queen -herself wore, and Charles, knowing that the Queen -would never let the child go willingly, somewhat -cruelly planned to have her kidnapped. He caused -a way into her apartment to be broken through a -tapestry-covered wall from an adjoining gallery; and -the girl and her female attendants were carried away -at dead of night to a large force of horsemen and -ladies awaiting her on the opposite side of the bridge -across the Douro; and thence spirited away to Valladolid, -where, dressed in fitting splendour, she was -lodged in her sister Leonora’s palace. When, in the -morning, Joan discovered her loss, she was inconsolable. -She would neither eat, drink, nor sleep, she -said, until her child was restored to her, and after two -days had passed, and she still stood firm, the King -had to be asked what was to be done. He was loath -to give up the education of his sister; for princesses -were valuable dynastic and international assets; but -there was no other way but to send her back. Charles -accompanied her to Tordesillas, and made terms with -Joan; the girl must have proper companions and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_187'>187</span>attendants, she must dress suitably to her rank, and -she must be allowed some little relaxation and liberty -outside the palace. To this Joan consented, and -Katharine lived with her until her marriage with the -King of Portugal six years later.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In March 1518, Charles appointed to the custody of -the Queen, the Marquis of Denia, who held her until -his death, and was succeeded by his son. Soon after -his appointment, he wrote a letter to the King which -lifts the veil considerably on Joan’s condition. She -tried, he says, persistently and with artful words, -remarkable for one in her condition, to persuade him -to take her out of her prison, and to summon the -nobles of Castile, as she was discontented at the way -she was being kept out of the government, and wished -to complain. He details the excuses with which he -put her requests aside, and evidently looks upon her -blandishments as wiles to escape; but assures Charles, -as he did for many years afterwards, that ‘nothing -should be done against his interests,’ whatever that -may have meant. But even in this letter we see signs -of Joan’s undoubted madness. A day or two before -she had thrown some pitchers at two of her women, -and hurt them; and when Denia went with a grave -face to her and said, ‘How is this, my lady? This is -a strange way to treat your servants; your mother -treated hers better;’ Joan rose hurriedly, and the very -act of her rising sent her servants scurrying off in -a fright. ‘I am not so violent as to do you any -injury,’ she said; and so began again, and for the next -five hours, to try by wheedling to get him to take her -out, ‘for she could not bear these women.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>In reply to this, Charles warned Denia that his -conversations with the Queen must never be overheard -<span class='pageno' id='Page_188'>188</span>by anybody, and that all his letters about her -must be strictly secret. Thus every few days news of his -mother reached the young King, sometimes reporting -improvement, sometimes the reverse; but always harping -upon her desire to get out, her dislike of her woman -attendants, and her extreme irregularity in getting up -and eating, which she often did only at intervals of -two days. At this time, too, began to develop her -great repugnance to attend mass. The women seem -to have been a great source of trouble to every one. -They were, it appears, always gadding about the town, -telling people of what passed in the palace, and what -the Queen said, especially about religion, and her -desire to go out, and to summon the grandees. What -was worse, they defied Denia to dismiss them, until -the King gave him full authority over them, and -brought them to reason. In the autumn of the same -year, 1518, there was a visitation of plague in the -country, though Tordesillas had not suffered much, -owing to the scrupulous care taken to isolate the place. -The removal of the Queen, however, had to be considered. -‘If it be necessary,’ wrote the Marquis, ‘we -shall want saddle mules with black velvet housings for -the Queen and the Infanta.... It will also be -necessary to take the body of the King, your father, -and if this has to be done, we must put into proper -order the car in which it was brought here, as it is now -dismantled. Charles was against any removal if it -could possibly be avoided, but if quite unavoidable, -the Queen might be taken to the monastery of St. -Paul at Moralejo, near Arevalo. If she refused to go, -she must be taken by force; but with as much respect -as possible, and with every precaution against her -endeavouring to stay in the open on the way. If she -<span class='pageno' id='Page_189'>189</span>wanted the corpse of Philip to go with her, a dummy -coffin might be made up and carried, whilst the real -one with the body remained behind at Tordesillas.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The plague passed away, and the move was not -made; and so things passed with Joan as before. -Squalid and unhappy, she resisted as obstinately as -ever the pressure put upon her to attend mass, though -more than once she was violently desirous of going -over in Holy Week, or other anniversaries, to the -convent church of St Clara, and on several occasions -had her clothes washed in preparation for the great -event; which Denia himself was inclined to allow, -under strict guard, as people in the town were tattling -about her being kept a prisoner. Great efforts were -made by Juan de Avila, the chaplain, to bring Joan to -a better frame of mind about religion; and in June -1519 he writes a curious letter to the King, beseeching -him to do his duty by his mother; ‘especially for the -salvation of her soul.’ Perhaps in answer to this -Charles ordered Denia to insist that the Queen should -hear mass. She had wished it to be said at the end of a -corridor, instead of in a special room adjoining her -own, as Denia desired, and, at last, rather than she -should not hear it at all, she was allowed to have her -way; and an altar and chapel were screened off by -black velvet hangings at the end of the corridor. She -went through the service with great devotion until the -<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">evangelium</span></i> and the <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">pax</span></i> were brought to her, when -she refused them, but motioned that they should be -administered to her daughter.</p> - -<p class='c007'>This attendance at mass continued for some time, to -the immense jubilation of Denia and the priests; but -as the day approached when Charles was to leave -Spain for Germany to claim the imperial crown, in -<span class='pageno' id='Page_190'>190</span>consequence of Maximilian’s death (January 1519), the -effervescence and discontent in Castile at the prospect -of an absentee King drawing money from Spain for -foreign purposes, penetrated in some mysterious way -the prison-palace of Joan the Mad. For hours the -Queen railed at Denia for not having summoned the -Grandees, as she had requested him to do so often. -She was being disgracefully treated, she said; everything -belonged to her, and yet she was being denied -what she required. She excitedly summoned the -treasurer, and demanded money of him, which he was -not allowed to give her. So vehement did she -become, that at last Denia forbade any one to speak to -her at all. She would go to Valladolid, she said; and -at another time she would dress to go over to the -convent church, though she was not allowed to go. She -ordered Denia to write to her son, asking that she should -be better treated; and that the grandees should -come to her to consult about the realm. Denia, at his -wit’s end to pacify her, on one occasion, for, as he -says, ‘she uses words fit to make the very stones rise,’ -had the inspiration to mention her father, as if he were -still alive, and at the head of affairs; and for a time all -the disagreeable answers given to her were said to be -by order of King Ferdinand, for whose wisdom she -had a great respect. But this lie gave her a new idea. -If her father were alive, he could help her; and she -ordered Denia to write and tell him that she could no -longer stand the life she led. She was badly treated, -and as a prisoner, her son, Ferdinand, had been taken -away from her, and she feared they were going to rob -her of her daughter Katharine; but, if they did, she -would kill herself. Denia fell more and more into her -black books, as the discontent at Charles’s departure -<span class='pageno' id='Page_191'>191</span>grew in the country, and echoes reached the Queen’s -prison of the public indignation at her seclusion, and -wild rumours of intentions to rescue her. On one -occasion (July 1520) she ordered Denia to open a -doorway from her apartments into the corridor where -mass was said. He was suspicious and refused, -whereupon she fell into a violent rage with him, and -heaped upon him outrageous words without measure. -No wonder the poor man deplores that everybody -believes he keeps her prisoner (as indeed he did, -though he says not), and he advocates her entire -seclusion, although the best way to undeceive the -people, he says, would be to let them see her, and -recognise her sad condition.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Charles sailed from Corunna on 20th May 1520. -During the time he had been in Spain he, or rather -his rude, greedy gang of Flemings, had driven -Castilians to desperation. Jimenez, who had held -the country for him in his absence in the face of -the nobles and young Ferdinand, had been contemptuously -dismissed—and probably poisoned on -Charles’ arrival: young Ferdinand had been packed -off to Flanders: Flemings had crowded all the great -posts, to the exclusion of Spaniards: Joan was not -presented before the Cortes as Queen jointly with -her son, as she should have been; and now, to crown -all, the Constitution of Castile had been violated by -the insolent young foreigner who was to rule, not -Spain alone, but half the world. He had held a -Castilian Cortes outside the limits of Castile itself, -and had coerced the deputies to vote him large sums -of money to be spent away from Spain. The nobles -were already seething with discontent, and now the -people in the towns, who paid all the taxes, rose and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_192'>192</span>hanged some of the deputies who had voted away -their money for an absent king.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Then, like a well-laid train, all Castile blazed into -revolt. It was a great social, industrial and political -struggle, which ended in the financial impotence of -the Cortes of Castile, and the decadence of the -Castilian nobility. The complicated details of the -revolt cannot here be told, but only those points in -which Joan was personally concerned. The governing -committee of the revolutionary Comuneros met at -Avila at the end of July 1520, headed by the gentry, -and, to some extent, secretly encouraged by the great -nobles. The Flemish Regent, Cardinal Adrian, was -paralysed with dismay at the extent of the rising, and -did nothing; whilst to the cry of ‘Long live the King -and Queen: down with evil ministers,’ every Spanish -heart responded. The manifesto published by the -committee announced that the revolutionaries had -risen in the interests of the imprisoned Queen Joan; -and early in August a committee of the council of -Castile, the supreme executive body of the Regent’s -government, with its president, Bishop Rojas, presented -themselves before Joan in her palace of -Tordesillas, to beg her to sign decrees against those -who were in arms. Joan was to all appearance calm, -and replied to the demand for her signature, ‘It is -now fifteen years that I have been kept from the -government and badly treated; and this marquis here’ -(pointing to Denia), ‘is he who has lied to me most.’ -Denia, confused, replied: ‘It is true, my lady, that I -have lied to you, but I have done so to overcome -certain prejudices of yours. I may tell you now, that -your father is dead, and I buried him.’ The Queen -shed tears at this, and turning to Rojas, murmured -<span class='pageno' id='Page_193'>193</span>between her sobs, ‘Bishop, believe me, all that I see -and hear is like a dream.’ Rojas pressed his point. -‘My lady, I can assure you that your signature to -these papers will work a greater miracle than Saint -Francis; for, after God, in your hands now rests the -salvation of these realms.’ ‘Rest now,’ replied the -Queen, ‘and come back another day.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>On the morrow the committee of the council saw -the Queen again, and as there was no seat but hers -in the room, the president mentioned that it was not -meet that they should be kept standing. ‘Bring a -seat for the council,’ directed the Queen; but, as the -attendants were bringing in chairs, she said, ‘No, no, -not chairs, but a bench; that was the rule in my -mother’s time: but the bishop may have a chair.’ -After another long conference the Queen directed the -committee to return to Valladolid and discuss again, -in full council the papers to which they requested -her signature; and thus, unsatisfied, the members left -her, only to find themselves prisoners at Valladolid, -which was now in the hands of the rebels, who were -rapidly marching upon Tordesillas at the urgent request -of the townspeople of the latter place, to save Queen -Joan from being carried away by the government -party.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The rebels had no time to communicate with Joan -as to their aims before they appeared outside the walls -of the town on the 29th August. As soon as Joan -learnt of their coming she ordered the townspeople -to welcome them; and so, amidst salute of cannon -and enthusiastic cheers, Padilla, the rebel leader, and -his host were escorted into the town, and passed before -the Queen, who stood in a balcony of the palace. -After resting and changing their garments, Padilla -<span class='pageno' id='Page_194'>194</span>and other chiefs sought audience of the Queen. Joan -received him smilingly. ‘Who are you?’ she asked, -as he knelt before her. ‘I am Juan Padilla, my lady,’ -he replied, ‘son of the captain-general of Castile, a -servant of Queen Isabel, as I am a servant of your -Highness.’ And then the insurgent chief told the -astonished Queen all that had happened since old -King Ferdinand died: how the evil foreign advisers -of young Charles had brought all Spain into revolt, -and that Padilla and the commons of Castile were -ready to die in the service of their own Queen Joan. -She expressed her wonderment at all this. She had -been kept a prisoner, she said, for nearly sixteen -years, and Denia, her gaoler, had hidden everything -from her. If she had been sure of her father’s death -she would have gone forth and have prevented some of -this trouble in her realm. Then, addressing Padilla, -she said: ‘Go now; I order you to exercise the -authority of captain-general of the realm. Look to -all things carefully, until I order otherwise.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>Joan thus made herself the ostensible head of the -revolution; and on many subsequent occasions conferred -with the leaders in arms at Tordesillas, fully -approving of their proceedings and aims. She tried -to exonerate Charles on account of his youth and -inexperience of Spain, but clearly indicated her -intention to govern for herself in future. Most -important of all, she authorised the leaders to -summon the Cortes to meet at Tordesillas. The -weak, foreign Cardinal Regent could only ascribe -Joan’s attitude to her madness; though, as he -wrote to Charles, the people regard it as a proof -of her sanity. Denia was now almost a prisoner, -but the revolutionary leaders could never persuade -<span class='pageno' id='Page_195'>195</span>Joan to sign his formal dismissal, though they, on -their own authority, turned both the marquis and his -wife unceremoniously out of the town when Tordesillas -became the centre of the rebel government in -September, and the Cortes held its sittings there.<a id='r131' /><a href='#f131' class='c013'><sup>[131]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Joan met her Parliament in the hall of the palace, -and listened patiently to the lengthy harangues of the -deputies. In her reply, which seems to have been -extempore, she spoke at great length of her father, -whose death had been concealed from her. During -his life she was at ease, because she knew no one -would dare to do harm. But she now saw how the -country and herself had been abused and deceived, to -the injury of the people whom she loved so much. -She wished she were in some place where she could -direct affairs better; but as her father had placed her -there, either because of the woman who took her -mother’s place, or for some other reason, she could do -no more than she had done. She wondered that the -Spaniards had not avenged themselves before upon -the foreigners who had come with her son. She -thought at first that these foreigners had meant well -to her boys; whom they had, she was told, taken back -to Flanders; but she saw differently now, and she -hoped no one here had any evil meaning towards her -<span class='pageno' id='Page_196'>196</span>sons. Even if she were not the Queen she ought to -have been better treated, for, at least, she was the -daughter of great sovereigns; and she was in favour of -the Comuneros, because she saw they were anxious to -remedy the abuses of which she complained. All this -seemed quite sane, but at the end of the speech there -is a pathetic ring of self-distrust that tells the sad tale. -‘To the extent of my power I will see to affairs, either -here or elsewhere. But if, whilst I am here, I cannot -do much it will be because I am obliged to spend some -time in calming my heart and strengthening my spirit, -on the death of the King, my husband. But as long -as I am in disposition for it, I will attend to affairs.’<a id='r132' /><a href='#f132' class='c013'><sup>[132]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>The democratic excesses of the revolutionary Committee, -together with the diplomacy of Charles, were -gradually enlisting the great nobles on the side of the -government. Although Joan’s attendants generally -were in her favour, and continued to assert her sanity -now they had got rid of the Denias, her confessor, -Juan de Avila, was always secretly faithful to the -Regent; and whispered warnings constantly in the -Queen’s ear. It was evident after a short time also -to the revolutionary junta that Joan was not sane; as -they wrote from Tordesillas to the city of Valladolid -saying that they had summoned all the best physicians -in Spain to her; and, apparently finding human aid -powerless, they had ordered processions and prayers -for her restoration to health. The Regent, indeed, -writing to Charles in October, says that the Queen -cannot last long if she does not escape from the power -of the rebel government; as she was much worse after -<span class='pageno' id='Page_197'>197</span>Denia went. She no longer sleeps in a bed, he says, -nor eats regularly, but keeps her food all around her -cold until it goes bad. At another time, after she -had eaten nothing for three days, she was given the -accumulated food of the whole period at once. The -government party asserted that all the poor woman’s -crazy caprices were acceded to, and even threats -resorted to by the junta, in order to get her to sign the -decrees necessary to legitimise their action; but she -continued obstinate in her refusal to put her hand to -anything.<a id='r133' /><a href='#f133' class='c013'><sup>[133]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>The junta began to grow desperate; for the forces -against them were growing daily, whilst they made no -progress, depending, as they did, for legality upon -obtaining the signature of a lunatic. They tried to -bribe the poor woman to sign by promising to take -her away from Tordesillas; but that was fruitless: on -another occasion, in the middle of the night, a hue and -cry was raised that the Constable of Castile with a -great force of government troops was outside, and the -Queen was told that the ‘tyrants’ had come to seize -her. ‘Tell the Constable,’ she replied, ‘not to do anything -until the daylight comes; and then I will see -about it.’ Things thus went from bad to worse for -the rebellion. This was the one chance of Joan’s life, -and she missed it. For months she trifled and smiled -upon the rebel junta, but would sign nothing; and -early in December the government troops were strong -enough to make a dash for Tordesillas, which they -took by assault after four hours of desperate fighting; -the rebel junta flying in a panic from the place. Joan -welcomed the victors with a smiling face. She had -<span class='pageno' id='Page_198'>198</span>been expecting and wishing they would come, she -said; and had ordered that the nobles should be -admitted before the fight began.</p> - -<p class='c007'>During the battle she with the Infanta had left the -palace, carrying her jewels with them, and had ordered -the corpse of Philip to be taken from the church and -carried with them out of the town. Before it could be -done, in the confusion, the royal troops entered, and -they found the Queen and her daughter crouched in -the doorway of the palace trembling with fright. The -great nobles who came to the capture of Tordesillas -were full of lip service to Joan, and she, flattered -apparently by their deference, professed delight at -their coming; but from the moment the rebel junta -fled before the Constable’s troops at Tordesillas without -her signature, Joan was a closely watched prisoner. -Denia and his wife, with their harsh methods, came -back, to the loudly expressed disgust, not only of Joan, -but of some of the greatest of the Castilian nobles, who -saw how his presence irritated her;<a id='r134' /><a href='#f134' class='c013'><sup>[134]</sup></a> but Charles would -permit no change in his mother’s keeper, for he knew -he could depend upon Denia to keep her close.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In April 1521, the Comuneros were finally crushed -at the battle of Villalar, and the yoke of imperialism -forged unwittingly by Ferdinand the Catholic, and -open-eyed by Charles the Emperor, was fixed upon -the neck of Spain until it strangled her. Thenceforward -<span class='pageno' id='Page_199'>199</span>Joan was but a shadow in the world, to which -she no longer appertained.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The person most to be pitied, until marriage rescued -her in 1524, was the poor young Infanta Katharine. -The Denias came back vowing vengeance against -every one who they thought had been polite to the -rebels, and the Infanta, as well as the Queen, had -to feel their petty tyranny. The girl wrote indignantly -to her brother of the wretched straits to which she -was reduced by them, and also of the persecution of -her mother by them. Amongst other complaints, the -following may be quoted. ‘For the love of God, pray -order that if the Queen wishes to walk in the gallery -looking on to the river, or in the matted corridor, or -to leave her chamber for pastime, they shall not -prevent her from doing so. And pray do not allow -the servants and daughters of the marchioness, or -others, to go to my closet through the Queen’s rooms, -but only the persons who serve; because, in order -that the Queen may not see them, the marchioness -orders the women to shut the Queen up in her -chamber, and will not allow her to go into the passages -or hall, but keep her in the chamber where there is -no light but candles; for there is nowhere else for -her to go, and she will not leave the chamber until -she is dragged out: or, if she would, the women are -there to prevent her.’ This is the Infanta’s own -version; but the Denias’ story is that the young -princess is not allowed by her mother to see any one -but a common servant, and has not the fit company -of ladies. To make matters worse for the girl the -Denias accused her of favouring the rebels, which she -indignantly denied, and made peace successfully with -her brother. Her departure from Tordesillas for her -<span class='pageno' id='Page_200'>200</span>marriage afflicted Joan greatly, and for the rest of the -Queen’s life there was no one to stand between the -emperor and her gaolers.</p> - -<p class='c007'>During the long years of Joan’s seclusion, the -principal feature of her aberration was its anti-religious -tendency. It is true that she often demanded -the summoning of the nobles, and continued her -eccentricity in eating and sleeping, but the strange -antipathy she showed, and often violently expressed, -to the services of her church, was a scandal worse -than any in a country where thousands of people -were being burnt for a tenth part of what the Queen -allowed herself to say and do. The whole of the -emperor’s system was based upon the enforcement of -universal religious orthodoxy by Spain: and it was -a bitter affliction for him to know that his mother, -and rightful Queen, was madly opposed, at intervals, -to the ceremonies imposed upon the rest of Spaniards. -Denia in his letters to the Emperor, on several occasions, -drops dark hints that torture should be applied—as -it evidently had been applied to Joan years -before by Mosen Ferrer. Speaking of her obstinacy -soon after the rebel defeat, and advising that she -should be transferred to the fortress of Arevalo, -which he thought safer and more loyal to Charles, -he says: ‘Your Majesty may be sure that this will -not be done with the Queen’s goodwill, for it is not -to be expected that a person who refuses to do -anything beneficial, either for her body or her soul, -but does quite the contrary, will agree to this. And, -in good truth, if your Majesty would use pressure<a id='r135' /><a href='#f135' class='c013'><sup>[135]</sup></a> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_201'>201</span>upon her in many things, you would serve God and -benefit her Highness, for people in her condition -really need it. Your grandmother, Queen Isabel, -served her Highness, her daughter, in this way, but -your Majesty will do as you think best.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>Denia, whilst recommending the employment of force -for the removal of the Queen, did not wish to appear -personally as the instrument, but recommended that the -President of the Council of Castile should be sent with -the Emperor’s order for her to submit, and if she -resisted, to have her seized and put into a litter by force -in the night time, and carried off. The removal of the -Queen, often urged by Denia for years, on the ground -of the accessibility of Tordesillas to disaffected people, -does not seem ever to have taken place.<a id='r136' /><a href='#f136' class='c013'><sup>[136]</sup></a> Denia’s -desire to lodge Joan in a strong isolated fortress is also -explained by him on the ground of the scandal caused -by the Queen’s religious attitude. In the letter just -quoted, where he recommends torture, he relates that -on Christmas night, whilst early matins were being -sung in the presence of the Infanta, the Queen came in -search of her daughter, and screamed out in anger for -them to clear the altar of everything upon it; and she -had to be forcibly taken back to her rooms. He relates -also that: ‘She often goes into the gallery overlooking -the river, and calls to any one she sees to summon the -troops to kill each other. Your majesty may judge -from all this what is best to do, and what we have to -put up with.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>These hints at personal punishment of the Queen -are repeated again and again over a series of years by -Denia, though, so far as can be gathered from the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_202'>202</span>Emperor’s replies, he gave no instructions for it to be -done. In 1525 Denia writes: ‘Nothing would do so -much good as some pressure (<em>i.e.</em>, punishment or -torture), although it is a very serious thing for a subject -to think of applying such to his Sovereign. Perhaps -it will be best to try what effect a good priest would -have upon Her Highness ... a Dominican would -be best, as she does not like Franciscans.’ On -another occasion soon afterwards, when Charles had -decided to have his mother secretly carried by night to -the impregnable castle of Toro, not far from Tordesillas, -Denia remarks that he had taken measures that no -persons should be in the streets to witness her arrival, -‘for, in good truth, I myself am ashamed of what I hear -and see.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>And so from year to year the Queen’s religious -aberrations consigned her to constantly increased -seclusion to avoid scandal. The Emperor and his -only son Philip visited the Queen at least on one occasion -at Tordesillas, and during the regency of Philip in -1552, whilst Charles was in Germany, the Prince, -much more rigidly devout even than his father, and -shocked at the continued refusal of his grandmother -to attend the services of the Church and fulfil her -religious duties, sent to Tordesillas the saintly Jesuit -Francis of Borgia, Duke of Gandia, to exert his influence -upon the Queen. His success was very small. -For weeks Joan refused to conform, until, at last -Borgia persuaded her to make what is called a ‘general -confession,’ and he thereupon gave her absolution;<a id='r137' /><a href='#f137' class='c013'><sup>[137]</sup></a> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_203'>203</span>but directly he left she relapsed into her former indifference -again.</p> - -<p class='c007'>When Philip was leaving Spain to marry Mary, -Queen of England, in 1554, he sent Father Borgia -again to try to bring Joan to her religious duties. She -heard the good father patiently, and when he had -finished his exhortations, she endeavoured to make -terms. Yes, she would hear mass, and confess, and -receive absolution, and the rest of it, if the women -attendants upon her were sent away, as they always -mocked her whilst she was at her devotions. ‘If that -be so,’ replied Father Borgia, ‘the Inquisition shall -deal with them as heretics;’ and he at once wrote to -Philip recommending that they should pretend to hand -the women over to the Holy Office, place crosses and -images of saints about the Queen’s rooms, say daily -mass on the corridor altar, and if the Queen objected, -tell her that it was done by the order of the Inquisition. -He also proposed to bring some priestly exorcisers to -cast out the devils that afflicted the Queen; but this -Philip would not allow. The effect of Borgia’s efforts -on this occasion was, that when Prince Philip on his -way to Corunna to sail for England called at Tordesillas, -he found Joan to his delight going through the -ordinary religious rites without resistance. But her -devotion was clearly only on the surface, and her new -confessor Friar Luis de la Cruz, soon reported that he -dared not expose himself to the peril of committing a -<span class='pageno' id='Page_204'>204</span>grave act of sacrilege by administering the sacraments -to the Queen, and resigned his office. It appears, -amongst other things, that she always shut her eyes at -the elevation of the Host at the mass, and on one -occasion she violently told her attendants to throw -away the blessed tapers they carried before her, as she -said they stank.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Since the summer of 1553, Joan, then an old woman, -had suffered from swelling of the lower limbs, which -almost crippled her; and in February 1555, after a -bath of very hot water, the legs broke out into open -wounds. Thenceforward the course of her illness presented -an extraordinary resemblance to that which -proved mortal in the case of her grandson, Philip <span class='fss'>II.</span> -Dreadful gangrenous sores, which she refused to have -dressed or washed, caused her the most awful torment. -She paid no heed to the directions of doctors or nurses; -and when her grand-daughter, the Infanta Joan, came over -from Valladolid with the best medical men procurable, -the Queen violently refused to see them or allow them -to examine her. Thus, lying in repulsive squalor and -filth, the poor creature was told that Father Borgia -had come to see her. She angrily refused to listen to -him at first, but she was weak, and his persistence -seems finally to have conquered. By and bye she -admitted that she was sorry for her errors, and deplored -the divagations of her spirit. At the request of -Borgia she repeated the apostle’s creed and confessed; -but just as he was about to administer the <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">viaticum</span></i>, -she expressed some scruple at receiving it. Learned -theologians were summoned in haste from Salamanca; -and a few days afterwards, on the 11th April 1555, the -famous Dr. Soto was closeted with her for hours. His -report was that, though she had privately told him -<span class='pageno' id='Page_205'>205</span>things that consoled him, the Queen was not fit to -receive the Eucharist; though extreme unction might -be administered.</p> - -<p class='c007'>That same night the last rites were performed. -Leaning over the dying woman with a crucifix, the -priest told her that the last hour for her was come, and -that it behoved her to ask God for pardon. By signs -and gestures of grief and contrition, she expressed what -her poor palsied tongue refused to utter; and Father -Borgia, believing her beyond speech, asked her to -signify whether he should recite the creed for her. To -the astonishment of every one she suddenly recovered -her power of utterance, and replied, ‘You begin it, and -I will repeat it after you.’ When the last amen was -said, the saintly Jesuit placed a crucifix to the lips of -the dying woman. ‘Christ crucified aid me,’ she had -strength yet to say, and then Joan the Mad passed to -the land where all are sane. For twenty years her -body lay in the Convent of St. Clara, opposite her -prison palace; upon the same spot where the coffin of -her husband had rested for so many years; and then, -in 1574, she was carried at last to the sumptuous tomb -at Granada, to join for the rest of time the dust of him -that she had loved not wisely but too well.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The foregoing account of the life of this most unfortunate -of queens, gathered entirely from the contemporary -statements of persons who knew her, tends -irresistibly to the conclusion that her early rigid training, -followed by her life in Flanders, had implanted in -her mind a dislike of the stern bigotry which characterised -the religion of Spain under the influence of the -Inquisition; and that this dislike grew to hatred when -her mind became permanently unsettled. Her strict -seclusion and cruel treatment do not appear to have -<span class='pageno' id='Page_206'>206</span>been so necessary for her own health, or even primarily -for the public welfare, as for the interests of her father -and son, whose autocratic power was threatened by any -combination of nobles acting in her name, and whose -policy largely depended upon the maintenance of strict -religious orthodoxy. To leave at liberty and accessible -a feeble-minded Queen who desired to govern through -the nobles, and hated the religion of the Inquisition, -would have been to invite disaster to the very basis -upon which the vast edifice of Spanish autocratic power -at its grandest was erected. It might have been better for -Spain in the long run, but it would have been ruin for -Ferdinand and Charles; and to their interests successively -Joan the Mad was sacrificed.</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_207'>207</span> - <h2 class='c005'><span class='large'>BOOK III</span><br /> <span class='large'>I</span><br /> MARY TUDOR<br /> <span class='large'>QUEEN OF ENGLAND AND SPAIN</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_209'>209</span>In the noble gallery at the Prado there hangs the full-length -seated portrait of a lady of peculiarly modern -aspect, painted by Titian from sketches and descriptions -in his extreme old age.<a id='r138' /><a href='#f138' class='c013'><sup>[138]</sup></a> Her sad, sweet smile, -vague, lymphatic eyes, and high prominent forehead, -give to the face a character of far away ideality, such -as marked so many of the members of her house: for -this is Isabel, the consort of the Emperor, and she, -like the greater Isabel’s mother, belonged to the fated -royal family of Portugal, whose tainted blood so often -carried to its possessors the mysticism that degenerates -into madness. Throughout the poor lady’s life of barely -thirty-six years, she was overshadowed by the tremendous -responsibility of being the mother of the Cæsar’s -children. During the long and frequent absences from -Spain of Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span> in his life-struggle against France -and heresy on the one side, and the powers of Islam -on the other, the Empress Isabel, as Regent, controlled -by a council mainly of churchmen, had to squeeze -funds for the imperial wars from the commons of Castile, -well nigh crushed into financial impotence since the -defeat of the parliamentary champions at Villalar.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Like all those who came into immediate contact with -Charles in his imperial capacity, his wife was humbly -subordinate to the overwhelming magnitude of the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_210'>210</span>policy which he directed, and she had no share in -moulding events. For her the glory was sufficient -to have borne her husband a son who lived, besides -daughters and two boys who died of epilepsy in infancy. -The mother of Philip of Spain looked with reverential -awe upon her own child, so great and important to mankind -was held to be the inheritance to which he was -to succeed; and when she flickered out of life in 1539, -the boy of twelve was her main contribution and justification -to a world which had only known her as Cæsar’s -wife, and only remembered her as Philip’s mother.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In the atmosphere of hushed reverence and rigid -sacrifice to imperial ends that filled the monastic court -of Spain in the absence of the Emperor, Philip was -never allowed to forget for an hour the destiny, with -all its duties, its responsibilities, and its power, for -which he was taught that God had specially selected -him as son of his father. As a boy regent in the -Emperor’s first great trial of strength with the German -Lutherans, his heart had ached at the sufferings of -Spain from the cruel drain of blood and treasure for -the war in which she had no direct concern; but when -he dared, almost passionately, to remonstrate with his -father at the ruin which he himself was forced to impose -upon the people he loved, he was coldly reminded that -it was the cause of God that he and his were fighting, -and all earthly considerations must be sacrificed for its -triumph. Philip was the son of his forbears, and he -learnt his lesson well. Like his grandmother Isabel, -he had no love of cruelty for its own sake, but like her -he held the mystic belief that he and the Most High -were linked in community of cause, and that the greater -the suffering the greater the glory. He never spared -himself or others when the cause for which he lived, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_211'>211</span>the unification of the faith, demanded sacrifice; but fate -was cruel in the era she chose for him. The age when -Charles and his son were pledged to force all men to -take their faith unquestioned from Rome at the tips of -Spanish pikes was that in which the rebellious Monk of -Wittemburg had challenged Rome itself, and the world -was throbbing with the new revelation, that beyond the -trappings that man had hung upon the church, there was -a God to whom all were equal, and to whom all might -appeal direct.</p> - -<p class='c007'>So, throughout the century of strife, both Charles -and his son, rigid as they were, were always obliged to -conciliate England, whatever its faith might be; for -France, and heresy in their own dominions, were ever -the nearest enemies; and for England permanently -to have thrown in its lot with either of them would -have consigned Spain to impotence. Henry <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> might -defy the Pope, despoil the Church, and insultingly -repudiate his blameless Spanish wife, but the Emperor -dared not quarrel with him for long together, or provoke -him too far. But, withal, it was a hard trial for the -champion of orthodoxy to have to speak fair and softly -to his heterodox, excommunicated uncle, and welcome -alliance with the power that was a standing negation -of the cause for which he lived. Still harder was -it when Henry was dead; for his personal prestige -was great, and his professions of orthodoxy were -emphatic, apart from his personal quarrel with the -Papacy. But to him there succeeded a child-king ruled -by men of small ability, determined to alter the faith of -England itself, and make a durable friendship with -Spain impossible.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Then almost suddenly the whole aspect of affairs -changed. It had been known for some time that the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_212'>212</span>young King of England, Edward <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, was failing, and -would probably die without issue; but the uncertain -element had been the extent of the Duke of Northumberland’s -power and the strength of English Protestantism. -Edward <span class='fss'>VI.</span> died on the 7th July 1553, and the undignified -collapse of Northumberland at once decided the -Emperor’s plans. The treachery of Maurice of -Saxony had brought Charles to the humiliating peace -of Passau, and had made for ever impossible the realisation -of the great dream of making Philip Emperor as -well as King. It was the heaviest blow that Charles -had ever suffered; and, if he could have appreciated -its significance, he would have seen that it proved the -impossibility of the task he had undertaken. He was -still at war with the enemy, France, who had supported -his Lutheran princes, and he was burning to avenge -the crowning disaster of Metz, when the death of the -boy King of England opened to his mind’s eye the -gates of a shining future. The hollow crown of the -Empire might go, with its poor patrimony and its -turbulent Lutheran subjects, the fat Portuguese dowry -he coveted for his son Philip might be cheerfully sacrificed; -but if only rich England could be joined in -lasting bonds to Spain, then France would indeed be in -the toils, Flanders and Italy safe, the road to unlimited -expansion in the East open, and Spain, supreme, -might give laws to Latin Christendom, and to heathendom -beyond. The prize was worth bidding for, and -Charles lost no time.</p> - -<hr class='c016' /> - -<p class='c007'>In the brilliant summer weather of late July in 1553, -a faded little woman with a white pinched face, no eyebrows, -and russet hair, rode in a blaze of triumph -through the green-bordered roads of Suffolk and Essex -<span class='pageno' id='Page_213'>213</span>towards London. Around her thronged a thousand -gentlemen in velvet doublets and gold chains, whilst -a great force of armed men followed to support if need -be the right of Mary Queen of England. It was not -much more than a fortnight since her brother had died, -but into that time the poignant emotions of a century -had been crammed. The traitors who had proclaimed -Queen Jane had tumbled over each other to be the -first to betray some of their companions, and all to disown -the despotic craven who had led them, the -wretched Northumberland; Protestant London, even, -had greeted with frantic joy the name of the Catholic -Queen, whose right it knew, and whose unmerited -sufferings it pitied; but at thirty-seven, an old maid, disillusioned -and wearied by years of cruel injustice, Mary -Tudor came to her heritage resigned rather than elated.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Amongst the crowds of officials and gentlemen who -rode out of London to pay homage to the new Queen, -were two men, each pledged to outwit the other in his -quest. They were of similar age, about fifty, both -Frenchmen, though one was born in the Burgundian -territory of the Franche Comté, and both were -ambassadors; one, Simon Renard, representing the -Emperor, and the other, Antoine de Noailles, the -King of France, and they went racing towards Chelmsford, -each to try to win Queen Mary to the side of his -master. Noailles was the more courtly and aristocratic; -and his insinuating grace made him a dangerous rival, -for it hid a spirit that stopped at no falsity or treachery -if it would serve his turn. But in gaining Mary Tudor -he was fatally handicapped, though when she received -him at New Hall she spoke so fairly that he thought -he had succeeded.<a id='r139' /><a href='#f139' class='c013'><sup>[139]</sup></a> For Simon Renard represented -<span class='pageno' id='Page_214'>214</span>the power that throughout all the bitter trials of her -life Mary had looked to as her only friend. Again and -again the imperial ambassadors alone had dared to -claim better treatment for her and her outraged mother; -and had threatened her father with vengeance if ill befell -her; whilst France had always taken the opposite -side, and egged King Henry on to work his own will -in despite of Spain and the empire. So, though Mary -was diplomatic to Noailles she was friendly to Renard, -for to him and his master she looked to keep secure -her trembling throne.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Already it was seen that the Queen must marry. -She had been betrothed times out of number as an -instrument of policy, but of her own will she desired no -husband; and when Renard, in a long private chat -with her at New Hall on the 1st August, broached the -subject, she told him that she knew her duty in that -respect and would do it, but prayed for the guidance of -the Emperor in her choice of a husband. She was no -longer young, she said, and hoped that too youthful a -husband would not be recommended to her. Renard -knew that already English people had chosen as the -Queen’s prospective bridegroom young Courtenay, still -in the Tower as a prisoner; and that failing him, some -had thought of Cardinal Pole; but he knew well, as -did the Emperor, that Mary was too proud to marry a -subject, and looked to her marriage as a means of -strengthening her throne; and soon afterwards even -Noailles saw that Courtenay had spoilt his chance by -dissoluteness of life, though he continued to make use -of him as a tool for conspiracy against Mary and her -Spanish friends.</p> - -<p class='c007'>On the 3rd August the new Queen, dressed in violet -velvet, and mounted on a milk-white pony, came to her -<span class='pageno' id='Page_215'>215</span>city of London through the gaily decked portal of Aldgate, -and so to the Tower, where she released those -who had lain there in prison to suit the policy of the men -who had ruled Edward <span class='fss'>VI.</span> Events moved apace. -Gardiner from a prison was suddenly raised to the post -of chief minister. Bonner, the hated Bishop of London, -came from the Marshalsea to his throne in Saint Paul’s; -and everywhere, though yet illegal, the mass was already -being introduced. The Emperor kept warning -Mary to be moderate, and to walk warily; whilst the -churchmen, burning with zeal to come upon their own -again, were obstinately shutting their eyes to all that -had happened since bluff Henry’s death. Renard it -was who almost daily saw the Queen with these messages -of modern counsel from his master; and the -subject of marriage was mentioned more than once. -Noailles and Gardiner were pushing as hard as they -might the suit of Courtenay; but on the 7th August -Mary told Renard that she saw no fit match for her in -her own country, and had decided to marry a foreigner.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Then gently and tentatively the ambassador mentioned -the Emperor’s only son Philip. She affected to -laugh at the idea, for the Prince was only twenty-seven—the -same age as Courtenay, by the way—and, as she -said on another occasion, most of the bridegrooms they -offered her might have been her sons. But Renard -saw that his suggestion was not altogether an unwelcome -one, and hastened to ask his master for -further instructions. ‘Do not overpress her,’ wrote -Granvelle, ‘to divert her from any other match; because -if she have the whim she will carry it forward if she be -like other women.’ But Mary Tudor’s birth and -trials had made her not like other women; and she -listened to the tale of marriage, not because she hankered -<span class='pageno' id='Page_216'>216</span>for a husband, but because she hungered for a son -to present to her people.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Noailles soon got wind of the plan to marry Mary -to the Emperor’s son, and wherever French gold or -interest could reach the enemies of the new regime -they were plied with hints of the terrible results that -would come if Spain ruled England by Torquemada’s -methods. A gust of panic swept over London at the -idea of an Inquisition; for the Queen had come at first -with promises of toleration, and already the zeal of the -churchmen had darkened the horizon. On the eve of -the Queen’s coronation, on the 1st October, a Spanish -resident in London, whilst professing to despair of the -probability of the match, writes words that show how -well aware even private citizens were of the advantage -that it would bring to Spain. ‘And if the Lord vouchsafed -us to behold this glorious day, what great advantage -would befall our Spain, by holding the Frenchmen -in check, by the union of these kingdoms with his -Majesty. And if it were only to preserve Flanders his -Majesty and his son must greatly desire it, ... for when -the Lord shall call his Majesty away the Low Countries -will be in peril of the Frenchmen attacking them, or of -the Germans (<em>i.e.</em>, Lutherans) invading them by their -help, the succour from Spain being so remote, and the -people (<em>i.e.</em>, of Flanders) not being well affected towards -our nation. It would also be most advantageous -to Spain, because if aught should happen to the Prince’s -son (<em>i.e.</em>, Don Carlos) the son born here would be King -of both countries, and, in sooth, this would be advantageous -to the English also.’<a id='r140' /><a href='#f140' class='c013'><sup>[140]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_217'>217</span>We may be sure that Mary’s coyly sympathetic attitude -was not lost on the Emperor. But Philip was a -man of twenty-seven, a widower since his boyhood, -with a mistress (Isabel de Osorio) whom he loved; and -for many years past he had been his own master, and -practically King of Spain, though nominally only Prince -Regent. His marriage, moreover, to a Portuguese -cousin with a rich dowry was in active final negotiation, -and the Emperor could not be sure how the Prince -would receive the suggestion of marriage with an unattractive -foreign woman more than ten years his senior, -and living in a far country. He need have had no -distrust. Philip under his system had been brought up -from his birth to regard sacrifice to his mission as a -supreme duty. He was a statesman and a patriot, and -he saw as clearly as his father the increment of strength -that the union with England would bring to the cause -to which their lives were pledged; and his reply, given, -as Sandoval says, ‘like a second Isaac ready to sacrifice -himself to his father’s will and for the good of the -church,’ was, ‘I have no other will than that of your -Majesty, and whatever you desire, that will I do.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>Promptly on the heels of the courier that bore the -dutiful letter to the Emperor went two nobles of -Philip’s household, Don Diego Hurtado de Mendoza -and Don Diego de Geneda, to offer congratulations and -greetings to the new Queen of England in his name. -Geneda bore a secret message to her of a warmer -character than mere greeting; and before the sumptuous -coronation in Westminster Abbey on the 1st -October, Mary had practically made up her mind to -marry her second cousin. She knew that England, -under Noailles’ artful incitement, was in a ferment of -alarm at the idea; but she was a Tudor; she had some -<span class='pageno' id='Page_218'>218</span>long scores to settle, she needed strength to do it, -and opposition only made her firmer. Parliament met -on the 5th October, and, under pressure from Mary, -made a clean sweep of all the anti-Papal laws that had -severed England from Rome; but when, influenced by -Gardiner and prompted by Noailles, the House of -Commons voted an address to the Queen praying her -not to marry a foreigner, Mary sent for the members -to wait upon her. The Speaker and a deputation of -twenty parliament men stood trembling before her and -presented their humble address, whilst the angry -Queen muttered that she would be a match for Chancellor -Gardiner’s cunning. Her reply to the Speaker -was haughty and minatory: ‘Your desire to dictate to -us the Consort whom we shall choose we consider -somewhat superfluous. The English parliament has -not been wont to use such language to its sovereigns, -and when private persons on such matters suit their -own tastes, sovereigns may reasonably be allowed to -choose whom they prefer.’<a id='r141' /><a href='#f141' class='c013'><sup>[141]</sup></a> This was the true Tudor -way of dealing with the Commons, and Mary having -obtained the religious legislation she needed to legalise -her own position on the throne, promptly dissolved the -parliament she had flouted.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It was only after much prayerful heart-searching that -Mary had so far made up her mind to prefer the Prince -of Spain. At first she had tried to make it a condition -that the Emperor should not ask her to marry any -candidate before she had seen him; but this in Philip’s -case was impossible. He was too great a catch to be -trotted out for inspection and approval, and when this -was gently put to her by Renard, she tearfully implored -the ambassador, whose hands she seized and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_219'>219</span>held between her own, not to deceive her with regard -to the Prince’s character. Was he really well conducted -and discreet, as he had been described to her? -The ambassador emphatically protested on his honour -that he was; but still the Queen, almost doubting still, -wished that she might see him before she gave her -word. A good portrait by Titian was sent to her, -representing the Prince rather younger than he was, a -good-looking young man with the fair Austrian skin -and yellow hair, the slight curly beard hardly masking -the heavy jaw and underlip he inherited from his -father. The portrait appears to have banished the -last doubts in Mary’s mind. She had never had a -love affair before, often as she had been betrothed: -even now her idea had been to marry because her -position entailed it. But the contemplation of the face -of him who was to be her husband, and Renard’s -reiteration of his good qualities, gradually worked in -her mind an intense yearning for the affection for -which she had hungered in vain during her persecuted -youth.</p> - -<p class='c007'>On Sunday evening, the 31st October, she summoned -Renard to a room containing an altar upon which the -monstrance with the Host was placed. The Queen -was alone, except for her devoted nurse Mrs. Clarencius, -when the ambassador entered; and with much emotion -she told him that since he had presented the Emperor’s -letter asking her hand for Philip, she had been sleepless, -passing her time in weeping and prayers for -guidance as to her choice of a husband. ‘The Holy -Sacrament is my resource in all my difficulties,’ she -said, ‘and as it is standing upon the altar in this room, -I will appeal to it for counsel now;’ and, kneeling, as -did Renard and Clarencius, she recited <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Veni Creator -<span class='pageno' id='Page_220'>220</span>Spiritus</span></i> almost below her breath. After a short silent -prayer she rose, calm and self-possessed, and told the -ambassador that she had chosen him for her father -confessor with the Emperor. She had considered -carefully all that had been told her about Philip, and -had consulted Arundel, Paget, and Petre<a id='r142' /><a href='#f142' class='c013'><sup>[142]</sup></a> on the subject; -and, bearing in mind the good qualities and disposition -of the Prince, she prayed the Emperor to be -indulgent with her, and agree to the conditions necessary -for the welfare of her realm; to continue to be a -good father to her, since henceforward he would be -doubly her father, and to urge Philip to be a good -husband. Then solemnly upon the altar, before the -Sacred Presence, she promised Renard that she would -marry Philip, Prince of Spain, making him a good and -faithful wife, loving him devotedly without change.<a id='r143' /><a href='#f143' class='c013'><sup>[143]</sup></a> -She had wavered long in doubt, she said, but God had -illumined her, and her mind was now made up: she -would marry Philip and no one else.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Renard was overjoyed at the news, which he sent -flying to the Emperor, but kept inviolably secret from -all others. But though no one knew, every one suspected; -and the muttering of coming trouble sounded -on all sides. Lady Jane Grey, Northumberland’s three -sons, Cranmer, Ridley, and others, were tried and -condemned to death. Risings here and there in the -country burst out sporadically, for disaffection was -everywhere; Noailles’ confabulations with Elizabeth -and Courtenay were discovered and denounced; Pole -was stopped by the Emperor on his way to England; -and Gardiner, kept in the dark as to the Queen’s irrevocable -<span class='pageno' id='Page_221'>221</span>promise, still battled against the project of a -Spanish match. But the secret had to be let out at -last, and the Spanish adherents in Mary’s council were -obliged to consult Gardiner as to the marriage treaty. -They drove a hard bargain, notwithstanding all the -bribes and blandishments, for they were determined -that the marriage should not mean the political subjugation -of England by Spain; and the King Consort’s -power was so fenced around by safeguards and limitations -that when Philip finally heard the conditions, he -was well nigh in despair, for he knew that if they were -fulfilled to the letter the marriage would be useless to -Spanish interests, and that his sacrifice would be in -vain. But of this the populace knew nothing. What -they did know was, that a Spaniard was coming to be -their King, and London at least shuddered at the -plenteous hints that Noailles had spread, that the Inquisition -and the <i><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">auto de fe</span></i> were coming too.</p> - -<p class='c007'>So when, on the 1st January 1554, a troop of -foreign servants and harbingers rode through the -city of London to prepare the lodgings of the brilliant -imperial embassy that was to arrive next day, even -the ’prentices gathered as they passed and greeted -them with curses and volleys of snowballs.<a id='r144' /><a href='#f144' class='c013'><sup>[144]</sup></a> The -brilliant Count of Egmont and his train landed duly -at the Tower wharf on the morrow, to ask formally -for the hand of the Queen for the Emperor’s son. -‘They were met by Sir Anthony Browne, he being -clothed in a very gorgeouse apparel. At the Tower -Hill the earle of Devonshire (<em>i.e.</em>, Courtenay), with -the lorde Garrett and dyvers others, receyved him -in most honorable and famylier wyse; and so the -lorde of Devonshire, gevyng him the right hand, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_222'>222</span>brought him thoroughte Chepsyde, and so fourthe -to Dyrram Place (<em>i.e.</em>, Durham House in the Strand), -the people nothing rejoysing, helde downe their heddes -sorrowfully.’<a id='r145' /><a href='#f145' class='c013'><sup>[145]</sup></a> The formalities were soon got through -with a few solemn banquets and courtly ceremonies, -and on the 13th January Gardiner, with as good a -face as he could put upon the matter, made an oration -in the Chamber of Presence at Westminster to the -lords and officials, declaring the Queen’s purpose to -marry Philip of Spain: ‘in most godly lawfull -matrimonye: and further, that she should have for -her joynter xxx.<sup>mil</sup>.. ducketes by the yere, with all -the Lowe Country of Flanders; and that the issue -betweene them two lawfully begotten shoulde, yf -there were any, be heir as well to the Kingdome of -Spayne, as also to the sayde Lowe Country. He -declared further that we were much bounden to -thanck God that so noble, worthye, and famouse a -prince, would vouchsafe so to humble himself in this -maryadge to take upon him rather as a subject than -otherwise: and that the Quene should rule all thinges -as nowe: and that there should be of the Counsell -no Spanyard, nether should have the custody of any -fortes or castells, nether have rule or offyce in the -quene’s house or elsewhere in all England.’<a id='r146' /><a href='#f146' class='c013'><sup>[146]</sup></a> Gardiner -made the best of it, but the bare fact was enough to -send the friends of the late regime, and not a few -of those who had profited by the plunder of the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_223'>223</span>church, into a delirium of fear. Carews, Wyatts, -and Greys protested, rebelled and collapsed, for -England, in the main, was loyal to Mary, and the -vast majority of the people, except in and about -London, bitterly resented the iconoclastic changes of -Edward’s reign. The Queen knew her own mind -too, and in the face of danger was as firm as a -rock, for in her sight the Spanish marriage meant -the resurrection of her country and the salvation of -her people. Charles and his son doubtless thought -so too in a general way, but that was not their first -object. What they wanted was to humble France -permanently by means of their command of English -resources, and to make Spain the dictatress of the world.</p> - -<p class='c007'>On the very day that poor Wyatt’s ‘draggletayles,’ -all mud-stained and weary with their march from -Kingston Bridge, were toiling up Fleet Street to -final failure and the gallows, a dusty courier rode -into Valladolid with the news for Philip, that the -offer of his hand had been accepted by the Queen -of England. The prince was at Aranjuez, a hundred -miles away, planning his favourite gardens, when the -news reached him, with the premature addition that -the Earl of Bedford was already on the way to Spain -with the marriage contract. Philip stopped his pastime -at once and started the same day for Valladolid with -his bodyguard of horsemen in the scarlet and gold -of Aragon. In haste the old city put itself into -holiday garb, and organised tourneys, cane-tiltings -and fireworks, to celebrate the agreement which was -to make the beloved Prince of Spain King of England. -The looms and broidery-frames of all the realms were -soon busy making the gorgeous garb and glittering -trappings to fit out the nobles and hidalgos who were -<span class='pageno' id='Page_224'>224</span>to follow their prince to England, each, with Spanish -ostentation, bent upon outstripping his fellows in -splendour. Alba, Medina Celi, Aguilar, Pescara, -Feria, Mendoza and Enriquez, and a hundred other -haughty magnates, were bidden to make ready with -their armies of retainers all in fine new clothes, in -spite of Renard’s warning that: ‘<i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Seulement sera requis -que les Espaignolez qui suyuront vostre Alteze comportent -les façons de faire des Angloys, et soient modestes.</span></i>’</p> - -<p class='c007'>Philip’s steward, Padilla, was sent hurrying to the -coast to receive the Earl of Bedford, who did not -start from England for another month; and the -Marquis de las Novas, loaded with splendid presents -from Philip to his bride, set out for England. Mary -was conspicuously fond of fine garments and jewels, -and Philip in his youth, and on state occasions, wore -the richest of apparel; but even they must have been -sated at the piled-up sumptuousness for which their -wedding was an excuse. Philip’s offering to Mary, -sent by Las Novas, consisted of ‘a great table -diamond, mounted as a rose in a superb gold setting, -valued at 50,000 ducats; a collar or necklace of -eighteen large brilliants, exquisitely mounted and set -with dainty grace, valued at 32,000 ducats; a great -diamond and a large pearl pendant from it (this was -Mary’s favourite jewel, and may be seen in the -accompanying portrait), the most beautiful gems, says -a contemporary eyewitness, ever seen in the world, -and worth 25,000 ducats; and then follows a list -of pearls, diamonds, emeralds and rubies, without -number, sent to Mary and her ladies by the gallant -bridegroom.<a id='r147' /><a href='#f147' class='c013'><sup>[147]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_225'>225</span>Whilst all these fine preparations were going on -in Spain, the Emperor more than once questioned -the wisdom or safety of allowing his son to risk -himself amongst a people so incensed against the -match as the English, and in partial rebellion against -it; and Renard held many anxious conferences with -Mary and her council on the subject. The Queen -declared again and again that she would answer for -Philip’s safety; and she put aside, as gently as she -could, Renard’s incessant promptings of greater -severity upon Elizabeth, Courtenay and the rest of -the suspects and rebels. Once, at the end of March, -Renard told her that if she was so lenient to rebels, -he doubted whether Prince Philip could be trusted -in her realm, ‘as he could not come armed; and if -anything befell him it would be a most disastrous -and lamentable scandal. Not only would the person -of his Highness suffer, but also the lords and -gentlemen who accompanied him: and I could not -help doubting whether she had taken all the necessary -steps to ensure safety.’ To this she answered, with -tears in her eyes, ‘that she had rather never been -born than that any outrage should happen to the -Prince; and she fervently hoped to God that no -such thing would occur. All the members of her -Council would do their duty in their reception of the -Prince, and were going to great expense about it. -Her Council shall be reduced to six members, as -Paget and Petre had advised; and she would do -her best to dispose the goodwill of her subjects who -wish for the Prince’s coming.’<a id='r148' /><a href='#f148' class='c013'><sup>[148]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Mary was overwhelmed with anxiety. ‘She had -<span class='pageno' id='Page_226'>226</span>neither rest nor sleep,’ she said, ‘for thinking of the -means of security for Philip in England.’ But she -would not sacrifice Elizabeth for all the clamouring of -Renard, and even of Gardiner. She knew that the -French were almost openly subsidising rebellion -against her; and that her people grew more apprehensive -daily that her marriage with Philip would -mean a war with France for Spanish objects, but she -had now set her mind upon the marriage, and nothing -in the world would shake her. Philip, though he was -not personally brave, was equally firm about coming, -even at risk of his life; for his was a spirit of sacrifice -and his marriage was a sacred duty. From duty Philip -never shrank, whatever the suffering it entailed.</p> - -<p class='c007'>On the 14th May 1554 Philip rode out of Valladolid -with nearly a thousand horsemen in gaudy raiment. -First going south west to near the Portuguese frontier -to meet his sister Joan, who had just lost her husband, -the Prince of Portugal, he turned aside to take a last -farewell to his grandmother, Joan the Mad, in her -prison-palace at Tordesillas, and then passed on from -town to town, through Leon and Galicia; his puny, -hydrocephalic heir, Don Carlos, by his side, towards -Santiago and Corunna. Loving greeting and good -wishes followed him everywhere; for was he not -going to fix upon yet another land, and that a rich -one, the seal that marked it as within the circle of the -Spanish realms? Proud were these hidalgos who -rode behind him, proud the Spaniards, high and low, -who welcomed him and sped him on his way, proud -the very lackeys in the smallest squireling’s train; for -they were all Spaniards, and they felt that this was a -Spanish victory.</p> - -<p class='c007'>On the vigil of St. John, 23rd June, Philip was -<span class='pageno' id='Page_227'>227</span>received at the gates of Santiago by kneeling citizens -with golden keys as usual; and as he and his train, -all flashing in the southern sun, pranced through the -streets of the apostolic capital, two English lords, Bedford -and Fitzwalter, sat at a window with their mantles -before their faces, watching the progress of their future -King. The next morning the English special envoys -were publicly led into Philip’s presence. He met them -at the door of the chamber leading into the great hall, -and as the Englishmen bent the knee and doffed their -bonnets the Prince uncovered and bowed low. Bedford, -‘a grandee and a good Christian,’ we are told by -an eyewitness, then handed the marriage contract to -him, and kissed hand, as did his colleagues. On -leaving the room one Englishman said to another, -apparently delighted at Philip’s demeanour, ‘O! God -be praised for sending us so good a King as this’; -and the Spaniard who heard the remark and understood -English was only too glad of an opportunity of -repeating it to his gratified compatriots. The envoys -had good reason to be pleased with Philip, for though -he was usually a bad paymaster to those who served -him, he could be very liberal when it suited him; and -on the day after the state interview a splendid piece of -gold plate, magnificently worked, and standing nearly -five feet high, was presented to Bedford, all the rest of -the Englishmen being dealt with in similar generous -fashion.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In the harbour a fine fleet of vessels rode at anchor -with several English royal vessels; and Bedford prayed -that Philip would make the voyage in one of the -latter. This, however, was not considered prudent or -dignified; but the English envoys were given the -privilege of choosing amongst the Spanish vessels -<span class='pageno' id='Page_228'>228</span>that which should carry the King. It was a fine ship -they selected, belonging to Martin de Bertondona, one -of the first sailors in Spain; and when Philip went to -inspect it the next day it must have presented a -splendid sight, with its towering gilded poop and -forecastle, its thousand fluttering pennons; and over -all the proud royal standard of crimson damask thirty -yards long.<a id='r149' /><a href='#f149' class='c013'><sup>[149]</sup></a> At length, after much ceremonious -junketing, the heralds announced that the King would -embark the next day, 12th July. There were over a -hundred sail, fully armed and carrying a body of over -six thousand men to reinforce the Emperor, besides -six thousand sailors; and when the King stepped upon -his beautiful twenty-four-oared galley, all decked with -silk and cloth of gold, with minstrels and rowers clad -in damask doublets and plumed bonnets to go on board -the ship that was to bear him to England, the ‘Espiritu -Santo,’ the great crowd on shore cried aloud to God -and Santiago to send the royal traveller a safe and -happy voyage, and confusion to the French. On the -fifth day out a Flemish fleet of eighteen sail hove in -sight off the Land’s End, and convoyed the Prince past -the Needles with some ships of the English navy; -and on Thursday, 19th July 1554, the combined fleets -anchored in Southampton Water amidst the thunderous -salutes of the English and Flemish ships at anchor -there to greet them.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The English and Flemish sailors had not got on -well together during the stay of the Flemish fleet at -Southampton. The officers suspected the Lord -Admiral of England (Lord William Howard) of intriguing -<span class='pageno' id='Page_229'>229</span>with the French to capture Philip on his way; -and reported that he made little account of the Flemish -Admiral, de la Chapelle, and called his ships mussel -shells. When some of the Flemings had landed the -English soldiers had hustled and insulted them in the -streets; and by the time Philip arrived in Southampton -water the two naval forces were not on speaking terms.<a id='r150' /><a href='#f150' class='c013'><sup>[150]</sup></a> -On shore things were no better. The nobility of -England, usually so lavish, except those around the -Queen, were for the most part sulking as much as they -dared. They were too poor, they declared, to make -great and costly preparations to receive the King, and -even a majority of the Queen’s Council were suspected -of plotting in favour of Elizabeth; whilst Noailles was -tireless in his efforts to spread alarm and disaffection.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Bedford had reported that Philip was a bad sailor, -but fortunately the voyage had been a calm one, and -he remained at anchor for twenty hours before he -landed for the first time in England; so that he was -quite able to carry out the instructions of his father, -and the recommendations of Renard, to conciliate the -English in every possible way. During his visit years -before to Germany and Flanders he had offended the -subjects there by his cold precision of manner and his -Spanish abstemiousness; but from the first hour of -his stay in England, his whole behaviour underwent -a change, for at the call of duty he was even willing -to sacrifice all his usual tastes and habits. A crowd of -English nobles and courtiers who were to be Philip’s -household came off at once to salute him on board the -‘Espiritu Santo’; and when the next day he stepped -into the magnificent royal barge that was to bear him -<span class='pageno' id='Page_230'>230</span>to land, the Earl of Arundel invested him with the -badge of the Garter in the name of the Queen. With -him, besides the English lords, there went in the barge -a stately crowd of Spanish grandees, Alba, Feria, Ruy -Gomez, his only friend, Olivares, with Egmont, Horn, -and Bergues; but no soldier or man-at-arms was -allowed on shore on pain of death. Philip had learnt -from Renard the agony of distrust felt in England of -Spanish arms, and at the same time came the even less -welcome news that the Emperor had suffered a defeat -in Flanders, and needed urgently every soldier that -could be sent to him. So the Spanish fleet was not -even allowed to enter the port of Southampton, but -after some delay and much grumbling on the part of -the Spaniards at what they considered churlish treatment, -was sent to Portsmouth to revictual for their -voyage to Flanders.</p> - -<p class='c007'>As Philip stepped ashore, Sir Anthony Browne in a -Latin speech announced that the Queen had appointed -him her consort’s master of the horse, and had sent him -the beautiful white charger, housed in crimson velvet -and gold, that was champing its bit hard by. The -King would have preferred to walk the short distance -to the house prepared for him; but Browne and the -lords in waiting told him that this was not usual, and -the former ‘took him up in his arms and placed him in -the saddle, then kissing the stirrup, marched bareheaded -by the side of his new master to the Church of -Holy Rood.’ The King must have looked a gracious -figure as he passed through the curious crowd smiling -and bowing, dapper and erect on his steed, with his -short yellow beard and close-cropped yellow head; -dressed as he was in black velvet and silver, with -massive gold chains and glittering gems on his breast, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_231'>231</span>around his velvet bonnet, and at his neck and wrists; -and every one around him, so far as fine clothes went, -was a fit pendant to him. All the English guards, -archers, and porters wore the red and yellow of Aragon; -and the nobles in attendance, both English and Spanish, -were splendid in the extreme; but beneath the silk and -jewels beat hearts full of hate. The Spanish servants, -400 of them, who landed, were not allowed by the jealous -English to act for their master in any way; and at -Philip’s public dinner the day before he left Southampton, -Alba forcibly asserted his right to hand the -napkin to his master; whilst all the lowlier courtiers -stood by, idly scoffing and sneering at the clumsy service -of their English supplanters.</p> - -<p class='c007'>During the four days of Philip’s stay at Southampton, -whilst his belongings were being landed, splendid -presents and loving messages passed almost hourly to -and fro between Mary and her betrothed. Hundreds -of gaily clad servitors, with finely houselled horses, -diamond rings and gold chains galore, came from the -Queen at Winchester, though a continuous pelting rain -was falling; and on Monday, 23rd July, the great -cavalcade set out from Southampton 3000 strong. To -the disgust of the Spaniards the King was surrounded -by Englishmen alone; and on the way 600 more -English gentlemen in black velvet and gold chains -met him, sent by the Queen as an additional bodyguard; -followed a few miles further on by another -embassy from her of six pages clad in crimson brocade -and gold sashes, with six more beautiful horses.<a id='r151' /><a href='#f151' class='c013'><sup>[151]</sup></a> The -rain never ceased, and soon Philip’s felt cloak failed to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_232'>232</span>keep dry his black velvet surcoat and his trunks and -doublet of white satin embroidered with gold. So wet -was he, indeed, that he had to stay at St. Cross to don -another suit just as splendid, consisting of a black -velvet surcoat covered with gold bugles, and white -velvet doublet and trunks. And so clad he and his -train rode to the stately cathedral of Winchester to -hear mass; and then to the Dean’s house close by, -where he was to lodge.</p> - -<p class='c007'>That night at ten o’clock, after he had supped, the -Earl of Arundel came and told him that the Queen -awaited him at the Bishop’s palace on the other side of -the Cathedral. Once more he donned a change of -garments: this time of white kid covered with gold -embroidery; and with a little crowd of English and -Spanish nobles, he crossed the narrow lane between -the two gardens, and entered that of the Bishop by a -door in the wall.<a id='r152' /><a href='#f152' class='c013'><sup>[152]</sup></a> A private staircase gave access to -the Queen’s apartment, and there Philip saw his bride -for the first time. The apartment was a long narrow -gallery, where Gardiner and several other elderly -councillors were assembled; and as Philip entered the -Queen was pacing up and down impatiently. She was, -as usual, magnificently dressed, with many jewels over -her black velvet gown, cut high, with a petticoat of -frosted silver. When her eyes lighted on him who was -to be her husband, she came rapidly forward, kissing -her hand before taking his, whilst he gallantly kissed -her upon the mouth, in English fashion.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In her case, at all events, it was love at first sight. -The poor woman, starved and hungry for love all her -life, betrayed and ill-treated by those who should have -<span class='pageno' id='Page_233'>233</span>shielded her, with a soul driven back upon itself, at last -had found in this fair, trim built, young man, ten years -her junior, a being whom she could love without -reproach and without distrust. He confronted the -match in a pure spirit of sacrifice; for to him it meant -the victory of the cause for which he and his great -father lived. It meant, sooner or later, the crushing of -France, the extirpation of heresy, and the hegemony of -Spain over Europe; and though Mary was no beauty, -Philip was a chivalrous gentleman, and, having decided -to offer himself as a sacrifice for the cause, he did so -with a good grace. Sitting under the canopy side by -side, the lovers chatted amicably; he speaking in -Spanish and she in French, though she made some -coquettish attempts to teach him English words.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The next day brought fresh changes of gorgeous -raiment, this time of purple velvet and gold, and the -public reception of Philip by his bride in the great hall. -There, under the canopy of state, the betrothed pledged -each other in a cup of wine, whilst the Spanish courtiers -sneered at everything English, and the Englishmen -frowned at the Spaniards. On the day of St. James, -the patron saint of Spain (25th July), the ancient -cathedral was aglow with brilliant colour. All the -pomp that expenditure could command, or fancy devise, -was there to honour a wedding which apparently was -to decide the fate of the world for centuries. The -Queen, we are told, blazed with jewels to an extent -that dazzled those who gazed upon her, as she swept -up to her seat before the altar, with her long train of -cloth of gold over her black velvet gown sparkling -with precious stones. Philip wore a similar mantle, -covered with gems, over a dress of white satin almost -hidden by chains and jewels. Upon a platform erected -<span class='pageno' id='Page_234'>234</span>in the midst of the nave, Philip and Mary were made -man and wife by Bishop Gardiner, who afterwards proclaimed -to the assembly that the Emperor had transferred -to his son the title of King of Naples.</p> - -<p class='c007'>At the wedding banquet in the bishop’s palace that -afternoon Mary took precedence of her husband. She -sat on the higher throne, and ate off gold plate, whilst -Philip was served on silver; and Spaniards scowled -at the idea that their prince should be second to any. -The solid sumptuousness and abundance of everything -struck the Spaniards with amazement, both at the -banquet and at the ball and supper which followed. -But the richer the country the greater their disappointment. -Already they were grumbling that the sacrifice -the King had made was vain. Philip, after all, was -not to be master in England, and must go to a council -to ask permission to do anything with English resources. -Nay, said the courtiers, so far from being master, it -is he who has to dance as these Englishmen play: he -must bend to their prejudices and caprices, not they -to his, as was fitting for vassals. The English, on -their side, were just as dour under the terrifying -predictions of French agents; and as the royal lovers -travelled to Basing, and so to Windsor, Richmond -and London, matters grew worse and worse.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Philip and Renard did their best to smooth ruffled -susceptibilities. All acts of clemency were ostentatiously -coupled with Philip’s name, and the King surpassed -himself in amiability and generosity.<a id='r153' /><a href='#f153' class='c013'><sup>[153]</sup></a> Mary, in the -meantime, was perfectly infatuated with her young -husband, and he was kind and gentle to her, as he -<span class='pageno' id='Page_235'>235</span>was to each of his wives in turn. ‘Their Majesties,’ -writes a Spanish courtier, ‘are the happiest couple in -the world, and are more in love with each other than -I can say. He never leaves her, and on the road is -always by her side, lifting her into the saddle and -helping her to dismount. He dines with her, publicly -sometimes, and they go to mass together on feast -days.’ Then the same writer continues: ‘These -English are the most ungrateful people in the world, -and hate Spaniards worse than the devil. They rob -us, even in the middle of the city, and not a soul of -us dares to venture two miles away for fear of -molestation. There is no justice for us at all. We -are ordered by the King to avoid disputes and put -up with everything whilst we are here, and to endure -all their attacks in silence.... We are told that we -must bear everything for his Majesty’s sake.’<a id='r154' /><a href='#f154' class='c013'><sup>[154]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Spanish nobles were openly insulted in the streets -of London, and Spanish priests stoned in the churches: -but this was not the worst. What galled most was -the growing conviction that all this humiliation was -in vain. Instead of a submissive people ready to bow -the neck to the new King and his countrymen, the -Spaniards found a country where the sovereign’s -power was strictly circumscribed, and where a -foreigner’s only hope of domination was by force of -arms. ‘This marriage will, indeed, have been a -failure if the Queen have no children,’ wrote one of -Philip’s chamberlains. ‘They told us in Castile that -if his Highness became King of England we should -be masters of France ... but instead of that the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_236'>236</span>French are stronger than ever, and are doing as -they like in Flanders. Kings here have as little -power as if they were subjects; the people who -really govern are the councillors, who are the King’s -masters.... They say openly that they will not let -our King go until they and the Queen think fit, as -this country is quite big enough to satisfy any one -King.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>But still Philip struggled on, gaining ascendency -over his wife and gradually influencing the councillors -by gifts and graciousness.<a id='r155' /><a href='#f155' class='c013'><sup>[155]</sup></a> The fifty gallows that -had borne as many dead sympathisers of Wyatt were -cleared from the streets, and the skulls of the higher -offenders were banished from London Bridge, so that -the triumphant entry of Philip and Mary into the -capital should be marred by no evil reminders; but -though London was loyal to Mary, it hated Spaniards -more than any city in the realm; and the crowd that -hailed the Queen effusively when, on the 18th August, -she and her husband went in state from Southwark -through the city to Whitehall, listened and believed -the wild and foolish rumours that a great army of -Spaniards was coming to fetch away the crown of -England; that a Spanish friar was to be Archbishop -<span class='pageno' id='Page_237'>237</span>of Canterbury, that English treasure was being sent -from the Tower to fill the Emperor’s coffers, and -much else of the same sort that French agents set -afloat; so, withal, there were few who smiled upon -the Queen’s consort, let him smile as he might upon -them. Fair pageants decked the street corners, and -far-fetched compliments were recited to the King and -Queen by children dressed as angels, for the corporation -of London had been warned that there must -be no lack of official signs of welcome; but to prove -how sensitive and apprehensive both the court and -the people were, the story is told of how the Conduit -in Gracechurch Street was decked with painted figures -of kings, one of whom, Henry <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>, was represented -with a bible labelled ‘<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Verbum Dei</span></i>’ in his hand; -whereupon Gardiner, in a towering rage, thinking -this quite innocent representation was intended as an -insult to the Catholic idea of the Bible, sent for -the painter and threatened him with all sorts of -punishments.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Philip’s patience, however, was gradually breaking -down the distrust entertained in him. It was seen -that wherever his influence was exerted it was on the -side of moderation; though of course it was not understood -that this and all his sweetness was only part of -the deep plan of the Emperor to obtain for his son full -control of English policy. Mary’s position at the time -was a most difficult one. She was deeply in love with -her husband; and she desired fervently the aggrandisement -of Spain, which would mean the triumph of -Catholicism over heresy and security for her throne; -but she was an English Queen, determined if she could -to rule for the good of her people, and to bring about -peace with France before she was drawn into the war. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_238'>238</span>When Noailles saw Mary to give his tardy and insincere -congratulations on the marriage that he had -tried so hard to thwart, she assured him that her -friendship with France was unchanged, and Philip -immediately afterwards added his assurance that he -would maintain intact all the alliances contracted by -England, whilst they were for England’s good.<a id='r156' /><a href='#f156' class='c013'><sup>[156]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>After Pole had been made to understand that the -full restitution of church property in England must not -be pressed, or revolution would result, he was allowed -to come to England as legate, and the country formally -returned to the pale of the church in November 1554. -On the very day that Pole arrived it was officially -announced that the Queen was pregnant; and all -England, and still more all Spaniards, greeted the -great news as a special favour vouchsafed by heaven. -To Philip and his father it meant very much; for if a -son was born the hold of Spain over England would -be complete for generations, at least long enough for -the great task of unification of the faith to be effected. -Its significance, even in anticipation, was made use of -by Philip at once, and during the jubilation to which -it gave rise, he caused his spokesman in parliament to -propose the sending of an armed English contingent -to aid the Emperor in the war against France, and the -appointment of himself as Regent of England in case -the expected child outlived his mother. The zeal of -Bonner and Gardiner, however, spoilt it all. They -had already begun their fell work of religious persecution; -and the reaction that naturally resulted against -Spain compelled the Queen to dissolve parliament in -a hurry before Philip’s turn was served.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Not only was Philip personally opposed to the persecution -<span class='pageno' id='Page_239'>239</span>in England, which he saw would injure his -object, but he caused his chaplains openly to denounce -from the pulpit the policy pursued by the English -bishops. Renard ceaselessly deplored in his letters to -the Emperor this over zeal of the English churchman, -whose one idea of course was to serve, as they thought, -their church, and not Spanish political ends. For six -months Philip stood in the breach and dammed the -tide of persecution: but his father was growing impatient -for his presence in Flanders. The deadly -torpor was creeping over him, though he was not yet -old, as it had crept over others of his house; and he -had begged for months that his son should come and -relieve him of his burden. Philip had waited week -after week in the ever deluded hope that Mary’s -promise of issue would be fulfilled; but, at last, even -the unhappy Queen herself had become incredulous, -and her husband could delay his departure no longer. -By August 1555 the rogations and intercessions to the -Almighty for the safe birth of a prince were ordered to -be discontinued, and the splendid plot of the Emperor -and Philip to bring England and its resources permanently -to their side against France and heresy, was -admitted to be a failure.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The conviction that she was to be childless was -only gradually forced upon Mary; for she had prayed -and yearned so much for motherhood that she could -hardly believe that heaven would abandon her thus. -In her mind a son born of her and Philip would have -made England, as she said, Catholic and strong for -ever; and as the bitter truth of her barrenness came -home to the Queen she sank deeper into gloomy -despondency, increased by the knowledge that her -beloved husband, polite and considerate though he -<span class='pageno' id='Page_240'>240</span>was to her, was obliged to leave her, with the tacit -understanding that their marriage had failed in its -chief object. Mary passionately longed to bring about -peace between her husband’s country and France. -She knew that the revolutionary movement in and -about London was being actively fomented by French -intrigue; that the crowd of pamphlets and scurrilous -publications attacking her and her faith were being -paid for with French money; and that unless peace -was soon made or the agitation stopped England would -be drawn into the war and her throne would be in peril. -But her efforts towards peace met with little real aid -from the French, for any step that consolidated her -position and gave time for Spaniards and Englishmen -to settle down under one system would have meant -ruin to France; and Mary’s Council, and more reluctantly -Mary herself, was obliged to turn to the other -alternative, and attempt to suppress the organised -manifestations of rebellion against her rule.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The burning of heretical and treasonable books, -and even of the Edward VI. prayer book, was but a -prelude to the burning of bodies, and Renard warned -the Emperor that before Philip had been gone six -months from England the holocaust would begin. It -matters little whether the persecutions were religious -or political—the apologists of Mary and Elizabeth respectively -strive to prove that their victims in each -case were political criminals; and doubtless, according -to the letter of the law, they were—but it was clear to -Philip and his father, that whatever excuse might be -advanced for the burning of Englishmen by Mary’s -Council, the executions would increase the ill-feeling -against Spain, and make English resources less available -to them against France. But notwithstanding -<span class='pageno' id='Page_241'>241</span>this Charles would wait no longer for his son, and -peremptorily ordered him to return to Flanders.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Philip accompanied his wife in state through London -from Hampton Court to Greenwich<a id='r157' /><a href='#f157' class='c013'><sup>[157]</sup></a> for the farewell; -and there urged her—as he did her Council—to be -moderate in punishment. Mary herself was kindly -and gentle; but she was a Tudor Queen, and she -lived in an age when the life of the individual was -considered as nothing to the safety of the State as -constituted. Moreover, counsels of moderation coming -from Philip of Spain, the patron of the Inquisition, -could hardly have sounded very convincing; though -they were sincere in the circumstances, for Philip was a -statesman before all things, and persecution in England -at the time was contrary to his policy. In any case -Philip did his best to keep his hand on the brake -before saying goodbye to his wife. Mary was in the -deepest affliction when she took leave of him on the -29th August 1555, though she struggled to retain her -composure before the spectators of the scene. With -one close embrace she bade him farewell, and sought -solitude in a room of which the window commanded a -view of the Thames. So long as the barge that bore -him to Gravesend was in sight Mary’s tear-dimmed -eyes followed it yearningly; whilst Philip, courteously -punctilious, continued waving his hand and lifting his -plumed cap to her until a turn in the river shut him -from her sight.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Renard was right. No sooner had Philip gone than -the fires blazed out. Hooper, Rogers, Saunders and -Tayor, were burnt a fortnight afterwards; then Ridley -<span class='pageno' id='Page_242'>242</span>and Latimer some weeks later, to be followed in a -few months by Cranmer and the host of others less -distinguished. Gardiner, Mary’s prime minister and -only able councillor, died in November, just after the -opening of parliament; and then, with Pole, practically -a foreign ecclesiastic, as her only guide, with a divided -Council, and herself in utter despondency, Mary sank -deeper and deeper into impotence. Philip had ordered -before he left that minutes of all the Council meetings -should be sent to him, but he soon found it difficult -to control, for his own ends, the action of ministers -far away; and when soon afterwards he began to -press for English ships to fight the French at sea, -he found the Queen’s Council tardy and unwilling. -The ships, they said, were not ready; but as soon as -possible some would be sent to guard the Channel. -This did not suit Philip. The ships must be instantly -fitted out and commissioned; not at Dover, as the -Council had promised, but at Portsmouth, to guard the -Emperor’s passage to Spain. This, of course, was the -thin end of the wedge; what he really needed—and -it was now the only benefit he could hope for from -his marriage—was that an English fleet should be at -his disposal to attack France. The coolness of the -English Council and the continued refusal to accede to -Mary’s request and give him the crown matrimonial -of England, soon changed Philip’s attitude, and the -suavity that had so remarkably characterised him in -England gave way to his usual dry <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">hauteur</span></i> towards -Englishmen whom he met in Brussels.</p> - -<p class='c007'>He had found his father in the last stage of mental -and bodily depression. All had gone ill with him; -and the burden of his task, as far from fulfilment as -ever, was greater than he could any longer bear. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_243'>243</span>‘Fortune,’ he said, ‘is a strumpet, and reserves her -favours for the young;’ and so to the young Philip he -had determined to transmit his mighty mission of Christian -unification as a means of Spanish predominance. -In October 1555, in perhaps the most dramatic scene -in history, the Emperor solemnly handed to Philip the -sovereignty of Flanders; and on the 16th January 1556, -the assembly of Spanish grandees, in the great hall of -the palace of Brussels, witnessed the surrender of the -historic crowns of Castile and Aragon by Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span> -to his beloved only son. Heart-broken Mary Tudor -from that day was Queen of Spain, as well as Queen of -England. The title was a hollow one for her, though, -for her mother’s sake and her own, she loved the -country which alone had succoured them in their trouble; -for Philip’s accession made the return of her husband -to her side more than ever remote. Philip had promised -faithfully to come back, and in his letters to her -he repeated his promise again and again. On one -occasion when he was indisposed, Mary sent a special -envoy with anxious inquiries after his health. There -was nothing more the matter than the result of some -little extra gaiety on Philip’s part; and he reassured -his wife and announced his immediate visit to England. -The English messenger, overjoyed at the good -news, said to some of Philip’s gentlemen, that, though -he was delighted to be able to bear the glad tidings to -the Queen, he would take care not to tell her that his -Majesty had exposed himself twice to the dreadful -weather then prevailing, and of his dancing at weddings, -as the Queen was so easily upset and was so anxious -about him that she might be too much afflicted.<a id='r158' /><a href='#f158' class='c013'><sup>[158]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>But still Philip came not; and soon afterwards Mary -<span class='pageno' id='Page_244'>244</span>was thrown into despair by the order from Brussels, -that the King’s household in England was to proceed -to Spain. The English people followed the Spanish -courtiers with reviling when they embarked, for the -fear of being drawn into the war was stronger than ever; -but to the Queen their departure was a heavy blow, -for it meant that her husband would live in England no -more. For a few months in the early part of 1556, the -alliance of the Pope and the King of France against -the Emperor and Philip was broken up by the settlement -of a truce between the latter and the French -King; and for a time matters looked more hopeful for -Mary; but in the summer of 1556, the war with -France broke out again, and Philip found himself face -to face with a powerful coalition of the Papacy, France -and the Turk. It meant a war over half of Europe, -and now if ever England might aid its Spanish King -Consort. Philip wrote constantly urging the English -Council to join him in the war against France; but met -only with evasions. Mary was breaking her heart in -sorrow and disappointment, but was willing to do anything -to please Philip. She had, moreover, her own -grudge against France; for Noailles and his master -had left no stone unturned to ruin her from the first -day of her accession. But her Council, and above all, -her subjects, had always dreaded this as a result of her -Spanish marriage, and were almost unanimously opposed -to the entrance of England into a strife which mainly -concerned the supremacy of Spain over Italy. Mary, -moreover, was in the deepest poverty, owing to her -own firm resolve against all advice to restore to the -church the forfeited tenths and first fruits; and the -forced loans collected from the gentry, it was untruly -said at the instance of the Spaniards for the purposes -<span class='pageno' id='Page_245'>245</span>of their war, had caused the deepest discontent in the -country.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It was clear that nothing more could be got from -England for Spanish objects unless some special effort -were made, and Philip was forced to undertake the -journey himself to try the effect of personal pressure. -Mary’s joy at the news of his coming was pathetic in -its intensity, though Pole warned her that, as had -happened on other occasions, Philip might not be able -to come after all. The hope of seeing her husband -again seemed to give her new life, and she hurried to -London, visiting Pole at Lambeth on the way, and -exerting herself to the utmost to win him to her side. -Thenceforward for weeks, whilst the King’s voyage -was pending, the English Council sat nearly night and -day, and couriers incessantly hurried backwards and -forwards to and from London, Brussels, and Paris.<a id='r159' /><a href='#f159' class='c013'><sup>[159]</sup></a> -The French reinforced their troops around Calais and -Guisnes, and all the signs pointed to the approach of a -war between England and France at the bidding of -Philip.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The King landed at Dover on the 18th March 1557, -and again all his haughty frigidity gave way to genial -smiles for all that was English.<a id='r160' /><a href='#f160' class='c013'><sup>[160]</sup></a> To the Queen’s -delight he spent two quiet days with her alone at -Greenwich, and then rode through London to Whitehall -by her side as she sat in her litter. Their reception -by the citizens was polite, but cold; for though -<span class='pageno' id='Page_246'>246</span>Philip personally was not unpopular, the idea of going -to war with France for another nation’s quarrel was -distasteful in the extreme to Englishmen of all classes. -What complicated the situation infinitely was that -Philip was at war with the Pope—that violent, headstrong -enemy of his house and nation, Cardinal Caraffa, -Paul <span class='fss'>IV.</span>—and Pole, as legate, could not even greet -the King, much less acquiesce as a political minister in -a war against the Papacy on the part of England. -Mary, too, was torn between her devotion to the -Church on the one hand and her love for her husband -on the other. Her idea, and that of her Council, was -to provide a subsidy and an English contingent to -Philip, without entering into a national war; and this -much, under the existing treaty between Charles v. -and Henry <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> in 1543, Philip had a right to claim if -he was attacked by France.</p> - -<p class='c007'>But the King wanted more from his wife’s country -than that which he could have claimed even if he had -not married the Queen, and he ceaselessly urged upon -Mary, and upon her Council, heavily bribed to a man, -the granting of much greater aid than that offered. -He was at last successful in this, though it was still -arranged that there was to be no declaration of war by -Mary against France, the English forces being used -only for the defence of Flanders and the territory of -Calais. There were to be 8000 infantry and 1000 -horse, and an English fleet with 6000 fighting men -was to be raised and maintained, half at the cost of -England and half by Philip.</p> - -<p class='c007'>When this had been arranged, France struck her -counterblow, for it was clearly better for her to be at -open war, in which she could adopt reprisals on the -Scottish border, than to fight English contingents in -<span class='pageno' id='Page_247'>247</span>Philip’s service. The English Protestant exiles in -France were made much of and subsidised; and hare-brained -Stafford and his crew of foolish young gallants -sailed from Dieppe on Easter Sunday to seize the -crown of England for himself. He captured Scarborough, -but himself was captured directly afterwards, -and incontinently lost his head. It was a silly, hopeless -business; but the rebels had started from France, and -had been helped by the French King, and the fact -was argument enough. On the 6th June 1557, war -was declared between England and France, and Philip, -at last, saw some return for his marriage in England. -He hated war, and his methods were in all things -different from those of a soldier; but his best chance -of securing a durable peace was to show his strength -whilst his hold over English resources lasted, and it -was clear from Mary’s declining health that this would -not be long.</p> - -<p class='c007'>At the beginning of July, Philip rode for the last -time from Gravesend through Canterbury to Dover, -his ailing wife being carried in a litter by his side. On -the 3rd July he bade her farewell as he stepped into -the barge that carried him to the galleon awaiting him, -and Mary, with death in her heart, turned her back to -the sea, and went desolate to her home in London.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The combined army in Flanders was commanded by -the brilliant young soldier, Emanuel Philibert of Savoy, -who had 50,000 men, whilst the French army, under -Constable Montmorenci, reached barely half that -number. Savoy began the campaign by several rapid -feints that deceived the French, and then suddenly invested -St. Quintin, into which Coligny with 1,200 men -just managed to enter before Savoy reached it. Finding -himself in a trap, Coligny begged Montmorenci to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_248'>248</span>come to his relief. The first attempt at this failed; -and on the the 10th August the French main body -made a desperate effort to enter the town by boats -over the Somme. This was found impossible, and -Montmorenci’s force was surprised and taken in the -rear by Savoy’s superior strategy. The order to retire -was given too late, and the French retreat soon became -a panic-stricken rout. Six thousand Frenchmen were -killed, and as many more captured, with all the artillery -and Montmorenci himself; and there was no force -existent between Savoy’s victorious army and the gates -of Paris. Philip was at Cambrai during the battle; -and if he had been a soldier, like his cousin Savoy, or -even like his father, he might have captured the capital, -and have brought France to her knees. But he turned -a deaf ear to Savoy’s prayers, and lost his chance, as -he did all his life, by over-deliberation. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Te Deums</span></i> -were chanted, votive offerings promised, joy bells rung, -but Philip’s host moved no further onward. St. Quintin -itself held out for a fortnight longer; and murder, sack, -and pillage, by the rascal mercenaries of Philip, held -high saturnalia, in spite of his strict command, and to -his horror when he witnessed the havoc wrought: and -then, with the fatal over-deliberation that ruined him, -he tamely quartered his men in the conquered territory -instead of pressing his victory home.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The Germans, discontented with their loot, quarrelled -and deserted by the thousand; the English, sulky and -unpaid, grumbled incessantly; and the Spaniards -asserted that they had shown no stomach for the fight -before St. Quintin. Their hearts, indeed, were not in -the war, for it concerned them not, and they demanded -to be sent home. In London, the most was made of -the victory of St. Quintin by the Queen’s Government. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_249'>249</span>Bonfires blazed in the streets, free drink rejoiced the -lieges, and Pole, in the Queen’s name, congratulated -Philip upon so signal a mark of divine favour; but the -people wanted to gain no victories for foreigners, and -obstinately refused to be glad. Philip, as usual, was -pressed for money, and rather than keep the unruly -English contingent through the winter, he acceded to -their request to be allowed to go home.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Whilst Philip’s forces were melting away in idleness -the fine French army under Guise, who were fighting -the Spaniards outside Rome, were suddenly recalled -by Henry <span class='fss'>II.</span> to the Flemish frontier. The Pope was -then obliged to make terms with Alba, and withdrew -from the war, leaving the greater antagonists face to -face. The English fortress of Calais had been -neglected, and at the declaration of war Noailles, on -his way back to France, had reported that it might -be captured without difficulty. Guise and his army -from Italy suddenly appeared before the fortress, and -stormed and captured the Rysbank-fort on the sandy -island forming Calais harbour. The news, when it -came the next day (4th January 1558), to Mary, -found her again in high hopes of a child; and she -received it bravely, setting about means to reinforce -the town without the loss of a day. Lord Pembroke -was ordered to raise a force of 5000 men and cross -to Philip’s town of Dunkirk. But before they were -ready matters were desperate, for treachery was at -work within and without the fortress of Calais. Lord -Grey de Wilton at Guisnes was also in evil case; -‘clean cut off,’ as he says, ‘from all aid and relief. -I have looked for both out of England and Calais, -and know not how to have help by any means, either -of men or victuals. There resteth now none other -<span class='pageno' id='Page_250'>250</span>way for the succour of Calais, and the rest of your -Highness’s places on this side, but a power of men -out of England, or from the King’s Majesty, or from -both.’ A first attempt to storm the citadel of Calais -failed, but a few days later a great force of artillery -was brought to bear. Wentworth, the governor, and -Grey, the governor of Guisnes, sent beseeching -messages to Philip for relief, but the time was short, -and no sufficient force to attack Guise could be raised. -Philip from the first had been impressing upon the -English Council the need for strengthening Calais; -but, as we have seen, they were overburdened, without -money, and without any able leader. Calais had been -left to its fate, and on the 8th January 1558 the place -cheerfully surrendered to the French. A few days -afterwards Guisnes fell, and the last foothold of the -English in France was gone for ever.</p> - -<p class='c007'>When Guise had first approached Calais, Philip instructed -his favourite Count de Feria to hasten to -England and insist upon reinforcements being sent. -Before his departure Calais fell, and on arriving at -Dunkirk to embark he learnt of the loss of Guisnes; -whereupon he delayed his departure for a day, in -order not to be the bearer of the last bad news. -The tidings of the English defeats had fallen like a -thunderbolt upon Mary and her advisers; but there -was no repining yet, so far as the Queen was concerned, -for God might yet, she hoped, send her a -son, and then all would be well. She would, she -said, have the head of any councillor of hers who -dared to talk about making peace without the restitution -of the captured fortresses; and church and laymen -alike opened coffers wide to provide funds for avenging -English honour and protecting English soil.</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_251'>251</span>Feria arrived in London on the 26th January, -though the primary reason of his mission had disappeared -when Calais fell. He saw Mary immediately, -and found her stout of heart and hopeful, desirous of -all things to please her husband, though doubtful -about the goodwill of her Council. Two days afterwards -Feria met the Council in Pole’s room, and -presented his master’s demands. Mary had told the -ambassador that both they, and the people at large, -were murmuring that the war was of Philip’s making, -and she thought that it would be well boldly to face -and refute that point before it was advanced by the -councillors. The Council listened politely to the -King’s message, and recognising that they had before -them the ideas not only of King Philip, but of their -own Queen as well, took time to reply. A day or -two afterwards the Council visited Feria, and Archbishop -Heath, the chancellor, delivered their answer. -It was couched in submissive language towards Philip, -and told a sorry story. Far from being able to send -any troops across the sea, they badly wanted troops -for their own defence. The coast and the Isle of -Wight were at the mercy of the French, and an -invasion was threatened over the Scottish Border. -But if King Philip would send them 3000 German -mercenaries, for which they would pay, they would -quarter them in Newcastle to protect the north -country, and they would then arm a hundred ships -in the Channel with a considerable force of men, -some of whom might be used, at need, for Philip’s -service. Feria reported that the 5000 Englishmen -he had seen at Dover, intended for embarkation, were -disorderly rascals, useless as soldiers, and he and his -master agreed that nothing could now be expected -<span class='pageno' id='Page_252'>252</span>from England in the form of a military contingent -for foreign service.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The country, says Feria, is in such a condition that -if a hundred enemies were to land on the coast they -could do as they liked.<a id='r161' /><a href='#f161' class='c013'><sup>[161]</sup></a> Confusion was spreading -throughout all classes in England, owing to the dislike -of the war for the sake of Spain, and to the disquieting -news of the Queen’s health. Not a third -of the usual congregation go to church since the fall -of Calais, reported Feria; and when, in a conversation -with the Queen, the ambassador explained to her how -the Spanish nobility were bound to contribute so many -mounted men each, in case of war, Mary sadly shook -her head at the idea of applying any such rule to -England. ‘Not all the nobility of England together,’ -she said, ‘would furnish her with a hundred horse.’ -Parliament was sitting, and at the demand of money -tongues began to wag that it was to send across the -sea to the Queen’s Spanish husband, whose proud -envoy could only sneer and scoff at the clumsy -English way of raising funds for their sovereign, and -tell everybody that he would be only too glad if he -could prevail upon them to raise the necessary money -for their own defence, for his master wanted none of -it from them.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Philip did not go so far as that, for he was very -hard pressed indeed, and urged upon Mary some -other way of collecting funds besides the parliamentary -vote. In vain Gresham tried to borrow £10,000 in -Antwerp on the Queen’s credit; attempts to cajole -more money from the church and the nobles were -made with but small result. The money from the -parliamentary grant and other sources that could be -<span class='pageno' id='Page_253'>253</span>got together was sent to Flanders to pay for the -raising of German levies for the English service; -and at once the murmurs in London grew to angry -shouts, that English money was being sent out for -King Philip. The fitting out of the English fleet, -ostensibly for coast defence, was hurried forward, for -the distracted English councillors were deluded into -the idea that a great combined movement would be -made to recover Calais: they were frightened by a -false rumour that there was a strong French fleet at -Dieppe, that the Hanse Towns and Denmark would -descend on the east coast; anything to get them to -push forward a strong fleet, really, though not -ostensibly, for Philip’s purpose. But Philip took -care when the fleet was ready that Clinton should -use it as he desired;<a id='r162' /><a href='#f162' class='c013'><sup>[162]</sup></a> and the much talked of 3000 -German mercenaries never came to England, but in -due time were incorporated in Philip’s army. It is -curious to see how cleverly Feria and his master -worked off the Queen against her councillors, and -vice versa. With regard to these mercenaries, for -instance, though the King was constantly sending -letters and messages to his wife, he purposely -refrained from mentioning his desire to make use of -the Germans, for whom she had paid. ‘I am writing -nothing of this to the Queen,’ he wrote; ‘I would -rather that you (Feria) should prudently work with -the councillors to induce them to ask <em>us</em> to relieve -them of these troops.’<a id='r163' /><a href='#f163' class='c013'><sup>[163]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Mary’s hopes of progeny were once more seen to be -delusive; and she, in deep despondency now, was -<span class='pageno' id='Page_254'>254</span>seen to be rapidly failing. Pole also was a dying man, -said Feria; and all the other councillors, though constantly -clamouring for Spanish bribes, were drifting -away from the present regime. ‘Those whom your -Majesty has rewarded most are the men who serve -the least: Pembroke, Arundel, Paget, Petre, Heath, -the Bishop of Ely and the Controller.’ Even Philip -himself was ready now to turn to the rising sun, and -away from his waning wife. ‘What you write (he -replied to Feria) about visiting Madam Elizabeth -before you leave England, for the reasons you mention, -seems very wise; and I am writing to the Queen that -I have ordered you to go and see the Princess, and I -beg the Queen also to order you to do so.’<a id='r164' /><a href='#f164' class='c013'><sup>[164]</sup></a> When -Feria had frightened the Queen and Council out of -all that was possible, he went to Hatfield to see -Elizabeth, with all manner of kind messages and -significant hints from Philip; and sailed from England -in July, leaving as his successor a Flemish lawyer -named D’assonleville.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Mary had lost all hope. She knew now, at last, -that she would never be a mother: the persecutions -for religion, and above all the war for the sake of -Philip, had made her personally unpopular, as she -never had been before; she had not a single, honest -capable statesman near her, Pole being now moribund, -but a set of greedy scamps who looked to their own -interests alone; and the doomed Queen saw that not -for her was to be the glory of making England permanently -Catholic, and ensuring uniformity of faith in -Christendom. As the autumn went on the Queen’s -condition became more grave, and constant fever -weakened her sadly. In the last week of October -<span class='pageno' id='Page_255'>255</span>D’assonleville wrote to Philip that the Queen’s life -was despaired of, and Feria was instructed to make -rapidly ready to cross, and stay in England during -the period of transition that would supervene on her -death. On the 7th November D’assonleville wrote -again, urging that, as Parliament had been summoned -to consider the question of the succession, it would be -well that Philip himself should if possible be present. -This was true; but Philip had his hands full, and, -even for so important an errand as this, he could not -absent himself from Flanders; for the peace commissioners -from England, France, and Spain were in full -negotiation, and peace to him now was a matter of -vital importance.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Feria arrived in London on the 9th November, and -found Mary lying in her palace of Saint James’s only -intermittently conscious. She smiled sadly as the -ambassador handed her Philip’s letter, and greeted her -in his name; but she was too weak to read the lines -he had written, though she indicated that a favourite -ring of hers should be sent to him as a pledge of -her love. Her faithful Clarentius and beloved Jane -Dormer, already betrothed to Feria, whom she afterwards -married, tended her day and night: but most of -the others who had surrounded her in the day of her -glory were wending their way to Hatfield, to court the -fair-faced young woman with the thin lips and cold eyes -who was waiting composedly for her coming crown. -Feria himself took care to announce loudly his master’s -approval of Elizabeth’s accession when her sister should -die; and did his best to second the Queen’s efforts -to obtain some assurance from the Princess that the -Catholic faith and worship should be maintained in -England. Elizabeth was cool and diplomatic. She -<span class='pageno' id='Page_256'>256</span>knew well that she must succeed in any case, and was -already fully agreed with her friends as to the course -she should take, careful not to pledge herself too far -for the future; and when Feria, leaving the Queen’s -deathbed, travelled to Hatfield to see the Princess, -she was courteous enough, but firmly rejected every -suggestion that she should owe anything to the patronage -of the King of Spain.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Mary in her intervals of consciousness was devout -and resigned, comforting the few friends who were -left to sorrow around her bed, and exhorting them to -faith and fortitude. It was the 17th November, and -the light was struggling through the murky morning -across the mist upon the marshes between Saint -James’s and the Thames, when the daily mass in -Mary’s dying chamber was being celebrated. The -Queen was sick to death now, but the sacrament she -ordered for the last time riveted her wandering brain, -and the clouds that had obscured her intelligence -passed away, giving place to almost preternatural -clearness. She repeated the responses distinctly and -firmly; and when the celebrant chanted ‘<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Agnus Dei -qui tollis peccatur mundi</span></i>,’ she exclaimed with almost -startling plainness, ‘<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Miserere nobis! Miserere nobis! -Dona nobis pacem</span></i>‘; then, as the Host was elevated, -she bowed in worship, with closed eyes that opened -no more upon the world that for her had been so -troubled.</p> - -<p class='c007'>And so, with a prayer for mercy and peace upon -her lips, and her last gaze on earth resting upon the -holy mystery of her faith, Mary Tudor went to her -account.<a id='r165' /><a href='#f165' class='c013'><sup>[165]</sup></a> Her life was but a passing episode in the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_257'>257</span>English Reformation; for she was handicapped from -the first by her unpopular marriage, and the unstatesmanlike -religious policy of her ecclesiastical advisers. -Like her mother, and her grandmother Isabel, she -would deign to no compromise with what she considered -evil. ‘Rather would I lose ten crowns if I had them,’ -she exclaimed once, ‘than palter with my conscience’; -and, though to a less exalted degree, this was Philip’s -attitude of mind also. Fate cast them both in an age -when rigidity of belief was breaking down before the -revival of ancient learning, and the widened outlook -of life growing from the renaissance. They were -pitted against rivals whose convictions were as wax, -but who were determined not only to win but to -appear right in this world, at any sacrifice of principle; -and the fight was an unequal one. Mary could not -change—only once under dire compulsion did she -even pretend to give way in the matter of religion—Elizabeth -changed as often and as completely as -suited her purpose: Philip had only one invariable -set of convictions and methods, his rivals had none, -but invented them and abandoned them as occasion -served.</p> - -<p class='c007'>And so Mary Tudor failed; pitiably, because she -was naturally a good woman, who did her best according -to her conscience. But the defects of her descent -were too strong for her: she was a Tudor, and consequently -domineering and obstinate; she was a grand-daughter -of Isabel the Catholic, and as a natural result -mystically devout and exalted, caring nothing for human -suffering in the pursuit of her saintly aims; she was an -English Queen, proud of her island realm; a Spanish -princess, almost equally proud of the land of the -Catholic kings; and, to crown all, she was the consort -<span class='pageno' id='Page_258'>258</span>of Philip <span class='fss'>II.</span>, pledged to the cause for which he lived, -the unification of the Christian faith and the destruction -of the power of France. Within a year of her death -England was a Protestant country, and Philip was -married to a French princess.</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_259'>259</span> - <h2 class='c005'><span class='large'>BOOK III</span><br /> <span class='large'>II</span><br /> ISABEL OF THE PEACE<br /> <span class='large'>(ELIZABETH DE VALOIS)</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_261'>261</span>When Mary Tudor lay dying at Saint James’s, and all -England was in the throes of coming change, Feria -archly hinted to Elizabeth that she might secure her -succession and consolidate her throne by marrying her -Spanish brother-in-law when her sister should die. -Elizabeth loved such hints and smiled, though she did -not commit herself; and for the next few weeks the -main endeavour of Philip and his agents was to -perpetuate his hold over England by means of the -marriage of the new Queen. They all failed at first -to gauge her character. Feria was certain that if she -decided to marry a foreigner, ‘her eyes would at once -turn to your Majesty’; and, at length, after his usual -tedious deliberation and endless prayers, Philip once -more donned the garb of matrimonial martyrdom and -bade Feria offer his hand to the daughter of Anne -Boleyn. The conditions he laid down were ridiculous, -for even he quite misunderstood the strength of Elizabeth -and the new national spirit of her people. She -must amongst many other things become a Catholic, -and obtain secret absolution from the Pope. ‘In this -way it will be evident that I am serving the Lord in -marrying her, and that she has been converted by my -act.’ Elizabeth keenly enjoyed the compliment conveyed -by the offer; but she neither wished nor dared -to accept it, and she played with the subject with delightful -skill until the latest possible moment. While -<span class='pageno' id='Page_262'>262</span>the question was pending, Philip kept open the peace -negotiations with France, in order that, if he had his -way in England, pressure might be exerted to obtain -the restitution of Calais; but as soon as it became clear -that he was being used by this cunning young woman -as a cat’s paw, he gave her clearly to understand that -he intended to make peace himself, Calais or no Calais; -and the treaty of Cateau Cambresis was signed on the -2nd April 1559, leaving the erstwhile English fortress -in the hands of France.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Throughout the negotiations that followed Elizabeth’s -accession, Philip’s advisers urged upon him -incessantly the vital need for him to retain his hold over -England by conquest and force if other means failed. -The new Queen, they said, was not yet firmly established; -the country was unsettled, and now was the -time to act if ever. Philip was well aware that the -friendship of England was of greater importance to -him than ever, but he hated war, and the growth of -protestantism in Europe, especially now that Elizabeth -was Queen of England, had suggested to him a combination -that exactly suited his diplomatic methods. -When the peace negotiations had first been broached -in the summer of 1558, Henry <span class='fss'>II.</span> of France had suggested -that a close league of the great Catholic powers -might be formed to withstand the growth of heresy -throughout Europe. Such combinations had been -attempted several times before, but had never been -sincerely carried out; national traditions had always -been too strong. It had been further proposed at the -ephemeral truce of Vaucelles in 1556, that the friendship -of France and Spain might be cemented by the -marriage of Philip’s only son Carlos to Henry’s eldest -daughter Elizabeth of France.</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_263'>263</span>The idea slumbered and the truce was broken; but -at the beginning of the peace negotiations of Cateau -Cambresis the marriage was again brought forward, -and in principle accepted by Philip. When it became -evident after Mary Tudor’s death that England under -the new Queen might stand aside, or even permanently -oppose Spain on religious grounds, Philip decided that -an entire change of policy that should isolate Elizabeth -would suit him better than war. So a close union with -France was adopted; Philip’s name was substituted for -that of his son in the treaty, and the widower of thirty-two -became the betrothed husband of the most -beautiful and gifted princess in Europe, the dainty eldest -daughter of Henry <span class='fss'>II.</span> and Catharine de Medici. It -was a clever stroke of policy; for it not only bound -France to Philip against heresy everywhere, as it was -intended to do, but it enabled him to counteract from -the inside any attempt on the part of his allies to depose -Elizabeth of England in favour of Mary Queen -of Scots, the next Catholic heir and the betrothed wife -of the Dauphin of France. So far as France was -concerned, the substitution of Philip for his son as a -husband of the princess was an advantage. Don -Carlos, though of the same age as the bride (14), was -a deformed, stunted epileptic, who probably for years -to come, if ever, would not possess any political power; -whereas Philip, in the prime of manhood, was by far -the most powerful sovereign in the world at the time, -and could, if he chose, at once render any aid that -France might need in suppressing the reformers.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Elizabeth of Valois, or Isabel of the Peace, as the -Spaniards called her, was the flower of an evil flock. -Tall, graceful, and well formed, even in her precocious -youth, she had been destined from her birth for splendid -<span class='pageno' id='Page_264'>264</span>marriage. ‘My daughter, Elizabeth, is such that she -must not be married to a duchy. She must have a -kingdom, and a great one,’ said her proud father once, -when his younger daughter Claude was married to the -Duke of Lorraine; and the Spanish ambassador, -describing her magnificent christening feast at Fontainebleau, -in July 1546, says that: ‘Isabel was chosen -for her name, because of the hope they have at a future -time of a marriage between her and the Infant (<em>i.e.</em> Don -Carlos), and Isabel is a name beloved in Spain.’<a id='r166' /><a href='#f166' class='c013'><sup>[166]</sup></a> We -may doubt the correctness of this; for the Princess’s -sponsor was Henry <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> of England, and probably he -chose the name after his own mother, Elizabeth of York.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Isabel grew up by the side of her sister-in-law, the -young Queen of Scots; and although the latter was -four years the senior of her companion, they were close -rivals in the learning then becoming fashionable for -young ladies of rank. The curious Latin and French -didactic letters written by Mary Stuart, aged ten or -eleven, to her little sister-in-law, although prim and -priggish according to our present ideas, throw a flood of -light upon the severe and systematic training for their -future position that the young princesses underwent. -After making all allowances for inevitable flattery on the -part of such a courtier as Brantome, it is evident that -Isabel was a beauty of the very first rank. ‘Her visage -was lovely and her eyes and hair black, which contrasted -with her complexion, and made her so attractive, that -I have heard say in Spain that the gentlemen did not -dare to look at her, for fear of falling in love with her, -and to their own peril making the King jealous. The -<span class='pageno' id='Page_265'>265</span>churchmen also avoided looking at her for fear of -temptation; as they did not possess sufficient strength -to dominate the flesh on regarding her.’ In 1552 she -was betrothed to Edward <span class='fss'>VI.</span> of England, and this -danger to Spain, averted by Edward’s death, made -Philip and his father all the more eager to keep a firm -hold upon England as soon as Mary’s accession made -an alliance possible.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It was this young beauty of fourteen whose portrait -by Janet was sent to Philip in the early days of 1559. -He was always an admirer of women, and had been -twice an affectionate husband; but his first wife he -had married when he was but a boy, and she died -within a year; and his second wife, Mary Tudor, -was, as we have seen, married to him for political -reasons alone. Doña Isabel de Osorio, who had been -his acknowledged mistress for years, and had borne -him children, had retired into a convent, and was, of -course, now out of the question. The sight of this -radiant young French beauty seems to have stirred -Philip’s heart to as much eagerness as he was capable -of feeling.<a id='r167' /><a href='#f167' class='c013'><sup>[167]</sup></a> But though the bride was an attractive -one, and her own family exhausted eulogy in her -praise, as well they might, for no princess of her -time excelled her, the marriage was regarded on both -sides as a political event of the first importance, -though, as we shall see, it became really more important -even than was anticipated. It was vital for -Philip that he should have some control over French -policy now that friendship with England was denied -<span class='pageno' id='Page_266'>266</span>him; whilst to have his own clever daughter by the -side of Philip was to the King of France a guarantee -that no step inimical to him would be taken in Spain -without his knowledge, and that he could depend upon -the help, or at least the neutrality, of Spain if he had -to deal with the French and Scotch reformers, who -seemed to threaten the basis of authority. Thenceforward -the Catholic sheep were to stand apart from -the Protestant goats throughout the world.</p> - -<p class='c007'>So, when the saturnine Duke of Alba, with his -train of gallant gentlemen, rode into Paris on the -19th June 1559 to wed Isabel, as proxy for Philip, -the court and capital, all swept and garnished in its -gayest garb, were impressed with the knowledge that -these brilliant nuptials were intended to mark a new -departure in the politics of Christendom. Led by the -princes of the blood royal of France, the Spaniards -and Flemings who represented Philip rode through -the crowded and jubilant city to the Louvre, heralded -by triumphal music, and were received at the door -by Henry <span class='fss'>II.</span> and his court. Alba dismounted and -knelt at the King’s feet, but was raised and embraced -by Henry, and, arm in arm, Philip’s proxy and his -erstwhile enemy entered the great hall where the -Queen Catharine and her daughter sat in gorgeous -state, surrounded by their ladies. As Alba knelt and -kissed the hem of the girl’s robe, it was noticed that -the colour fled from her cheek, and she rose from -her chair and remained standing whilst the Duke -read to her Philip’s message, and handed to her the -splendid casket of jewels he had sent her. One of -the gifts was a portrait of the bridegroom in a superb -diamond locket, which Isabel pressed to her lips.</p> - -<p class='c007'>On the next day, 20th June, the same great hall -<span class='pageno' id='Page_267'>267</span>of the Louvre was crowded with the princes and -nobles of France, whilst the solemn betrothal ceremony -was performed that gave to Isabel the title of -Queen of Spain: and on Thursday, 21st June, the -capital was alive from early dawn for the marriage -itself. Frenchmen and Spaniards alike could speak -of nothing but the dignity and beauty of the bride. -Even Alba, dour as he was, broke into exclamations -at the perfections of the new Queen, and grew almost -romantic in her praises in his letters to Philip. Isabel, -indeed, had been well schooled by her mother, whom -she feared and admired more than any other person -in the world. Catharine de Medici was still, to some -extent, in the shade, for the Duchess of Valentinois -was the real Queen; but she was profoundly wise, -and had moulded her favourite daughter well for the -character she was destined to play. Isabel herself -was fully conscious of the great position she was -called to fill, and was proud of the triumph that was -hers.</p> - -<p class='c007'>She bore herself throughout the trying ceremonies -with a composure and grace which she knew were -fitting for the Queen of Spain; and as she glided, -holding her handsome father’s hand, along the -gorgeous raised and covered gangway leading from -the bishop’s palace to the great door of Notre Dame, -she presented a vision of beauty adorned with such -stately magnificence as can rarely have been surpassed, -even at the marriage of her friend and sister-in-law, -Mary Stuart, in the same place shortly before. -The texture of Isabel’s robe was literally interwoven -with pearls. Round her neck was suspended Philip’s -portrait, and the great pear-shaped pearl which -was the greatest treasure in the crown jewels of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_268'>268</span>Spain. Her mantle was of blue velvet, enriched -with a border of bullion embroidery a foot wide. -The train of this gorgeous robe was borne by her -sister Claude, Duchess of Lorraine, and Mary Stuart, -Queen of Scots, and, as she foolishly called herself, -Queen of England. Isabel wore an imperial crown -which, we are told, cast a halo of light around her -as she walked, so refulgent were the jewels of which -it was composed.<a id='r168' /><a href='#f168' class='c013'><sup>[168]</sup></a> Alba, in cloth of gold and with -the royal insignia, personated his absent master, and -in his name was married to the Princess by Cardinal -de Bourbon. Splendour truly seems to have excelled -itself in that sumptuous court on this occasion; the -long-standing enemies, France and Spain, each trying -to outdazzle the other in its lavish magnificence.</p> - -<p class='c007'>But scowling faces there were not a few, for this -was the triumph of the house of Lorraine, and the -debonair Duke of Guise and his brothers took no -pains to hide their elation, whilst the princes of the -blood of the house of Bourbon, the Montmorencis and -the reformers were full of foreboding, for they knew -now that their enemies could look across the Pyrenees, -almost certain of aid from the most powerful potentate -on earth. Queen Catharine, too, clerical though she -was, smiled with a bitter heart, for she had no love -for the house of Guise. For days the festivities went -on: masque and banquet, ball and tournament following -each other with wearisome brilliancy, for another -daughter of France, Margaret, was wedded at the -same time to the Duke of Savoy, and the double -nuptials called for double display.</p> - -<p class='c007'>At length the last and greatest of the gallant shows -was held under the shadow of the Bastille, hard by the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_269'>269</span>gate of St. Antoine, on the 30th June. In gorgeous -tribunes under broidered silken canopies sat the Queen -of France and Spain, Catharine and her dearest -daughter; and the Duchesses of Lorraine and Savoy, -with the fairest court in Christendom, gathered around -the great parallelogram of the lists to witness the tournament. -The glittering courtiers, gay as they looked, -who stood behind the ladies in the seats, knew that -the wedding feast really celebrated a political event of -the first consequence. It foreboded the suppression -of Protestantism in Scotland by France, a war with -England, and the crushing of reform in France itself -and in Flanders; for there was to be no more paralysing -rivalry between Philip and his new father-in-law, -and it made the Catholic Guises the masters of France.</p> - -<p class='c007'>But none could tell that the stroke that was to set all -these events into immediate motion was to fall so soon. -Henry <span class='fss'>II.</span>, shallow and vain of his unquestioned preeminence -in the gallant sport, rode into the lists upon -a big bay war horse, decked, like its rider, with the -black and white devices and interlaced crescents of -Diane de Poitiers, Duchess of Valentinois. The -King of France was determined in the presence of -the Spanish grandees to show that he, at least, was -no carpet knight, like their King Philip, and he rode -course after course victoriously with princes and nobles, -until the light began to wane. Catharine, desirous of -ending the dangerous sport, sent a message from her -tribune to pray her husband to tilt no more for that -day. Henry laughed to scorn such timid counsel. -He would run once more against the Franco-Scot -Montgomerie, Sieur de L’Orge, who tried his best to -avoid the encounter without success. At the first shock -Montgomerie’s lance carried away the King’s visor, but -<span class='pageno' id='Page_270'>270</span>the shaft broke with the force of the impact and a -great jagged splinter pierced the eye and brain of -Henry of Valois, who, within three days, was dead.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The whole political position was changed in a day. -The new King Francis and his wife, Mary Stuart, -were little more than children; and the young Queen’s -uncles the Guises would rule France unless Catharine -the Queen Dowager could beat them on their own -ground. For her, indeed, the hour had now come, or -was coming. For years she had been patient whilst -the King’s mistress held sway; but if she could combine -the enemies of the Guises now she might be -mistress of France. The alliance with Spain was no -longer to be used if she could help it as a means for -crushing Protestantism; for to Protestantism she must -partly look to crush the Guises; but if by diplomacy -and the efforts of her daughter Isabel she could win -Spanish support to her side on personal grounds, then -she might triumph over her foes. It needed, as we -shall see, consummate skill and chicanery, and, in the -end, it did not succeed; for Philip would naturally in -the long run tend towards the Guises, the enemies of -reform, and he was easily led by a woman.</p> - -<p class='c007'>And thus the mission of Isabel of Valois in marrying -Philip was changed in a moment by Montgomerie’s -unlucky lance thrust from a national and religious to -a personal and political object. But Philip was a -difficult man to be used for the ends of others; what -he had needed was French neutrality whilst he tackled -heresy, and he had no desire to forward the interests -of an ambitious Italian woman whom he hated; though -at first there was just one element that made him inclined -to smile upon Catharine, doubtfully orthodox -though she was. The Queen of Scots and France -<span class='pageno' id='Page_271'>271</span>was Catholic heiress of England; and the Guises were -already preparing to employ French national forces to -oust Elizabeth in favour of their niece. This Philip -could never have permitted: better for him a Protestant -England than a French England: so again -national interests overrode religious affinities, and -before the ink of the treaty of Cateau Cambresis was -well dry the spirit that inspired the agreement was as -dead as the king who had conceived it.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Philip was still at Ghent when the news of Henry’s -death reached him, yearning to get back again to his -beloved Spain, and full of anxiety that even there the -detested heresy was raising its head in his absence. -His Netherlands dominions would clearly have to be -taught submission; Elizabeth of England was positively -insolent in her disregard of him, and if Spain -failed in orthodoxy then indeed would he and his cause -be lost. His most pressing need therefore, for the -moment, was to keep the alliance with France intact -for the purpose he had in view, whilst restraining the -activity of the Guises in England on behalf of their -niece, Mary Stuart. All went well in this respect at -first. The Montmorencis and the princes of Bourbon -were divested of political power, the ultra-Catholic -party was paramount, and even the Queen-Mother, -Catharine, was working in apparent harmony with the -Guises. But to keep his hand firmly upon the machine -of government in France, it was desirable for Philip to -have at his side at the earliest possible day his young -French wife. Whilst Isabel was yet in mourning -seclusion with her mother, Philip continued to press -for her early coming, and in July the French ambassador, -the Guisan Bishop of Limoges, told the impatient -bridegroom that the Princess now only awaited -<span class='pageno' id='Page_272'>272</span>the instructions of her future husband to commence -the journey towards the Spanish frontier.</p> - -<p class='c007'>As usual, the smallest detail was discussed and -settled by Philip with his Council at Ghent; the -choice of the Queen’s confessor, the exact etiquette to -be followed on her reception in Spanish territory and -afterwards, the number of her French household, the -amount of baggage she and her suite might bring, and -even the exact manner in which she was to greet the -Spaniards who went to receive her. On the 3rd -August Philip wrote from Ghent to the Cardinal -Archbishop of Burgos to make ready with his brother, -the Duke of Infantado, to proceed to the frontier for -the new Queen’s reception soon after the King himself -should arrive in Spain. But Isabel’s departure from -her own land could not be arranged hurriedly. There -was a prodigious trousseau to be prepared, so enormous, -indeed, as to strike with dismay the Spanish officers -who had to arrange for its conveyance over the -Pyrenees and the rough bridle paths of Spain; -Catharine, too, was loath to let her daughter go -before she had indoctrinated her with her new task -in Spain, and she insisted upon her attending the -coronation of her brother, Francis <span class='fss'>II.</span>, at Rheims in mid -September.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Philip, always impatient for the coming of his bride, -arrived in Spain by sea on the 8th September 1559; -and signalised his arrival by the great <i><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">auto de fe</span></i> at -Valladolid, that was to indicate to Europe that heresy -was to be burnt out of the dominions of the Catholic -king. Full of far-reaching religious plans, for which -it was necessary that he should be sure of France, the -presence of his French wife by his side was more than -ever necessary, and in October he sent a special envoy, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_273'>273</span>Count Buendia, to France to demand that the bride -should start at once: ‘first, because of the great desire -of his Majesty to see and keep the Catholic Queen in -his realm as soon as possible, he begs most earnestly -his good brother the Christian King and Queen -Catharine, to arrange so that, in any case, the Queen -should start at once, and arrive at Bayonne by the -end of November.’<a id='r169' /><a href='#f169' class='c013'><sup>[169]</sup></a> Another letter from the King to -the same effect was written to Isabel herself, and she -in reply promised through the French ambassador in -Spain to delay her departure no longer.</p> - -<p class='c007'>But week followed week, and yet the bride came -not. Splendid presents and loving messages from -Philip went to her frequently, and kind replies were -returned from Isabel and her mother. But intrigue -was already rife in the French court, and Catharine -was trying to gain promises from Philip to support -her against those who, she said, were bent upon disturbing -her son’s realm. So every excuse was seized -upon to keep Isabel in France, until Philip had -promised what was required. The French found him -anything but compliant, and at length, in the depth -of winter (17th December), Isabel, with her mother -and brother, and a great train of courtiers, left Blois -on her long journey south. The household of the -new Queen appointed by her mother was extremely -numerous, notwithstanding the remonstrances of -Philip’s agents, who broadly hinted that they would -not be allowed to remain in Spain. Three of the -Bourbon princes of the blood, Anthony, Duke of -Vendome, husband of Jeanne d’Albret, titular Queen -of Navarre, his brother, Cardinal de Bourbon, and -the Prince of Roche sur Yon, were to accompany her -<span class='pageno' id='Page_274'>274</span>to the frontier, a good excuse for sending them away -from Paris, and two Bourbon princesses, the Countess -d’Harcourt (Madame de Rieux), and her niece, Anne -of Bourbon, were to go with her into Spain.</p> - -<p class='c007'>All these great personages and scores of others -needed long lists of servitors and trains of baggage, -and the journey over the snowy winter paths was long -and tedious. The greatest difficulty was foreseen, however, -in the transport over the Pyrenees of the vast -mass of impedimenta taken by Isabel and her ladies. -Much of it was sent by sea, and was only received -in Spain after long delay and continued annoyance to -the ladies, who had to appear in the ceremonies without -their fine clothes. The girl lost heart as the time -grew near to bid farewell to her mother. She loved -France dearly, with an ardour she never lost to the -last day of her life, and the French people returned -her devotion. Along the roads to Chatellerault crowds -stood in tears, invoking blessings upon the angel who -was to be sacrificed on the altar of peace. France -and Spain had been at war for generations: Philip’s -cold, haughty demeanour, which had earned him the -dislike of Flemings, was equally distasteful to Frenchmen, -and stories current of the gloomy rigidity of his -monastic court struck the heart of the bright young -beauty with fear and dread.</p> - -<p class='c007'>For some days Catharine and her daughter stayed -at Chatellerault, loath to say goodbye; but at last, on -the 29th November, the parting could be delayed no -longer, and, heartbroken, mother and daughter took a -tearful farewell. Isabel had been reared in the poetical -court in which Ronsard sang, and every courtier wooed -in verse. Mary Stuart throughout her life showed the -effects of such training, and so did Isabel. She and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_275'>275</span>her mother had exchanged poetical letters during the -months of their mourning, and continued to do so -afterwards; and on her lonely way from Chatellerault -Isabel solaced herself by inditing a letter in verse to -the beloved mother whom she had just left. As poetry -it leaves much to be desired. The poem is too long -to quote, but in it the writer compares her desire to -see her husband with the much stronger natural love -for her mother, who, she says, is to her father, mother, -and husband in one. The epistle ends thus:—</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b c014'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Tantost je sens mon œil plorer puis ryre,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mais la fin est toujours d’estre martyre,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Qui durera sans prendre fin ne cesse,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Jusques á tant que je reprenne adresse</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Pour retourner vers vous en diligence:</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lors oblyant la trop facheuse absence</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Je recevrai la joye et le plaisir,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Et joyrez de mon parfait desir</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">D’ensemble veoir père mère et mari.</span>’<a id='r170' /><a href='#f170' class='c013'><sup>[170]</sup></a></div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c015'>The next morning brought Isabel a similar poem of -regretful adieu from her mother, and some really -poetical lines from Mary Stuart, in which the following -occur:—</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b c014'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Les pleurs font mal au cœur joyeux et sain,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mais au dolent, ils servent quasi de pain:</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Car si le mal par les pleurs n’est allegé</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">A tout moins il en est soulagé.</span>’</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c007'>Through snow-clad France the long cavalcade slowly -made its way. Endless questions of etiquette, prompted -by pride and jealousy on both sides, occupied French -and Spanish officials the while. Philip, as usual, saw -to the smallest point himself. The proud Mendoza -<span class='pageno' id='Page_276'>276</span>Cardinal objected to give precedence to the King of -Navarre, as he was not a real king, and the Doge of -Venice had always given place to Cardinal Mendoza. -‘The Prince of Roche sur Yon may be called “lordship,” -because he is of royal blood, but he must have only -the privileges of an ambassador whilst in Spain.’ The -Countess of Ureña, who was to be Isabel’s mistress -of the robes, a proud dame in Philip’s entire confidence, -was to keep close to the Queen, and decide all points -of feminine etiquette; whilst Lopez de Guzman, -Isabel’s Spanish chief steward, was to arrange everything -according to Spanish etiquette in her table -service. Cardinal Mendoza was instructed to alight -and salute the Queen humbly when he first approached -her, and his brother the Duke was to kiss her hand, -notwithstanding any reluctance she might show. Each -morning the Cardinal was to visit her, whereupon she -was to receive him standing, and order an arm-chair to -be brought for him, and he was to be seated whilst he -stayed with her. The Duke of Infantado, chief of the -Mendozas, was only to be received by the Queen -standing the first time he visited her, and for him was -to be brought a red velvet stool upon which to sit; but -the Duke was warned that this privilege was only to -last during the journey, and was to cease when Isabel -joined her husband.<a id='r171' /><a href='#f171' class='c013'><sup>[171]</sup></a> And so on, down to the smaller -courtiers in gradation, the honours to be given and -received are all set down in minute detail, that of itself -was sufficient to strike awe in a young girl of fifteen, -who had passed her life in the gay poetical court of her -father.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It was a cruel irony that sent Anthony de Bourbon, -the shadowy King Consort of Navarre, to deliver the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_277'>277</span>French Consort of the real King of Navarre to her -husband on the frontier of the little mountain kingdom, -and he probably only accepted the mission in the hope -that the long-pending negotiations with Spain, for -giving him some adequate compensation, such as the -title of King of Sardinia, might be advantageously -pushed on such an occasion. Philip fooled poor vain -Anthony as long as it suited him, but without the -remotest intention of giving any satisfaction to the -house of Navarre. When, therefore, in deep snowdrifts -the Queen’s cavalcade reached the little frontier -town of St. Jean Pied de Port on the last day in the -year 1559, and France was all behind them, Anthony -and the other Bourbon princes were on the alert to -resent any slight that might be offered to them by -the Spaniards. The exchange of the Queen to the -custody of her husband’s envoys was to be made at -a point between St. Jean and the Spanish hamlet of -Roncesvalles, but the inclement weather and heavy snow -made it impossible to reach the elevated spot agreed -upon; and for three days Isabel and her French suite -tarried weatherbound at St. Jean. For the first time -she donned there the Spanish dress, and received -some of her Spanish household; and on the 3rd -January 1560 she started on horseback towards the -frontier, for she refused to enter her new realm in a -litter, and thus, with her veritable army of attendants -and baggage-train, she tramped through the savage -pass and into the valley of Valcarlos into Spain.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The cold was intense, and through the elevated -mountain paths the snowstorm drove furiously, yet -she pushed bravely on until she could gain the shelter -of the monastery church of Our Lady of Roncesvalles -in Spanish territory. It was a great concession for -<span class='pageno' id='Page_278'>278</span>the French to make, and Anthony de Bourbon would -not have crossed the frontier first but for the insistence -of Isabel, and the impossibility of carrying out the -ceremonious programme of handing over the Queen -in a Pyrenean pass in a mid-winter snowstorm. -Further than Roncesvalles he was determined he -would not go, though only five miles further, at the -village of Espinal, the Cardinal and the Duke with -the Spanish train were lodged. At the gate of the -Augustinian monastery, where the King of Navarre -helped the almost frozen Queen to alight, there stood -beside the prior and dignitaries a group of Spanish -nobles who had ridden over from Espinal unofficially -to greet their new Queen; and after the religious -ceremony and prayers in the beautifully decorated -church, these nobles and their followers almost came -to open fight with the Frenchmen. As Isabel left -the church to enter the apartments in the monastery -assigned to her, the Spaniards, jealous that in their -own country Frenchmen alone should attend the -Queen, flocked in unbidden after her, and had to be -forcibly ejected by those in attendance upon her.<a id='r172' /><a href='#f172' class='c013'><sup>[172]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Distrust and suspicion prevailed on all hands. It -had been arranged, after much courtly wrangling, that -the transfer of the custody of the Queen should take -place at a point exactly midway between Roncesvalles -and Espinal, but King Anthony made the weather an -excuse—probably a perfectly good one—for urging -the Spaniards to come the whole way to Roncesvalles, -rather than expose the Queen and themselves to a -long ceremony in an open field three feet deep in -<span class='pageno' id='Page_279'>279</span>snow. But Infantado was shocked at the idea that -he and his brother the Cardinal should be asked to -go a step further than the Frenchmen, and refused. -Anthony remonstrated, but in vain; and in the lone -monastery in the Pyrenean valley Isabel passed two -more days waiting for either the pride or the snow -to melt. At length she lost patience. She was as -tenacious of French honour as any one, but she well -knew that the success of her mission depended upon -her winning the affections of the Spaniards, and on -the 5th January she sent for Navarre and told him -that she intended herself to ride to the spot agreed -upon for the exchange. The French nobles were -indignant, and at first inclined to shirk the journey, -but Isabel, young as she was, could be imperious -and insisted; and in torrents of sleet the great -cavalcade, with the ceremonial finery already bedraggled, -had prepared to start, when the welcome -message came from Espinal that the Duke and the -Cardinal had relented, and were now on their way to -Roncesvalles to obey, as they said, the summons of -their Queen.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The utmost confusion then ensued, for the whole -of the baggage, with hangings, furniture and dresses -had been packed, and much of it had already started -forward, especially the best frocks and furbelows of -Isabel’s crowd of ladies, who saw their beds and -finery no more for many a long day. The light was -failing in the stormy winter day when Cardinal -Mendoza and his brother Infantado, preceded by sixty -Spanish nobles in brave attire, marched side by side -up the great torch-lit hall, at the end of which Cardinal -de Bourbon stood upon a canopied dais, surrounded -by French ecclesiastics and nobles. Under the cloth -<span class='pageno' id='Page_280'>280</span>of state, blazoned with the lilies of France, the powers -of the envoys were exchanged and read; and then, -with much stately salutation and stilted verbiage, the -Spanish nobles were led to the chamber where, upon -a raised throne, Isabel awaited them with King -Anthony and the two Bourbon ladies. But the place, -a solitary mountain monastery, was unfit for courtly -ceremonies; and the Spaniards were so eager to do -homage to their new Queen that soon all seemliness -was lost, and a jostling crowd filled the presence -chamber, each Spaniard trying to get the best place -and hustling rudely aside the French, and even the -French ladies in attendance, until the latter had to -retire.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Isabel remained calm and dignified, determined to -say nothing to offend the Spaniards; but when the -Mendozas advanced, and the actual exchange was to -be made, she turned pale as she stood to receive -and greet them. Through the interminable pompous -speeches that accompanied her transfer she remained -outwardly unmoved, but when Navarre had actually -handed to the custody of Spaniards ‘this princess, -whom I have taken from the house of the greatest -king in the world to be delivered to the most -illustrious sovereign upon earth,’ and the Bourbon -princes came forward and knelt to say farewell, the -girl’s strength broke down, and she wept bitterly. -Cardinal Mendoza, apparently to improve the occasion, -advanced and chanted the verse, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Audi filia et vide -inclina aurem tuam</span></i>, and the response was intoned -by another Spanish priest, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">obliviscere populum tuum, -et domum patris tui</span></i>. She loved her people and the -home of her fathers dearly; she was going, almost -a child, to live the rest of her life amongst strangers -<span class='pageno' id='Page_281'>281</span>who had been the enemies of her house for generations, -to wed a man she had never seen, but of -whom she could have heard little but evil; and, as -the words of the versicle were croaked by the ecclesiastic, -they seemed to the overwrought girl a sentence -of doom, and in an agony of tears she threw herself -into the arms of Anthony of Navarre and his brother -the Cardinal. She was led away gently by Infantado, -with some chiding words that she, the Queen of Spain, -should so condescend to the Duke of Vendome. In -the midst of her grief she answered with spirit that -she did so by order of her brother, and, ‘as to princes -of the blood, and after the fashion of the nation to -which, up to that moment, she had belonged.’<a id='r173' /><a href='#f173' class='c013'><sup>[173]</sup></a> And, -so still in tears, the beautiful black-eyed girl was led -to the Spanish litter awaiting her, and through the -heavily-falling snow was carried, to the sound of many -hautboys and trumpets, to the wretched village of -Burgete, where she was to pass the night; even there, -comforted by the beds, hangings, lights, food and -delicacies, sent by her French countrymen to furnish -forth her poor quarters.’<a id='r174' /><a href='#f174' class='c013'><sup>[174]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>There is no space here to follow the Queen step -by step through her new country to join her husband. -It was a progress full of jealousy and bitterness between -the French household of the Queen, that still accompanied -her, and the Spanish courtiers. At Pamplona, -the capital of Navarre, where the company passed -three days, Isabel charmed all hearts by her grace -and beauty as she was carried through the thronged -thoroughfares from the cathedral to the royal palace -<span class='pageno' id='Page_282'>282</span>where she was to lodge. At the foot of the grand -staircase stood a lady of fifty, stern and haughty in -appearance, but now all smiles as she kissed the hand -of the Queen and delivered to her a letter from King -Philip. It was the Countess of Ureña, daughter of -the Alburquerques and the Toledos, and one of the -greatest ladies in Spain, who had been chosen by -Philip as the guide, philosopher and friend of his new -consort. She looked sourly upon the two Bourbon -princesses whom she was obliged to salute; and on -the departure from Pamplona after three days of -rejoicing Isabel, desirous of propitiating the Countess -of Ureña, whom Philip had praised inordinately in his -letters, offered her a seat in her own litter. This she -thought fit to refuse, as she was panting for the fray -to establish her precedence next to the Queen; and -when the cavalcade was starting her lackeys, violently -hustling aside the equipage of the elder Bourbon -princess Madame de Rieux, intruded that of the -countess into the place in front of it. An affray -resulted, and an appeal to the Queen, who decided -politely in favour of the blood royal of France until -King Philip himself should give his orders—which -he subsequently did by placing the countess between -Madame de Rieux and her unmarried niece. But the -proud dame stored up in her mind the memory of -the slight, and many a troubled hour for Isabel grew -out of this incident.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The young Queen’s life in Spain may now be said -to have commenced, and already she had shown the -tact and diplomacy so extraordinary in a girl of fifteen. -Her hold upon the affection of the Spaniards was -tenacious from the first, owing partly, of course, to -her great beauty and sweetness, but also to her -<span class='pageno' id='Page_283'>283</span>prompt adaptability and acceptance of Spanish customs. -From her childhood she had studied Spanish, and a -very few weeks after her entrance she spoke it fluently. -But she never forgot her own people and her own -tongue. ‘To Frenchmen she always spoke in French,’ -wrote Brantome, ‘and would never consent to discontinue -it, reading always in French the most -beautiful books that could be got in France, which -she was very curious to obtain. To Spaniards and -other foreigners she spoke Spanish very correctly. -In short, this princess was perfect in everything, -besides being so splendid and liberal as never was -seen. She never wore a dress twice, but gave them -all after once wearing to her ladies; and God knows -what rich and splendid dresses they were; so rich -and superb, indeed, that the least of them cost three -or four hundred crowns, for the King, her husband, -kept her very lavishly in such things. Every day -she had a new one, as I was told by her own tailor, -who went thither a poor man and became richer than -anybody, as I have seen with my own eyes. She -was always attired with extreme magnificence, and -her dresses suited her beautifully: amongst others, -those with slashed sleeves with laced points, and her -head-dress always matched, so that nothing was -wanting. Those who saw her thus in a painted -portrait admired her, and I will leave you to guess -the delight it was to see her face to face with her -sweetness and grace.... When she went walking -anywhere, either to church or to the monasteries or -gardens, there was such a great press and crowds of -people to gaze upon her that it was impossible to -stir; and happy indeed was the person who could say -after the struggle, “I have seen the Queen.” Never -<span class='pageno' id='Page_284'>284</span>was a queen so beloved in Spain as she; not even -the great Queen Isabel herself. The people called -her the Queen of peace and goodness, and our -Frenchmen called her the “olive branch.”‘<a id='r175' /><a href='#f175' class='c013'><sup>[175]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Philip at Guadalajara, the town of the Mendozas, -waited impatiently the coming of his bride. With him -from Toledo had come his sombre widowed sister Joan, -and when they learned, at the end of January 1560, -that the Queen’s cavalcade was approaching, it was -made known that the King wished special efforts to be -made by the city to welcome his bride. Through -artificial flowering woods with tethered birds and -animals, through lines of gaily decked booths amply -supplied with good cheer for the free refreshment of -her suite, by kneeling aldermen in crimson velvet and -white satin, and through an admiring populace, Isabel -of the Peace rode into the city between the Cardinal -of Burgos and the Duke of Infantado. At the door -of the famous palace of the Mendozas, where Philip -lodged, stood Princess Joan, who half knelt and kissed -the hem of the girl’s garment; then led her by the hand -into the large hall, at the end of which a sumptuous -altar was erected. Before it, in a gilded chair, sat -Isabel’s husband, grave of aspect beyond his thirty-three -years. He saluted his bride ceremoniously; and -after mass at the altar the marriage was performed by -Cardinal Mendoza.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Philip’s impatience for his bride had been more -political than personal, for he needed above all things -to be sure of France, and there was at first little -cordiality between the newly wedded pair. The first -afternoon, as the sovereigns sat in their tribune witnessing -the bull fight and cane tourneys held in the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_285'>285</span>great square of Guadalajara to celebrate the wedding, -the frightened girl gazed so fixedly in the face of her -husband that Philip became annoyed, and turned to -her curtly and said: ‘What are you looking at? To -see whether I have grey hair.’<a id='r176' /><a href='#f176' class='c013'><sup>[176]</sup></a> Through the tedious -feasting that followed, the marriage still looked unpromising. -The girl was unformed and inexperienced, -and was overwhelmed with the importance of the task -her mother had confided to her. Around her there -raged incessant jealousy, both between the Countess -of Ureña and her French ladies, and amongst the -French ladies themselves, and it needed all the authority -of Catharine de Medici, and the fear with which -she inspired her daughter, to keep Isabel on the right -path amidst the contending factions.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The letters that passed between them show how -absolute was the command that at first Catharine -exercised over her daughter, a command that later was -to a great extent replaced by that of Philip. Isabel -in the quarrels of her French ladies had sided with -Madame Vimeux against her principal attendant, -Madame de Clermont, and, girl like, had made friends -with some of her younger French maids. Upon this -her mother wrote to her as follows: ‘It really looks -very bad for you in the position you occupy to show -that you are such a child still as to make much of your -girls before people. When you are alone in your -chamber in private, you may pass your time and play -with them as much as you like, but before people be -attentive to your cousin,<a id='r177' /><a href='#f177' class='c013'><sup>[177]</sup></a> and Madame de Clermont. -Talk with them often and believe what they say; for -<span class='pageno' id='Page_286'>286</span>they are both wise, and aim at nothing but your honour -and well being; whereas those other wenches can only -teach you folly and silliness. Therefore do what I tell -you, if you wish me to be satisfied with you and love -you, and to show me that you love me as you ought.’<a id='r178' /><a href='#f178' class='c013'><sup>[178]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>From Guadalajara Philip and his Consort passed on -to Toledo for the completion of the festivities, and to -present his son Don Carlos to the Cortes, to receive -their oath of allegiance as heir to the crowns of Castile. -The capital received the Queen with unusual pomp, and -after the public reception was over Isabel retired to her -chamber with her favourite French maids, who for pastime -danced before her. Soon the Queen, flushed and -excited, rose and danced several times herself. Her -high colour was noticed by some of the elder ladies, -who had been instructed by Catharine to watch the -precious health of her daughter closely; and in the -morning Philip found that his girl wife was in a -burning fever, which was soon pronounced to be smallpox.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Up to this time Philip had not been particularly -demonstrative towards his French bride; and she had -not quite got over her fear of him. But her dangerous -illness struck both him and her mother with dismay. -Each of them was determined to use her as a means to -keep a hold upon the other, and her death threatened -to be disastrous for both; but, apart from this, her -mother was devotedly attached to her, and Philip was -beginning to love her as he loved no other person in the -world, except, years afterwards, his elder daughter by -her. Couriers galloped backwards and forwards between -Paris and Toledo with daily news of the progress -of the malady. No fear for his health, no -<span class='pageno' id='Page_287'>287</span>remonstrance from his courtiers, could persuade Philip -to keep away from his sick wife; and for long periods -during the most dangerous stages of her illness he -would not leave her side. Catharine was almost beside -herself with anxiety. For her everything depended -upon her daughter’s success in gaining influence over -her husband, and for this Isabel’s beauty was as -necessary as her life. The attack proved to be light, -and the patient was soon out of danger; but Catharine -showered upon the ladies in attendance questions and -counsels innumerable, as to the marks left by the fell -disease. The many remedies she sent appear, according -to Brantome, to have given way to the one which -he mentions as having saved the Queen from disfigurement; -namely, the covering of the exposed skin -with fresh white of egg. Though Isabel was soon out -of danger her convalescence was long and tedious, and -the intimate details of her bodily habit and condition -that passed between Catharine and Madame de Clermont, -frank to the extreme of coarseness, show how -increasingly the Queen-Mother was depending upon -her Spanish son-in-law to sustain her amidst the warring -interests that were rapidly dividing France.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The irregularities so frequently reported by Madame -de Clermont in Isabel’s health, at one time seem to -have suggested to her distracted mother that her disorder -was the outcome of the dreadful disease which -it was stated she had inherited from her grandfather -Francis <span class='fss'>I.</span>; and Catharine alternated scolding with -prayers to her daughter to be circumspect, until Isabel -trembled with very fear when she opened one of her -mother’s letters.<a id='r179' /><a href='#f179' class='c013'><sup>[179]</sup></a> ‘Recollect’ (wrote Catherine), ‘what -I told you before you left. You know very well how -<span class='pageno' id='Page_288'>288</span>important it is that no one should know what malady -you have got; for if your husband were to know of it -he would never come near you.’<a id='r180' /><a href='#f180' class='c013'><sup>[180]</sup></a> France had abandoned -almost every thing at the Peace of Cateau -Cambresis in order to gain the support of Spain -against religious reform, and Catharine now looked -to her daughter to bring the same influence upon her -side in any case. Everything depended upon this -girl’s being able to captivate her experienced husband -and to lead him as she liked. Philip, it is true, was -now in love with her; but his policy was founded upon -a fixed principle: it was never swayed by personal -affection; and Isabel was really as powerless to move -him as all others who tried to do so.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Catharine had impressed particularly upon her -daughter that she was to use every effort to draw the -ties between France and Spain closer, by bringing about -a marriage of her young sister Margaret<a id='r181' /><a href='#f181' class='c013'><sup>[181]</sup></a> with Don -Carlos: or, in any case, to oppose to the utmost his -marriage with an Austrian cousin; even if it were -necessary to marry him to his aunt Joan. When -Isabel entered Toledo she saw for the first time Philip’s -heir. He was within a few months of her own age, a -lame, epileptic semi-imbecile; already vicious and uncontrollable. -When he approached his stepmother for -the first time he was yellow and wasted with intermittent -fever, and it was noticed that she caressed and -petted him more than he had been accustomed to; for -he had never known a mother. The passionate ill-conditioned -boy had been told only a year ago to call -this young beauty his wife, and now to see her the -wife of the father, whom he feared and hated, turned -his heart to gall. During her illness and convalescence -he was ceaseless in his inquiries about her; and when -her health again allowed her to resume her family life, -she went out of her way to entertain and please him. -It was probably the only gentle feminine influence he -had ever experienced, for his widowed aunt Joan, -whom he alternately loathed and adored, was a gloomy -religious mystic, almost old enough to be his mother; -and Isabel was not only just his own age, beautiful and -French, but for the purposes of her mother exerted all -her charms to gain his goodwill.</p> - -<div id='i_288fp.jpg' class='figcenter id001'> -<img src='images/i_288fp.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic001'> -<p>ISABEL OF VALOIS.<br /><br /><em>After a painting by Pantoja.</em></p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_289'>289</span>The romantic story that makes her fall in love with -this poor unwholesome boy may be put aside as baseless; -but it is probably true that her own charms, -added to his jealousy and hate of his father, made him -fall in love with her. The letters Isabel wrote to her -mother at the time all speak of Philip as a most affectionate -husband, and of Don Carlos simply with pity -for his ill-health; whilst Catharine’s replies constantly -urge her to incline her stepson to a marriage with her -sister Margaret; ‘or you will be the most unfortunate -woman in the world if your husband dies, and the -Prince (Carlos) has for a wife any one but your own -sister.’ Unfortunately the youth was unable to hide -his extravagant affection for his young stepmother; -and soon all the French ladies were nodding and -shrugging their shoulders at the romance that was -passing before their eyes, which probably Isabel herself -hardly understood.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The need for Catharine to draw personally nearer -to Spain was greater, and yet more difficult, than ever -after the death, in November 1560, of her young son -Francis <span class='fss'>II.</span> There was no fear now of France being -<span class='pageno' id='Page_290'>290</span>drawn into war again for the benefit of Mary Stuart, -but, on the other hand, Mary Stuart herself, being a -widow, might marry Don Carlos, and become, by -Spanish aid and the efforts of the English Catholics, -Queen of Great Britain, in which case France would -be isolated indeed.<a id='r182' /><a href='#f182' class='c013'><sup>[182]</sup></a> Cardinal Lorraine, and afterwards -Mary herself, bade briskly for this match; but, though -Philip shrank from saying so, Carlos was, he knew, -unfit for marriage altogether. In answer to Catharine’s -constant pressure upon her daughter to persuade Carlos -to marry Margaret, Isabel repeatedly assured her that -she would do her best, and she appears to have made -a sort of alliance with his aunt Joan to forward <em>her</em> -cause if the marriage with Margaret was found impossible.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Philip’s sister, the wife of Maximilian, heir to the -empire, wrote to Isabel early in 1561, asking her to -lend her help to the suit then being pressed by the -imperial ambassador for the marriage of Carlos with -one of his Austrian cousins, the Archduchess Anne,<a id='r183' /><a href='#f183' class='c013'><sup>[183]</sup></a> -and Isabel, in giving an account of this to her mother, -says that she showed the letter to Princess Joan, who -had received a similar letter, and angrily expressed -her opinion to Isabel that the plan was directed against -her (Joan); with which opinion Isabel agreed. ‘I -spoke to the King about it,’ wrote Isabel to her mother, -‘telling him that the Queen of Bohemia had made one -exception (before her daughter’s claim was put forward), -whereas I made two; namely, first my sister, and, -secondly, the Princess (Joan). He replied that his -son was yet so young, and in such a condition, that -<span class='pageno' id='Page_291'>291</span>there was plenty of time for everything yet, though -the Prince has got over his quartan fever.’<a id='r184' /><a href='#f184' class='c013'><sup>[184]</sup></a> To the -imperial ambassador Philip gently hinted also that his -son’s infirmity of mind and body made it impossible to -arrange seriously for his marriage; but Catharine was -not to be put off easily, and Isabel did her best to -obey her.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The Queen-Mother, sending her own portrait and -that of her son, the new boy King of France, Charles -<span class='fss'>IX.</span>, to her daughter, included in the parcel a likeness -of her daughter Margaret; and one of Isabel’s maids -writes of the joy that the pictures of her dear ones -gave to the Queen; who, she says, after having recited -her prayers at night in church, went to her chamber, -and said them again before her mother’s portrait. -When the precious portraits were unwrapped Princess -Joan was there to admire them, and soon Don Carlos -came in. ‘Which is the prettiest of them?’ he was -asked. ‘The <i><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">chiquita</span></i>,’ he naturally replied; whereupon -one of the ladies drove home the lesson by saying, -‘Yes, you are quite right, for she is the most fit for -you’; whereupon he burst out laughing.<a id='r185' /><a href='#f185' class='c013'><sup>[185]</sup></a> Isabel herself -wrote joyfully to her mother that Carlos was -pleased with Margaret’s portrait, and had repeated to -her three or four times laughing that the ‘little one -was the prettiest; if she was like that;’ whereupon -Isabel assured him that she was ‘<i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">bien faite</span></i>,’ and -officious Madame de Clermont interjected that she -would make a good wife for him, to which the lad, -though he giggled, made no reply. Philip also, probably -to please his wife, confessed that the portrait of -her younger sister was very beautiful: but it was -<span class='pageno' id='Page_292'>292</span>noticed that, simultaneously with these transparent -matrimonial intrigues, he suddenly began to pay ostentatious -attention to his sister Joan, whose marriage -with her nephew Carlos was always a possibility to -play off against other matches proposed.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The kindliest relations were now established between -Philip and his young wife, and though he was usually -absorbed in governmental detail early and late, Isabel’s -life was not a gloomy one. The two boys of Maximilian, -King of the Romans, the future emperor, and -of Philip’s sister Maria, were being brought up in the -Spanish Court; and though they were kept very close -to their studies, they were allowed to come and see -Isabel and her ladies every afternoon to dance and -romp as they pleased. Carlos also took every opportunity -of being in the company of his stepmother, -and the brilliant young Don Juan of Austria, Philip’s -half-brother, and Alexander Farnese, his nephew, were -frequent visitors, all being lively handsome youths -except, indeed, poor fever-wasted Carlos, fretting his -weak wits to frenzy in unrequited love and impotent -spite.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In the summer of 1561 hopes were entertained that -the Queen might fulfil her husband’s dearest wish and -make him the father of another son, and the King’s -delight at the prospect was unbounded. He caused to -be made a solid silver sedan chair in which to carry his -wife to Madrid, and overwhelmed her with attentions. -But to Isabel’s grief the hope was fallacious, and -Philip was tenderly solicitous to solace his wife’s disappointment. -‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Il avait toute la peine du monde de -la consoler, et lui tenir beaucoup plus privée et plus -ordinaire compagnie que n’avait jamais fait, de manière -qu’il n’a été que bon que tous deux ayent eu cette -<span class='pageno' id='Page_293'>293</span>opinion. Il me fit l’honneur de me prier que je l’allasse -consoler, et lui dire qu’elle lui volust donner ce contentement -et plaisir de ne s’en fachier, et mesme quand -on seroit à Madrid, que ma femme le lui allast aussi -dire, et user de tous ses bons offices qu’elle scavoit -bien faire en son endroit. Elle est aujourd’hui, -Madame, en tel estat pres du roy son mari que Votre -Majesté, et tous ceux qui aiment son bien et sommes -affectionnés à son service, en devront remercier -Dieu.</span>’<a id='r186' /><a href='#f186' class='c013'><sup>[186]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>In the midst of this happy and harmonious life in -Spain, the girl Queen tactfully did her best to obey -her mother and serve the France she always held -dear, but it was inevitable that as time went on and -the influence of her husband over her grew, she -should take a more purely Spanish view of affairs. -The death of young Francis <span class='fss'>II.</span>, and the fall of the -Guises, had made the friendship between Spain and -France more difficult than ever, for the profound -religious divisions in the latter country forbade any -possibility of the national power being used, as had -been contemplated in the Peace of Cateau Cambresis -in the suppression of heresy everywhere; whilst -Catharine’s now ostentatious friendship with the -Bourbons and the reforming party, by which she -hoped to counterbalance the Guises, deeply offended -her son-in-law. Philip, however, at this time was in -the depth of penury: his own Netherlands were -simmering into revolt; he had suffered a terrible -defeat at the hands of the Turk on the coast of Tunis -(February 1560), and the Christian power in the -Mediterranean was in the balance. Elizabeth of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_294'>294</span>England, too, was more obstinate than ever in her -adherence to the anti-Catholic policy, now that the -strength of the Huguenot party in France banished -the fear of a Catholic coalition of France and Spain -against her. Much as Philip frowned at, and Isabel -remonstrated against, Catharine’s proceedings, the -King of Spain was not in a position to make war -upon France, and for a time was obliged to dissemble -with his mother-in-law. So far, therefore, the -Treaty of Cateau Cambresis had been a failure, and -Isabel had been sacrificed in vain. France and Spain -could not make common cause against Protestantism, -and Isabel could not win Don Carlos for her sister -nor make her astute husband the tool of her mother’s -plans, deeply as he loved his charming young wife.</p> - -<p class='c007'>With regard to the marriage of Carlos, Isabel was -indefatigable in her efforts, but the prince grew more -reckless than ever. In the spring of 1562 he was -studying at the University of Alcalá, when, in descending -a dark stairway to keep a secret assignation, he -fell and fractured his skull. Philip and his wife were -at Madrid when they received the news, and the King -at once set out, travelling through the night full of -anxiety for his son. He found him unconscious and -partially paralysed: the doctors, ignorant beyond conception, -treated him in a way that seems to us now -nothing less than murderous. Purges, bleeding, -unguents, charms, and, finally, the laying upon the -bed of the unconscious lad the mouldering body of a -monkish saint, Diego, were all tried in vain, until at -last an Italian surgeon was bold enough to perform -the operation of lifting the bone of the cranium that -pressed upon the brain, and Don Carlos recovered -his consciousness. But if he had been a semi-imbecile -<span class='pageno' id='Page_295'>295</span>before, he became at intervals after this -accident a raving homicidal maniac. The prince -himself, and those who surrounded him, attributed his -recovery to the mummy of the dead monk, and -promised to give for religious purposes in recognition -of the miracle four times his own weight in gold. -When he was weighed for the purpose it was found -that, although he was seventeen years old, he only -weighed seventy pounds.</p> - -<p class='c007'>But, no matter how weak or vicious Carlos might -be, the struggle to obtain his hand in marriage was -waged as keenly as ever by Isabel and her mother -on the one hand, and by the Austrian interest on the -other, with the Princess Joan, the lad’s aunt, as a -permanent candidate, to be used by Philip when he -needed a diversion. Hardly had the grave anxiety -about Carlos subsided when Isabel herself fell grievously -ill, and was like to die. At the time that the physicians -had abandoned hope of saving her (August 1562), -Philip sent the Duke of Alba with a long message -to the French ambassador, of which the latter wrote -a copy to Catharine. He prefaces his letter by saying -that the Queen was truly a bond of peace since she -‘possède le roi son mari, et est aujourd’hui en toute -privauté et autorité avec lui.’ The message was to -the effect that it had always been the rule when -Spanish queens were ill, even slightly, to urge them -to make their last dispositions in good time. On -account, however, of the great love and extreme -affection which he (Philip) bore to his wife, he had -not allowed her in her present serious illness to be -spoken to on the subject, so as not to distress or -alarm her. For, as he said, he had in very truth -good reason to love her dearly, and to take great -<span class='pageno' id='Page_296'>296</span>care of her; and if this loss should befall him, he -would have reason to say that it was the greatest -and most important he had ever suffered in his life, -and that which most nearly touched his heart, seeing -the shining virtues and noble qualities with which his -wife was endowed. He makes a great point of honouring -and pleasing her, and preventing her from being -troubled in any way; but since the physicians said -that she had reached such an extremity that her life -could no longer be expected to last,<a id='r187' /><a href='#f187' class='c013'><sup>[187]</sup></a> he would regret -that his love for her, and his sorrow for her loss, -should stand in the way of the duty she owed to -her position and reputation to make a will.’ He -assured the French ambassador that his friendship -for his wife’s brother and mother would not be -diminished by her death, and he proposed that she -should leave two-thirds of her possessions to her -mother, and the remainder be employed in pious uses -<span class='pageno' id='Page_297'>297</span>and in rewarding her very numerous servants.<a id='r188' /><a href='#f188' class='c013'><sup>[188]</sup></a> This -letter is of great interest in showing how truly Philip -loved and respected his young wife, and every testimony -shows that their affection continued to increase -as the time went on, though all around them, both in -public and private life, was full of bitterness and -anxiety. Don Carlos grew more and more outrageous -in his disregard of all decency and respect; and more -than one miscarriage of Isabel seemed to threaten the -King with the misfortune of a childless marriage.</p> - -<p class='c007'>But what was a source of greater trouble perhaps -than anything to Isabel at this period, was the terrible -infliction that was scourging her own country. The -first war of religion in France had ended with the -death of Guise and Anthony of Navarre, and the -hollow edict of Amboise had been issued by Catharine, -giving toleration to the Huguenots in certain towns. -This was a heavy blow to Philip and his cause, and he -tried to parry it in his characteristic fashion by the aid -of the Guisan party. Jeanne d’Albret and her son -(afterwards Henry <span class='fss'>IV.</span>) had retired to mourn the death -of Anthony in their castle of Pau. Henry was heir to -the crown of France after Catharine’s sons, and his -mother was a strict Calvinist, so the Catholic party -planned, with Philip’s aid, to kidnap Jeanne d’Albret, -Queen of Navarre, and her hopeful son, to prevent the -danger of a Huguenot ever being king of France. -All was arranged for the <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">coup de main</span></i> when the -principal conspirator, Captain Dimanche, fell ill in a -poor hostelry in Madrid. Isabel had always been -accustomed to keep herself well-informed of all cases -of trouble amongst her own countrymen in Spain, and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_298'>298</span>hearing from her servants that a Frenchman was alone -and suffering, had him brought from his squalid -lodging to the house of one of her servants, to be well -cared for by one of her own doctors. Dimanche, in -the course of his illness, divulged his conspiracy to his -host, who, though a Catholic, was shocked at the -wickedness of the plan, and told it to a higher officer, -and afterwards to Isabel, who, he knew, was deeply -attached to Jeanne d’Albret. The Queen listened to -the story with horror, and cried, with tears in her eyes, -‘God forbid that such a crime should be committed.’ -As fast as a confidential courier could gallop went the -news from Isabel to her mother; how the Catholic -party and Spain were plotting to ruin the house of -Navarre, and overthrow the equilibrium in France; -and Jeanne d’Albret and her son, also warned by -Isabel, escaped from Pau into central France.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Philip probably never knew that it was his wife who -had upset so promising a plan; but that her intervention -was not from any love of Protestantism is -clearly seen by her subsequent action. Her Catholicism, -indeed, was more Spanish than French in its -character; and that her politic mother should call to -her councils at all those whose orthodoxy was doubtful, -appeared to her nothing short of abominable, though -for a short time after the first Huguenot war, -Catharine had managed to bring about an appearance -of harmony between the two great French factions. -But Condé, the chief of the Bourbons, after Anthony’s -death, was rough and imperious, and personally disliked -by Catharine: Cardinal Lorraine returned to -France from the Council of Trent early in 1564, -thirsting to revenge the murder of his brother Guise, -and soon Catholic intrigue was busy in the French Court.</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_299'>299</span>Isabel wrote to her mother an extraordinary letter -at this time (the summer of 1564), evidently inspired -by Philip, and forming a part of the Lorraine intrigues -to win Catherine to the ultra-catholic party. ‘If,’ -wrote Isabel, ‘you will cause Frenchmen to live as -good catholics, there is nothing you can ask of my -husband that he will not give you. He begs you will -not compromise with the evil people, but punish them -very severely. If you are afraid because of their great -number ... you may call upon us, and we will give -you everything we possess, and troops as well, to -support religion. If you do not punish these men -yourself, you must not be offended if the King, my -husband, listens to the demands of those who crave -his help to defend the faith, and gives them what they -ask. He is, indeed, obliged to do so, for it touches -him more than any one. If France becomes Lutheran, -Flanders and Spain will not be far behind.’<a id='r189' /><a href='#f189' class='c013'><sup>[189]</sup></a> And so, -for page after page of her long letter, Isabel urges her -mother to crush the Huguenots for once and for all. -Catharine loved intrigue and crooked ways; and, -although it was no part of her plan to have only one -party in France, she feared the Guises less now that -the Duke was dead, and it doubtless seemed to her a -good opportunity for drawing closer to Spain, in order -to effect the marriage of her daughter Margaret with -Don Carlos, and gain some advantage by marriage or -otherwise for her darling son Henry (Duke of Orleans).</p> - -<p class='c007'>The effect of Cardinal Lorraine’s action was soon -seen in the long progress through the east and south -of France undertaken by Charles <span class='fss'>IX.</span> and his mother. -Catharine had been trying, ever since the death of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_300'>300</span>Francis <span class='fss'>II.</span>, to arrange an interview with Philip, and -bring her personal influence to bear upon him, though -he had shown no eagerness to discuss the matter; but -now that the Court of France, with Lorraine pulling -the wires, was to visit the south, there seemed a -chance of effecting at last what the treaty of Cateau -Cambresis had failed to do. The Court left Paris in -the spring of 1564, and at Nancy, the scheme of -Lorraine for a Catholic league to suppress heresy was -first broached to Charles <span class='fss'>IX.</span> He was a mere lad, and -was apparently alarmed at the idea; but in the meanwhile, -active negotiations were going on to induce -Philip and his wife to meet Catharine when she -approached the frontier with her son. The French -ambassador in Spain was a strong Guisan partisan, -and worked hard to bring about the interview, as did -Isabel herself, who was sincerely attached to her kinsfolk, -and yearned to embrace her mother again. -Philip was anxious to forward the formation of a -Catholic League, but he distrusted Catharine, and -after much negotiation, he consented to Isabel’s going -as far as Bayonne to greet her mother; the political -negotiation, however, being entirely left to the Duke -of Alba.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Philip was not enthusiastic, for he knew that -Catharine was surrounded by ‘politicians,’ and he was -determined that if nothing came of the interview, it -should not be said that he had been deceived. He -would not, he said, go to any expense on the occasion, -and no gold or silver was to be worn on the dresses on -either side: and the Queen was to be kept to the most -rigid etiquette in her communications with her mother -and brother. She left Madrid with a great train of -courtiers in April 1565, bearing with her powers from -<span class='pageno' id='Page_301'>301</span>her husband to ratify the arrangements that Alba -might make. What these arrangements were may be -seen by the memorandum given by Philip to Alba for -his guidance.<a id='r190' /><a href='#f190' class='c013'><sup>[190]</sup></a> The object aimed at was a league, in -which each party should be pledged to employ all his -force and means to sustain Catholic orthodoxy, to allow -no toleration whatever to any other religion, in public -or private, and to expel all persons but catholics from -the realms, within five months, on pain of death, and -forfeiture for them and their abettors, to publish and -enforce the decisions of the Council of Trent, to purge -all the offices, commands, and services, of every suspicion -of heresy, and to deprive of their dignities, titles, -and authority, every person not firmly attached to the -faith.</p> - -<p class='c007'>With this fateful mission Isabel travelled slowly -towards the north, through Burgos, in the spring of -1565. She had in her train more than sixty Spanish -nobles with their gaudily garbed followers; and, though -Philip’s orders with regard to bullion ornaments had -been obeyed, there was no lack of costly show. On -the 14th May, in a heat so suffocating that many of the -soldiers died, Catharine and her son with the French -Court rode at early morning out of Saint Jean de Luz, -to reach the little river Bidasoa which divides France -from Spain. For two hours the royal party rested -under a green arbour on the banks, whilst the Spanish -baggage was being ferried across; and just as the -burning sun was beginning to decline, a burst of -trumpets heralded the approach of the Queen of Spain. -From the ancient castle of Irun the royal procession -could be seen winding down the hill to the shore, Isabel -<span class='pageno' id='Page_302'>302</span>being borne in a litter. Catharine at once entered her -waiting boat, and swift oars brought her to the Spanish -side just as her daughter’s litter reached the edge. -Both Queens were beside themselves with joy. Isabel -bent low enough to kiss her mother’s knee, but was -raised and tenderly embraced, again and again, and then, -overcome by their emotions, both Catharine and Isabel -burst into tears of joyful excitement, which continued -unabated until the boat had landed them on the French -bank, where Charles <span class='fss'>IX.</span> awaited them amidst saluting -volleys of musketry.<a id='r191' /><a href='#f191' class='c013'><sup>[191]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>The pompous rejoicings, the tourneys, comedies, -balls, and banquets, which followed at St. Jean de Luz -and Bayonne; the splendour with which each Court -tried to dazzle the other, and the grave political conferences -between Alba and the French ministers and -Catharine, cannot be dwelt upon here; but the picture -drawn of Isabel herself in the midst of this memorable -interview by Brantôme, who was present, is too interesting -to omit. ‘When she entered Bayonne she -rode upon a pony very superbly and richly harnessed -with a cloth completely covered with pearls embroidered, -which had belonged to the Empress, and -was used by her when she entered towns in state; it -was said to be worth one hundred thousand crowns -and more. She was quite bewitching on horseback, -and was worth gazing upon; for she was so lovely -and sweet that every one was enchanted. We were -all ordered to go and meet her and accompany her on -her entrance ... and she was most gracious to us -when we paid our respects to her, and thanked us -charmingly. To me, especially, she was kind and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_303'>303</span>cordial; for I had only taken leave of her in Spain -four months before, and I was greatly touched that -she should thus favour me over my fellows.... She -was also familiar to the ladies and maids at the Court, -exactly the same as before her marriage, and took -notice of those who were absent or had got married; -and about those who had come to Court since she left -she made many inquiries.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>In the discussions with the political ministers it was -soon evident to Catharine, as she had probably foreseen -from the first, that to throw herself entirely into the -hands of the extreme Catholic party as Philip desired, -would be disastrous to her, and probably also to her -son’s throne. But it did not suit her to quarrel with -her powerful son-in-law, or to send her daughter back -empty-handed to Madrid, after the much heralded -interview; so, although an arrangement was signed -which ostensibly bound France and Spain together for -a religious end, Catharine took care to leave a sufficient -number of knotty points open to give her a loophole to -escape. When she returned to Paris she soon began -to raise difficulties about the ratification, and wrote to -her ambassador in Madrid (Fourquevault), ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Je lui dis -que en faisant ces mariages, et donnant quelque état -à mon fils d’Orleans, qu’il nous falloit tous joindre -ensemble: c’est à savoir le Pape, l’Empereur, et ces -deux rois, les Allemands et autres que l’on avisera: et -que le roi mon fils n’etait pas sans moyens pour aider -de sa part, à ce qui serait avisé quand les dits mariages -seroient faits, et la dite ligue conclüe.</span>’ It will be seen -that she makes here so many conditions as to render -the league quite impossible. Not only is her daughter -Margaret to marry Carlos, and her son Henry a -daughter of the Emperor with an independent State, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_304'>304</span>but all the other Catholic powers are to join the league -before France is to be bound to anything.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Indeed, it is clear that the power of the Huguenot -and ‘politician’ nobles in France, and the old jealousy -between France and Spain, together with the persecution -by the Inquisition of French residents and visitors -in Spain, and the massacre in the following year of the -French expedition to Florida by Philip’s orders, made -a sincere co-operation between the two countries in such -a league impracticable;<a id='r192' /><a href='#f192' class='c013'><sup>[192]</sup></a> and though appearances were -saved at Bayonne, Philip, when he joyfully met his wife -after her nineteen days’ absence from him, must have -known that again his dream of a Catholic league had -failed. ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Je ne fis qu’arriver hier <span lang="en" xml:lang="en">(writes the French -ambassador to Catharine on Isabel’s return)</span> de baiser -la main de la reine, la quelle j’ai trouvée si joieuse et -contente de la bonne venue du roy son mari, et de la démonstration -de la bonne affection et amitié qu’il lui fait.</span>’ -Though the personal affection between the husband -and wife was without a cloud, it was certain that the -political results of the marriage were insignificant. -Isabel fought hard for some satisfaction to the outrage -to France in Florida, but without result; Coligny, to -her and Philip’s indignation, was growing powerful in -the French government; and the second war of religion -was seen to be inevitable, whilst the issue was already -joined between Philip and his Dutch subjects; pledged, -as they were, to stand together to resist him to the -death.</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_305'>305</span>In the midst of these public causes for anxiety Philip -was overjoyed to learn that his wife, whose age was -nearly twenty-one, was likely to become a mother.<a id='r193' /><a href='#f193' class='c013'><sup>[193]</sup></a> -The King, as usual, arranged every small detail himself -of, ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">le régime dont elle devoit user pour conduire -son fruit à bon port</span>’; and his demonstrations of affection -and pride for his wife, and rejoicing at his hopes -for a time, even in public, overcame his natural frigid -dignity. Nor was Catharine less delighted, for to her, -should the child prove a son, the event was of the -highest importance, in view of the growing incapacity -of Don Carlos; and she also sent by M. de Saint -Etienne a parcel to her daughter: ‘Où il y a tout -plein de recettes, dont elle peut avoir de besoin’; and -she wrote personally to the physician in attendance, -urging him to make use of these recipes, which she -assured him would do Isabel good.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Every day the smallest incident of the Queen’s -condition were recounted by courier to her mother; and -Philip could hardly tear himself from her side whilst -he disposed of his usually beloved business. At length, -on the 1st August 1566, a daughter was born, at -Balsain, near Segovia, to Philip and Isabel. The -child was christened Isabel, after the great Queen and -her mother, Clara because she was born on the day of -the Saint, and Eugénie, out of gratitude to the -efficacious body of St. Eugène—and the sumptuous -ceremony of baptism was not allowed to pass without a -jealous wrangle between the Archbishop of Santiago -and the Bishop of Segovia, as to which should have -the honour of performing the rite, which was eventually -<span class='pageno' id='Page_306'>306</span>celebrated by the Nuncio Castaneo, afterwards Pope -Urban <span class='fss'>VII.</span> It would doubtless have been more -satisfactory to Philip had a son been born; but his joy -and gratitude were nevertheless intense, and the -French ambassador, writing to Catharine a few days -afterwards, says that when he went to congratulate -him, he had him (the ambassador) led to the Queen’s -room: ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Voulant que je visse la fille qu’il avoit plu -Dieu lui donner, de laquelle il est tant aise qu’il ne -peut le dissimuler, et l’aime, à ce qu’il dit, pour le -présent mieux qu’un fils.</span>’ This deep affection for his -elder daughter lasted to the King’s dying day; and -the famous Infanta, designated by him to be in succession -Queen of England and France, became by -his will sovereign of the Netherlands, and inherited -from her father not only the ancient domains of his -paternal house but his views, his methods, and his -obstinacy.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The Queen lay apparently at the point of death for -some days after her delivery, but as soon as her life -was safe, the great project, so long discussed, of a -voyage of the royal family to insurgent Flanders, was -again taken in hand. Philip was for going alone, -leaving, it was hoped by Catharine, his wife Regent, -though Isabel herself begged hard that she might be -allowed to accompany her husband: ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Car vraiment, -je serois trop marrie de demeurer par deçà après lui; -je ferai ce qui sera en moi qu’il ne m’y laisse point.</span>’ -There was another who desired as ardently as she to -go to Flanders with the King. This was his only son -Don Carlos. The young man’s frantic excesses had -grown more scandalous than ever as he became older. -The struggle to obtain his hand in marriage was still -going on between the Austrian and French interests; -<span class='pageno' id='Page_307'>307</span>but Philip continued to put the matter gently aside on -the ground of his son’s ill-health.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The afflicted father had done his best to wean the -Prince from his violence and dissoluteness. He himself -had been a dutiful son, ready to sacrifice everything -for the task confided to him, and his grief was -profound that this son of his youth should openly -scandalise his court by his disobedience and insolence -to his father and sovereign. Like his great-grandmother, -Joan the Mad, the Prince lived in constant -revolt against authority, sacred and mundane. His -conduct in the Council of State, where his father had -placed him to accustom him to business, had shocked -every one. Apparently out of sheer wrong-headedness -he had openly expressed his sympathy with the -Netherlanders, who were defying the will of his father, -and he had extorted a semi-promise that he should -accompany the King to Flanders. Whether the -Prince had entered into any communication with the -agents of the Flemings is doubtful; but even if such -were the case, and the ambition of Carlos to obtain an -early regency of Flanders was the end he had in view, -it is a mere travesty of history to represent that he -seriously held reformed opinions, any more than did -Joan the Mad, when she reviled the mass and the -sacred symbols.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In any case, Philip abandoned his intention, if he -ever really held it, of going in person to the Low -Countries; and decided to send the ruthless Alba with -a great army to scourge the stubborn ‘beggars’ into -humble submission to his will. When Carlos heard -this, and that he, too, was to remain in Spain, his fury -passed all bounds. He attempted to stab Alba himself -when he went to take leave; and when the Cortes -<span class='pageno' id='Page_308'>308</span>of Castile petitioned the King that the heir to the -throne should be kept in Spain, Carlos made an open -scandal, and threatened the deputies with death.</p> - -<p class='c007'>By this time, the autumn of 1567, Isabel was again -pregnant, and Philip’s hopes ran high that another son -would be born to him. It is clear that the great -mission to which he and his father had devoted -strenuous lives could not safely be passed on to Carlos; -and in September, Ruy Gomez, Philip’s only friend, -told the French ambassador that if the Queen gave -birth to a son, the future of Carlos as heir would have -to be reconsidered. The Prince was insatiable for -money, which he scattered broadcast on evil doings, -he was openly insolent to his father, and the latter -suspected a design to escape clandestinely to join the -enemies of his State: and there is no doubt that if -Isabel’s second child had been a son, he would have -been placed in the succession before Don Carlos. -Philip exceeded himself in tender solicitude for his -wife, but at last, on the 17th October 1567, the child -that all Europe was breathlessly expecting, was born—another -daughter.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Thereafter the romance of Don Carlos unfolded -rapidly. Philip had been patient and longsuffering -under the affliction of such a son, but he at length -despaired, and his attachment to his heir gave place -to antipathy and disgust: especially when his -physicians had definitely assured him that his line -could never be continued by Carlos.<a id='r194' /><a href='#f194' class='c013'><sup>[194]</sup></a> The Prince, on -the other hand, hated his father bitterly, and was -morose with his aunt Joan, whom he formerly loved, -and with the young Austrian Princes, though he had -<span class='pageno' id='Page_309'>309</span>now been formally betrothed to their sister Anna. -The only person who influenced him was Isabel: ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Il -fait semblant de trouver bon tout ce que la reyne votre -fille fait et dit, et n’y a personne qui dispose de lui -comme elle, et c’est sans artifice ni feinte, car il ne -sçait feindre ni dissimuler.</span>’<a id='r195' /><a href='#f195' class='c013'><sup>[195]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Matters came to a head at the end of the year 1567. -Philip and Isabel had gone to pass Christmas at the -newly commenced Palace of the Escorial, when Carlos -decided to make his long contemplated attempt to -escape from Spain. On the 23rd December, he -whispered to his young uncle, Don Juan of Austria, -that he needed his help to get horses; and Juan, -recognising the seriousness of the situation, at once -rode the thirty odd miles to the Escorial to tell the -King. As in all his great calamities, Philip remained -outwardly unmoved, and though he took such -measures secretly as would frustrate the flight, he did -not return to Madrid until the day previously fixed, the -17th January 1568. The next day he went with Carlos -to mass; but still made no sign. In the interim, the -Prince had even attempted to kill Don Juan; and it -was time for his father to strike, in order to prevent -some greater tragedy, for Carlos had admitted to his -confessor that he had an ungovernable impulse to kill -a man. Whom? asked the confessor. The King, -was the reply. For once Philip broke down utterly -when, with Ruy Gomez and other intimate councillors, -he deliberated what should be done. Late that night, -when the Prince slept, the afflicted father, with five -armed gentlemen and twelve guards, obtained entrance -into the chamber, in spite of secret bolts and locks; -and when the Prince, disturbed, sprang up and sought -<span class='pageno' id='Page_310'>310</span>for his weapons, the weapons were gone. In rage and -despair, he tried to strangle himself, but was restrained; -and, recognising that he was a helpless prisoner, he -flung himself upon his bed in an agony of grief, and -sobbed out, ‘I am not mad, not mad, only desperate.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>From that hour he was dead to the world, which -saw him no more. The position was a humiliating one -for Philip, but he made the best of it, by explaining to -all the courts that the prince’s mental deficiency necessitated -his seclusion. To his own nearest relatives he -did not hide his bitterness. ‘It is not a punishment,’ -he wrote, ‘would to God it were, for it might come to -an end: but I never can hope to see my son restored -to his right mind again. I have chosen in this matter -to sacrifice to God my own flesh and blood, preferring -His service and the universal good to all human -considerations.’ Some sort of trial or examination of -the prince was held, but all professed accounts of the -proceedings must be accepted with caution. Certain it -is that they dragged on wearily, whilst the charges of -treason, of conspiracy, of disloyalty, and perhaps of -heresy, were laboriously examined in strict secrecy. -Neither Isabel nor his aunt Joan was allowed to see -Carlos, and Don Juan was forbidden even to wear -mourning for the calamity. By all accounts the prince’s -malady grew rapidly worse, as well it might in such -circumstances. Like Joan the Mad before him, he -would starve for days, and then swallow inedible things, -he would alternately roast and freeze himself, and he -attempted suicide more than once. The end came -on the 25th July 1568, and the immense weight of -testimony is in favour of his having died in consequence -of his own mad fancies in diet and hygiene.</p> - -<p class='c007'>When Fourquevault conveyed the news of Carlos’s -<span class='pageno' id='Page_311'>311</span>death to Catharine, he wrote that the Queen Isabel -was suffering from fainting fits and headache; but it -was her wish that great signs of mourning should be -made for the Prince in France, to show the King of -Spain that they (<em>i.e.</em>, the French) were sorry for his loss; -‘as the Spanish people attach so much importance to -appearances.’ Isabel in weak health, for she was again -pregnant, was deeply touched by the trouble around -her. The French ambassador was gleefully reminding -her mother that the death of Don Carlos was a very -good thing for her, and praising her beauty, which the -deep Spanish mourning set off to advantage, whilst he -indulged in brilliant hopes for the birth of a son to -Isabel. But the young Queen’s heart was heavy, not -for Carlos alone, but for the scenes of horror which -were flooding Flanders with blood under the flail of -Alba. Egmont and Horn had been treacherously -sacrificed in Brussels, Montigny in Spain, and her own -dear France was reft in twain by fratricidal war. She -was a catholic as sincere as Philip himself, but that the -faith should need wholesale murder for its assertion -shocked and frightened her; and she languished in the -atmosphere of gloomy determination which surrounded -Philip.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Catharine wrote often in reply to the depressing -news from her daughter, arousing her hopes for a son -who should, in his time, put all things right; but Isabel -at twenty-three had lost her gay elasticity, and the -advance of her pregnancy meant the advance of her -exhausting malady. Philip, as usual, was tenderly -solicitous for her ease and happiness; full of hope, too, -that a son at last was to be born to him, for upon this -everything depended. The lying stories which long -afterwards the traitor Antonio Perez wove with hellish -<span class='pageno' id='Page_312'>312</span>skill in the safe refuge of Essex House, accusing Philip -of jealousy of his wife with Don Carlos, and subsequently -with one Pozzo, are hardly worth more credit -now than the sentimental romance of the Abbé de St. -Real about her love for Carlos. Perez, whose only -wish was to blacken Philip indelibly to please his -enemies, and his own paymasters in England and -France, hints that Philip himself connived at his beloved -wife’s murder by poison: but even if the confidential -letters of her French friends now before us did -not disprove this, the fact that nothing could be so -unfortunate for Philip’s policy as Isabel’s death would -give it the lie.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Isabel had been suffering for months from heart -failure and bodily irregularities; and on the 3rd -October 1568, the violent remedies administered to -her by her doctors caused a miscarriage. The poor -Queen knew that she was doomed, for when before -daybreak Philip, heartbroken, came and sat by her bed, -she calmly took a last farewell of him, praying him to -be good to their two little girls, to be friendly with -Catharine and King Charles <span class='fss'>IX.</span>, and kind to the -attendant ladies who had served her so well: ‘with -other words worthy of admiration, and fit to break the -heart of a good husband, such as the King was. He -answered her in the same way; for he could not believe -that she was so near her end, and promised all -she asked him; after which he retired to his room in -great anguish, as I am told.’<a id='r196' /><a href='#f196' class='c013'><sup>[196]</sup></a> The dying woman had -confessed and received extreme unction during the -night; and early in the morning the French ambassadors -were summoned to her chamber. ‘She knew us -at once, and said, Ah! ambassador, you see me well on -<span class='pageno' id='Page_313'>313</span>the road out of this unhappy world into a better one ... pray my mother and brother to bear my loss -patiently, and to be satisfied with what pleases me -more than any prosperity I have enjoyed in this world, -to go to my Creator, where I may serve him better than -I can here. I shall pray Him that all my brothers and -sisters may live long and happily, as well as my mother -and brother Charles: and I beg you to beseech them -to look to their realm, and prevent heresy taking root. -Let them all take my death patiently, for I am very -happy.’ ‘O!’ replied the principal ambassador, ‘your -Majesty will live a long time yet, to see France good -and happy.’ ‘No, no, ambassador,’ she whispered, -shaking her head with a faint smile. ‘I do hope it will -be so, but I do not wish to see it. I would much -rather go and see what I hope very soon to see.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>After much more tender talk of her own land and -people, the dying Queen took farewell of her countrymen -and prayed awhile with her ghostly comforters: -then fell into slumber for a short ten minutes. At -midday, ‘she suddenly opened her eyes, bright and -sparkling, and it seemed to me as if she wished to tell -me something more, for they looked straight at me:<a id='r197' /><a href='#f197' class='c013'><sup>[197]</sup></a> -and then Isabel of the Peace passed quietly into the -world her gentle soul longed for. ‘We left the palace -all in tears, for throughout the people of this city -there is not one, great or small, that doth not weep; -for they all mourn in her the best Queen they have -ever had.’ Philip in grief hid himself from the world -in the monastery of Saint Jerome; but his task in the -world was greater to him even than his sorrow or his -love. The hopes of the French alliance to extirpate -heresy had failed, failed utterly and completely. England, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_314'>314</span>helping the insurgent Flemings with all her might, -had drifted further, and ever further, away from him. -In France the reformation was growing, and only two -lives—and bad ones—stood between the throne and a -Huguenot King. There was no male heir to inherit -the thorny inheritance of championing orthodox Christianity -throughout the world. Whither could Philip -turn for sympathy and a mother for the heir he yearned -for? Not to England; not to France, for both had -failed him. Where but to his own kin in Austria; -to his niece Anna, the betrothed of his dead son Carlos: -and on the second anniversary of Isabel’s death Anna -of Austria landed in Spain to marry her uncle Philip. -Isabel of the Peace politically had lived in vain.</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_315'>315</span> - <h2 class='c005'><span class='large'>BOOK IV</span><br /> <span class='large'>I</span><br /> ISABEL OF BOURBON</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_317'>317</span>The niece wife of Philip <span class='fss'>II.</span> bore him many children, -of whom one weakling alone survived to inherit the -oppressive crown of his father. Anna was a homely, -devout soul, submissive and obedient to her husband, -ever busy with her needle and her household cares; -and, like the other members of her house, overpowered -with the vastness and majesty of the mission confided -by heaven to its chief.<a id='r198' /><a href='#f198' class='c013'><sup>[198]</sup></a> On the voyage to Portugal -in 1580 Philip fell ill at Badajoz, and when his life -was despaired of Anna fervently prayed that he might -be saved, even if she had to be sacrificed instead. -Her prayer was heard; and as the husband of fifty-three -recovered the wife of thirty sickened and died, -leaving Philip broken and lonely to live the rest of -his weary life for his work alone. The struggle to -prevent the victory of reform in France, which occupied -Philip’s later years, and consummated the ruin -of his country, rendered impossible a renewal of the -idea of a French and Spanish coalition, except, indeed, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_318'>318</span>by the conquest of France by Philip, which many years -of fruitless war proved to be impossible, whilst the -gallant cynic, Henry of Navarre, could hold up the -national banner of France as a rally point against -the foreign invader.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Once Philip, in sheer despair, turned, when it was -too late, to England again in the hope of bringing it -into his system by force, if intrigue and subornation -of conspiracy and murder failed: but with the defeat -of the Armada that hope fled too; and again there -was no possible bride but an Austrian cousin for -Philip’s heir, Philip <span class='fss'>III.</span>, and no feasible policy from -Philip’s point of view but a continuance of the close -family alliance with the German Habsburg descendants -of Joan the Mad. The Emperor, it is true, -was forced to tolerate his Lutheran princes; but he -and his house made common cause with the Philips -when the French cast greedy eyes towards Catholic -Flanders or Italy. Margaret of Austria brought to -sickly, scrofulous Philip <span class='fss'>III.</span> an anæmic body and a -stunted mind to rear his children. She implored her -mother passionately to save her from the terrifying -honour of sharing the gloomy throne of her cousin, -for in her Styrian home she lived the life of a nun, -devoted only to the humble care of the poor and -sick of her own land: but she was sternly told that -all must be sacrificed to the supreme duty that was -hers; and thenceforward she, too, lived in the awestricken -atmosphere of religious abnegation, which -was the mark of her Spanish kindred.<a id='r199' /><a href='#f199' class='c013'><sup>[199]</sup></a> In besotted, -conventual devotion, and frivolous trifling in turns, -her monkish husband and she passed their lives; -<span class='pageno' id='Page_319'>319</span>their children, of whom they had several, all bloodless -decadents of low vitality, with big mumbling -jaws and lack-lustre eyes, brought up in the same -pathetic tradition that to them and Spain—poor, -ruined, desolated Spain now—was confided the sacred -duty and honour of upholding religious orthodoxy -throughout the world at any cost or sacrifice.</p> - -<p class='c007'>So long as Henry <span class='fss'>IV.</span> was King of France, even -though he had ‘gone to mass,’ the close union with -Spain was impossible: but on the fateful day in May -1610 when, in the narrow Paris lane, the dagger of -Ravaillac pierced the heart of the great ‘Béarnais,’ -all was changed. The Queen-Regent of France was -one of the Papal Medici, imbued, as they all were, -with the tradition of Spain’s orthodoxy and overwhelming -might. Her marriage with Henry had -been a victory for the extreme Catholic party in -Europe; but so long as Henry lived he had prevented -violent reaction. Now that he was gone, with -his Huguenot traditions, France and Spain, it was -thought, might again be joined in a Catholic league, -and together impose their form of faith upon the -world, either by armed force or political pressure. It -was a foolish, impracticable plan, for Frenchmen were -too far advanced now to be used to play the game -of impotent bankrupt Spain, powerful only in its pride -and its traditions.</p> - -<p class='c007'>But James <span class='fss'>I.</span> of England had been toadying and -humiliating himself to gain Philip’s aid in favour of -his son-in-law, the Palatine in Germany, and it doubtless -seemed a good stroke of policy on the part of -France and Spain to leave him and the Lutherans -isolated. In any case no time was lost, and before -Henry <span class='fss'>IV.</span> had lain in his tomb at St. Denis a year -<span class='pageno' id='Page_320'>320</span>it was agreed that the Spanish Infanta, Anna, should -marry Louis <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> of France, and that Isabel, or -Elizabeth, the eldest daughter of Henry <span class='fss'>IV.</span> and -Marie de Medici, should become the wife of Philip, -Prince of Asturias, the son and heir of the Spanish -King. All the betrothed were children of tender age, -and it was agreed that the exchange of brides should -be deferred until the Infanta was twelve years old -(1613). Pompous and lavish embassies went through -the solemn farce of paying honour to the girl-children -respectively as Queen of France and Princess of -Asturias. The Duke of Mayenne, of the house of -Guise, ruffled and swaggered in Madrid with a -marriage embassy so splendid in 1612, that the cost -of entertaining him beggared the capital for years; -and so keen was the emulation in sumptuousness of -dress and adornments during the interminable festivities -in Madrid to celebrate the double betrothals, that -the Spanish nobles came to dagger-thrusts on the -subject in the palace itself.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In Paris Ruy Gomez’s son, the Duke of Pastrana, -paid similar court to the dark-haired girl of nine who -was betrothed to young Philip, heir of Spain, two -years younger. Three years more had to pass, notwithstanding -the impatience of the French, before the -backward little Infanta Anna, in October 1615, was -conveyed with a pomp and extravagance that ill -matched the penury of her father’s realm, to the -frontier of France, there to be exchanged for Isabel -of Bourbon, her brother’s bride.<a id='r200' /><a href='#f200' class='c013'><sup>[200]</sup></a> On the 9th -November 1615 all the chivalry of France and Spain -<span class='pageno' id='Page_321'>321</span>were once more assembled on either bank of the -little stream of Bidasoa that separated the two -countries. Wasteful luxury and vain magnificence -had been squandered wantonly by the Spanish nobles, -determined, as usual, to put the French to shame. -At Behovia, the point where the ceremony was to -take place, sumptuous banqueting-halls had been -erected upon rafts moored on each side of the stream, -whilst in mid-current another raft supported a splendid -pavilion covered with velvet and cloth of gold, and -carpeted with priceless silken carpets from the East. -Here the Duke of Guise delivered Isabel of France -to the Duke of Uceda, in exchange for Anna of -Austria, thenceforward Queen of France. The -romantic and turbulent career of the latter is related -elsewhere: here we have to follow the fortunes of -the beautiful dark-haired girl of twelve who, like -Isabel of the Peace fifty-four years before, turned her -back upon her native land to cement the Catholic -alliance between France and Spain.<a id='r201' /><a href='#f201' class='c013'><sup>[201]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>The circumstances were widely different, for the -battle of religious liberty in Europe was practically -won, though the blind faith and vanity of Philip <span class='fss'>III.</span> -refused, even now, to recognise the fact, or his own -poverty-stricken impotence. The Medici Queen-Regent -of France, moreover, was a very different -person from her kinswoman Catharine. She was not -playing her own game so much as that of the cunning -Italians who directed her, and it was soon evident, -under Richelieu, that Frenchmen were no longer to -be made the playthings of foreign ambitions. Isabel, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_322'>322</span>child as she was, had a stout heart and a high spirit, -as befitted her father’s daughter. She was willing -enough to be a queen upon the most pretentious -throne in Europe; but she was not made for martyrdom, -and, as we shall see, her marriage was even -less influential in securing lasting peace and co-operation -between France and Spain than that of the -previous Isabel had been.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Through Fuenterrabia, San Sebastian and Vitoria, -Isabel travelled towards Burgos, where she was to -meet her boy bridegroom. Dressed in Spanish garb -from Vitoria onward, she won all hearts by her gaiety -and brightness; and, as an eyewitness says of her, -‘even if she had French blood in her veins she had -a Spanish spirit.’ Philip <span class='fss'>III.</span> and his son met the -bride a league from Burgos, and we are told that -the prince of eleven years old was so dazzled with -her beauty that he could only gaze speechless upon -her. The next day Burgos was all alive with the -splendour of the welcome of the future Queen, who -entered the city on a white palfrey with a silver -saddle and housings of velvet and pearls; and so, -from city to city, smiling and happy, the girl, in the -midst of the inflated Court, slowly made her way to -Madrid. On the afternoon of 19th December 1615 -Isabel rode from the monastery of St. Jerome<a id='r202' /><a href='#f202' class='c013'><sup>[202]</sup></a> through -Madrid to the palace upon the cliff overlooking the -valley of the Manzanares. An eyewitness describes -her appearance as she rode through the mile of -crowded narrow streets of old Madrid, under triumphal -arches, past thousands of peopled balconies, hung -<span class='pageno' id='Page_323'>323</span>with tapestries, with songs and music of welcome -all the way. ‘Her Highness was dressed in the -French fashion, with an entire robe of crimson -satin embroidered with bugles, a little cap trimmed -with diamonds, and a ruff beautifully trimmed in -French style, and with a rosette and girdle of -diamonds of great size. She went her way, bright -and buxom, full of rejoicing. Her aquiline face was -wreathed in smiles, and her fine eyes flashed from -side to side, looking at everything, to the great -delight of the populace.’<a id='r203' /><a href='#f203' class='c013'><sup>[203]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>It was five years after this, on the 25th November -1620, at the palace of Pardo, that young Philip and -Isabel began their married life together. Philip was -yet barely sixteen when (in March 1621) the low -vitality of his father flickered out, and the monarch, -who should have been a monk, passed, in alternate -paroxysms of fear and ecstacies of hope, from the -world in which he had meant so well and done so ill. -The corruption and waste under Lerma and his crew -of parasites had bled Spain to the white, and utter -ruin was now the lot of whole populations. The -tradition of the King’s wealth which still lingered -could hardly be kept up now, though at the fall of -Lerma some of the worst robbers had been made to -disgorge their booty. The King had been beloved -and revered for his saintliness, but all saw the desolation -that his idle dependence upon favourites had -caused. Spain now looked only to the sallow, long-faced -boy, Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, with the light blue eyes and lank -flaxen hair, to save the people from starvation. Not -to him, but to the man at his side, it soon learned to -look. He was a big-boned powerful man of thirty-three, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_324'>324</span>with a great square head, heavy stooping -shoulders, fierce black eyes, burning like live coals -in an olive face; and his upturned twisted moustache -added to the haughty imperiousness of his mien. -This was the man, Gaspar de Guzman, Count of -Olivares, Duke of St. Lucar, who made a clean sweep -of all the corrupt gang that had fattened upon Spain, -the brood of Rojas and Sandoval, and replaced them -with his own creatures. Philip, like his father, meant -well, and was naturally a much more able man; but -he was idle, pleasure-loving, and pathetically unable to -resist temptation, each constantly recurring transgression -being followed by an agony of remorse, only to -be again committed when the first poignancy of regret -had passed.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Following the advice of Olivares, he attempted to -mend matters by cutting down expenses alone, instead -of changing the system of taxation and finance; and -the ‘spirited foreign policy’ which he adopted soon -involved him in expenditure, which later completed -the downfall of the country. The foolish old dream -that catholic unity might be won by Spanish arms still -kept him at war with the Dutch, whilst the Moors -were harrying the Spanish coasts and commerce, and -France and Spain were already at loggerheads again, -now that Marie de Medici and her crew had been -thrust into the background. Instead of recognising -facts and lying low to recuperate, Olivares and Philip, -with the blinded nation behind them, were as boastful -and haughty as their predecessors had been in the -days of Spain’s strength. The weak poltroon who -reigned unworthily in England, was ever ready to -truckle to apparent strength. He had sacrificed -Raleigh at Spain’s bidding, he had been contemptuously -<span class='pageno' id='Page_325'>325</span>used and scorned by Lerma and Philip <span class='fss'>III.</span> when -he had tried to marry his heir to a Spanish Infanta, -and he had been cleverly kept from an alliance with -France by hopes and half promises. But the Palatinate -was still unrestored, and when Philip <span class='fss'>III.</span> had died, -James made another attempt with the new King to -win Spain’s friendship by a marriage.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The hare-brained trip of Prince Charles and Buckingham -to Madrid, to win the hand of the Infanta and -the alliance of Spain, has often been described, and -can hardly be touched upon here. The Prince -suddenly appeared disguised at the English embassy -at Madrid on the 7th March 1622, and the next day, -to the dismay of Olivares, the awkward visit was -known to all the capital. He and young Philip made -the best of a bad business. To abandon Austria and -the Palatinate for the sake of protestant England did -not suit them, but they could be polite. All the edicts -ordering economy of dress, eating, and adornments, -were suspended, and whilst Charles stayed in Madrid -a tempest of prodigality prevailed. Isabel and the -Infanta played their parts in the farce with apprehension -and reluctance, for the former knew that the -besought alliance was directed against France, and the -Infanta was horrified at the idea of marrying a heretic. -But they did their best to keep up appearances, especially -Isabel, who treated Charles most graciously. -The day after his arrival, Philip and his wife and -sister, the latter with a blue ribbon round her arm to -distinguish her, rode in a coach to the church in the -Prado, and Charles, of course quite by accident, met -them both coming and going, to his great satisfaction. -Soon after Isabel sent to the English prince a fine -present of white underwear, a nightgown beautifully -<span class='pageno' id='Page_326'>326</span>worked, and several scented coffers, with golden keys, -full of toilet requisites, probably guessing that in his -rapid voyage he had not brought such luxuries with -him; and at the great bull fight at the Plaza Mayor in -honour of the Prince, she sat in brown satin, bordered -with gold, in the fine balcony of the city bread-store -overlooking the Plaza, as Charles, in black velvet and -white feathers, rode his fine bay horse into the arena by -the side of Philip, to take his place in an adjoining box.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Before the masked ball on Easter Sunday, given by -the Admiral of Castile in Charles’s honour, Isabel in -white satin, covered with precious stones, dined in -public; and then, changing her dress to one of black -and gold, awaited the English Prince to lead her to -the ballroom. There during the entertainment, and -on all other occasions, he sat at her right hand under a -royal canopy, with Philip on her left; whilst the Earl -of Bristol, on his knees before them, interpreted the -small talk suitable to the occasion. And so, with -comedies and cane tourneys, banquets and balls, Charles -and Buckingham were beguiled by Olivares for well -nigh six months, until the farce grew stale, and Charles -wended his way home again, nominally betrothed to -the Infanta, but really outwitted and his country humiliated. -The defeat was softened by much loving -profession and splendid presents from Philip and his -courtiers to the English Prince; and it is somewhat -curious that, on the departure of Charles, the present -given to him by Isabel again took the form of white -linen garments, fifty amber-dressed skins, two hundred -and fifty scented kidskins for gloves, a large sum in -silver crowns, and other things.<a id='r204' /><a href='#f204' class='c013'><sup>[204]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_327'>327</span>Philip and his wife had now settled down to their -regular life in the most brilliant court in Europe. It -was the Augustan age of Spanish literature and the -drama, and a perfect craze for comedies and satirical -verse seized upon the Spanish people, under the influence -of the King and Queen, both of them passionately -fond of the theatre and diversions of all sorts. -Isabel, like her husband, was conventionally devout, -and her religious benefactions were constant, as well as -her attendances at the ceremonies of the church;<a id='r205' /><a href='#f205' class='c013'><sup>[205]</sup></a> but -in her devotion she had none of the gloomy monastic -character which had afflicted her husband’s family, and -the social demeanour of the courtiers and of the townspeople -generally underwent a complete change in her -time. Her manners, indeed, were so free and debonair -as to have given rise to some quite unsupported scandal -as to her faithfulness to her husband. Madrid was a -perfect hotbed of tittle-tattle; everybody considered it -necessary to be able to spin satirical verses, and as -these were generally anonymous and in manuscript, -the reputation of no one, high or low, was safe from -attack.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The reaction from the rigid propriety of previous -reigns led the Court of Philip IV. to assume a licence -<span class='pageno' id='Page_328'>328</span>that quite shocked foreigners. Much of the day was -passed in parading up and down the Calle Mayor -(High Street) in coaches, and much of the night in -summer in promenading in the dry bed of the river. -Gallantry became the fashion, and ladies, very far from -resenting, welcomed broad compliments and doubtful -jests addressed to them by strangers in the streets.<a id='r206' /><a href='#f206' class='c013'><sup>[206]</sup></a> -The palace itself, especially the new pleasure palace of -the Buen Retiro, built in the Prado for Philip by -Olivares in 1632, was a notorious focus of intrigue; -encouraged by the example of Philip himself, by far -the most dissolute king of his line. From his early -youth he had delighted in amateur acting, and under a -pseudonym (Un Ingenio de esta Corte), wrote comedies -himself, and delighted in the society of dramatic people.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Isabel was as keen a lover of the stage as her -husband, and from the first days after the mourning -for Philip <span class='fss'>III.</span> was over, she began her favourite -diversion of private theatricals in her own apartments. -From October 1622, every Sunday and Thursday -during the winter, as well as on holidays, comedies -were performed by regular actors in her private theatre. -Some of these comedies may be mentioned to show -the taste of the Queen in such matters. ‘<cite>The Scorned -Sweetheart</cite>,’ ‘<cite>The Loss of Spain</cite>,’ and ‘<cite>The Jealousy of -a Horse</cite>,’ were three plays by Pedro Valdés, for which -Isabel paid 300 reals (£6) each, the previous price -having been £4. ‘<cite>Gaining Friends</cite>,’ ‘<cite>The Power of -Opportunity</cite>,’ and ‘<cite>How our Eyes are Cheated</cite>,’ ‘<cite>The -Fortunate Farmer</cite>,’ ‘<cite>The Woman’s Avenger</cite>,’ and ‘<cite>The -Husband of His Sister</cite>,’ were others; and the total -<span class='pageno' id='Page_329'>329</span>number of such plays represented in the Queen’s apartments -in the palace during the winter of 1622–23, was -forty-three, the fees for which reached 13,500 reals -(£270).<a id='r207' /><a href='#f207' class='c013'><sup>[207]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Whilst the Prince of Wales was in Madrid the -theatres in the palace, and the two public courtyard -theatres in the capital, had a busy season. James -Howell, writing from Madrid at the time,<a id='r208' /><a href='#f208' class='c013'><sup>[208]</sup></a> says, ‘There -are many excellent poems made here since the Prince’s -arrival, which are too long to couch in a letter. Yet -I will venture to send you this one stanza of Lope de -Vega:</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b c014'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>“<span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Carlos Estuardo soy,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Que, siendo amor mi guia,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Al cielo de España voy,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Por ver mi estrella Maria.</span>”</div> - </div> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>“Charles Stuart here am I</div> - <div class='line'>Guided by love afar,</div> - <div class='line'>Into the Spanish sky</div> - <div class='line'>To see Maria my star.”</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c015'>‘There are comedians once a week come to the palace, -where, under a great canopy, the Queen and the -Infanta sit in the middle, our Princeps and Don -Carlos on the Queen’s right hand, the King and the -little Cardinal (<em>i.e.</em> the King’s boy-brother, Ferdinand) -on the Infanta’s left hand.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>Philip’s notorious and scandalous infidelity to his -wife, to whom, nevertheless, he was devotedly attached, -did not prevent him from being violently jealous of -any appearance of special loving homage to her beauty -and charm. At one of the great cane tourneys to -celebrate his accession in the summer of 1621, it was -<span class='pageno' id='Page_330'>330</span>noticed that when Juan de Tassis, Count of Villamediana, -rode with his troop of horsemen into the -arena, he was wearing a sash covered with the silver -coins called <i><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">reales</span></i> (royals), and flaunting as his motto, -‘My loves are reals’ (or royal). The Count was a -spiteful poetaster, neither good looking nor young, but -boastful and presumptuous; and the quidnuncs of the -capital who flocked ‘Liar’s parade,’<a id='r209' /><a href='#f209' class='c013'><sup>[209]</sup></a> began to whisper -that this was a challenge to the love of the Queen; -and that the King, when his wife had remarked that -Villamediana aimed well, had replied, ‘Yes, but he aims -too high.’ It is now fairly certain that Villamediana’s -homage was not intended for the Queen, but for -another lady, named Francisca de Tavara, with whom -the King was carrying on an intrigue at the time;<a id='r210' /><a href='#f210' class='c013'><sup>[210]</sup></a> -and beyond her usual jovial heartiness there is no -ground for supposing that Isabel gave Villamediana -any encouragement.</p> - -<p class='c007'>But in the following spring of 1622, when the Court -was at Aranjuez, a far more serious matter happened -which produced tragic results for Villamediana. There -was a great festival to celebrate Philip’s seventeenth -birthday, and one of the attractions was a temporary -theatre of canvas and wood erected in the ‘island -garden,’ and beautifully adorned, in which was to be -represented at night a comedy in verse written by the -Count of Villamediana, and dedicated to the Queen. -The comedy was called ‘<cite><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">La Gloria de Niquea</span></cite>,’ and -Isabel was to represent the part of the goddess of -beauty. All the Court was assembled, the King being -in his seat with his brothers and sister, and the Queen -<span class='pageno' id='Page_331'>331</span>in the retiring rooms behind the stage. The inside of -the flimsy building was of course lit brilliantly with -wax candles and lamps, whilst in the densely wooded -gardens outside all was dark, when suddenly, at the -moment that the prologue had been finished, a cry -went up from behind the curtain: and then a long -tongue of flame licked up the side, and immediately -the whole of the stage was aflame. Panic seized upon -the gaily bedizened crowd, and there was a rush to -escape. In the confusion the King with difficulty -found his way out, only to rush to the back of the -edifice in search of his wife. Villamediana had been -before him, and Philip found his wife half fainting in -the Count’s arms.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Whatever may be the truth of the matter, it was -soon noised about by the scandalmongers of Madrid -that Villamediana had planned the whole affair, and -had purposely set fire to the place that he might have -an excuse for clasping the Queen in his arms. This -was on the 8th April 1622; and when, in August of -the same year, Villamediana was assassinated in his -coach at nightfall in the Calle Mayor, within a few -yards of his own house,<a id='r211' /><a href='#f211' class='c013'><sup>[211]</sup></a> all fingers pointed to Philip -himself as the instigator of the crime; and the current -jingle ascribed to Lope de Vega, in which it says that -‘<i><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">el impulso fué soberano</span></i>’ echoed public opinion on -the matter. No blame, however, in any case can be -ascribed to Isabel, nor did Philip ever cease to hold -her in affection and esteem.</p> - -<p class='c007'>She was a true daughter of her father, sage in -counsel, bold in action, but with a gaiety of heart that -often made her pleasures look frivolous and unbecoming. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_332'>332</span>More Spanish than the Spaniards, she loved the bullfight -and the theatre with an intensity that delighted -her husband’s subjects, who were crazy for both pastimes, -but in her boisterous vitality she would often -countenance amusements contrived for her which we -should now think coarse. Quarrels and fights between -country women would be incited, or nocturnal tumults -by torchlight in the gardens of Aranjuez or the Retiro, -arranged for her to witness; snakes or other noxious -reptiles would be secretly set loose on the floor of a -crowded theatre to the confusion of the spectators, -whilst the Queen almost laughed herself into a fit, at -one of the windows overlooking the scene. The Court -indeed during the first years of her married life was a -merry one, notwithstanding its ostentatious devotion; -and, although Olivares more than once urged the -King to take a more active interest in the government -and give less time to his amusements, the minister’s -enemies, and he had many, averred that there was -nothing he really liked better than to keep the young -monarch immersed in pleasure, that he himself might -rule supreme.<a id='r212' /><a href='#f212' class='c013'><sup>[212]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Much as Isabel herself loved pleasure, she began to -be anxious, as troubles at home and abroad accumulated, -at the complete abandonment of public affairs to the -minister, and she urged Philip most earnestly to -give more time to his duties. She had good reason -to be distrustful, for she saw how weak to resist his -impulses Philip was. His love affairs were legion, -and as in the case of most of his courtiers, gallantry -became a habit with him. There was, however, one -<span class='pageno' id='Page_333'>333</span>affair of Philip’s that gave his wife more disquietude -than most of the others. Olivares, it was said, in -pursuance of his system, had agents all over Spain to -send to Madrid the most talented actors and attractive -actresses that could be found; and in 1627 there appeared -as a member of a very clever troupe at the ‘<span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Corral de -la Pacheca</span>’<a id='r213' /><a href='#f213' class='c013'><sup>[213]</sup></a> a girl of sixteen named Maria Calderon. -She was no great beauty, but of extraordinary grace -and fascination, with a voice so sweet, and speech so -captivating, that she subdued all hearts. Philip saw -her on the stage, and fell in love with her at once. She -was summoned to the room overlooking the courtyard -that served the King for a private box, in order that he -might listen more closely to the cadence of her lovely -voice, and the inflammable heart of Philip grew warmer -still. From the Corral to the palace was but a step -when the king willed it, and the ‘Calderona’ became -Philip’s acknowledged mistress. Gifts and caresses -were piled upon her by the love-lorn King; and the -Calderona, proud of her position, turned a severe face -to all other lovers, needing, as she said, no favour but -royal favour.</p> - -<p class='c007'>On the 17th April 1629 she had a son by the King, -to the great delight of Philip. The child Juan of -Austria was the handsomest member of his house, and -Philip’s affection for him from the first was intense; -somewhat to Isabel’s chagrin when she herself bore -him a son six months afterwards.<a id='r214' /><a href='#f214' class='c013'><sup>[214]</sup></a> But from the -worthy ‘Calderona’ she had no more rivalry to fear. -As soon as the actress could go out she sought the -King, and, throwing herself at his feet, craved permission, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_334'>334</span>humbly and tearfully, to devote the rest of her -life to religion in a convent, now that she had been -honoured by bearing a son to the King. Philip loved -her still and hesitated, but she firmly refused to cohabit -with him again; and with sorrow he gave way, and the -Calderona became a nun.<a id='r215' /><a href='#f215' class='c013'><sup>[215]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Isabel’s children were many, five who died at, or -soon after, their births having preceded the looked-for -heir of Spain, Don Baltasar Carlos, that chubby, sturdy -little Prince (born in October 1629) who prances his -fat pony for ever upon the canvas of Velazquez. The -fastuous taste of the King and Court was satisfied to -the full in the baptism of Baltasar Carlos. The -Countess of Olivares, who was as supreme in the palace -as her husband was in the country, held the babe at -the font, seated, as we are told by an eyewitness, upon -‘a seat of rock crystal, the most costly piece of furniture -ever seen in Europe’; and presents were showered -upon the midwife to the value of thirteen thousand -ducats. As soon as the Queen was able to appear, -her birthday (21st November) was celebrated on this -occasion as it had never been before. Masquerades -on horseback, torchlight parades, cane contests and -bullfights succeeded each other, in all of which the -King made a sumptuous appearance with his brother, -Don Carlos; and the Queen, who had given an heir -to the crown, was honoured to the full.</p> - -<p class='c007'>This splendid Court, strutting and posturing in rich -garments upon the brink of the slope which was -leading to Spain’s overthrow, had the advantage of -being immortalised upon canvas by the greatest master -of portraiture that ever lived, and laid bare to the very -<span class='pageno' id='Page_335'>335</span>soul by some of the keenest satirists who ever wielded -pen. The battue parties, in which Philip and his wife -delighted, for the killing of stags in an enclosure, are -brought before us as if we were present by the great -picture in which Velazquez has portrayed the scene.<a id='r216' /><a href='#f216' class='c013'><sup>[216]</sup></a> -In the park of Aranjuez, with the afternoon sun glinting -through the trees, dark against a cloudless sky, the -white canvas enclosure is erected. Into its gradually -narrowing limits the frightened deer have been driven -by mounted beaters, and at the only exit through the -neck of the funnel are stationed the gentlemen, beneath -a sort of platform of leafy boughs decked with red -cloth, in which the ladies sit. The central figure of -the twelve ladies, seated upon a crimson cushion, the -better to see the sport, is the Queen, Isabel of Bourbon, -dressed in a yellow robe, and wearing a white bow -upon her head. Beneath the platform there await, -mounted, the onrush of the deer, Philip and his two -brothers, Carlos and Ferdinand, and, of course, -Olivares. With their hunting knives, they slash at -the deer as they fly past underneath the ladies’ bower, -killing some, ham-stringing others, and leaving the -rest that escape to be dealt with by the hounds -awaiting them beyond. The ground beneath the -bower is drenched with the warm blood of the -butchered beasts, and the ladies smile approval at the -sickly spectacle, whilst groups of courtiers, servants, -and beaters, crowd the foreground and discuss the -King’s prowess.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Another hunting scene, a little less repugnant to -modern ideas, is the famous ‘Boar Hunt’ in the -National Gallery in London. Here the canvas enclosure -is in the hunting seat of the Pardo, and Philip, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_336'>336</span>on his prancing mount, is just thrusting his forked -javelin into the flank of a passing boar, whilst around -him are his courtiers and companions in the sport, -with Olivares nearest; and in the arena there are some -clumsy blue carriages, with partially curtained windows -innocent of glass except in front, in one of which sits -Queen Isabel. The mules of her coach have, of -course, been unharnessed and put out of harm’s way; -but as the boars are agile and fierce, and had been -known to leap into the coaches, the ladies themselves -are armed with light javelins to repel them. Every -detail of the life of this pleasure-loving Court has been -fixed for us by the great painter: the ladies and -gentlemen in the garb in which they lived, the dwarfs -and buffoons who amused them, the palaces in which -they intrigued; and, as a running accompaniment -always, the sated weary face of the King from youth to -age.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Fair and lymphatic, with dull blue eyes, and colourless -sallow face, Philip had inherited the tradition that -in all public appearances the King of Spain must never -smile: and, mad votary of pleasure as he was, he -never moved a muscle either in delight or annoyance -whilst he was behind the footlights. Isabel was more -spontaneous, and Spanish etiquette never crushed her. -But as time went on and the clouds piled up for the -coming tempest, her face grew heavier and her eyes -more sad. Her portrait was painted many times by -Velazquez, though only one specimen remains in the -Museo del Prado, the equestrian figure, painted at -about the time of Baltasar’s birth before misfortune -had spoilt her life. Another likeness of her, now at -Hampton Court, was painted ten years later (1638), -shows the change wrought by trouble: but in all -Velazquez’s representations of the Queen, we see the -same characteristics: the large, expressive black eyes, -the broad spacious forehead, and the strong full jaw; -and, though the general aspect was more like her -buxom mother than her clever father, Isabel’s -countenance is alive with intelligence. In the later -portraits the face grows weary, and the lower part is -flaccid and heavy, but in all the painted portraits of -Isabel by Velazquez, we have the woman herself -before us; not a sensuous idealisation of her, like that -painted by Rubens, and now at the Louvre.</p> - -<div id='i_336fp.jpg' class='figcenter id001'> -<img src='images/i_336fp.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic001'> -<p>ISABEL OF BOURBON.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_337'>337</span>If the painter has handed to us by his genius the -exact reflection of this Court in a way that makes it -live for us more vividly, perhaps, than any other, -Quevedo and his followers, especially Velez de Guevara -in <cite><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">El Diablo Cojuelo</span></cite>, have left in biting prose records -no less faithful of its amusements, its follies, and crimes. -By the light held up by the satirists we see an utterly -decadent society, sunk, from the King downwards, into -a slough of apathetic despondency of ever bettering -things, whilst each individual strives madly to get -as much pleasure as he can wring out of life, by fair -means or foul, before the catastrophe overwhelms them -all. Faith has decayed, and trembling superstition -mixed with scoffing irreverence has taken its place: -idleness is everywhere; poverty and squalor seek to -masquerade as nobility, in order to claim the privilege -to plunder which Court and Church alone possess, and -labour is scorned as beneath the subjects of a King so -wealthy and powerful as the sovereign of Spain is still -assumed to be, in the face of all evidence to the contrary. -A pretentious, hollow society it was, where all -sought to share in the scramble, even at second or -third hand, for the possessions of the State, oblivious -<span class='pageno' id='Page_338'>338</span>to the fact that the State itself could possess nothing -but what the individual citizens supplied.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Pretence was not limited to rank and material -possessions. The noble poet and satirist kept a -sycophantic man of letters to supply him with the -lucubrations that moved the Court to admiration when -they bore the name of a marquis, the cities swarmed -with sham students, who pattered Latin tags, and -cadged on the strength of a scholarship that was not -theirs: and when showy pageants palled upon the -King, and even his beloved comedies failed to spur his -jaded wit, Philip could always find solace in the -pedantic and affected academies and poetical contests -over which he was so fond of presiding in his palace. -There well-studied impromptus were mouthed, far-fetched -conceits declaimed with a pomposity worthy of -inspired prophecy, and preciosity run mad twisted -and befouled the noble Castilian speech into the -bastard <em>Latiniparla</em>, at which Quevedo gibed whilst -himself revelling in it.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It was a Court of mean shams and squalid splendour, -where all was rottenness but the fair outside. How -ostentatious that outside was may be seen in the many -records of court festivities that a bombastic age -has handed to us. They are for the most part insufferably -tedious catalogues of the dress and ornaments -of pompously named nobles, courtiers, and -favourites;<a id='r217' /><a href='#f217' class='c013'><sup>[217]</sup></a> but a few details of two great feasts in -which Isabel took a conspicuous part, may be set forth -here as a specimen of the diversions of her time. An -entertainment, given to the sovereigns by the Countess -<span class='pageno' id='Page_339'>339</span>of Olivares early in June 1631, in the garden of her -brother, the Count of Monterey, inspired Olivares with -the idea of outdoing all previous efforts in the same -direction. The time was short, for the night of St. -John (24th June) was the day fixed. Two comedies -had to be written specially for the occasion; and Lope -de Vega, the most marvellously prolific playwright that -ever lived, managed to compose one of them in three -days: whilst Quevedo and Antonio Mendoza, put -on their mettle by Lope’s rapidity, wrote another -jointly in a single day, whilst Olivarez himself snatched -rare moments of leisure from State affairs, of which he -was the universal minister, to superintend the rehearsals.</p> - -<p class='c007'>As if by enchantment, in a few days there sprang up -in the gardens<a id='r218' /><a href='#f218' class='c013'><sup>[218]</sup></a> a sumptuous pavilion from which the -King and Queen, with their favoured courtiers, might -see the play. In front was erected the open air theatre, -crowded with crystal lights and rare flowers, whilst all -around were platforms for other guests, choristers, etc. -At nine o’clock at night, Philip and Isabel alighted -from their coach, and were received by Olivares to the -sounds of soft music. When they had taken their -seats, Philip on a chair of state, and Isabel on a pile of -cushions, trays of presents were brought them, perfumes, -embroidered scented handkerchiefs, and essences -in cut glass flasks,<a id='r219' /><a href='#f219' class='c013'><sup>[219]</sup></a> Isabel being especially asked to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_340'>340</span>accept in addition a jewelled Italian fan. Quevedo’s -comedy, <cite><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Quien mas miente medra mas</span></cite> (He who lies -most thrives most) was represented first, after a musical -prologue and a poetic welcome to Isabel recited by the -famous actress Maria de Riquelme. The first -representation occupied two hours and a half, we are -told by an eyewitness: ‘during which many excellent -dances were introduced; and although the players, -having had little time to study, did not succeed in -bringing out all the witty invention of the verses, it is -certain that in many ordinary comedies together could -not be found such an abundance of smart jests as in -this one alone; for one day’s work was sufficient -for Don Francisco de Quevedo’s wit to invent -it all.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>When the first comedy was finished Philip and -Isabel were led to the adjoining garden of the Duke -of Maqueda,<a id='r220' /><a href='#f220' class='c013'><sup>[220]</sup></a> where there had been erected two bowers -or summer-houses of leaves and blossoms, with a great -number of coloured lights. These two arbors, one -for the King and the other for the Queen, communicated -by an arched passage of foliage, and were -surrounded by similar erections for the suite, each -bower being supplied with a table of light refreshments. -In the King’s bower there was a hamper -containing a long cloak of brown cloth, ornamented -at the edge by scrolls of black and silver, solid silver -hanging buttons, and loops serving for fastening. -This was accompanied by a white wide-brimmed hat -<span class='pageno' id='Page_341'>341</span>trimmed with brown feathers and a white aigrette, -and a Walloon falling collar,<a id='r221' /><a href='#f221' class='c013'><sup>[221]</sup></a> which was still occasionally -worn in place of the almost universal <i><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">golilla</span></i>. The -King’s brothers were similarly supplied with disguises; -whilst in the Queen’s bower the hamper contained a -mirror, a brown woollen cloak embroidered at the -bottom with sprigs of black silk and silver, the -fastenings in this case also being solid silver hanging -buttons and silver loops. The cloak was lined with -silk of the same colour, hemmed and stitched with -black and silver, and with it was a beautiful lace -mantilla, a pleated lace ruff, and a white hat adorned -with brown and white plumes and spangles. The -whole Court was thus supplied with wraps and headgear -against the night air. A light supper of surpassing -daintiness was then served in the arbors, -and the whole party, politely supposed to be disguised, -proceeded to witness the second comedy; the Queen -in her capricious garb, ‘adding to her natural and -marvellous graciousness and beauty the extraordinary -attraction of the strangeness of attire, without losing -an atom of the dignity which distinguishes her -Majesty, no less than the other admirable virtues -and perfections which shine in her.’ We are assured -that the unusual hats and garments worn by the King -and his brothers were equally powerless to spoil their -dignified appearance, ‘as they unite those qualities -which vulgar censure and envy always strive to keep -apart, namely, great beauty and a noble air:’ and the -writer of the account from which I quote, nervous, -apparently, at what the outside public would say to -such a derogation of royalty as to don disguises, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_342'>342</span>assures us that only a very select company was -allowed to be present.<a id='r222' /><a href='#f222' class='c013'><sup>[222]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>The comedy of Lope de Vega, ‘<cite><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">La Noche de San -Juan</span></cite>,’ was then represented on the open air stage, -and a short concert followed, after which the King -and Queen were conducted to a flower-decked gallery -erected in the other adjoining garden.<a id='r223' /><a href='#f223' class='c013'><sup>[223]</sup></a> Here, after -midnight, another delicate refection was partaken of, -the Count and Countess of Olivares serving the King -and Queen, the whole banquet being so well organised -that everything went off with the utmost decorum and -quietness, except for the sweet music which enlivened -the feast. When the day was just breaking the King -and Queen entered their coach and, after a few turns -in the Prado, rode home to the palace to bed. Olivares -was praised to the skies for the organisation of this -lavish feast, and the wonder is expressed that the -licentious crowd of people who frequented the Prado -at night should have been so awed by the presence -of the King in the garden adjoining, that no disturbance -or disorder took place.</p> - -<p class='c007'>This feast, fine as it was, was completely thrown -in the shade by another which took place a few yards -away, two years later (1633), when, at tremendous expense, -and much unjust appropriation of other people’s -property, Olivares run up and sumptuously furnished, -in an amazing short time, the pleasure palace of the -Buen Retiro, which afterwards became Philip’s favourite -place of residence, where his comedies, academies, concerts, -recitations and masquerades could be indulged -<span class='pageno' id='Page_343'>343</span>in with more propriety than in the gloomy, old half-Moorish -palace on the cliff at the other end of the -town. The house warming of the Buen Retiro lasted -for a week in one continual round of tedious entertainment, -in which invention and lavishness exhausted -itself; but this was only the first of a series of such -revels in the same place, for which any pretext was -seized.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In January 1637, for instance, when Philip learnt -that his brother-in-law, Ferdinand, had been elected -King of the Romans, and future Emperor, an entertainment -was ordered on a prodigious scale at the -Buen Retiro. Three thousand men were set to work -to level a hill that Pinelo (Anales) says ‘had stood -since the world was made,’ for the purpose of building -a wooden enclosure 608 feet long and 480 wide. Four -hundred and eight large balconies or boxes surrounded -this vast space, which was painted to look like masonry -outside, whilst the inside was hung with silk and tapestries, -and a silver railing ran round the front of the -boxes. Nine hundred huge candelabra, ‘with four -lights in each,’ illuminated the plaza; and the royal -box, with its gilded roofs and pillars, and its green -and gold appointments, glittered with mirrors which -cast back the twinkling lights that fell upon them. -Blazonry, imperial and royal crowns, scutcheons of -arms and ‘conceited devices,’ were displayed on every -side; and when, on the 15th February (Sunday), -Philip came to the feast in state from the house, in -the Carrera de San Geronimo, where he had robed, -through a broad lane of people, with torch-bearers -standing shoulder to shoulder throughout his route, -people said that never had such a gorgeous show been -seen in Spain.</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_344'>344</span>With martial music, before them rode in his train, -sixteen bands of nobles, twelve in each band, all -dressed alike in black velvet and silver, and every -man carrying in his right hand a lighted wax taper, -whilst he restrained his prancing steed with the left. -Last of all the bands came those of Olivares and the -King, dressed like the others, but with some richer -ornaments; and then great triumphal cars of strange -and showy designs, made by Cosme Lotti, the clever -Florentine. Each of them was 30 feet long and 46 -feet high, lit with 100 torches, and contained innumerable -figures and devices; and bands of music, -the weight being so great that twenty-four bullocks -were needed to draw each one, the bullocks themselves -being hung with crimson, and accompanied by men -in the garb of Orientals bearing silver torches. After -them followed forty savages, whose clubs were torches; -and as the great procession entered the enclosed space, -and each party passed before Queen Isabel in the royal -box, a fanfare sounded and the men saluted the sovereign; -the whole procession, after having completed -the circle, forming up in front of the royal box, whilst -the mummers on the cars represented before the -Queen ‘a colloquy of peace and war.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>Philip’s band of nobles in their musical ride and -intricate evolutions, of course excelled all others; and -the King, acclaimed as the champion cavalier of his -realm, ascended to his wife’s box to lay at her feet the -guerdon of his prowess, and witness the rest of the -feast at her side. For ten days thereafter the feasting -and vain show went on, comedies, concerts, banquets, -balls, water fetes on the lake, illumination of the -woods, bull fights by torchlight, a poetical contest and -greasy poles; a cotillon in which the party pelted each -<span class='pageno' id='Page_345'>345</span>other with eggshells full of perfume, and a hundred -other devices to waste time and money,<a id='r224' /><a href='#f224' class='c013'><sup>[224]</sup></a> and to beguile -Philip from the looming affairs of State, now wholly -managed by the strong, dark-faced man with the big -head and bowed shoulders, whom most people hated -for his imperiousness and his greed, the King’s bogey -as some called him, the second King of Spain, the -Count Duke of Olivares.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The brilliant hopes of peace and retrenchment which -had greeted Philip’s accession had all been falsified. -The Catholic union with France represented by the -marriages of Philip with Isabel and of Louis <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> with -the Infanta Anna, had failed before the marriages -themselves were complete; for the ambitious projects -of Philip <span class='fss'>II.</span> were again being revived by Olivares, who -dreamed once more that Spain, cast down in the dust as -she was, might yet hold the hegemony over the powers -of Europe, and dictate to Christendom the articles of -its faith. It was a vain, foolish, vision in the circumstances, -for not of material strength alone had Spain -been stripped, but of the real secret of its short predominance, -the firm conviction of divine selection and -of the invincibility of its sacred cause. The country -was as politically heterogeneous as ever, whilst it had -lost the homogeneity it had borrowed from religious -exaltation; and yet, with its rival, France, growing daily -in national solidarity and contributive capability under -Richelieu, Spain was hurried by Olivares into a perfect -fever for conquest, and to the arrogant reassertion of -its old exploded claims.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The employment of Spanish troops to overrun the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_346'>346</span>Palatinate and reduce Bohemia, and the recrudescence -of the interminable war against the Dutch, had knit -the two branches of the house of Austria closer -together than ever, and strengthened the Emperor -immensely. It was clear, that unless Richelieu struck -promptly and boldly, France would once again, if -Olivares had his way, be shut in by a circle of enemies. -France and Savoy, alarmed at the revived pretensions -of Spain, made common cause with the protestant -powers, and soon all Europe was at war. Spain was -ruined, but at least the court nobles and the church -were rich, and the national pride was excited to the -utmost. The war was primarily against France, but -Isabel of Bourbon was as fiercely Spanish as if her -father had not been Henry the Great, and she herself -set the example of sacrifice. The jewels she loved so -well were sold to provide men-at-arms; the ladies, who -took their tone from the Queen, sent their valuables -the same way; the nobles, aroused by appeals to their -pride, contributed voluntarily a million ducats to the -war fund; and the church opened its hoards to the extent -of raising and maintaining twenty thousand troops. -All French property in Spain was confiscated, and the -war for a time was carried on with an energy that -reminded men of the great times of the Emperor. At -first the Spaniards and Austrians carried all before -them. Tilly in Germany, Spinola in Flanders, and -Fadrique de Toledo on the sea, revived the glory of -the house of Austria; and Spanish pride rose once -more to crazy arrogance. Philip the Great, the Planet -King, were the titles already given to the idle young -man, whom Olivares flattered and controlled. But -when the first gust of enthusiasm was past, it was clear -that Spain could not provide funds to carry on war by -<span class='pageno' id='Page_347'>347</span>land and sea the world over; and peace was made with -England; Savoy was won over, and thenceforward it was -a duel to the death between the house of Austria and -the house of France, between Olivares and Richelieu.</p> - -<p class='c007'>For years the struggle went on with varying military -phases, but with the inevitable result of reducing -poverty-stricken, idle Spain to absolute penury. -Every device to raise more money was tried, and all -in vain. Crushing taxes upon production, debasement -of the coinage, confiscation, repudiation and robbery, -were but weak resources to maintain a great foreign -war by a bankrupt State; and unless Olivares confessed -failure more money must be had. The Cortes -of Castile was powerless to check the national waste, -but the Cortes of Aragon, Catalonia and Valencia, -were still vigorous, and resisted all attempts to extort -money except by their votes, grudgingly given only -after much haggling. Olivares had understood as -clearly as Ferdinand and Isabel had done, that for the -King of Spain to be powerful enough to cope with -France he must control the whole resources of Spain. -The bond of religious exaltation had dissolved, and -could not be restored; but the unification on political -lines might be effected by weakening the separate -autonomous institutions of the outlying States.</p> - -<p class='c007'>This was the plan of Olivares; doubtless a wise one -if pursued patiently and cautiously in times of peace -and in an era of interior reforms. But Olivares, like -Ferdinand the Catholic before him, needed national -unity in a hurry, in order to obtain resources to fight -France, not for the purpose of making Spain a homogeneous -peaceful nation,<a id='r225' /><a href='#f225' class='c013'><sup>[225]</sup></a> and his reckless attempts to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_348'>348</span>obtain money for his war with France by over-riding -the autonomous privileges of Catalonia and Portugal, -and extorting taxation without parliamentary sanction, -precipitated the ruin that had long threatened. In -June 1640 Barcelona flamed out in revolt against -Castile, and soon all Catalonia, and part of Aragon -and Valencia, had repudiated the dominion of Philip, -and had made common cause with France. Six -months later, in December 1640, Portugal for similar -reasons proclaimed the Duke of Braganza king, and -cast off for ever the yoke of Spain.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Philip, plunged in his pleasures, as we have seen, -was kept in the dark. The Catalan insurgents were -for him merely a band of rioters, as Olivares assured -him, who would soon be suppressed; and when Portugal -proclaimed its freedom the minister had the -effrontery to rush into Philip’s chamber with an -appearance of joy, and congratulated him upon gaining -a new dukedom and a vast estate. ‘How?’ -asked the King. ‘Sire,’ replied Olivares, ‘the Duke -of Braganza has gone mad and revolted against your -Majesty. All his belongings are now forfeit and are -yours.’ But Philip knew better, and for once lost his -marble serenity. Blow after blow fell upon him. -Starving subjects, a crippled trade, an empty treasury, -and his richest realms in revolt: these were the results -of his twenty years rule, and all he had to show was -the hollow glory of battles gained far away in quarrels -not his own.</p> - -<p class='c007'>He was good-hearted and really loved his subjects, -but he had never learnt to rule, for he had never ruled -his own passions or curbed his inclinations; and he -was in despair when the truth came to him, bit by bit. -Frantic prayers; tears and vows of amendment were -<span class='pageno' id='Page_349'>349</span>his way of dealing with all the blows of fortune: but -there were others at his side who were more practical -and determined than he. For years the yoke of -Olivares and his wife had galled the neck of Isabel. -Fond of pleasure as she was, she had a statesman’s -mind, and her love for her promising son Baltasar, -now aged thirteen, and the pride of his parents’ heart, -had sharpened her wits as she saw his great inheritance -slipping away from him under the rule of a minister -whom she personally disliked for his rudeness even to -her.<a id='r226' /><a href='#f226' class='c013'><sup>[226]</sup></a> Again and again she had urged Philip to play -the man and head his own armies in the field. Philip -was willing, even eager, to do so; but Olivares would -not hear of it, and the breach widened between the -Queen and the minister. Olivares was detested by -most of the principal nobles and churchmen. His -policy of war could only be paid for out of the plunder -derived from them, since all other classes were reduced -to poverty, and the elements of discontent gradually -grouped around Isabel.</p> - -<p class='c007'>At last Isabel’s prayers, for once, overrode Olivares’ -counsel, and Philip stood firm in his determination to -lead his own armies to rescue Catalonia from the -French. Olivares left no stone unturned to defeat -the Queen. Obedient physicians certified that the -voyage would injure the King’s health, submissive -Councils voted against the risk of the sovereign’s life -in war, and constitutional lawyers laid down that it was -not proper for the King to go. Philip, tired out at -last, snatched a report of the Council from the hands -of the Protonotary who was about to present it, and, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_350'>350</span>tearing it into pieces, cried, ‘Bring me no more reports -about my going to Catalonia, but prepare for the -journey, for go I will.’ The royal confessor—of -course a creature of Olivares—added his remonstrance -against the King’s journey, but was at once stopped -by Philip, and was told that if Olivares did not want -to go he could stay away; and if he was not at Aranjuez -when the King passed through he would not wait -for him.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It was a victory for Isabel that presaged the great -minister’s fall; for Olivares dared not leave his master’s -side, and the Queen remained in the capital as Regent. -Every device was adopted to delay the King’s progress. -Money was wanted, and when that had been -extorted, in many cases by imprisonment,<a id='r227' /><a href='#f227' class='c013'><sup>[227]</sup></a> the lavish -and pompous preparations for the journey were endless. -Nine state coaches and six litters, a hundred and three -saddle horses, with crowds of courtiers, were considered -necessary for a campaign; and every grandee and -titled nobleman in Spain was warned that he must join -the royal train. When, at last, after visits to numberless -altars, Philip took leave of his wife at Vacia Madrid -in April 1642, it was only to be delayed on the way -for many weeks in ostentatious feasts, hunting parties -and frivolities, before he at length arrived at Saragossa. -By that time Aragon itself was half overrun by the -French, and Philip, fully awake now to the terrible -condition of affairs, grew ever more gloomy with his -minister, who even now found means to keep the King -isolated at Saragossa, miles away from the hostilities, in -discounted inaction.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In the meanwhile Isabel in Madrid, free from the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_351'>351</span>terrifying presence of the favourite, organised the party -of his opponents. She had always been a favourite -with the crowd for her popular manners, but now she -won their hearts completely; for they knew she was -against the man upon whose back they laid all their -woes. She visited the guards and barracks, mustered -the regiments in the capital and addressed to them -harangues, exciting their loyalty to the King and -Spain. Once more she sacrificed her ornaments, -devoted herself to the comfort of the soldiers, raised -a new regiment at her own expense in her son’s name, -presided over the Councils, and infused more activity -and enthusiasm in the administration than had been -seen for years.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Isabel of Bourbon had seized her opportunity. Up -to that time she had been simply an appanage of the -splendours of the idle King; now, with the power of a -Regent and the favour of the people, she became the -strongest personality in Spain. Her letters to the -King were vigorous and brave; and he thenceforward -treated her with greater consideration, as if up to that -time he had never realised that his wife was a woman -of talent and spirit. Philip was kept idle at Saragossa, -away from his army and his nobles for months. Once -he acted on his own initiative and appointed a new -commander-in-chief, the Marquis of Leganés, a kinsman -of Olivares; but the appointment was unfortunate. -At the first engagement afterwards Philip’s army was -utterly routed before Lerida; and as winter approached, -with a badly fed, unpaid dwindling force, quarrelling -generals, and his best provinces held by France, Philip -returned to Madrid with an aching heart at the end of -the year 1642.</p> - -<p class='c007'>He found the tone in his palace very different from -<span class='pageno' id='Page_352'>352</span>when he had left it. There were four women, all of -whom had Philip’s ear, and who hated Olivares. The -Queen, Anna of Austria, Queen of France, Philip’s -sister, the Duchess of Mantua (Margaret of Savoy), -his cousin, who had been his viceroy in Portugal, and -who rightly blamed the minister for the loss of the -country; she, moreover, being kept in semi-imprisonment -at Ocaña by the minister’s orders, and Doña -Anna de Guevara, the King’s old nurse, who was also -forbidden at Court by the same influence. These -ladies were all in communication with each other and -with the nobles who were Olivares’ enemies, led by -the Counts of Paredes and Castrillo. ‘My good -intentions and my son’s innocence,’ Isabel told Paredes, -‘must for once serve the King for eyes: for if he sees -through those of the Count Duke much longer, my -son will be reduced to a poor King of Castile.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>A week or two after the King’s return, Isabel struck -her blow at the tottering favourite. The first sign of -the event was the escape of the King’s Savoy cousin, -the Duchess of Mantua, from Ocaña, and her arrival -at Madrid late at night, after a ride of forty miles -through a storm of sleet. Olivares was furious, and -kept her waiting for four hours before he assigned her -two wretched rooms in one of the royal convents. -But Isabel received her in the palace with open arms -the next morning. Then the banished nurse, Anna -de Guevara, appeared in the palace in defiance of -Olivares. That afternoon Philip visited his wife’s -room, and she, kneeling before him, with little -Baltasar in her arms, implored him for the sake of -their son to dismiss his evil minister before it was too -late to rescue the realms his ineptitude had lost. In a -torrent of words Isabel poured forth the pent-up -<span class='pageno' id='Page_353'>353</span>complaints of years; the wars that had ruined the -country, the starving people, the lost provinces, the -waste and frivolity that had been the rule of their -lives, the insults and slights which she, personally, had -suffered at the hands of Olivares and his wife, and the -shame that a king, into whose hands God had confided -so sacred a task, should delegate it to others.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Philip was deeply moved, though he said nothing; -but as he left his wife’s chamber, he was confronted in -the corridor by the kneeling figure of his beloved -foster-mother, Anna de Guevara. She, too, formed -her impeachment of Olivares in impassioned words, -and Philip could only reply, ‘You have spoken the -truth.’ Then for two hours the Queen and the -Duchess of Mantua were closeted with the King, and -the victory was won.<a id='r228' /><a href='#f228' class='c013'><sup>[228]</sup></a> That night, 17th January 1643,<a id='t353'></a> -Olivares was dismissed. He struggled for days to -regain his influence over the King, but tried in vain; -for Philip, like most weak men, was obstinate when -once his mind was made up, and so, ruined and -degraded, the Count Duke turned his back upon the -Court he had ruled, and went to madness and death, -leaving Isabel of Bourbon, the mistress of the situation, -the ‘King’s only minister,’ as he said soon after, when -he asked the nuns of shoeless Carmelites to pray for -his ‘minister.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>Madrid went wild with joy at Olivares’ fall. -‘Isabels have always saved Spain,’ the people cried, -as the King and Queen with the Duchess of Mantua -went to the convent church of the barefoots to give -thanks; ‘Philip is King of Spain, at last, and will save -<span class='pageno' id='Page_354'>354</span>his country.’ But it needed much more than shouting -to save Spain. Philip, spurred by his wife, plucked -up more energy than ever before. He would be his -own minister in future, and would take the field as -soon as spring came, and wrest Catalonia from the -French. Before that could be done, Philip’s army -met in Flanders with the greatest defeat it had ever -sustained, a blow from which the reputation of the -famous Spanish infantry never recovered. His young -brother, Cardinal Ferdinand, had died two years -before, and his place in Flanders had been taken by -the Portuguese noble Mello. He was a good soldier; -but Condé, young as he was, out-generalled him: and -the defeat of Rocroy made it certain that France, and -not Spain, would in future lead Europe. But yet the -soil of Spain itself must be redeemed from the French -invaders: and again, through the summer of 1643, -Philip struggled manfully to regain his lost dominion; -whilst Isabel, as Regent in Madrid, organised, -directed, and encouraged, with a spirit and energy -that won for her the fervent love of her husband’s -loyal subjects. Some success attended him, for he -captured Lerida from the French: but the war was a -terrible drain, and in the campaign of the following -year, 1644, failure followed failure.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The poor, weary, King’s heart was almost breaking -under his many troubles, when he was brought into -contact with the saintly woman, who until the end was -his one refuge and solace, the Venerable nun, Maria -de Agreda, whose exhortations and prayers sustained -him in his hardest trials, which were yet to come. -Philip was in Saragossa at the beginning of October -when news came to him that his wife was ill. Sending -his new favourite—for his good resolves in that -<span class='pageno' id='Page_355'>355</span>respect had soon failed—Luis de Haro, to the front, to -acquaint the army of the King’s reason for leaving, he -started at once for Madrid.</p> - -<p class='c007'>On the 28th September 1644, Isabel had suffered -from some sort of choleraic attack with much fever. -She was copiously bled in the arms, and seemed to -improve, but was soon seen to be suffering from violent -erysipelas in the face; the disease soon spreading to -the throat, which was almost closed, as if by diphtheria. -The patient was bled eight times more, but still the -inflammation grew; and, as usual with Spanish -doctors, when bleeding failed, the charms of the church -were resorted to. On the 4th October the last -sacrament was administered, and the dead body of -Saint Isidore was brought to the sick chamber. This -having failed to effect a cure, the more sacred relic -still, the miraculous image of the Virgin of Atocha -was brought in procession from its shrine into the -convent of St. Thomas, at Madrid, with the intention -of placing it for adoration by the Queen’s bed. When -Isabel’s permission was asked, she said that she was -unworthy of the honour of such a visit, and Prince -Baltasar visited the image instead, to implore upon his -knees that his mother’s life might be spared. ‘There -was no church nor convent in Madrid that did not -bring out in procession its crucifixes and most sacred -images in prayer for the Queen’s health, and the whole -people wailed fervently their prayers and rogations that -her life might be granted.’<a id='r229' /><a href='#f229' class='c013'><sup>[229]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>On the 5th of October, the dying woman tried to -make her new will; but she was too weak, and only -left verbal authority before witnesses to the King -to carry out her intentions. At noon on that day she -<span class='pageno' id='Page_356'>356</span>sent for a <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">fleur de lys</span></i>, which formed one of the -ornaments in the crown, and in which was encased a -fragment of the true cross. This she worshipped -fervently. Her two children were brought to her, -Baltasar and the girl Maria Theresa, but she would -not let them approach her for fear of contagion, -though she blessed them fervently from afar. ‘There -are plenty of Queens for Spain,’ she sighed, but -princes and princesses are scarce. The next day, as -the great clock of the palace marked a quarter past -four in the afternoon, Isabel of Bourbon breathed her -last, aged forty-one. Garbed as a Franciscan nun, the -body was carried that night to the royal convent of barefoots; -and thence the day after in a leaden coffin, encased -in another of brocade, it was borne back to the palace -to lie in state amidst blazing tapers, nodding plumes, and -all the pomp and circumstance of royal mourning.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In the meanwhile, Philip was hurrying from Aragon, -a prey to the keenest anxiety. At Maranchon, about -fifty miles from the capital, where the King had -alighted at a wretched inn, the news came that the -Queen was dead. The ministers and courtiers around -the King forbore to tell him for a time, out of mere -pity; for the journey and anxiety had told upon him -‘and he had only just dined.’ But a few miles further -on, at Almadrones, the news was broken to him in his -carriage by those who accompanied him. A terrible -burst of grief, and an order that he might be left alone -in his sorrow, proved that Philip, for all his faithlessness, -was fond of his wife; and then, rather than enter -the city where the Queen’s body lay, he turned aside -and sought solitude at the Pardo,<a id='r230' /><a href='#f230' class='c013'><sup>[230]</sup></a> where he was soon -joined by his son Baltasar, whilst, with the usual -<span class='pageno' id='Page_357'>357</span>heavy pomp at dead of night, the body of Isabel was -carried across the bleak Castilian tableland to the new -jasper vault in the Escorial, which, from very dread, -she had never dared to enter in her lifetime.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Three days after Isabel’s death, the sainted mystic -of Agreda saw, as she asserted, the phantom of the -Queen before her, asking for the prayers of the -godly to liberate her from the pains she was suffering -in purgatory, for the vain splendour of her attire -during her life.<a id='r231' /><a href='#f231' class='c013'><sup>[231]</sup></a> To the nun Philip’s cry of pain went -up, whilst to all the rest of the world he turned a -leaden face. On the 15th November he wrote—‘Since -the Lord was pleased to take from me to himself -the Queen, who is now in heaven, I have wanted -to write to you, but the great distress I am in, and -the business with which I am overwhelmed, have -hitherto prevented me from doing so. I find myself -more oppressed with sorrow than seems bearable, for -I have lost in one person alone all that I can lose in -this world: and if it were not that I know, according -to the faith I hold, that God sends to us that which is -best and wisest, I know not what would become of me. -But this thought, and this alone, makes me suffer my -grief with utter resignation to the will of God; and I -must confess to you that I have needed much help -from on high to bring me to bear this cross patiently. -I wanted to ask you to pray to God very earnestly for -me in this dire trouble, and to aid me in asking Him -to grant me grace to offer up this sorrow to Him, and -take advantage of it for my own salvation.’<a id='r232' /><a href='#f232' class='c013'><sup>[232]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_358'>358</span>A yet more terrible trial for him came two years -later; and a yet more heartbroken appeal to the nun -for prayers, and to God to save him from rebellion -against his hard fate, burst from the King’s breaking -heart when his only son died in his budding manhood, -and left Philip, aged by suffering, to face matrimony -again for the sake of leaving an heir to the crown of -sorrow that was weighing him down.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Isabel of Bourbon died bravely, as she had lived. -She was a Frenchwoman, married to bring about a -friendship between France and Spain, and the two -countries were at war continually from the time that -her marriage was completed to the day of her death. -In her time the sun of Spain sank as surely as the day -of France brightened, and yet she never gloried in the -triumph of the land of her birth, and kept faithful to -the end to the Spain which she loved so well. It -would be unfair to credit her with so clear and high a -soul as either of the previous Isabels; but hers was -a brave, sturdy, heart that accepted things as they -were if she was unable to mend them; and, like her -father before her, she enjoyed herself as much as she -could whilst doing her duty valiantly and well.</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_359'>359</span> - <h2 class='c005'><span class='large'>BOOK IV</span><br /> <span class='large'>II</span><br /> MARIANA OF AUSTRIA</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_361'>361</span>So long as Prince Baltasar lived Philip resisted all -pressure that he should take another wife. The -spring and summer were spent in Aragon, in the -now almost despairing attempt to win back his -dominions from the French. Approaches for his -own marriage were made by various interests, but -always gently put aside with a reference to his hopes -being now centred in his son, whom he kept at his -side and instructed him in the business of government. -With a wretched lack of material resources -his attempts to recover Catalonia were fruitless. One -defeat followed another with wearisome reiteration, -and as disaster deepened Philip became more moody -and devout; his one adviser and confidant being the -nun of Agreda, and his one resource agonised prayer. -When his boy fell ill in May 1646, at Pamplona in -Navarre, on his way to the seat of war, Philip’s -invocations to heaven for his safety were almost -terrible in their intensity.<a id='r233' /><a href='#f233' class='c013'><sup>[233]</sup></a> The lad recovered; and -when he arrived with his father at Saragossa in July, -the imperial ambassadors were awaiting them to offer -in marriage to the heir of Spain his first cousin, the -Archduchess Mariana of Austria, the daughter of the -Emperor.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Philip could look nowhere else for an alliance. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_362'>362</span>France was his deadly enemy, though it was governed -by his sister Anna as regent, and a further marriage -experiment in that direction was out of the question -at present, even if there had been an available French -princess.<a id='r234' /><a href='#f234' class='c013'><sup>[234]</sup></a> The Emperor and Spain, on the other -hand, had been—to Spain’s ruin—fighting shoulder -to shoulder throughout the whole of the thirty years’ -war, now dragging to its conclusion, and the treaty -was promptly signed for the marriage of Baltasar, -aged seventeen, with Mariana of Austria, three years -younger. With regard to their betrothal, Philip wrote -to the nun thus: ‘My sister, the Empress, having -died, I consider it advisable to draw closer the ties -between the Emperor and ourselves in this way, my -principal aim being the exaltation of the faith; for it -is certain that the more intimate the two branches -of our house are, so much the firmer will religion -stand throughout Christendom.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>Only two months later, early in October, the blow -fell, and the prince died of smallpox. Whilst he lay -ill the distracted father wrote frantically to his correspondent, -crying for God’s mercy to save him from -this last trial. But when the boy had died the King’s -letters assumed a tone of dull despair. God had not -heard his prayers, and he supposed it was for the -best. He had done everything to dedicate this grief -to God; but his heart was pierced, and he knew not -whether he lived or dreamed. He was resigned, he -said, but feared his constancy, and so on; each phrase -<span class='pageno' id='Page_363'>363</span>revealing a heart that almost doubted the efficacy of -prayer, and the goodness of the Almighty.<a id='r235' /><a href='#f235' class='c013'><sup>[235]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Thenceforward, for a time, his conduct changed. -He had done his best and had not spared himself. -He had prayed night and day, and had fashioned his -life according to monastic counsels. But defeat, -trouble, poverty and bereavement had fallen upon -him in spite of all, and Philip, in the intervals of his -poignant contrition, plunged into dissolute excesses -that shocked and scandalised the devotees about him. -Philip was forty-two, about the age when some of -his forbears had developed that strain of mystic -devotion that so nearly borders madness. He had -no male heir, and only one tiny daughter of eight, -and his troubles and excesses had prematurely aged -him. All Spain demanded of him a man child to -succeed to his greatness; and the remonstrances of -the churchmen and the nuns at the scandal of his -life were reinforced by the Emperor’s ambassadors, -who urged that he should marry the girl-niece who -had been betrothed to his dead son.</p> - -<p class='c007'>And so history repeated itself; and, as in the case -of his grandfather, Philip <span class='fss'>II.</span>, the King accepted for -his wife the Austrian princess who had been destined -for his daughter-in-law. Of his many illegitimate -children he had only legitimised one, Don Juan -José of Austria, the son of the actress Maria Calderon. -He was brilliant and handsome, and had won his -father’s regard; but he could never be King of Spain; -and Philip, with little enthusiasm, wedded an immature -girl for the sake of giving an heir to his -country, and for the maintenance of the solidarity of -the house of Austria, which typified the old impossible -<span class='pageno' id='Page_364'>364</span>claim of Spain to dictate the religion of the world. -It was a disastrous resolve, which ensured the consummation -of ruin to the country and the cause which -it was intended to benefit.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Philip was straining every nerve against the French -in Catalonia and Flanders; he was, to the extent of -his ability, attacking the Portuguese on the eastern -frontier; and his kingdom of Naples was in full -revolt. The long war had exhausted him, as it had -exhausted all Europe: he had, to his own destruction, -fought the battles of religion in central Europe by -the side of the Emperor for many years; and his -new marriage was intended to fasten the Emperor -to him in the cause of Spain. The powerlessness of -marriage bonds to resist political forces was once more -proved before Philip saw his bride. The Treaty of -Westphalia (October 1648) was finally signed, and -Spain, which had suffered most in the war, sacrificed -most in the peace. The religious question in Germany -was settled for good, and the dream of Charles v. was -finally dissipated: the independence of Holland, the -point which had dragged Spain down and kept her -at war for nearly a hundred years, was recognised at -last, out of sheer impotence for further struggle by -Philip. Alsace went to France, and Pomerania to -Sweden: the central European powers were satisfied: -there was nothing more for the Emperor to fight for, -and Spain was left face to face alone with her enemy -France, and without the imperial co-operation for which -Philip had paid so dear.</p> - -<p class='c007'>With ceremonies and pomp which would be tedious -to relate the young princess left Vienna on the 13th -November 1648, travelling slowly by coach with her -brother, the King of Hungary, towards Trent, where -<span class='pageno' id='Page_365'>365</span>the representatives of Philip were to take charge of -the new Queen. Endless festivities were held at -Trent and the Italian cities,<a id='r236' /><a href='#f236' class='c013'><sup>[236]</sup></a> and simultaneously in -Madrid. Illuminated streets, bullfights, and palace-revels, -which Philip attended with dull hopeless face -and heavy heart, celebrated the announcement of the -nuptials, coinciding in time with the rejoicings for -the recovery of Naples by the diplomacy of young -Don Juan of Austria, Philip’s son, in the winter of -1648. But it was well into the autumn (4th September) -of 1649 before the bride and her Spanish -household of one hundred and sixty nobles at length -landed at Denia in the kingdom of Valencia.</p> - -<p class='c007'>At Navalcarnero, a small village some fifteen miles -from Madrid, the great cavalcade arrived on the 6th -October 1649; and there it was arranged that Philip -should first meet his bride.<a id='r237' /><a href='#f237' class='c013'><sup>[237]</sup></a> For months he had been -writing by every post to the nun, deploring and repenting -his inability to resist the temptations of the flesh, -and ascribing to his sins the wars, pestilence and -misery that were scourging his beloved people. With -such qualms of conscience as this it must have been -welcome to him—weary voluptuary though he was—to -enter into a licit union, which, at least, might rescue -him from temptation. Disguised, he watched his bride -enter Navalcarnero, and then went to lodge in another -<span class='pageno' id='Page_366'>366</span>village before paying his formal visit to her a day afterwards. -Mariana was just fifteen, a strong, passionate, -full-blooded girl with a hard heart. On her way from -Denia the mistress of the robes, the Countess of -Medillin, had gravely remonstrated with her for laughing -at the buffoons, who sought to amuse her, and -had schooled her in the etiquette that forbade a Queen -of Spain to walk in public. But Mariana made light -of such prudery, and in the insolence of her gaiety -and youth went her own way, laughing her fill at the -comedy played before her at Navalcarnero, to while -away the time until supper.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The King and Queen met for the first time in the -little oratory where their marriage was to be confirmed -by the Archbishop of Toledo, and then, after more -comedies and bullfights, the royal pair proceeded to -the Escorial, lit up for the occasion by 11,000 lights, to -pass the first days of their honeymoon. From the -Retiro on the 15th November Mariana made her state -entry into Madrid. The capital surpassed itself in its -signs of rejoicing, for Philip was extremely popular -and his subjects yearned for an heir to the throne. We -are told that the whole distance from the Retiro to the -old palace, from one end of Madrid to the other, the -way was spanned by arches of flowers, whilst monumental -erections with devices of welcome were placed -at each principal point.<a id='r238' /><a href='#f238' class='c013'><sup>[238]</sup></a> The Queen rode a snow-white -palfrey; and as she smiled her frank gratified -smile to the lieges they welcomed her for her rosy, -painted cheeks and red pouting lips, knowing little the -cold selfish heart that beat beneath the buxom bosom.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Philip was too busy for weeks in the delights of his -<span class='pageno' id='Page_367'>367</span>honeymoon to write to his confidante the nun, presumably -also because the sins he so deeply deplored, -and so constantly repeated, did not tempt him during -the first weeks of his married life. But when, on the -17th November, he found time to write, he expresses -the utmost satisfaction at his bride. ‘I confess to you,’ -he says, ‘that I know not how I can thank our Lord -sufficiently for the mercy he has shown to me in giving -me such a companion; for all the qualities I have -hitherto recognised in my niece are great, and I find -myself exceedingly content, and full of a desire to prove -myself not ungrateful for so singular a mercy by changing -my mode of life and submitting myself in all things -to His will.’<a id='r239' /><a href='#f239' class='c013'><sup>[239]</sup></a> The nun in answer to this urged the King -to live well in his new condition, ‘trying earnestly that -the Queen shall have all your attention and regard, -instead of your Majesty casting your eyes on other -objects strange and curious.’ All Spain, the nun continues, -is yearning for an heir, and her own prayers -are ceaseless to that end.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Philip was full of good resolves. He would never -go astray again; but, though he was as anxious for a -son as his people were, he was in doubt yet as to his -new wife’s having arrived at sufficient maturity to have -children: ‘although others of her age, which is fifteen -years, can do so. But it is easy for our Lord to remedy -this, and I hope in His mercy that He will do it.’<a id='r240' /><a href='#f240' class='c013'><sup>[240]</sup></a> In -the meanwhile, the depositary of all these hopes, -Mariana, was diverting herself as best she could in -girlish romps with her stepdaughter of ten, who seems -to have been her constant companion. Philip, in writing -of them, generally speaks of them as ‘the girls,’ -and frequently mentions Mariana’s joy at shows and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_368'>368</span>gaiety. Once more the Buen Retiro rang with light -laughter. Comedies and masquerades were again the -constant diversion of the Court, though pestilence was -scourging the land, Catalonia and Portugal defied -the arms of Spain, and the French in Flanders still -held the armies of Philip at bay. Pleasure, the joy of -living, absorbed the young Queen’s attention; and -after the first few months of marriage, Philip usually -refers to her somewhat wearily, and only with reference -to her enjoyments or to his hopes of progeny. After -one disappointment a child was born in July 1651, a -girl, who was christened with the usual unrestrained -splendour by the name of Maria Margaret.<a id='r241' /><a href='#f241' class='c013'><sup>[241]</sup></a> Again -high hopes were entertained in due time, only to be -disappointed, and Mariana fell into melancholy; for -Philip had relapsed into his bad habits again, notwithstanding -his vows and resolves, and the delay in the -coming of a son increased his coldness towards his wife. -A frenzied round of gaiety at the Buen Retiro did something -to arouse the Queen out of her depression,<a id='r242' /><a href='#f242' class='c013'><sup>[242]</sup></a> but -Philip had now but little pleasure in his old love for -glittering shows; for the prayed for son came not, and -war and pestilence still scourged Spain, as he firmly -believed for his own personal backsliding.</p> - -<div id='i_368fp.jpg' class='figcenter id001'> -<img src='images/i_368fp.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic001'> -<p>MARIANA OF AUSTRIA.<br /><br /><em>After a Painting by Velazquez.</em></p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_369'>369</span>The life of the palace had settled down to utter -monotony. Philip, immersed in business; ‘with his -pen always in his hand,’ as he says, had little time for -frivolity. His demeanour in public was like that of a -statue, and when he received ministers or deputations -it was noticed that no muscle of his face moved but -his lips. Every movement was settled beforehand; -and it was possible to foretell a year in advance exactly -where the Court would be on a given day, and what -the King would be doing at a certain hour. Mariana -lived in her own way, with little show of affection for -her elderly husband, or for the people amongst whom -she lived. She had fallen by this time (1657) into the -stiff etiquette of the Spanish Court, and in the intervals -of her hoydenish merriment she displayed a haughtiness -as great as that of Philip himself without his underlying -tenderness or his pathetic resignation. She was -German in all her sympathies, and soon lost the love -of Spaniards that had been gained by the freshness of -her youth.<a id='r243' /><a href='#f243' class='c013'><sup>[243]</sup></a> Dressed in the tremendous triple-hooped -farthingale; with her stiff, squarely arranged wig, and -her full painted cheeks, she presented a sufficiently -dignified appearance in public; but her flat, unamiable -face, hard, weary eyes, and bulging jaw, gave her a -look which repelled rather than attracted.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The outward prudery of her Court barely veiled a -state of atrocious immorality amongst all classes. It -was considered almost a reproach for any of the ladies, -all widows or unmarried, who were attached to the -palace service by hundreds, to have no extravagant -gallant ready to ruin himself for her caprices; and, as -a natural consequence, assassination was rife in the -capital; and the news letters of the time are full of -scandalous stories, in which nobles, ladies and actresses -are concerned disgracefully. Corruption reigned more -impudently than ever, and whilst ships were rotting on -the beach, and unpaid soldiers were starving in the -midst of war, vast sums were spent on foolish shows -and revelry. Philip now had little pleasure in it all, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_370'>370</span>going through it like a leaden automaton, only to -torture himself with remorse afterwards, but withal, -habit or mere weakness led him to allow such scandals -as the imposition of a tax upon oil to pay for the new -stage at the Buen Retiro, and the robbing of the shrine -of the venerated Virgin of Atocha of a great silver -chandelier for the illumination of the theatre.<a id='r244' /><a href='#f244' class='c013'><sup>[244]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>In September 1654 it was announced that Mariana -was again pregnant. ‘God grant that it may be so,’ -wrote a courtier: ‘but if it is going to be a girl it is of -no use to us. We do not want any of them. There -are plenty of women already.’<a id='r245' /><a href='#f245' class='c013'><sup>[245]</sup></a> The King’s hopes -rose that a son would at last be born to him, and -Mariana insisted upon accompanying him everywhere; -for in the intervals of her merrymaking she was a prey -to deep melancholy, increased when a girl infant was -born only to die a few days afterwards. The prognostications -of astrologers and quacks decided in the -summer of 1655 that the prayed for son was now -really on the way; and as time went on unheard of -preparations were made for the event. The Marquis -of Heliche had twenty-two new comedies written -ready for representation in the coming festivities, and -large sums of money were spent in decorations beforehand. -Mariana’s lightest caprice was law, and Philip -hardly left her side. The old palace depressed her, -and the Buen Retiro became her permanent abode; -Don Juan of Austria sent from Flanders the most -wonderful tapestries, and bed and bed furniture ever -seen, with a vast bedstead of gilt bronze which cost a -fortune; the bedroom furniture being a mass of seed -pearl and gold embroidery upon satin. ‘There is no -<span class='pageno' id='Page_371'>371</span>getting the Queen out of the Retiro, for she frets in -the palace. She passes the mornings amongst her -flowers, the days in feastings, and the nights in farces. -All this goes on incessantly, and I do not know how -so much pleasure does not pall upon her.’<a id='r246' /><a href='#f246' class='c013'><sup>[246]</sup></a> But again -the prophets were wrong, for in December another -epileptic girl child was born and died: ‘Saint Gaetano -notwithstanding.’<a id='r247' /><a href='#f247' class='c013'><sup>[247]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Mariana fell gravely ill after this, and a slight stroke -of paralysis, amongst other ailments, kept her for many -weeks hovering between life and death. Philip did -his best to raise her spirits, and when the Cortes -petitioned him to have his elder daughter Maria -Theresa acknowledged as heiress, he refused, in order -not to distress his wife, who, he said, would be sure to -have an heir directly. His letters to the nun show that -he, at this period, was himself in the depths of black -despair, overborne by his troubles; for Cromwell had -seized Jamaica, and Spain was at war by sea and land -with England and France together. Whilst Philip -was gratifying his young wife by such entertainments -as looking on from concealed boxes in a theatre crowded -with women, whilst a hundred rats were surreptitiously -let loose upon the floor;<a id='r248' /><a href='#f248' class='c013'><sup>[248]</sup></a> he was a prey to a morbid -misery closely akin to madness, anticipating an early -death, weeping for the utter ruin that enveloped him -and Spain, and the absence of a male heir.</p> - -<p class='c007'>One of his strange whims at this time was to pass -hours alone in the new jasper mausoleum at the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_372'>372</span>Escorial, to which the bodies of his ancestors had just -been transferred. He wrote after one of these visits in -1654:—‘I saw the corpse of the Emperor whose body, -although he has been dead ninety-six years, is still -perfect, and by this is seen how the Lord has repaid -him for his efforts in favour of the faith whilst he -lived. It helped me much: particularly as I contemplated -the place where I am to lie, when God -shall take me. I prayed Him not to let me forget -what I saw there;’<a id='r249' /><a href='#f249' class='c013'><sup>[249]</sup></a> and shortly after this another -contemporary records that the King passed two -solitary hours on his knees on the bare stones of -the mausoleum before his own last resting-place in -prayer; and that when he came out his eyes were red -and swollen with weeping.<a id='r250' /><a href='#f250' class='c013'><sup>[250]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Again, in August 1656, a girl child was born to -Mariana only to die the same day, and then depression, -utter and profound, fell upon Philip and his wife, for -no ray of light came from any direction. There was -no money for the most ordinary needs. The Indian -treasures were regularly captured by the English, who -closely invested Cadiz itself, whilst the French on the -Flanders frontier and in Catalonia worked their will -almost without impeachment, and the Portuguese -defied their old sovereign. Philip was ready to make -peace almost at any sacrifice, at least with the French; -but the demands of Mazarin were as yet too humiliating -for a power which had claimed for so long the -predominance in Europe. At length, in the midst -of the distress, hope dawned once more, and again the -wiseacres predicted that this time the Queen would -give birth to a son. Mariana’s every fancy was gratified.<a id='r251' /><a href='#f251' class='c013'><sup>[251]</sup></a> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_373'>373</span>Water parties on the lake at the Retiro, endless -farces, as usual, capricious bull feasts, and diversions -of all sorts, kept up her spirits; and Don Juan sent -another sumptuous bed and furniture more splendid -than the previous gift. Whilst this waste was going -on in one direction, taxes were being piled up in a -way that made them unproductive, and such was the -penury in the King’s palace that Philip himself, on the -vigil of the Presentation of the Virgin (20th November -1657), had nothing to eat but eggs without fish, as his -stewards had not a real of ready money to pay for -anything (Barrionuevo). Exactly a week after the -King was reduced to such straits, the child of his -prayers arrived. An heir was born at last to the -weary man of fifty-two, whose crown was crushing -him.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Madrid as usual went crazy with turbulent rejoicing, -whilst Mariana in the gravest danger battled for her -life. Every bench and table in the palace, we are -told, was broken, and no eating house or tavern in the -town escaped sacking by the crowd of idle rogues who -marched with music and singing, whilst they stripped -decent people even of their garments to pay for their -orgy.<a id='r252' /><a href='#f252' class='c013'><sup>[252]</sup></a> Later, there were the usual bull fights, masquerades, -and the eternal comedies with new stage effects; -and not a noble in Castile failed to go and congratulate -the King. Astrologists were to the fore, as usual, -foretelling by the stars that the newly born babe would -grow up to be wise, prudent and brave, and would -outlive all his brothers and sisters in a prosperous -<span class='pageno' id='Page_374'>374</span>fortunate career. The proud father was full of gratitude -to the Most High for the signal favour conferred -upon him. ‘Help me, Sor Maria,’ he wrote to the -nun, ‘to give thanks to Him; for I myself am unable -to do so adequately: and pray Him to make me duly -grateful, and give me strength henceforward to do His -holy will. The new-born child is well, and I implore -you take him under your protection, and pray to our -Lord and His holy mother to keep him for their service, -the exaltation of the faith and the good of these realms. -And if this is not to be, then pray let him be taken -from me before he comes to man’s estate.’<a id='r253' /><a href='#f253' class='c013'><sup>[253]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Philip, like his courtiers, went into rhapsodies of -admiration of the beauty and perfection of the infant -that had been born to him. So fair an angel surely -never had been seen than this poor epileptic morsel -of humanity from whom so pathetically much was -expected. On the 6th December Philip rode in State -on a great Neapolitan horse through the streets of -Madrid, to give thanks to the Virgin of Atocha for -the boon vouchsafed to him, and the capital began its -round of official rejoicings. Fountains ran wine, music -and dancing went on night and day, mummers in -strange disguise promenaded the streets in procession, -bullfights and the usual tiresome buffoonery testified -that Madrid shared with the King his delight that an -heir had been born to him.<a id='r254' /><a href='#f254' class='c013'><sup>[254]</sup></a> Philip himself was in high -<span class='pageno' id='Page_375'>375</span>good humour, bandying jests with his favourite, Don -Luis de Haro; and, at the brilliant ceremony of the -christening of Prince Philip Prosper, a week later, -which he witnessed hidden behind the closed jalousies -of his pew, he was proudly pleased at the vigorous -squalls of the infant. ‘Ah!’ he whispered to Haro, -‘that’s what I like to hear, there is something manly -in that.’<a id='r255' /><a href='#f255' class='c013'><sup>[255]</sup></a> It was fortunate for Philip that he could -not foresee that this babe for whom he had prayed so -fervently would be snatched from him four years later, -stricken by the calamity of its descent; and that the -later child that would succeed him, the offspring of -incest too, would end the line of the great Emperor in -decrepit imbecility, matching sadly with the decadence -of his country.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Whilst the continued and costly celebrations of the -Queen’s tardy recovery after the birth of her sickly -child were scandalising the thoughtful, national affairs -were going from bad to worse.<a id='r256' /><a href='#f256' class='c013'><sup>[256]</sup></a> Don Luis de Haro, -Philip’s prime minister, had started in January 1658 -to relieve Badajoz, closely invested by the masculine -Queen of Portugal, herself a Spaniard, and had been -disgracefully routed by the despised Portuguese. This -<span class='pageno' id='Page_376'>376</span>was a humiliation that proved to the world the complete -impotence of Spain: but in June of the same -year a more damaging blow still was dealt at the -power that had held its head so high in the past. -The battle of the Dunes, or Dunkirk, in which Don -Juan, Condé and the Duke of York on the Spanish -side were pitted against Turenne, aided by the troops -of Cromwell, was a crushing defeat for Philip’s forces, -and placed all Flanders at the mercy of the French. -It was clear that Philip could fight no longer, for -Spain had well nigh bled to death; and so great was -the depopulation of Castile that a project was adopted—though -not carried out for lack of money—to -re-people the country with Irish and Dalmatian -Catholics.</p> - -<p class='c007'>There were other circumstances that tended towards -peace besides the exhaustion of Spain. The long -years of war had told heavily upon the resources of -France: the Catalans by this time had grown heartily -tired of their French king Stork, and were yearning -for the return of their Spanish king Log; and, above -all, Mazarin had long cast covetous eyes on the -Spanish succession, in the very probable case of -Philip’s issue by his second wife failing. For years -the Queen-regent, Anna of Austria, had been striving -for peace with her brother, but circumstances and -national pride had always defeated her. The efforts -of the Emperor’s agents in Madrid, aided very powerfully -by Mariana, had also been exerted to prevent -a close agreement between France and Spain. In -1656 M. de Lionne had been sent secretly by Mazarin -to Madrid, where he passed many months in close -conference with Luis de Haro, endeavouring, but -without success, to negotiate peace.</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_377'>377</span>In one of their meetings Haro wore in his hat, as -an ornament, a medal impressed with the portrait of -the Infanta Maria Theresa, Philip’s daughter by his -first wife. ‘If your King would give to my master -for a wife the original of the portrait you wear,’ said -Lionne, duly instructed by Mazarin, ‘peace would -soon be made.’ Nothing more was said at the time, -for, in the absence of a son, Philip dared not marry -the heiress of Spain to his nephew Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span>, but -when an heir was born to Mariana, the idea of a -marriage between Maria Theresa and Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> at -once became realisable. The Austrian interest still -stood in the way; and Mariana, who was as purely -an ambassador for her brother as his accredited -diplomatic representative was, used all her efforts to -frustrate the plan; and a marriage was actively advocated -by her between the Infanta and Leopold, the -heir of the empire. Philip for a long time allowed -himself to incline to the Austrian connection that had -already cost him so dear.</p> - -<p class='c007'>As soon as the French match looked promising, as -a result of much secret intrigue between Mazarin and -Haro, the Emperor offered to Philip a great army in -Flanders to aid in expelling the French; and when -Philip was hesitating between the persuasions of his -wife Mariana, and her kinsmen on the one hand, and -the pressure of poverty on the other, which made a -continuance of the war difficult for him, Mazarin -played a trump card which won the game. Louis -was taken ostentatiously to Lyons to woo the Princess -of Savoy; and, in fear of a coalition against Spain, -Philip sent his minister Haro to negotiate peace with -Mazarin personally on the banks of the Bidasoa. -During all the autumn of 1659, on the historic Isle -<span class='pageno' id='Page_378'>378</span>of Pheasants in the river, the keen diplomatists fought -over details; and often their labours seemed hopeless, -for the Spaniards were as proud as ever and the -French as greedy. But the frail health of the puling -babe, who alone stood between the Infanta and the -Spanish succession, at length made Mazarin more -yielding: the last great obstacle, the restoration of -Condé’s forfeited estates, was overcome, and one of the -most fateful treaties in history was settled.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It was still a bitter pill for Spain, for she lost much -of her Flemish territory and the county of Roussillon; -but, at least, she regained Catalonia, and, above all, -secured peace with France. The Infanta was to marry -Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span>, and the Spaniards insisted that she should -renounce for ever her claim to the succession of her -father’s crown, though Mazarin made the clause ineffective -by stipulating that the renunciation should -be conditional upon the entire payment of the dowry -of 500,000 crowns, which, it was more than probable, -Philip could never pay.<a id='r257' /><a href='#f257' class='c013'><sup>[257]</sup></a> In the meanwhile Mariana -had borne another son, who died in his early infancy; -and at the pompous embassy of the Duke de Grammont -to Madrid, formally to ask for the hand of the -Infanta, she took little pains to appear amiable to an -embassy which she looked upon as bringing a defeat -for her and her family.</p> - -<p class='c007'>A vivid picture of her and her husband at one of -the great representations at the theatre of the old -palace is given by a follower of Grammont, who wrote -an account of the embassy.<a id='r258' /><a href='#f258' class='c013'><sup>[258]</sup></a> ‘The great saloon,’ he -says, ‘was lit only by six great wax candles in gigantic -<span class='pageno' id='Page_379'>379</span>stands of silver. On both sides of the saloon, facing -each other, there are two boxes or tribunes with iron -grilles. One of these was occupied by the Infantas -and some of the courtiers, whilst the other was destined -for the Marshal (Grammont). Two benches covered -with Persian rugs ran along the sides facing each -other, and upon these some twelve of the ladies of -the court sat, whilst we Frenchmen stood behind them.... -Then the Queen and the little Infanta entered, -preceded by a lady holding a candle. When the King -appeared he saluted the ladies, and took his seat in -the box on the right hand of the Queen, whilst the -little Infanta sat on her left. The King remained -motionless during the whole of the play, and only -once said a word to the Queen, although he occasionally -cast his eyes round on every side. A dwarf was -standing close by him. When the play was finished -all the ladies rose and gathered in the middle, as -canons do after service. They then joined hands, and -made their courtesies, a ceremony that lasted seven -or eight minutes; for each lady made her courtesy -separately. In the meanwhile the King was standing, -and he then bowed to the Queen, who in her turn -bowed to the Infanta, after which they all joined hands -and retired.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>In April 1660 Philip bade farewell to Mariana and -set forth on this famous journey to the French frontier, -to ratify the peace of the Pyrenees with his sister -Anna of Austria, whom he had not seen since their -early youth more than forty years before, and to give -his daughter in marriage to the young King of France. -Philip, for the sake of economy, had ordered that as -small a train as possible should accompany him; but, -withal, so enormous was his following and that of his -<span class='pageno' id='Page_380'>380</span>nobles,<a id='r259' /><a href='#f259' class='c013'><sup>[259]</sup></a> with the huge stores of provisions and baggage, -that his cavalcade covered over twenty miles of road. -Slowly winding its way at the rate of only about six -miles a day through the ruined land, greeted by the -poor hollow-eyed peasants that were left with tearful -joy, because it meant peace, the King’s procession at -last arrived at the seat of so many royal pageants, -the banks of the Bidasoa, early in June. Upon the -tiny eyot in mid-river, the temporary palace that in -the previous year had been the meeting-place of Haro -and Mazarin, still remained intact; and here the sumptuous -ceremony was performed that gave to Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> -the custody of his future wife, Maria Theresa.<a id='r260' /><a href='#f260' class='c013'><sup>[260]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>What all the courtiers wore, and how they looked, -is described <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad nauseam</span></i> by French and Spanish -spectators; but the greatest man in all the host, upon -the Spanish side at least, was the King’s quartermaster, -whose exquisite taste and knowledge directed -the artistic details of the pageant, Diego de Silva -Velazquez, whose garments may be described as a -specimen of the rest. His dress was of dark material, -entirely covered by close Milanese silver embroidery, -and he wore around his neck the golilla that had -replaced the ruff, at the instance of Philip many years -before, to save the waste of starching.<a id='r261' /><a href='#f261' class='c013'><sup>[261]</sup></a> Upon his -cloak was embroidered the great red floreated swordlike -cross of Santiago, and at his side he wore a sword -in a finely wrought silver scabbard; whilst around his -<span class='pageno' id='Page_381'>381</span>neck there hung a heavy gold chain from which -depended a small diamond scutcheon with the same -cross enamelled in red upon it.<a id='r262' /><a href='#f262' class='c013'><sup>[262]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>The restoration of the Stuarts in England soon -after the ratification of the Treaty of the Pyrenees, -made a peace easy of negotiation between their country -and Spain, and by the beginning of 1661, Philip found -himself for the first time in a reign of forty years at -peace with all the powers outside the Peninsula.</p> - -<p class='c007'>But rebellious Portugal had still to be reconquered. -Again disaster befell the Spaniards. Don Juan, the -King’s son, was utterly routed at Amegial after some -partial successes; for Mariana had been busily intriguing -against him, and had caused the reinforcement -and resources he asked for to be denied -him.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Whilst Don Juan was struggling against the -Portuguese and their English abettors with inadequate -forces and ineffectual heroism, Philip was sinking -deeper into the morbid devotional misery that afflicted -in their decline so many of his race. His only son, -Philip Prosper, after a life of four years of almost -constant sickness, was snatched from him early in -November 1661, as a younger boy had been a year -previously. The bereaved father, who had watched -over his son’s bed until the last, nearly lost heart at -this heavy blow; and was so much overcome, as he -confesses, as to be unable even to write for a time to -his one refuge, the nun of Agreda. When he did so, -the usual self-accusing cry of agony went up—‘I assure -you,’ he wrote, ‘what troubles me most, much more -even than my loss, is to see clearly that I have -<span class='pageno' id='Page_382'>382</span>offended God, and that He sends all these sorrows as -a punishment for my sins. I only wish I knew how -to amend myself and comply entirely with His holy -will. I am doing, and will do, all I can; for I would -rather lose my life than fail to do it. Help me, as a -good friend, with your prayers, to placate the righteous -anger of God, and to implore our Lord, who has seen -good to take away my son, to bless the delivery of the -Queen, which is expected every day, and to keep her -in perfect health and the child that is to be born, if it -be for his good service, for otherwise I desire it not. -The Queen has borne this last blow with much sorrow -but christian resignation. I am not surprised at this, -for she is an angel, Oh! Sor Maria: if I had only -carried out your doctrines, perhaps I should not find -myself in this state.’<a id='r263' /><a href='#f263' class='c013'><sup>[263]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>A few days after this was written, Mariana once -more bore a son, a weak, puling infant, that seemed -threatened with an early death; but whose birth -threw Spain into a whirlwind of rejoicing as extravagant -as any that had gone before. But Philip was -sunk too deep now into despondency, by witchcraft -the people said, to be aroused much, even by the birth -of a son; and, as the shadows fell around him, the -power of Mariana grew. With her clever German -Jesuit confessor and confidant, Father Everard Nithard, -she soon managed to drag the unhappy King again -into the vortex of imperial politics, that had already -well-nigh wrecked Spain, by persuading him to -maintain an army to aid Austria and Hungary against -the incursions of the Turk. Mazarin had died soon -after the peace of the Pyrenees, and the new advisers -of Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> were already inciting him to retaliate for -<span class='pageno' id='Page_383'>383</span>the Austrian <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">rapprochement</span></i> with Spain by fresh -aggression upon Spanish Flanders. Don Juan, bitterly -opposed to the new German interest in Spain, retired -to his town of Consuegra in disgust and disgrace; the -French and English governments assumed a tone of -dictatorial haughtiness towards Spain unheard before; -and Philip, in declining health and bitter disappointment, -could look nowhere now for help and solace: -for his minister Haro was dead, and the saintly nun of -Agreda, his refuge for so many years, also went to her -rest in the spring of 1665. There was no one now at -Philip’s side but Mariana, already intriguing for uncontrolled -power when her husband should die, and -her German confessor Nithard, whose one aim was to -use what was left of Spanish resources for the ends of -Austria.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Others also were on the alert as to what would -happen when Philip died, and Sir Richard Fanshawe -was sent to Madrid by Charles <span class='fss'>II.</span>, partly to negotiate -for the recognition of Portuguese independence; and -also: ‘to employ his utmost skill and industry in -penetrating and discovering under what model and -form his Catholic Majesty designs to leave the government -there, when it shall please God that he die, -which, considering his great infirmity and weakness, -may be presumed is already projected.’<a id='r264' /><a href='#f264' class='c013'><sup>[264]</sup></a> When -Philip first received Fanshawe in June 1664, he was -so weak and weary that he could only ask him to put -his speech on paper,<a id='r265' /><a href='#f265' class='c013'><sup>[265]</sup></a> and thenceforward all Europe -regarded the King as a dying man, whose work in the -world was done.</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_384'>384</span>As Philip sank lower in despondency, the importance -of Mariana rose. Lady Fanshawe gives an account of -her interview with the Queen on the 27th June 1664, -at the Buen Retiro, which shows that Mariana was -already regarded almost as the reigning sovereign: ‘I -was received at the Buen Retiro by the guard, and -afterwards, when I came up stairs, by the Marquesa de -Hinojosa, the Queen’s Camarera Mayor, then in waiting. -Through an infinite number of people I passed -to the Queen’s presence, where her Majesty was -seated at the upper end under a cloth of state upon -three cushions, and on her left hand the Empress<a id='r266' /><a href='#f266' class='c013'><sup>[266]</sup></a> upon -three more. The ladies were all standing. After -making my last reverence to the Queen, her Majesty -and the Empress, rising up and making me a little -curtsey, sat down again; then I, by my interpreter, -Sir Benjamin Wright, said those compliments that -were due from me to her Majesty; to which her -Majesty made me gracious and kind reply. Then I -presented my children, whom her Majesty received -with great grace and favour. Then her Majesty, -speaking to me to sit, I sat down upon a cushion laid -for me, above all the ladies who sat, but below the -Camarera Mayor; no woman taking place (<em>i.e.</em> precedence) -of her Excellency but princesses.... Thus, -having passed half an hour in discourse, I took my -leave of her Majesty and the Empress; making -reverences to all the ladies in passing.’<a id='r267' /><a href='#f267' class='c013'><sup>[267]</sup></a> Some months -afterwards Queen Mariana sent to the English lady -many messages of regard and esteem, with a splendid -<span class='pageno' id='Page_385'>385</span>diamond ornament worth £2,000, which Lady Fanshawe -received with somewhat exaggerated professions -of humility, and repeated her thanks to her in an -interview soon after (8th April 1655).</p> - -<p class='c007'>The total and final defeat of the Spaniards on the -Portuguese frontier, in June 1665, made the recovery -of the lost kingdom hopeless, and broke Philip’s heart. -He had written in the spring to the dying nun, saying -that he desired no more health or life than was meet -for God’s service, and was ready to go when he was -called. The call came in September 1665. His -chronic malady had been aggravated to such an extent -by anxiety and worry, that by the middle of the month -his physicians confessed themselves powerless. Then -was enacted one of those ghastly farces common at -the time in Spain. It was whispered in the palace -that the King was bewitched, and the Inquisitor-General -called a conference of ecclesiastics to consider -the means for exorcising the evil spirits that held the -sovereign in bondage. Philip himself gave permission -for the Inquisitor to act as might be judged best; and -one day the royal confessor, Friar Martinez, accompanied -by the Inquisitor-General, approached the sickbed -and demanded of the King a certain little wallet -of relics and charms which he always wore suspended -upon his breast. After examining these carefully the -wallet was returned to the King, and from some clue -therein contained, search elsewhere led to the discovery -of an ancient black-letter book of magic, and -certain prints of the King’s portrait transfixed by pins. -All these things were solemnly burnt after a service -of exorcism by the Inquisitor-General at the chapel of -Atocha; and then, to assist the cure, the group of -churchmen administered to the King, who was suffering -<span class='pageno' id='Page_386'>386</span>from several mortal diseases, of which gall-stones -caused the immediate danger, an elaborate confection -of pounded mallow-leaves with drugs and sugar.</p> - -<p class='c007'>This treatment aggravated the ill, and in two or -three days the King appeared to be in <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">articulo mortis</span></i>, -after what was described as a fit of apoplexy. The -whole Court fell into momentary confusion, and the -death-chamber was already deserted when the King -revived and altered several of his testamentary dispositions, -one clause of which now appointed Mariana -regent during the minority of her son. The will, by -Philip’s orders, was then locked into a leather purse -with other important state papers, and the key, by the -dying man’s orders, was delivered to his wife. That -afternoon, after taking the sacrament, Philip bade a -tearful farewell to Mariana, and blessed his two -children. He then took an affectionate leave of the -Duke of Medina de las Torres and other nobles, -beseeching them with irrepressible tears to work harmoniously -together, and help the widow and the poor -child to whom his heavy heritage was passing.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Philip struggled through the night in agony, and -the next day the image of the Virgin of Atocha was -carried past the windows of the palace to be deposited -in the royal Convent of Barefoots hard by, whilst the -dead bodies of St. Diego and St. Isidro were brought -to the royal chapel for veneration;<a id='r268' /><a href='#f268' class='c013'><sup>[268]</sup></a> and every church -and convent in Madrid resounded with rogations and -processions for the health of the King. Around the -bed of the dying monarch evil passions already raged; -for the Court was divided thus early into two factions, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_387'>387</span>one in favour of Mariana and the other looking to -Don Juan. The Duke of Medina de las Torres, the -principal minister, retired from the palace as soon as -he had taken leave; and an unseemly wrangle, almost -a fight, took place over the deathbed between rival -friars, as to whether the viaticum might be administered -or not, until they had to be bundled out of the -room by the Marquis of Aytona.</p> - -<p class='c007'>No sooner was this scene over than Count Castrillo -entered the chamber and announced that Don Juan -had come and was waiting to see his father. Philip -knew, and bitter the knowledge was, that his wife and -son would be in open strife from the day the breath -left his body; but that Don Juan should return from -exile unbidden, and dared to disobey his King, whilst -yet he lived, aroused one more spark of sovereign -indignation in the moribund man. ‘Tell him,’ he -said, ‘to return whence he came until he be bidden. -I will see him not; for this is no time for me to do -other than to die.’ At early dawn on Friday, 17th -September, poor Philip the Great breathed his last. -‘And curious it is,’ said a contemporary courtier, ‘that -in the chamber of his Majesty when he died, there -was no one but the Marquis of Aytona and two -servants to weep for the death of their King and -master. In all the rest of the court not one soul -shed a tear for him. A terrible lesson is this for all -humankind; that a monarch who had granted such -great favours and raised so many to honour, had no -sigh breathed for him when he died.’<a id='r269' /><a href='#f269' class='c013'><sup>[269]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_388'>388</span>The same night the dead body of the King was -dressed in a handsome suit of brown velvet, embroidered -and trimmed with silver, with the great red sword-cross -of Santiago worked upon the breast, preparatory -to the pompous lying-in-state in the same gilded hall -of the old palace at Madrid, where the comedies the -King had loved were so often played before him. -At the same time in an adjoining room the Councils -of Castile and State gathered to hear the will read -by the secretary, Blasco de Loyola, which made -Mariana Queen-Regent of Spain, with the assistance -of a special council of regency, consisting of the great -dignitaries of the State, failing two of whom the Queen -might appoint two substitutes, an eventuality which -partially occurred within a few hours of Philip’s death -by the decease of the Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo, -Moscoso. Don Juan, who was commended to the -widow in the will, waited to hear no more than the -elevation of Mariana to the regency, and then took -horse with all speed and hurried back to the safe -seclusion of his fief of Ocaña. A few days afterwards, -the sumptuous lying-in-state being concluded, the -body of ‘Philip the Great’ was carried in a vast -procession to the Escorial, to rest for ever in the -jasper niche before which he had so often prayed -and wept.<a id='r270' /><a href='#f270' class='c013'><sup>[270]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_389'>389</span>Mariana, at the age of thirty-one, was now ruler of -Spain for her son Charles <span class='fss'>II.</span>, aged four, and she lost -no time in showing her tendencies when left to herself. -The root of most of the calamities that affected Spain -were the traditions that bound it to the imperial house. -All that the country needed, even now, was rest, peace -and freedom from foreign complications in which -Spaniards had no real concern. But Mariana was -Austrian to her finger tips; and ever since Philip’s -health began to fail she had been working for the -predominance of her kindred and weakening the bonds -of friendship with France, knit by the marriage of -Maria Theresa with Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span></p> - -<p class='c007'>There was already a large party of nobles who, -seeing the national need for peace, looked with distrust -upon a policy which would still waste Spanish -resources in fighting the battles of the empire in mid-Europe: -and when to the vacancy in the Council of -Regency and the Inquisitor-Generalship, caused by -the death of Cardinal Moscoso a few hours after the -King, Mariana appointed her Austrian confessor, -Father Nithard, Spanish pride flared out and protest -became general. Nithard was doubtless a worthy -priest, though of no great ability, but if he had been -a genius the same detestation of him would have prevailed, -for he was a foreigner, and it was guessed at -once that between him and the Austrian Queen Spain -would be sacrificed as it had been in the past to objects -that were not primarily Spanish. Observers abroad -saw it too, and although the French envoy who went -to condole with Mariana on Philip’s death assured her -of the desire of Louis to be friendly with her, the first -acts of her regency gave to the French King a pretext -for asserting his wife’s right to the inheritance of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_390'>390</span>Flanders, as her dowry had not been paid, and her -renunciation was asserted to be invalid.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In May 1667 Louis invaded Flanders with 50,000 -men, faced only by a small disaffected and unpaid -force under the Spanish viceroy, the result being that -the French overran the country and captured many -principal cities. Don Juan was summoned in a hurry -from his exile to the Council of State in Madrid, and -he and his sworn enemy Mariana divided between -them the sympathies of the capital and the country. -Pasquins and satires passed from hand to hand on -the Liars’ Parade and in the Calle Mayor, mostly -attacking Nithard and the Queen, who were blamed -for the war; and the relations between Don Juan and -Mariana grew more strained every day.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It was also evident now that Spain was powerless to -coerce Portugal any longer, and in February the -humiliating treaty was signed—mainly by the influence -of Fanshawe<a id='r271' /><a href='#f271' class='c013'><sup>[271]</sup></a> and Sandwich—in February 1668, recognising -the independence of the sister Iberian nation. -Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> carried on his attacks in Flanders with -vigour, and rejected all overtures of peace except on -terms which aroused Spaniards to indignation. The -Spanish Franche Comté was occupied by the French -in February 1668; and then, but only by a supreme -effort, a fresh army of nine thousand men was collected -in Spain to defend her territories. The Austrian -friendship was of little use to Spain, as usual, and -Castile had once more to fight her own battle. In -these circumstances of national peril the influence of -Mariana and Nithard on the Council of Regency procured -<span class='pageno' id='Page_391'>391</span>an order for Don Juan to take command of the -army and lead it to Flanders against the French, and -with an ill grace the royal bastard left Madrid on Palm -Sunday, 1668, for his rendezvous at Corunna, where -the treasure ships from Cadiz and his troops were to -join him. Don Juan saw in this move an intention of -getting him away from the centre of government, and -the impression was strengthened by the almost simultaneous -exile or arrest, on various trivial pretexts, of -some of those who were known to sympathise with -him, one of whom, Malladas, was strangled in prison -by Mariana’s orders.</p> - -<p class='c007'>All through the spring Don Juan lagged at Corunna, -excusing himself from embarking on various grounds, -ill-health being the principal; until, at length, thanks -to the intervention of England and Holland, Louis -was brought to sign terms of peace with Spain at Aix -la Chapelle, in May 1668, that left him in possession -of the Flemish territories he had conquered. But still -Mariana and Nithard were determined that Don Juan -should go and take possession of his government in -Flanders, and sent him a peremptory order to embark. -This he refused to do, and a decree of the Queen in -August directed him to retire to Consuegra, and not -approach within sixty miles of Madrid. He had many -friends and adherents, especially in Aragon, and his -discontent extended to them. Those in Madrid began -to clamour that Mariana and Nithard were keeping -the little King in the background away from his people, -and alienating those who might serve the monarchy -best.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Charles <span class='fss'>II.</span> was now aged seven, and so degenerate -and weak a child was he, that he had been up to this -period, and continued for some years afterwards, entirely -<span class='pageno' id='Page_392'>392</span>in the hands of women, and treated as an infant -in arms. He was dwarfish and puny, with one leg -shorter than the other, his gait during the whole of -his life being uncertain and staggering. His face was -of extraordinary length and ghastly white, the lower -jaw being so prodigiously underhung that it was impossible -for him to bite or masticate food, or to speak -distinctly. His hair was lank and yellow, and his eyes -a vague watery blue. This poor creature with his -mother at his side, in obedience to the clamour of Don -Juan’s friends, was first brought out in public for his -subjects to see at a series of visits to the convents and -churches of Madrid in the summer of 1668.<a id='r272' /><a href='#f272' class='c013'><sup>[272]</sup></a> Just as -the King and Mariana were about to start from the -palace at Madrid on one of these excursions, in October -1668, an officer came in great agitation to the door of -the Queen’s apartment and prayed for audience. He -was told that the coach awaited their Majesties, and -the Queen could not see him then, but would receive -him when she returned. He begged in the meanwhile -to be allowed to stay in a place of safety in the palace. -This request made his visit seem important enough for -Mariana to be informed of it: and she ordered him to -be introduced at once. When he entered he threw -himself upon his knees and besought that he might -speak with her alone; and for a half hour he was -closeted with the Queen.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The story he had to tell was of a widespread conspiracy -of Don Juan and his friends against the -Regency, and without delay the net was cast that -swept into prison one of Don Juan’s principal agents -<span class='pageno' id='Page_393'>393</span>in Madrid, Patiño, and all his household. In a day -or two a force of soldiers was despatched to Consuegra -to arrest Don Juan himself, but found the bird flown. -Behind him he had left a document addressed to the -Queen, violently denouncing Nithard as a tyrant and -a murderer, whilst protesting his own loyalty to his -father’s son. Madrid began again to murmur at the -persecution of a Spanish prince in Spain by a foreign -Jesuit, and though a brisk interchange of manifestoes -and recriminatory pamphlets was carried on, -the great mass of the people were unquestionably on -the side of Don Juan against the German Queen and -her Jesuit favourite.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The Prince fled to Barcelona, where Nithard was -especially hated and the Madrid government always -unpopular, and there nobles and people received Don -Juan with enthusiasm. Messages of support came to -him from all parts of Spain, and French money and -sympathy powerfully aided his propaganda, so that by -the end of the year 1668 affairs looked dangerous for -Mariana and her confessor. The Queen and her -Camarilla took fright and tried conciliation, but Don -Juan knew that he had the whip hand, and in a letter -written in November to Mariana peremptorily demanded -the dismissal of Nithard within fifteen days. -Mariana’s friends on the Council of Regency voted for -the impeachment of Don Juan for high treason; and -for a time vigorous measures against him were like to -be taken. But the Council of Castile, the supreme -judicial authority, through its most influential member, -warned the Queen that in a controversy between the -King’s brother and a foreign Jesuit Spaniards must -necessarily be on the side of the former, and the Queen -must be cautious or she would alienate the country -<span class='pageno' id='Page_394'>394</span>from her. Mariana thereupon wrote softly to Don -Juan inviting him to approach Madrid that a conference -of conciliation might be held. But the prince -would not trust Nithard, who, he said, had planned his -murder, and he declined to risk coming to the capital -except in his own time and way.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Early in February 1669, Don Juan, with a fine -bodyguard of two hundred horse, rode out of Barcelona, -and through Catalonia and Aragon towards Madrid. -Mariana had sent strict orders throughout the country -that no honours were to be paid to him, but his journey -in spite of her was a triumphal progress, and as he -entered Saragossa in state the whole populace received -him with shouts of: ‘Long live Don Juan of Austria, -and Death to the Jesuit Nithard.’ A regiment of -infantry was added by Aragon to the Prince’s force, -and on the 24th February Mariana and her friend in -the palace of Madrid were horrified to learn that Don -Juan was at the gates of the capital with an armed -body stronger than any at their prompt disposal. -Whilst they made such hasty preparations as they -could to resist, all Madrid was in open jubilation at -the approach of their favourite prince. Don Juan’s -force grew from hour to hour, and with it grew his -haughtiness towards the ruling authority. Mariana, in -alarm, tried every means. The Nuncio endeavoured -to soften Don Juan’s heart; the higher nobles in the -Queen’s household wrote to him deprecating violence; -and, finally, the Queen herself wrote a letter of kindly -welcome. But to all blandishments Don Juan stood -firm: Father Nithard must go for good, and at once; -whilst the Council of Castile also demanded the Jesuit’s -expulsion.</p> - -<p class='c007'>On the morning of 25th February, whilst Mariana -<span class='pageno' id='Page_395'>395</span>was still in bed, the courtyards of the palace filled with -gentlemen and officials in groups, who openly declared -for Don Juan and the expulsion of Nithard. The -Dukes of Infantado and Pastrana sought an interview -with the Queen, for the purpose of informing her of -the general resolution, but were refused admittance -into her bedchamber. They then charged her secretary, -Loyola, to inform her, that unless she instantly -signed a decree expelling Nithard they themselves -would take measures against him, as Madrid was in -a turmoil and order imperilled. Mariana with tears -of rage swore that she would not be coerced; and -Nithard himself refused to stir. A hasty meeting of -the Council of Regency assembled in the forenoon, -which Nithard abstained from attending only upon the -entreaty of the Nuncio, where a decree of expulsion -was drafted in the mildest form possible, and laid -before the Queen for signature as soon as she had -dined.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Mariana was at the end of her tether. The Court, -the populace, and the soldiery were all against her -favourite, and she was forced to sign the decree. But, -though she did it, she never forgave Don Juan for the -humiliation, and thenceforward it was war to the knife -between them. Cardinal Nithard, with rich grants -and gifts from the Queen, was with difficulty saved -from the cursing multitude that surrounded his coach -as he slunk out of the capital; and Don Juan, -triumphant, begged for permission to come and salute -the Queen in thanks for his expulsion. This, haughty -Mariana coldly refused to allow, and Don Juan -retorted by demanding a thorough reform in the -administration of the government, a re-adjustment of -taxation and many other innovations which he alleged -<span class='pageno' id='Page_396'>396</span>that Nithard alone had prevented. The Spanish -nobles, however, were no lovers of reform, and -Don Juan’s drastic demands were regarded askance by -many. A long acrimonious correspondence was carried -on by the Queen at Madrid and Don Juan at -Guadalajara, in the course of which some financial -amendments were promised by the former: but in the -meantime Mariana’s friends were raising an armed -force as a bodyguard for her and her son, which afterwards -became famous as the <em>Chambergo</em> regiment, -because the uniform was copied from those worn by -the troops of Marshal Schomberg. The formation -of this standing force was bitterly resented by the -citizens of Madrid, and aroused new sympathy for Don -Juan. At length a semi-reconciliation was effected by -the appointment of Don Juan as Viceroy of Aragon -in June 1669; and for several years thereafter the -Prince was piling up funds from his rich offices to -strike a more effectual blow when the time should -come.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The extreme debility of the boy King, who in 1670 -was thought to be moribund, was already dividing the -courtiers, and indeed all Spain and Europe, into two -camps. If Charles <span class='fss'>II.</span> died without issue, as seemed -probable, his elder sister Maria Theresa, wife of Louis -<span class='fss'>XIV.</span>, would be his natural successor, but for the act of -renunciation signed at the time of her marriage; an -act which from the first the French had minimised and -disputed, and Philip himself had characterised as an -‘old wife’s tale.’ It was evident that Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span>, daily -growing in power and ambition, had no intention of -allowing the renunciation to stand in the way of his -wife’s claims if her brother died childless; and all of -Mariana’s enemies in Spain, and they were many, were -<span class='pageno' id='Page_397'>397</span>ready to stand by the claims of the elder Infanta Maria -Teresa, daughter of the beloved Isabel of Bourbon, if -the succession fell into dispute.</p> - -<p class='c007'>On the other hand, Mariana, naturally championed -the cause of her own daughter, the Infanta Margaret, -married to the Emperor Leopold, and upheld the -validity of Maria Theresa’s formal renunciation of the -succession on her marriage. The Austrian connection -had brought nothing but trouble to Spain, and the -brilliant progress of France, even though it was to the -detriment of their country, had gained many Spanish -admirers of the modern spirit that pervaded the -methods of Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> Mariana, therefore, to most -Spaniards, represented, with her pronounced Austrian -leanings, an attempt to tie the country to the bad old -times, as well as to pass over the legitimate rights of -the elder Infanta for the benefit of her own less -popular daughter the Empress Margaret.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The Queen-Mother, well aware of the strong party -against her, and that her prime enemy, Don Juan, was -only awaiting his time to strike at her, employed all -the resources she could scrape together in providing -for her own defence against her domestic opponents, -leaving the frontier fortresses divested of troops and -means for repelling attack from France; whilst, on -the other hand, she provoked Louis by sending a -Spanish contingent to co-operate with the Emperor’s -troops in aiding the Dutch in their war with France; -and, later, in 1673, she formed a regular alliance with -the Emperor and Holland against Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> Nothing -could have been more imprudent than this in the -circumstances, for Spain was in a worse condition of -exhaustion than ever, and the hope of beating France -by force had long ago proved fallacious. The ancient -<span class='pageno' id='Page_398'>398</span>appanage of Burgundy, the Franche Comté, promptly -passed for ever from the dominion of Spain to that of -France; and whilst the fighting in Flanders and the -Catalan frontier was progressing in 1674, a new trouble -assailed Mariana’s government. The island of Sicily -revolted, and invited the French to assume the -sovereignty, an invitation that was promptly accepted. -Thirty-seven years before, when he was a mere -stripling, Don Juan had recovered Naples for Spain in -similar circumstances; and Mariana, almost in despair, -could only beseech her enemy to leave his government -at Saragossa, and take command of the Spanish-Dutch -forces to attack the French in Sicily. But Don Juan, -knowing her desire to get him out of the way, was -determined not to allow himself to be sent far from the -centre of affairs, and refused to accept the position.</p> - -<p class='c007'>His reasons were well founded, for events were -passing in Mariana’s palace that rendered her more -unpopular than ever; and, by the will of Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, her -regency would come to an end when her son attained -his fifteenth year late in the next year 1675. It had -been hoped that with the banishment of Nithard and -the absence from the capital of Don Juan, the factions -that divided the Court would have held their peace -during the few years the regency lasted; and possibly -this would have been the case if the Queen had been -prudent. Her unwise favour to Nithard had already -made her extremely unpopular, for foreign Queens in -Spain were always suspect; but she had learned -nothing from her favourite’s ignominious expulsion; -and soon a confidant, less worthy far than Nithard, -had completely captured the good graces of the Queen. -This was a young gentleman of no fortune named -Fernando de Valenzuela. He was one of those facile, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_399'>399</span>plausible, Andaluces, a native of Ronda, who had -figured so brilliantly in the Court of Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> and -Mariana, where the accomplishment of deftly turning -amorous verse, improvising a dramatic interlude, or -contriving a stinging epigram, opened a way to -fortune. He had been a member of the household of -the Duke of Infantado, and upon the death of the -latter, had attached himself to Father Nithard, who -needed the aid of such men.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Valenzuela was not only keen and clever, but -extremely handsome, in the black-eyed Moorish style -of beauty, for which the people of Ronda are famous, -and he soon managed to gain the full confidence of -both Nithard and the Queen, whom he served as -a go-between and messenger, a function which he -continued after the Jesuit had been expelled. He had -married the Queen’s favourite half-German maid, and -had been appointed a royal equerry; both of which -circumstances gave a pretext for his continual presence -in the palace; and at the time of the agitation against -Nithard, and afterwards, he had been extremely useful -in conveying to the Queen all the comments that -could be picked up by sharp ears in the Calle Mayor -and Liars’ Parade (the peristyle of the Church of St. -Philip). It was noticed that those who spoke incautiously -of the Queen in public were promptly -denounced and brought to trouble, and the gossips -soon pitched upon Valenzuela as the spy, calling him -in consequence by the nickname, by which he was -generally known, of the ‘fairy of the palace.’ The -man was bold, ambitious, and unscrupulous, and soon -more than occupied the place left vacant by Nithard.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Jealous nobles and courtiers looked with indignation -at the rapid rise of a mere provincial adventurer to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_400'>400</span>the highest places in the State. Not only was a -marquisate and high commands and offices conferred -upon him, but at a time when Spain was in the -midst of a great international war that ended in the -remodelling of the map of Europe at her expense, this -favourite, without special aptitude or experience, was -appointed by Mariana her universal minister for all -affairs; and Valenzuela was the most powerful man -in Spain. He manfully did his best though unsuccessfully, -for he was cordially detested, to win popularity -in an impossible position, by multiplying in Madrid -the feasts and diversions its inhabitants loved, by -writing comedies himself, full of wit and malice, for -gratis representation in the theatres, by re-building -public edifices, and generally beautifying the capital. -He was surrounded, moreover, by a great crowd of -parasites, mostly nobodies, like himself, who sang his -praises for the plunder he could pour upon them.</p> - -<p class='c007'>But his rise was too rapid, and his origin too obscure -to be easily forgiven, and a perfect deluge of satires, -verses, pamphlets and flying sheets, full of gross libels -upon him and the Queen, came from the secret presses -and circulated throughout Spain. The general opinion -was that he was the Queen’s lover as well as her -minister; but Madrid was always a hotbed of scandal, -and, although this may well have been true, it must -be regarded as non-proven. As a specimen of the -view taken of the connection by contemporaries the -following description of a broad-sheet, found one morning -posted on the walls of the palace, may be given. -A portrait of the Queen is represented with her hand -pointing to her heart, with the printed legend, ‘This -is given;’ whilst Valenzuela is portrayed standing -close by her side, pointing to the insignias and emblems -<span class='pageno' id='Page_401'>401</span>of his many high offices, and saying, ‘These are sold.’ -The favourite himself seems to have been anxious to -strengthen the rumour that assigned to him the -amorous affection of the widowed Queen, for at two -of the Court festivals, of which he promoted many, he -bore as his devices, ‘I alone have licence,’ and ‘To me -alone is it allowed.’<a id='r273' /><a href='#f273' class='c013'><sup>[273]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>The unrestrained favour extended by the Queen to -such an upstart as this gave hosts of new adherents -to Don Juan; and such of them as had access to the -young King, now rapidly approaching his legal -majority, took care to paint the wretched condition -of the country in the blackest colours, and to ascribe -the trouble to the Queen’s bad minister. The boy, -though nearly fifteen, was still a child; backward and, -at best, almost an idiot. He could hardly read or -write, for the weakness of his wits and the degeneracy -of his physique had caused his education to be entirely -neglected, and he was, even in his mature age, grossly -ignorant of the simplest facts. But, like his father, -he was gentle, kind and good-hearted, and his compassion -was easily aroused by the sad stories told him -of the sufferings of his people, especially when they -came from the lips of his father confessor, Montenegro, -and his trusted tutor Ramos del Manzano.</p> - -<p class='c007'>They, and the great nobles who prompted them, -understood that the moment had come for action -when, in the late autumn of 1675, Mariana and -Valenzuela ordered Don Juan to sail in Ruyter’s fleet -to Sicily and eject the French; and what to them -was just as important, leave them with no rivals near -them when the King came of age. Charles was -persuaded by his confessor, and without the knowledge -<span class='pageno' id='Page_402'>402</span>of his mother, to sign a letter recalling his half-brother -to Madrid; and with this in his hand Don -Juan could refuse, as he did, to sail for Sicily. On -the morning of 6th November 1675, the day that -Charles reached his fifteenth year and the regency -ended, Madrid was astir early to see the shows that -were to celebrate the new reign, though the country, -in its utter exhaustion and misery, was in no spirit to -rejoice now.</p> - -<p class='c007'>To the surprise of most was seen a royal travelling -carriage rapidly approach the Buen Retiro palace, and -the escort that surrounded it proclaimed that the occupant -of the coach was no other than Don Juan. All -was prepared for the <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">coup d’etat</span>. The prince hurried, -unknown to Mariana, to the young King’s apartment, -and kneeling, kissed the boy’s hand; whilst a decree, -already drafted, was presented to the King, appointing -his half-brother the universal minister of the crown. -Mariana had passed the night at the palace a mile -away, but the coming of her enemy to the Buen -Retiro had been announced to her before he alighted. -Without losing a moment she flew to the Retiro and -reached her son’s room just as the decree that would -have ruined her was about to be signed. She was -an imperious woman, and had been Queen-Regent -of Spain for over ten years: her control of her feeble -son had been supreme whilst she was with him, and -her angry orders that the room should be cleared -might not be gainsaid. Left alone with her son, she -led him to a private room and, with tears and indignant -reproaches, reduced the poor lad to a condition of -abject submission to her will.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The president of the Council of Castile had already -told her, that as Don Juan had come by the King’s -<span class='pageno' id='Page_403'>403</span>warrant, the same authority alone could send him back, -and Charles was induced to sign a decree commanding -the prince to return forthwith to his government in -Aragon and remain there till further orders. Now was -the time when boldness on the part of Don Juan would -have won the day; for the nobles, court and people, -were mostly on his side against Valenzuela and the -Queen, whose means did not allow them to bribe -everybody. But Don Juan was as vain and empty -as he was ambitious and failed to rise to the occasion. -The sacrosanct character of the King of Castile, moreover, -was still a strong tradition, and Don Juan, who -knew his fellow-countrymen well, dared not aim at -ruling instead of the King, but through the King. -So that night Don Juan and his supporters met in -conclave, and weakly decided to obey the King’s new -command without protest, instead of making another -attempt to override Mariana’s influence upon her son; -and the prince returned to Aragon overwhelmed with -confusion and disappointment.<a id='r274' /><a href='#f274' class='c013'><sup>[274]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>The triumph of Mariana was complete, and she -took no pains to conceal her joy when she attended -that night in state the theatre of the Buen Retiro, in -celebration of the King’s coming of age. In a few -days all those who had had a hand in the futile conspiracy -were on their way to exile; and, to keep up -appearances, Valenzuela himself was given the rich -post of Admiral of the Andalucian coast, with another -rich marquisate, as an excuse for his absence from -the capital during the first few weeks of the King’s -majority. He was soon back again, collecting new -honours from the feeble King at the instance of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_404'>404</span>Mariana, and to the indignation of the other nobles. -The great post of Master of the Horse, usually held -by one of the first magnates of Spain, was given to -Valenzuela; and when the jealous grandees remonstrated -he was made a grandee of Spain of the first -class to match his new dignity. All this, and the -fact that Don Juan had been deprived of his viceroyalty, -though banished from Court, may testify to -Mariana’s determination and boldness, but says little -for her prudence; for all Spain, high and low, was -against her, and Valenzuela was a weak reed to depend -upon in the face of so powerful an opposition.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In the meanwhile the conspiracy against Mariana -grew in strength. Don Juan amongst his faithful -Aragonese could plot with impunity, whilst the nobles -in Madrid were working incessantly to the same ends, -namely, the banishment of Mariana and the impeachment -and punishment of Valenzuela. In February -1676 all the principal grandees signed a mutual pledge -to stand together until these objects were attained; -and as, in virtue of their position, they had unrestrained -access to the King, who was now nominally his -own master, the result of their efforts was soon -seen.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The object lesson to which they could point was a -very plain one. Spanish troops were still pouring out -their blood upon the battlefields of Europe without -benefit to Spain: the distress in the capital itself was -appalling; even the King’s household sometimes being -without food, or means of obtaining it. On every side -ruin had overwhelmed the people. Industry had been -crushed by taxation, whole districts were depopulated -and derelict, and neither life nor property was safe -from the bandits who defied the law in town and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_405'>405</span>country.<a id='r275' /><a href='#f275' class='c013'><sup>[275]</sup></a> Spain had almost, though not quite, reached -its nadir of decadence: and, though the distress was -really the result of long-standing causes described in -the earlier pages of this book, the boy monarch was -made to believe that it all arose from the mis-government -of his mother and Valenzuela; and that Don -Juan could remedy all the ills and make Spain strong -and happy again.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The noble conspirators took care, this time, to -neglect no precautions that might ensure success, and -obtained (27th December 1676) from the King an -order to which Mariana was obliged to consent, for -Don Juan to return to Madrid; whilst on various pretexts -they kept the Queen as much as possible from -influencing her son. Valenzuela was, of course, informed -of what was going on, and, recognising that the -coalition was strong enough to crush him, had suddenly -fled into hiding a few days previously. The night of -the 14th January 1677, after the King had retired to -his bedchamber in the palace of Madrid, and Mariana -doubtless thought that all was safe until the next morning, -Charles, accompanied by a single gentleman-in-waiting, -escaped by arrangement with the conspirators, -down backstairs and through servants doorways, from -the old palace to the Buen Retiro, where the nobles -and courtiers were assembled. Long before dawn a -decree reached Mariana in her bedroom in the -palace, ordering her not to leave her apartments without -the written permission of the King. Her rage -and indignation knew no bounds, and for the rest of -the night letters alternately denouncing the undutifulness, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_406'>406</span>and appealing to the affection of her son, -showered thick and fast from the Queen in the old -Alcazar to the sixteen year old boy with the long white -face, who was trying to play the King in the pleasance -of the Buen Retiro. None of her letters softened him, -if ever they reached him, which is doubtful, and all the -next day the antechambers at the Retiro were crowded -with courtiers, applauding the King’s stroke of State, -whilst in the Alcazar on the cliff the Queen-Mother -found herself neglected by flatterers, a prisoner in the -palace where she had reigned so long.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The next day news came that Don Juan, with a -great armed escort and household, had arrived at -Hita, thirty-five miles from the capital; and there the -Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo and a crowd of grandees -met him with a message from the King, asking him to -dismiss his armed men and come to Court for the purpose -of taking the direction of affairs. But Don Juan -had his conditions to make first, and he refused to -enter the capital until Mariana had left it, Valenzuela -made a prisoner, and the hated Chambergo regiment -disbanded. He had his way in all things, and the -same night, with rage in her heart, Mariana rode out -of the capital for her banishment at Toledo; the -Chambergos were hurried away for shipment to Sicily; -and then came the question where was Valenzuela. -Reluctantly, and bit by bit, it was drawn from the King -that he himself had contrived the flight of his mother’s -favourite, and knew where he was hidden amongst the -friars of the palace-monastery of the Escorial.</p> - -<p class='c007'>From his windows overlooking the bleak Sierra -of Guadarrama the fugitive favourite gazed in the -gathering dusk of the 17th January 1677 in fancied -security; when, to his dismay, a large body of cavalry -<span class='pageno' id='Page_407'>407</span>trotted into the courtyard and dominated the palace. -Amongst them the alarmed Valenzuela descried his -enemy the Duke of Medina Sidonia, and a group of -other grandees. Flying for refuge within the consecrated -precincts, he besought the prior to save him; -and when the doors of the monastery had been closed -the prior greeted the troops and nobles in the courtyard -and demanded their pleasure. ‘We want nothing,’ -they replied, ‘but that you will deliver to us the traitor -Valenzuela.’ ‘Have you an order from his Majesty?’ -asked the prior. ‘Only a verbal one,’ replied Don -Antonio de Toledo, son of the Duke of Alba, who -took the lead. ‘In that case,’ replied the monk, supported -by a murmur of approval from his brethren -behind, ‘we will not surrender him, except to main -force; for we shelter him by written warrant of the -King.’ Threats and insults failed to move the monks, -and an attempt at arrangement was at last made by -means of an interview in the church between Valenzuela -himself and the Duke of Medina Sidonia and Toledo. -Owing mainly to the violence of the latter the interview -had no result; and, as the prior saw that the -soldiery were preparing to force the sanctuary, Valenzuela -was hidden in a secret room contrived for such -eventualities where he might defy discovery. The -enraged nobles and soldiery, balked of their prey, ransacked -the enormous place, room by room, for three -days, overturning altars, insulting and violating the -privacy of the monks, and committing sacrilege undreamt -of in Spain for centuries, for which they were smartly -punished afterwards by the ecclesiastical authority.<a id='r276' /><a href='#f276' class='c013'><sup>[276]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_408'>408</span>At length, on the night of 21st January, Valenzuela -took fright at some voices near, and foolishly let himself -down by his twisted sheets from the window of his -safe retreat; and, though one sentry let him go, and -the monks made desperate attempts to keep him -hidden, he was captured on the 22nd January and -carried with every circumstance of ignominy to close -confinement in Don Juan’s fortress of Consuegra; -then after terrible sufferings and stripped of all his -honours and possessions, he was imprisoned in Manila, -and afterwards taken to Mexico to die; whilst his unfortunate -wife, treated with atrocious brutality by Toledo, -was reduced to beg from door to door for charity, until -her troubles drove her mad.<a id='r277' /><a href='#f277' class='c013'><sup>[277]</sup></a> No sooner was Valenzuela -safe behind the bars at Consuegra than Don -Juan of Austria entered Madrid in state on the 23rd -January, acclaimed by the populace as the saviour of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_409'>409</span>Spain, and welcomed by the King as the heaven-sent -minister who was to make his reign brilliant and successful. -Don Juan’s vengeance knew no limit, as his -soul knew no generosity. Whatever may have been -Mariana’s faults as a Queen of Spain, or her errors as -a diplomatist, the ignominy to which she was now subjected -by order of her son, at the instance of Don -Juan, shows the lack of generosity of the latter and -the miserable weakness of the former. Mariana’s turn -was to come again by and bye, but with her banishment -to Toledo her life as ruling Queen of Spain came -to an end. She lived nearly twenty years afterwards, -but her vicissitudes during that time may be told -more fittingly in connection with the lives of her two -successors, the wives of her afflicted son.</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_411'>411</span> - <h2 class='c005'><span class='large'>BOOK V</span><br /> <span class='large'>I</span><br /> MARIE LOUISE OF ORLEANS</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_413'>413</span>With Mariana, closely watched in her convent at -Toledo, and all her friends exiled from Court, Don -Juan of Austria reigned supreme. For years he had -been clamouring for reform, and holding up as a -terrible example of the results of mis-government the -utter prostration that had seized upon the nation. -This was his chance, and he missed it; for he, whom -a whole people had acclaimed as the strong man that -was to redeem Spain from the sins and errors of the -past, proved in power to be a jealous vindictive trifler, -incapable of great ideas or statesmanlike action. -Every supporter of the Queen-Mother, from the -highest to the lowest, was made to feel the persecution -of Don Juan; letters from Toledo were opened, spies -listened at every corner, and violated the sanctity -of every home, in the anxiety of the Prince to discover -plots against him. His pride exceeded all bounds, and -most of his time was occupied in intrigues to secure -for himself the treatment due to a royal prince of -legitimate birth.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Whilst Don Juan was engaged in these trifles and -equally futile government measures, such as endeavouring -by decree to make the courtiers dress in the French -fashion instead of Spanish, the taxes were as heavy as -before, the prices of food higher than ever, the administration -remained unreformed, and the law was still -contemned: the Spanish troops were being beaten by -the French in Catalonia for lack of support, and King -<span class='pageno' id='Page_414'>414</span>Louis still occupied Sicily. Don Juan’s own supporters, -too, soon got tired of him when they saw that he was -grudging of rewards, even to them; and pasquins and -pamphlets rained against him and in favour of the -Queen-Mother. The latter and the imperial ambassador -had, before the coming of Don Juan, betrothed -the King to his niece the Archduchess Marie -Antoinette, aged nine, the daughter of the Emperor; -as if the miserable Charles himself had not been a -sufficient warning against further consanguineous -marriages in the house of Austria: but Don Juan -promptly put an end to that arrangement, and proposed -to marry Charles to a little Portuguese Infanta -of similar age. Peace was now an absolute necessity -to all Europe. The pourparlers between the powers -at Nimeguen had already lasted two years, and ended -in an arrangement between Holland and France, in -which Spain was left out. Louis could then exact his -own terms; and, as usual, they were crushingly hard -on Spain, which lost some of the richest cities in -Flanders and all the Franche Comté (September 1678). -But it was peace, and the rejoicing of the overburdened -Spanish people was pathetic to witness.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Charles was seventeen years of age, and already his -country was speculating eagerly upon his marriage; -whilst his degeneracy and weakness aroused hopes and -fears of what might happen if he died without issue. -According to the will of Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, the succession fell -to the Empress Margaret, daughter of Mariana; but -the French King, who from the first had made light of -his wife’s renunciation of her Spanish birthright, and -Maria Theresa herself, were not inclined to let her -claims go by default. Soon the gossips in Madrid -began to whisper that a French Queen Consort, a -<span class='pageno' id='Page_415'>415</span>descendant of the house which had given them their -beloved Isabel of Bourbon, would suit Spain best, and -Don Juan himself was not unwilling to listen to such -a suggestion; for, in any case, the King must marry, -and a French match would be a blow against Mariana -and the Austrian connection. The Duke of Medina -Celi, Don Juan’s principal henchman, slept, as sumiller -de corps, in the King’s room; and it was he who first -broached to Charles the idea of a French wife. He -was, the Duke reminded him, a grown man now, and -the Austrian Archduchess of ten was too young for -him. The Princess of Portugal, he said, would never -be consented to by the French, and she was also too -youthful: but there was at St. Cloud the most lovely -Princess ever seen, only a year younger than himself, -who was a bride for the greatest king in the -world.<a id='r278' /><a href='#f278' class='c013'><sup>[278]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Her name was Marie Louise, and she was the -daughter of the brother of King Louis, the Duke of -Orleans, by Henriette of England, that beautiful -daughter of Charles <span class='fss'>I.</span> who had been so beloved in the -country of her adoption. Maria Theresa took care -that miniatures of her lovely niece should go to the -Spanish Court, and when one of them was brought -to the notice of the young King, his adolescent passion -was inflamed at once, and the Marquis de los -Balbeses, who had represented Spain at the conference -of Nimeguen, was instructed by Don Juan to proceed -to Paris and ask King Louis for the hand of his niece.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Marie Louise was a spoilt beauty of the most refined -and gayest court in Europe. She had when a child -<span class='pageno' id='Page_416'>416</span>lost her English mother; but every body was in love -with her, from King Louis downward; and it had -long been understood that she might marry the -Dauphin, with whom she was on the tenderest terms -of affection. But the treaties of Nimeguen had transformed -the face of Europe, and Louis had other views -for his son, whilst the need for securing a footing in -Spain during the critical period approaching was -evident. So, when Balbeses came to Paris with -unusual state, and Saint Germain and Saint Cloud -were a blaze of magnificence to receive him, the girl’s -heart sank; for with her precocious intelligence she -guessed the meaning of the whispers and curious -glances that greeted her every appearance in the -ceremonies in honour of the King of Spain’s ambassador.</p> - -<p class='c007'>She and the Dauphin were deeply in love with each -other, and had been so since childhood; and it was -like a sentence of death for the beautiful girl with the -burnished copper-brown hair and flashing eyes, to -learn that she was to be the bride of the long-faced, -pallid boy, with the monstrous jaw and dull stare, in -his gloomy palace far away from brilliant Versailles, -and from her own home at Saint Cloud. When her -father, the Duke of Orleans, and afterwards King -Louis himself, gravely told her the honour that was in -store for her, she implored them in an agony of -passionate tears to save her from such a fate. To her -stepmother, Charlotte of Bavaria, to the Queen Maria -Theresa, to the King, she appealed on her knees, -again and again, to let her stay in France, where she -was so happy; and not to send her far away amongst -people she did not love. She was told that her duty -was to France; and Colbert, by the order of King -<span class='pageno' id='Page_417'>417</span>Louis, drew up a serious State paper for the instruction -of the frightened girl in the manner that French -interests might be served by her as Queen of -Spain.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The fine pearl necklace, worth a hundred thousand -crowns, given to her by King Louis, the magnificent -diamonds brought by the Duke of Pastrana,<a id='r279' /><a href='#f279' class='c013'><sup>[279]</sup></a> as a -present to her from her future husband, the title of -Majesty, ostentatiously given to her as soon as -preliminaries were arranged, the fine dresses and -jewels, and the new deference with which she was -surrounded, only deepened the girl’s grief. Her heart -grew hard and her spirit reckless when she understood -that, regardless of her own feelings, she was to be -a sacrifice: and, as the pompous ceremony of her -marriage by proxy approached, she became outwardly -calm, and more proudly beautiful than ever. On the -30th August 1679, as the new Queen was led by her -father on one hand and the Dauphin she loved on the -other, into the principal saloon at Fontainebleau for -the formal betrothal to the Prince of Conti, representing -the King of Spain, all the Court was enraptured -at her peerless loveliness. Her train, seven yards -long, of cloth of gold, was borne by princesses -of the blood; and the magnificence that the Roi -<span class='pageno' id='Page_418'>418</span>Soleil loved so well found its centre in the jewels that -blazed over the young Princess who was being -sacrificed for France.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It would be tedious to recount the splendour of the -betrothal, and marriage the next day, 31st August,<a id='r280' /><a href='#f280' class='c013'><sup>[280]</sup></a> -but when, after the ceremony with Conti that made -Marie Louise the wife of Charles <span class='fss'>II.</span>, she left the -chapel in her royal crown, her purple velvet robe -lined with ermine and covered with golden fleurs de lis, -and her flashing gems enveloping her in light, King -Louis and his Queen, between whom she walked in -the procession, praised and soothed her as the most -perfect princess and queen in the world. At the State -concert and ball that night, and at the ceremonies of -the morrow, Marie Louise was radiant in her loveliness, -and shed no tears, for she was steeled now to -the sacrifice, and determined thenceforward to get as -much sensuous joy out of life as she could, in spite of -the fate that had befallen her.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Whilst this was happening in Fontainebleau, the plot -was thickening in Madrid. The star of Don Juan -was visibly on the wane. The adherents of Mariana -grew bolder daily; some of them, like the Duke of -Osuna, dared to come to Court in spite of prohibition; -and Don Juan lived in daily fear that the King would -slip through his hands and join his mother in Toledo. -In order to divert him from visiting Aranjuez, which -is within riding distance of Toledo, all sorts of pretexts -were invented, and the surveillance of the old Queen -by Don Juan’s agents became more insulting than -ever. Mme. D’Aulnoy narrates a conversation with -<span class='pageno' id='Page_419'>419</span>Don Juan at the time, which may well be authentic.<a id='r281' /><a href='#f281' class='c013'><sup>[281]</sup></a> -‘She asked him if it was true that the Queen-Mother -had written to the King requesting him to see her, -and that he had refused. The prince admitted that -it was, and that this was the sole reason that had -prevented his Majesty from going to Aranjuez, for -fear that she might go there and see him, in spite of -the orders given to her not to leave Toledo. “What, -sir,” I cried; “The King refuses to see his mother!” -“Say rather,” he replied, “that reasons of State -prevent monarchs from following their own inclinations -when they clash with the public interest. We -have a maxim in the Council of State always to be -guided by the spirit of the great Emperor Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span> -in all difficult questions.”‘... ‘It was quite evident -to me,’ concludes Mme. D’Aulnoy, ‘that Don Juan -accommodated the genius of Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span> to suit his -own.’<a id='r282' /><a href='#f282' class='c013'><sup>[282]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Don Juan had grown colder towards the French -match as time went on. He had, indeed, endeavoured -more than once to obstruct or frustrate it by suggesting -impossible conditions; but even Charles <span class='fss'>II.</span> had -plucked up some semblance of manhood with his -approaching marriage to the original of the portrait -that had so enraptured him, and gave his half-brother -<span class='pageno' id='Page_420'>420</span>to understand that he meant to have his own way, in -this and in other things.<a id='r283' /><a href='#f283' class='c013'><sup>[283]</sup></a> Don Juan had very soon -understood that the appearance of Marie Louise in -Spain, with the influence of Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> behind her, -would mean his own downfall; and the arrival of the -Marquis of Villars, the French ambassador, with -instructions from his master not to accede to the -ambitious claims of Don Juan to receive the ambassador -seated and to give his hand as a royal prince, -led to infinite negotiation. Louis was determined -that the bastard of Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> should not be treated -by his ambassador as royal, unless his own illegitimate -offspring enjoyed the same privilege; and Villars was -instructed not to negotiate with Don Juan at all unless -he gave way.<a id='r284' /><a href='#f284' class='c013'><sup>[284]</sup></a> Louis also instructed Villars to proceed -to Toledo and salute Mariana; and Don Juan -knew that with the Queen-Mother’s interest, the French -interest, and most of Spain against him, his government -was doomed to an early extinction.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The knowledge killed him; and before Marie Louise -had reached the Spanish frontier the news came to -her that Don Juan was dead, 17th September. He -had suffered for many weeks from double tertian fevers, -and his anxiety had increased the malady. The King, -he knew, was already holding conferences of nobles, -plotting to escape to his mother and decree his half-brother’s -dismissal. On all sides those upon whom -he had depended now opposed him, and some of his -old enemies had already claimed the right, in virtue -of their rank and offices, to go and attend the new -<span class='pageno' id='Page_421'>421</span>Queen. In these circumstances it is not necessary -to seek, as many contemporaries did, to explain his -death by accusations against Mariana and her friends -of poisoning him; but there is no denying that his -death was most opportune for them, and was welcome -to the whole nation, as ensuring some degree of -harmony under the new regime that was to commence -with the King’s marriage. Don Juan’s dying ears -were dinned by the explosion of fireworks from his -own windows, in celebration of the wedding at Fontainebleau, -so little regard was paid to him; and hardly -had the breath left his body when Charles ran to seek -his mother at Toledo, and, with tears and embraces -on both sides, a reconciliation was effected. It had -all been the wicked bastard’s fault, and henceforward -all would go well.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Mariana managed her triumphant return with tact -and skill. She had left the Court after Valenzuela’s -fall intensely unpopular; but much had happened since -then. Don Juan had proved a whitened sepulchre; -the detested Austrian match for the King was at an -end, the cordiality shown by Mariana towards the -new marriage pleased the people, and a warm welcome -greeted her as she rode in state by her son’s -side in the great swaying coach with the curtains -drawn back,<a id='r285' /><a href='#f285' class='c013'><sup>[285]</sup></a> to the palace of the Buen Retiro which -was to be her residence until her own house was -prepared.</p> - -<p class='c007'>All the Court was eager to know what part Mariana -would in future take in the government. Would she -<span class='pageno' id='Page_422'>422</span>be, as of yore, the sole dispenser of bounty and the -only fountain of power? Would she avenge herself -upon Don Juan’s friends as he had avenged himself -upon hers, or would she leave the dominating influence -to her son’s young wife? Mariana had learnt wisdom -by experience, and walked warily. She was no lover -of the French match; but she knew that open opposition -to it would alienate the King and exasperate -the country, and she smilingly played the part of the -fond mother who rejoiced at her son’s happiness. -Everybody, moreover, and especially the King, was -so busy with the marriage that there was neither time -nor inclination for politics; and until the King’s departure -to meet his bride he was closeted every day -in loving converse with his mother, talking only of -his coming happiness. Fortunately the treasure-fleet -from America arrived in the nick of time, and, for a -wonder, there was no lack of money, which not only -added to the good humour of the people, but enabled -the preparations for the reception of Marie Louise on -the Spanish side to be made upon a scale approaching -the costly pageantry of former times.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The splendid entertainments at Fontainebleau ended -at last; and on the 20th September 1679, the young -Queen rode out of the beautiful park on the first stage -of the long voyage to her new country. She sat -silently in the coach with King Louis and his wife, -and the one man upon whom her heart was set, the -young Dauphin, whose eyes were red with tears. At -La Chapelle, two leagues from Fontainebleau, the long -cavalcade stopped, for here Marie Louise was to take -an eternal farewell of most of those she loved. As -she stepped from Queen Maria Theresa’s carriage and -entered one belonging to the King that was to bear -<span class='pageno' id='Page_423'>423</span>her to the frontier, every eye was wet with tears, and -the common folk who witnessed the leave-taking cried -aloud with grief. Only Marie Louise, with fixed face -and stony eyes, was mute. But when the last farewell -was said, and the Queen’s carriage with the Dauphin -turned to leave, one irrepressible wail of sorrow was -wrung from the heart of the poor girl, as she sank -back fainting upon the cushions of the carriage by her -father’s side.<a id='r286' /><a href='#f286' class='c013'><sup>[286]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Through France, by short stages, and followed by -a great household under the Duke of Harcourt and -the Maréchale Clerambant, as mistress of the robes, -the young Queen made her way, splendidly entertained -by the cities through which she passed; for -to them the marriage meant peace with Spain, and -rich and poor blessed her for her beauty and her -sacrifice. The Marquis of Balbeses, the Spanish ambassador -and his wife, a Colonna, rode in her train, and -at Poictiers the latter brought her the news of Don -Juan’s unregretted death. The Marchioness happened -to be wearing a black silk handkerchief at her neck; -and, lightly touching it, and smiling, she said: ‘This -is all the mourning I am going to wear for <em>him</em>.’<a id='r287' /><a href='#f287' class='c013'><sup>[287]</sup></a> -Thenceforward to the sad end Marie Louise had to -deal with those who, with smiling face and soft -speeches, were secretly bent upon her ruin; and she, -a bright beauty full of strength and the joy of life, -hungry for the love that had been denied her, was no -match, even if she had cared to struggle with them, -for the false hearts and subtle brains that planned the -shipwreck of her life.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The household of the new Queen, which had been -<span class='pageno' id='Page_424'>424</span>chosen by Don Juan before his death, started from the -capital towards the frontier on the 26th September, -and already intrigue was rife amongst the courtiers to -gain ascendency over the young consort of the King. -The master of the household, the Marquis of Astorga, -was mainly famous for his gallantry, and had been a -firm friend of Don Juan; whilst the mistress of the -robes, the Duchess of Terranova in her own right, -was a stern grand dame of sixty, whose experience, -like that of Astorga, had been principally Italian, and -of whom some whispered that ‘she knew more about -carbines and daggers than about thimbles and needles.’<a id='r288' /><a href='#f288' class='c013'><sup>[288]</sup></a> -However that may be, she was imperious and punctilious -to the last degree, but kept Marie Louise in the -right way as she understood it; though, as we shall -see, the roughness of her methods disgusted the young -Queen and hastened the inevitable catastrophe.<a id='r289' /><a href='#f289' class='c013'><sup>[289]</sup></a> Close -upon the heels of the official household went some of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_425'>425</span>Mariana’s friends, especially the Duke of Osuna, appointed -Grand Equerry, and an Italian priest, who -aspired to the post of Queen’s confessor; and even -before she entered Spain began to whisper to Marie -Louise political counsels intended to betray her.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Once again on the historic banks of the Bidasoa, and -on the island of Pheasants that had seen so many regal -meetings, sumptuous pavilions of silk brocade and -tapestry were erected. Marie Louise at St. Jean de -Luz, a few miles away, was sick at heart, in spite of -all the splendour that surrounded her; and she could -not suppress her tears as she stood upon the last foot -of French soil she was ever to touch, ready to enter -the gilded barge that was to cross the few feet of water -that separated her from the little gaily decked neutral -island where the Marquis of Astorga was to receive -her on bended knee as his sovereign mistress.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The rule of the formidable old Duchess of Terranova -began the moment Marie Louise stepped into the -barge that was to land her on the Spanish bank. The -Queen was dressed in the graceful garb that prevailed -in the Court of Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> The soft yielding skirts and -square cut bodice with abundance of fine lace at neck -and wrists were coquettishly feminine. The bright -brown hair of the bride was curled and frizzed at the -sides and on the brow, in artful little ringlets, and all -this grace and prettiness looked to the Spanish ladies -of the old school indecorous, if not positively indecent. -Their vast wide-hooped farthingales, of heavy brocade, -their long flat bodices, their stiff unbendable sleeves, -and in the case of younger ladies, their hair, lank and -uncurled, falling upon their shoulders, except where it -was parted at the side and gathered with a bow of -ribbon over one temple, formed an entire contrast to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_426'>426</span>the French feminine fashions of the time; and until -Marie Louise donned the Spanish garb, and did her -hair in Spanish style, the Duchess of Terranova looked -with grave disapproval at her mistress.</p> - -<p class='c007'>After the whole party had attended the Te Deum -at Irun the journey south began, though not before a -desperate fight for precedence had taken place between -the Duke of Osuna and the Marquis of Astorga, a -struggle that was renewed on every opportunity until -the Duke was recalled to the King’s side. Long ere -this the young King’s impatience to meet his bride -had over-ridden all the dictates of etiquette, and he -had started on his journey northward on the 23rd -October, before even Marie Louise had entered Spain. -To one of those witty French ladies who, at the time, -wrote such excellent letters, we are indebted for invaluable -information on the events of the next two -years, and the letters of Mme. de Villars, wife of the -French ambassador, will furnish us with many vivid -pictures. Writing from Madrid the day before Marie -Louise entered Spain (2nd November 1679) Mme. de -Villars says: ‘M. Villars had started to join the King, -who is going in search of the Queen with such impetuosity -that it is impossible to follow him. If she -has not arrived at Burgos when he reaches there, he -is determined to take the Archbishop of Burgos and -go as far as Vitoria, or to the frontier, if needs be, to -marry the Princess. He was deaf to all advice to the -contrary, he is so completely transported with love and -impatience. So with these dispositions, no doubt the -young Queen will be happy. The Queen Dowager is -very good and very reasonable, and passionately desires -that she (Marie Louise) should be contented.’<a id='r290' /><a href='#f290' class='c013'><sup>[290]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_427'>427</span>As the royal couple approached each other, almost -daily messages of affection and rich gifts passed -between them. First went from Marie Louise a -beautiful French gold watch, with a flame-coloured -ribbon, which she assured the love-lorn Charles had -already encircled her neck. On the 9th November -she reached Oñate, where she passed the night, and -sent from there a miniature of herself on ivory set -with diamonds, and with this went a curious letter,<a id='r291' /><a href='#f291' class='c013'><sup>[291]</sup></a> -now published for the first time, touching upon a -subject which afterwards became one of the principal -sources of Marie Louise’s troubles in Spain. The -letter is in Spanish, and in the Queen’s own writing, -a large, bold hand, full of character. The Queen told -Balbeses in Paris that she had learnt Spanish in order -to talk it with Queen Maria Theresa, but did not -speak it much. The present letter was probably, -therefore, drafted or corrected in draft before she -wrote it (perhaps by Mme. de Clarembant, who spoke -Spanish), as there are no serious errors of syntax -in it.</p> - -<p class='c007'>‘If I were ruled by the impulses of my heart -alone, I should be sending off couriers to your -Majesty every instant. I send to you now Sergeant -Cicinetti, whom I knew at the Court of France, and -his great fidelity also to your Majesty’s service. I -pray you receive him with the same kindness that I -send him. My heart, sire, is so overflowing with -gratitude that your Majesty will see it in all the acts -of my life. They wished to make me believe that -your Majesty disapproved of my riding on horseback, -but Remille (?), who has just come from your Majesty, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_428'>428</span>assures me that just the contrary is the case, especially -as for these bad roads horses are the best. As my -greatest anxiety is to please your Majesty, I will do as -you wish; for my whole happiness is that your -Majesty should be assured that I shall only like that -which you like. God grant you many years of life, as -I desire and need. Oñate, 9th November.—Your -Niece and Servant,</p> -<div class='c017'><span class='sc'>Marie Louise</span>.’</div> - -<p class='c007'>In fact, the Duchess of Terranova, from the first -day, had been remonstrating with the Queen against -her insisting upon riding a great horse over the -wretched rain-soaked tracts that did duty for roads. -Spanish ladies, she was told, travelled in closely-curtained -carriages or litters, or, in case of urgent -need, upon led mules, but never upon horses thus: -and Marie Louise, who was a splendid horsewoman, -had excusably defended the custom of the Court in -which she had been reared. This was the first cause -of disagreement between Marie Louise and her -mistress of the robes, but others quickly followed.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Whilst Charles was impatiently awaiting his bride -at Burgos, Marie Louise travelled slowly with her -great train of French and Spanish courtiers over the -miry roads and through the drenching winter of -northern Spain. Already her daily passages of arms -with the Duchess of Terranova had filled her with -apprehension and anxiety. M. de Villars met her at -Briviesca, and found her ‘full of inquietude and -mistrust, and perceived that the change of country, -and people and manners, enough to embarrass a more -experienced person than she, and the cabals and -intrigues that assailed her on every hand, had plunged -her into a condition of agitation which made her fear -everything without knowing upon whom she could -<span class='pageno' id='Page_429'>429</span>depend.’<a id='r292' /><a href='#f292' class='c013'><sup>[292]</sup></a> The ambassador did his best to tranquillise -her. All these people, he said, were intriguing in -their own interests. She need not trouble about them: -only let her love the King and live in harmony with -the Queen-Mother, whom she would find full of -affection for her, and all would be well. It is clear -that Don Juan’s faction had not died with him, and -even at this early stage the household, mainly -appointed by him, had done their best to make Marie -Louise fear and dread her mother-in-law.</p> - -<p class='c007'>On the 18th November, the day after her interview -with Villars, the bride arrived at Quintanapalla, within -a few miles of Burgos, where she was to pass the -night; the ostensible intention of the Spaniards being -that the marriage should take place at Burgos the -next day. Everything was done to lead the official -Frenchmen to believe this; but Villars and Harcourt -were suspicious; and early on the morning of the 19th, -they arrived from Burgos at the miserable poverty-stricken -village where Marie Louise had passed the -night. Assembled there they found members of the -King’s household, and taxed the Duchess of Terranova -with the intention of carrying through the royal -marriage there. She replied haughtily that the King -had so commanded, and had given orders that no one -was to attend the wedding, but the few Spanish officers -and witnesses strictly necessary. The two noble -Frenchmen indignantly announced their intention of -attending the ceremony, in obedience to the orders -of their own King Louis, whether the Spaniards liked -it or not. The imperious old lady thereupon flew into -a towering rage; ‘<i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">et dit beaucoup de choses hors de -propos</span></i>,’ and the ambassadors, declining to quarrel with -<span class='pageno' id='Page_430'>430</span>an angry woman, sent a courier galloping to Burgos to -demand leave for the official representatives of France -to witness the marriage of a French princess.<a id='r293' /><a href='#f293' class='c013'><sup>[293]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>At eleven o’clock in the morning, the King himself -arrived at the poor hamlet of ten houses, and at the -door of the apartment where she had lodged his -beautiful bride met him. She looked radiant, ‘in a -beautiful French costume covered with a surprising -quantity of gems,’<a id='r294' /><a href='#f294' class='c013'><sup>[294]</sup></a> though Charles told her the next -day that he infinitely preferred her with the Spanish -garb and coiffure, which she usually assumed thenceforward. -On the threshold of the squalid labourer’s -cottage, Marie Louise made as if to kneel and kiss the -King’s hand; but he stepped forward and raised her. -Unfortunately, thanks to his mumbling speech and her -agitation, and small familiarity with spoken Spanish, -they soon found that conversation was impossible -without an interpreter, and Villars stepped into the -breach and said the mutual words of greeting between -the husband and wife.<a id='r295' /><a href='#f295' class='c013'><sup>[295]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>But whilst he was doing this courtly service, his -keen eyes saw that the humble living chamber of the -cottage, where the ceremony of marriage was to take -place, was being filled by Spanish grandees, who had -ranged themselves in the place of honour on the right -hand. Louis had broken down the old Spanish claim -<span class='pageno' id='Page_431'>431</span>to precedence before other nations, and Villars at once -demanded for Harcourt and himself the pre-eminent -place. Under protest, and with evil grace, the -grandees were obliged to make way for the Frenchmen; -and there, in the squalid room, at midday, with -grey skies looming overhead, and the drizzling rain -dimming the tiny windows, Charles King of Spain was -married to Marie Louise of Orleans.<a id='r296' /><a href='#f296' class='c013'><sup>[296]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>An impromptu dinner was served immediately -afterwards to the King and Queen; and at two o’clock -in the afternoon they entered the big coach that -awaited them, and the whole caravan floundered -through the mud to the city of Burgos. The next -morning early the bride left the city privately to dine -at the neighbouring convent of Las Huelgas, and -thence to make her state entry on horseback, and -dressed in Spanish fashion. Then, for three days, -the usual round of masquerades, bullfights, and -comedies, kept the Court amused, and the dreaded -hour of parting from her French train came to Marie -Louise. Loaded with fine presents and rewards from -the King, the great ladies and gallant gentlemen who -had kept up the spirits of the Queen, now perforce -turned their faces towards the north again, and, as -Marie Louise saw the French carriages depart, her -composure gave way, and she broke into a paroxysm -of tears.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Spaniards generally, and especially the King, saw -the French courtiers depart with delight. For years -the two countries had been constantly at war. The -splendour of France had grown proportionately as -poverty and impotence had fallen upon Spain. Old -<span class='pageno' id='Page_432'>432</span>ambitions and vengeful hate were not dead, and many -Spaniards still dreamed of dictating to the world if -only France could be checked. At every step Marie -Louise, who loved France with all her heart, and had -been forced to leave it, as she was told, to serve its -interests, was reminded that she must forget the dear -land of her youth and think only of her husband’s -realm. It was too much to expect that she would do -it, and it is fair to say that she did not try. She was -a blithe, gay-hearted girl, in the full flower of youth -and strength, not yet eighteen: the pleasures of -Versailles and St Cloud had hitherto filled her life, -and here in stern Spain, surrounded by sinister -intrigues she did not understand, and married to this -degenerate anæmic creature by her side, she did her -best to play her part properly; but she was French -to her inmost soul, and she would not forget her own -folk and her old home. The harsh Duchess of Terranova -might insist upon the bright brown curls being -brushed wet till they hung flat and lank, and might -cram the beautiful round bosom into the hideous flat -corset demanded by Spanish fashion; but even she -could not quite silence the frank, careless laugh, or -suppress the triumphant coquetry of a Parisian -beauty overflowing with the sensuousness of maturing -passion.</p> - -<p class='c007'>During the stay at Burgos, and afterwards, the -Duchess of Terranova kept urging upon the narrow, -suspicious King that his new wife was a young woman -of free and easy manners, entirely opposed to Spanish -ideas of decorum, and that he must keep a tight rein -upon her. She laid it down, moreover, that the girl -must receive no visits of any sort until after her State -entry into Madrid, which would mean some six weeks -<span class='pageno' id='Page_433'>433</span>of complete isolation.<a id='r297' /><a href='#f297' class='c013'><sup>[297]</sup></a> At Torrejon de Ardoz, a few -miles from Madrid, Charles and his wife were met by -Mariana. The Queen-Mother was wiser and deeper -than the Mistress of the Robes; and instead of -frightening her daughter-in-law she was outwardly all -kindness and sweetness to her. As we shall see in -the course of this history, the Terranova way, harsh -as it was, was less disastrous to Marie Louise than -the policy of letting her go her own way, and then -holding her up to reprobation.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Mme. Villars records the coming of the newly-married -pair to the Buen Retiro palace, where the -Queen was to remain whilst the preparations were -made for her state entry some weeks later. ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le roi -et la reine viennent seuls dans un grand carosse sans -glace, à la mode du pays. Il sera fort heureux pour -eux qu’ils soient comme leur carosse.<a id='r298' /><a href='#f298' class='c013'><sup>[298]</sup></a> On dit que la -reine fait tres bien: pour le roi, comme il etait fort -amoureux<a id='t433'></a> avant que de l’avoir vue, sa presence ne peut -qu’avoir augmenté sa passion.</span>’</p> - -<p class='c007'>Marie Louise had now no Frenchwomen with her but -two old nurses and two maids of inferior rank; and -some days after she had arrived at the Buen Retiro -she begged that Madame Villars, the ambassador’s -wife, might be allowed to come and raise her spirits -by a chat in French. The Duchess of Terranova was -shocked, and refused. Neither man nor woman, she -said, should see the Queen until the state entry. -Marie Louise then tried her husband. Might not the -ambassadress come in strict incognito? He seems -to have consented, and the Queen joyously sent word -<span class='pageno' id='Page_434'>434</span>to Mme. Villars; but Villars was aware of the jealousy -in the palace, and before allowing his wife to go, communicated -with the Duchess of Terranova. She knew -nothing, she said, of such a permission, nor would she -inquire, and the Queen should see no one whilst she -remained at the Retiro.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Secret means were found for letting Marie Louise -know why her countrywoman did not respond to the -invitation; but a few days afterwards Mme. Villars -went to the Retiro, doubtless by appointment, to pay -her respects to the Queen-Mother Mariana. She found -her everything that was kind and amiable. ‘Have -you seen my daughter-in-law yet?’ the Queen-Mother -asked. ‘She is so anxious to see you, and will receive -you when you like: to-morrow if you wish.’ This -was a great victory over the Duchess of Terranova, -for Marie Louise had seen not a soul but the inhabitants -of the Retiro since she entered it. Only -two days before the Marchioness of Balbeses, the late -ambassadress in France, who, though an Italian, was -married to a Spanish grandee, had gone to the apartment -of the Mistress of the Robes to beg an audience -of the Queen. The latter, hearing her friend’s voice, -had run into the room from her own adjoining chamber; -but the moment the scandalised Duchess of Terranova -caught sight of her she seized her roughly by the arm -and pushed her into her own apartment again. ‘These -manners,’ says Mme. Villars in recounting the incident, -‘are not so extraordinary here as they would be anywhere -else.’<a id='r299' /><a href='#f299' class='c013'><sup>[299]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_435'>435</span>The French ambassadress lost no time in availing -herself of the Queen-Mother’s hint; and on the following -day went to the Retiro. The account of her visit -to the Queen may best be told in her own racy words: -‘I entered by the apartment of the Mistress of the -Robes, who received me with all sorts of civility. -She took me through some little passages to a gallery, -where I expected to see only the Queen, but, to my -great surprise, I found myself before the whole royal -family. The King was seated in a great arm-chair, -and the two Queens on cushions. The Mistress of -the Robes kept hold of my hand, telling me as we -advanced how many courtesies I had to make, and -that I must begin with the King. She brought me -up so close to his Majesty’s chair that I did not know -what she wished me to do. For my part, I thought -nothing more was required of me than a low courtesy; -and, without vanity, I may remark that he did not -return it, though he seemed not sorry to see me. -When I told M. de Villars about it afterwards, he -said no doubt the Mistress of the Robes expected me -to kiss the King’s hand. I thought so myself, but I -felt no inclination to do so.... There I was then, in -the midst of these three Majesties. The Queen-Mother, -as on the previous day, said many agreeable -things, and the young Queen seemed very much -pleased to see me, though I did my best that she -should show it in a discreet way. The King has a -little Flemish dwarf who understands and speaks -<span class='pageno' id='Page_436'>436</span>French very well, and he helped the conversation -considerably. They brought one of the young ladies -in a farthingale, that I might examine the machine.<a id='r300' /><a href='#f300' class='c013'><sup>[300]</sup></a> -The King had me asked what I thought of it, and I -replied, through the dwarf, that I did not believe it -was ever invented for a human form. He seemed -very much of my opinion. They brought me a -cushion, upon which I sat only for a moment in -obedience to the sign made to me, but I took an -opportunity immediately afterwards to rise, as I saw -so many “ladies of honour” standing, and I did not -wish to offend them; though the Queens repeatedly -told me to be seated. The young Queen had a collation -served by her ladies on their knees—ladies of -the most splendid names, such as Aragon, Castile and -Portugal. The Queen-Mother took chocolate and the -King nothing. The young Queen, as you may -imagine, was dressed in Spanish fashion, the dress -being made of some of the lovely stuffs she brought -with her from France. She was beautifully <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">coiffée</span></i>, -her hair being brought diagonally across the brow, -and the rest falling loose over her shoulders. She has -an admirable complexion, very fine eyes, and a bewitching -mouth when she laughs. And what a thing -it is to laugh in Spain! The gallery is rather long, -the walls being covered with crimson damask or velvet, -studded all over very close with gold trimmings. From -one end to the other the floor is laid with the most -lovely carpet I ever saw in my life, and on it there -are tables, cabinets and brasiers, candlesticks being -upon the tables. Every now and then very grandly -<span class='pageno' id='Page_437'>437</span>dressed maids come in, each with two silver candlesticks, -to replace others taken out for snuffing. These -maids make very great, long courtesies, with much -grace. A good way from the Queens there were -some maids of honour sitting on the floor, and many -ladies of advanced age, in the usual widow’s garb, -were leaning standing against the wall.</p> - -<p class='c007'>‘The King and Queen left in three quarters of an -hour, the King walking first. The young Queen took -her mother-in-law by the hand leading her to the door -of the gallery, and then she turned back quickly, and -came to rejoin me. The Mistress of the Robes did -not return, and it was evident that they had given the -Queen full liberty to entertain me. There was only -one old lady in the gallery, a long way off, and the -Queen said that if she was not there she would give me -a good hug. It was four o’clock when I arrived, and -half-past seven before I left, and then it was I who -made the first move. I can assure you I wish the King, -the Queen-Mother and the Mistress of the Robes could -have heard all I said to the Queen. I wish you could -have heard it too, and have seen us walking up and -down that gallery, which the lights made very agreeable. -This young Queen, in the novelty and beauty -of her garments, and with an infinitude of diamonds, -was simply ravishing. Once for all do not forget that -black and white are not more dissimilar than France and -Spain. I think our young Princess is doing very well. -She wished to see me every day, but I implored her -to excuse me, unless I saw clearly that the King and -the Queen-Mother wished it as much as she did.... -The Mistress of the Robes came to meet me as I left -the gallery, and I found there the Queen’s French -attendants, to whom I said that they must learn -<span class='pageno' id='Page_438'>438</span>Spanish, and avoid, if possible, saying a word of -French to the Queen. I know that they are scolded -for speaking it too much to her.’<a id='r301' /><a href='#f301' class='c013'><sup>[301]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>In the deadly <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">ennui</span></i> of such a life as that described -above Marie Louise, though she did her best to be -patient, begged earnestly that her countrywoman -should be allowed to see her often. But Mme. Villars -pointed out to her how much depended upon her -prudence, and avoided the palace whenever possible, -in the hope that the young Queen would fall into -Spanish ways. The King also, in his half-witted -way, tried to please his lovely wife: ‘more beautiful -and agreeable,’ says Mme. Villars, ‘than any lady of -her Court,’ giving her many exquisite presents of -jewellery, and running in and out of her apartments -to tell her bits of news, and so on. But the life was -deadly dull; and the gloom within the palace could, -as Mme. Villars says, be seen, tasted and touched. -Charles had no amusements other than the most -childish games and trivial pastimes: his intellect was -not capable of sustaining a reasonable conversation, -and after a day of stiff monotony, he and his wife went -to bed every night at half-past eight, the moment they -had finished supper: ‘with the last morsel still in their -mouths,’ as Mme. Villars writes.</p> - -<p class='c007'>There was some eager talk of the Queen’s pregnancy -before the grand State entry into Madrid; but when -that hope disappeared, and Marie Louise began to -languish alarmingly in the dull incarceration of the -Retiro, she and her husband sufficiently relaxed their -surroundings to go to the hunting palace of the Pardo, -six miles away, where the young Queen could ride her -French horses, and Charles could enjoy himself with a -<span class='pageno' id='Page_439'>439</span>little pigsticking. At length the great day for the -public entry into the capital came on the 13th January -1680. Madrid, as usual, had squandered money sorely -needed for bread in gaudy shows. At every street -corner arose monuments and arches of imitation marble; -and all the heathen mythology was ransacked for far-fetched -compliments to the people’s new idol. The -King and his mother leaving the Retiro in the morning -took up a position in the central balcony of the -Oñate palace, still standing, in the Calle Mayor; and -at noon Marie Louise on a beautiful chestnut palfrey -issued from the gates of the Buen Retiro, where the -aldermen of the town stood awaiting her with the -canopy of state, under which she was to ride to the -palace.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Preceded by trumpeters and the knights of the royal -orders, by her household and by the grandees of Spain, -all in garments of dazzling magnificence, rode the most -beautiful woman in Spain, gorgeously dressed in garments -so richly embroidered with gold that their colour -was hidden, and covered with precious stones, but -withal, as a Spanish eyewitness observes, ‘more -beautifully adorned by her loveliness and grace than -by the rich habit that she wore.’ Her horse was led -by the Marquis of Villamayna, her chief equerry; and -after her came a great train of ladies led by the Duchess -of Terranova, all mounted on draped led mules. As -the new Queen passed the Oñate palace she smiled -and bowed low to the King and his mother, who could -be dimly seen behind the nearly closed jalousies; and -went triumphantly forward, conquering all hearts by -the power of her radiant beauty.<a id='r302' /><a href='#f302' class='c013'><sup>[302]</sup></a> But though she, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_440'>440</span>poor soul, knew it not, more was needed than careless -beauty to win the battle in which she was engaged, a -battle not of hearts but of subtle crafty brains.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Bullfights, with grandees as toreros, masquerades, -cane tourneys, and the inevitable religious pageantry, -at all of which Marie Louise, glittering with gems, took -her place, ran their usual course; and at the end of -a week after the entry the Queen began her regular -married life in the old Alcazar on the cliff, more gloomy -and monotonous, even, than the Retiro, in its gardens -on the other side of the capital.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The political intrigues, though they had never ceased, -had been naturally somewhat abated during the Queen’s -voyage and subsequent seclusion: but as soon as the -marriage feasts were over the struggle began in -earnest. Charles, absorbed in his courtship and -marriage, had appointed no minister to succeed Don -Juan, the necessary administrative duties being performed -by a favourite of his, Don Jeronimo de Eguia, -a man of no position or ability; and the first bone of -contention was the appointment of the man who was -really to rule Spain. The old party of the Queen-Mother -inclined to a Board of Government, headed by -the Constable of Castile; but Mariana, in appearance, -at least, held herself aloof, and the minister ultimately -chosen by the King was the first noble in Spain, the -Duke of Medina Celi, an easy going, idle, amiable -magnate, who had sided with Don Juan; but whose -gentle manners had convinced the King that he would -not tyrannise over him as Don Juan had done. The -Duchess of Terranova and most of the household -whispered constantly to the young Queen distrust and -suspicion of Mariana; and after her state entry they -encouraged her as much as possible to see the French -<span class='pageno' id='Page_441'>441</span>ambassadress constantly. The Queen-Mother, they -said, had been continually with the German ambassador -and his wife talking German, why should not Marie -Louise do the same with the French ambassador. -But both Villars and his wife were wary, and saw that -they were to be used to form a French party at Court -to oppose the Queen-Mother and the Austrians, and -this they were not at present inclined to do.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Villars himself constantly reiterates that the Queen-Mother -was quite sincere in her professions of affection -for her daughter-in-law, and he and his wife lost no -opportunity of urging Marie Louise to respond cordially -to her mother-in-law’s loving advances. The -diplomatist attributes to Mariana, indeed, at this time, -sentiments which her whole history seems to falsify, -and it appears far more probable that Marie Louise -was right than the ambassador when she looked askance -at the tenderness of her husband’s mother. The old -Queen, says Villars, was discontented with the way -her Austrian kinsmen had treated her, and leaned now -to the side of France, which had been friendly with -her in her exile; she sincerely loved her daughter-in-law -and hoped that her son would have children to -succeed him by his beautiful wife. Villars, indeed, -casts the whole of the blame upon Marie Louise, who, -he says—probably quite truly—was lacking in judgment, -decision and generosity, and hesitated too late -between the Duchess of Terranova, who constantly -warned her against the Queen-Mother, and the French -ambassador and others who strove to persuade her to -make common cause with her mother-in-law, and rule -all things jointly with her.<a id='r303' /><a href='#f303' class='c013'><sup>[303]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>The nearest approach to common action of the two -<span class='pageno' id='Page_442'>442</span>Queens was when they both persuaded Charles to -appoint the weak, idle, Medina Celi as minister; but, -in this, and in all the other manifestations of Mariana’s -conciliatory amiability at the time and after, it is -unquestionable that the measures and men she smiled -upon were such as would, and did, inevitably lead to a -state of things in which her firm hand would become -indispensable. The effects of the utter ineptitude of -such a government as that of Charles and Medina -Celi were soon seen. The coin had been tampered -with to such an extent as to have no fixed value, -provisions were at famine price, and the attempt to fix -low values of commodities by decree aroused a -sanguinary revolt in Madrid in the early spring of -1680, that nearly overthrew the wretched government -such as it was. Bandits infested the high roads, half -the work of the country was done by foreigners, -whilst Spaniards starved in idleness, or lived by preying -upon the comparatively few who still had -means.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In this abject state of affairs, the King gave but a -quarter of an hour daily to his public duties, which -were limited to stamping his signature on decrees -placed before him, for he had neither the industry to -read them nor the intellect to understand them; and -the rest of his time was spent on the most puerile -frivolity and in endless visits with Marie Louise to -convents and churches. ‘Such visits,’ says Mme. -Villars, ‘are anything but a feast for her. She insisted -upon my going with her the last two days. As I -knew nobody, I was very much bored, and I believe -she only asked me to go in order to keep her in -countenance. The King and Queen are seated in -two arm chairs, the nuns sitting at their feet, and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_443'>443</span>many ladies come to kiss their hands. The collation -is brought, the Queen’s repast always being a roast -capon, which she eats whilst the King gazes at her, -and thinks that she eats too much. There are two -dwarfs who do all the talking.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>A very few weeks of this idle life and good living -worked its effect upon Marie Louise. In February -1680, Mme. Villars writes: ‘She has grown so fat, -that if it goes much further, her face will be round. -Her bosom, strictly speaking, is already too full; -although it is one of the most beautiful I have ever -seen. She usually sleeps ten or twelve hours, and -eats meat four times a day. It is true that her breakfast -and her luncheon (collation) are her best meals. -She always has served for lunch a capon boiled and -broth, and a roast capon. She laughs very much -when I have the honour to be with her. I am quite -sure that it is not I who am sufficiently agreeable to -put her into such a good humour, and that she must be -pretty comfortable generally. No one could behave -better than she does, or be sweeter and more complaisant -with the King. She saw his portrait before -she married him, but they did not paint his strange -humour, nor his love of solitude. The customs of the -country have not all been turned upside down to make -them more agreeable for her, but the Queen-Mother -does everything she can to soften them. All sensible -people think that the young Queen could not do better -than contribute on her side to the tenderness and -affection that the Queen-Mother shows for her.... -When I tell you that she is fat, that she sleeps -well and laughs heartily, I tell you no more than -the truth; but it is no less true that the life she -leads does not please her.... But, after all, she -<span class='pageno' id='Page_444'>444</span>is doing wonderfully, and I am quite astonished -at it.’<a id='r304' /><a href='#f304' class='c013'><sup>[304]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Already we see by this, that before Marie Louise -had been in Madrid three months, she was going her -own way, and was being humoured to the top of her -bent by Mariana. She had been sold into a slavery -of utter boredom, married to a degenerate imbecile; -and she had neither brains, heart, nor ambition to take -a leading part in politics, or to play the rôle that she -was intended to fill in Spain by her uncle King Louis. -All that was left for her, then, was to eat, drink, sleep, -and be as merry as her grim surroundings would -allow; and let the world wag as it would. The -society of the capital and Court had reached the -lowest degree of decadence; and a strong, high-minded -Queen would have found ample work in -reducing at least her own household to decency. -Every lady in the palace and elsewhere had a gallant, -and was proud of it; and it was a universal practice in -theatres and public places, or even at windows looking -upon the street, for lovers to converse openly in -the language of signs. Immorality and vice had -reached such a terrible pitch that mere children who -could afford it lived in concubinage, and few people, -high or low, were free from preventible disease.<a id='r305' /><a href='#f305' class='c013'><sup>[305]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Marie Louise, utterly frivolous, made no attempt to -reform all this, but swam with the stream, taking part -in the Kings puerile pleasures of throwing eggshells -full of scent at people, or playing with him for hours -at his favourite game of spilikins for pence. Mariana -looked on at it all quite complacently, Villars and his -wife thought out of mere amiability. That may have -<span class='pageno' id='Page_445'>445</span>been so, but it is clear to see now that all that was -necessary was to let Marie Louise go her own way -unchecked, and Mariana had nothing to fear from her -politically or personally. As an instance of the attitude -of the Queen-Mother towards the young Queen’s -thoughtlessness, a little circumstance related by Mme. -Villars may be quoted: ‘I was walking in the gallery -of the Buen Retiro on Sunday, before seeing the -comedy, thinking nothing of kings or queens, when I -heard our young Princess call out my name very -loudly. I entered the room whence the voice proceeded -quite unceremoniously; and, to my confusion, -I found the Queen seated between the King and the -Queen-Mother. She had thought of nothing when -she called me but her own wish to see me, quite -regardless of Spanish gravity; and she burst out -laughing heartily when she saw me. The Queen-Mother -reassured me. She is always pleased when -her daughter-in-law enjoys herself. Indeed, she made -an opportunity for me to come and talk with her in a -window recess, but I retired as soon as I could.’ To -encourage Marie Louise to forget for a moment that she -was a Spanish Queen, was to ensure her downfall.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Here is another picture of the young Queen a few -days afterwards. Mme. de Sévigné had written a letter -talking of Marie Louise’s beautiful little feet, with -which she danced so nimbly at Versailles. The young -Queen was gratified at the flattery, but ruefully said -that all her pretty feet were used for now was to walk -round her chamber a few times, and carry her off to -bed at half-past eight every night. On this occasion -Mme. Villars thus describes her: ‘She was as beautiful -as an angel, weighed down but uncomplaining, by a -<i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">parure</span></i> of emeralds and diamonds on her head, that is -<span class='pageno' id='Page_446'>446</span>to say, a thousand sparks; a <em>furious</em> pair of earrings, -and in front, and around her, in the form of a scarf, -rings, bracelets, etc. You think, no doubt, that -emeralds on her brown hair would not look well, but -you are mistaken. Her complexion is one of the -loveliest brunettes ever seen, her throat white, and -exquisitely beautiful.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>Soon the young Queen’s careless jollity received a -blow, which embittered her. Charles hated and distrusted -all French people; and the insistence of Marie -Louise in making companions of her French maids -annoyed him exceedingly; and the lives of the two -maids whom she liked best were made intolerable to -them to such an extent that they had to leave. The -Queen was in despair, but protested and wept in vain: -the two Frenchwomen were made to understand that -they had to go; and when their mistress summoned -them one morning she was told that they had departed -from the palace for good, leaving her with only two -French servants, a nurse and a maid. As usual in -her trouble, she summoned Mme. Villars, who found -her lying down. ‘She rose at once. It is truly surprising -how beautiful she has grown. She wore her -hair tied up in great curls on her forehead, with rose-coloured -ribbons on her cap and on the top of her -head; and she was not plastered over with rouge, as -she is generally obliged to be. Her throat and bosom -admirable. She slipped on a French dressing-gown, -which she wore for the rest of the day. She stood -thus for a short time regarding herself in a great -mirror, and the view seemed to revive her. Her eyes -looked as if she had been weeping much. As soon -as she began to speak to me the King entered the -room, and it is the rule in such cases for the ladies all -<span class='pageno' id='Page_447'>447</span>to leave, except the Mistress of the Robes and some -servants. I heard cards asked for, and I concluded -that the Queen was going to be bored to death with -the little game that the King is so fond of, at which, -if you have very bad luck, you may lose a dollar. The -Queen always plays it as if she was enraptured with -the occupation.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>The loss of two of her French attendants drew -Marie Louise ever closer to Mme. Villars, who was a -person of mature age, but, to her later regret, she -gradually lost some of the reserve that at first she -had considered prudent in her communications with -the Queen. Mariana smiled upon the constant companionship -of her daughter-in-law with the French -ambassadress, but she must have known, for she was -experienced and clever, that it would end in disaster -to Marie Louise, whose future depended upon pleasing -her husband and becoming purely Spanish. The -Queen did her best to keep the affection of Charles, -who, in his own way, was desperately in love with -her, and on occasions when he had to leave her for -a day or two she affected desperate sorrow at his -absence so cleverly as to arouse the admiration of -Mme. Villars for her good acting.</p> - -<p class='c007'>But, though she kept the King in alternate fits of -maudlin devotion and despairing rage at her capricious -flouting of all the rules and traditions of his Court, -he himself was politically a cypher, and the policy -always favoured by Mariana slowly but surely gained -ground, whilst the French interest grew weaker; and -Marie Louise, in spite of her uncle’s indignant reminders, -raised no finger to help the cause she had -been sent to Spain to champion. If Mariana ever -had quarrelled with the Emperor, as Villars thought, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_448'>448</span>the breach was patched up now, and the Austrian -ambassador, Count de Grana, an old friend of -Mariana’s, came to draw closer than before the family -alliance. And yet Mariana ostentatiously abstained -from any governmental action, whilst all went in the -way she wished.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The first open sign of a return to the old policy of -religious unity and the Austrian connection was the -holding of the greatest <i><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">auto de fe</span></i> that had taken place -in Madrid for half a century, in June 1680.<a id='t448'></a> The -Plaza Mayor was transformed at a vast expense into -a great theatre; all its hundreds of windows were -filled with the aristocracy of Spain, and the high roofs -of the houses crowded with people to see the dreadful -show. All the inquisitors in Spain had been summoned, -and the pulpit, the great tribune for the judges, -the platform for the bishops, and the fronts of the -barriers and balconies were covered with costly tapestries -and rich hangings for the occasion. Eighty-five -grandees and noblemen were proud to act as familiars -of the Holy Office, and a picked corps of 250 gentlemen -served as soldiers of the faith, to guard its -ministers, and each to carry a faggot for the devilish -bonfire at the gate of Fuencarral after the <i><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">auto</span></i> was -finished.</p> - -<p class='c007'>All day long, from early morning till four in the -afternoon, the King, with Marie Louise and Mariana, -sat in the principal balcony of the Panadería, the -centre house in the great square, whilst 120 poor -wretches in sambenitos, with ropes round their necks, -gags in their mouths, and other insignia of shame, -were condemned after innumerable ceremonies, sermons -and rogations, to the tender mercies of the law -condemning heresy. Charles swore again on the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_449'>449</span>gospels to defend and promote the Catholic faith as -held in Spain; and when the dread sentences were -pronounced, the captain of the Inquisition Guard -entered the royal balcony, bearing upon his shield a -faggot, which was presented to Charles and the Queen, -the former of whom returned it to the holder, saying: -‘Take it in my name, and let it be the first cast upon -the fire to burn heretics.’ The French ambassador -and his wife were obliged to be present, for those -who did not attend were looked upon with suspicion; -but they, and all the world, knew that this atrocious -scene meant the growing power of the traditional ideas -connected with Austrian friendship and the certainty -at no distant period of a renewal of the war with -France.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Paltry questions of diplomatic precedence and privilege, -the haughty encroaching spirit of Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span>, and -the utter abandonment of even current affairs by the -Spanish government, under lazy Medina Celi, widened -daily the breach between France and Spain. Villars -and his wife, according to the evidence now before -us, appear to have misunderstood entirely who were -their real friends and foes in the palace. Mariana -was all amiability to them, constantly urging that the -ambassadress should be much with Marie Louise, and -openly disapproving of the harsh manners of the -Duchess of Terranova, who was always, says Villars, -abusing the French and turning the King’s dislike to -his wife’s countrymen into unreasoning hatred. The -ambassador therefore believed that the Duchess was -really the enemy of the young Queen and the French -interest; but it is unquestionable that in the then -state of feeling in Spain, the only hope for Marie -Louise was to keep as far away from her own countrymen -<span class='pageno' id='Page_450'>450</span>and women as her Mistress of the Robes desired. -Marie Louise, thoughtless as she was, naturally considered -this tyrannical and hard. On one occasion a -French half-witted beggar came to her carriage door, -and the Queen, speaking French to him, threw him -some alms; whereupon the King was so enraged that -he insisted upon the beggar being arrested, examined -and expelled the country. Another day the King and -Queen in their coach passed in the street some Dutch -gentlemen dressed in French style, whose carriage, -according to etiquette, had drawn up whilst the royal -equipage passed. The strangers were on the left side -of the street, and consequently were nearer the Queen -than the King, and in their salutations addressed their -respects to her. Again the King made a violent -jealous scene, and caused a grave reprimand to be -addressed to the Dutchmen, who were forbidden ever -to salute the Queen again.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In the spring of 1680, on a disputed question of -etiquette, the King took away some of the diplomatic -privileges of the French ambassador, and the Duke of -Orleans wrote to his daughter the Queen, asking her -to speak to her husband about it. When Marie Louise -did so, Charles sulkily told her to mind her own business, -and not to speak to him on such affairs. She -pressed her point, however, and he replied: ‘They -will recall this ambassador, and send me another -gabacho instead.’<a id='r306' /><a href='#f306' class='c013'><sup>[306]</sup></a> Some months later, whilst Mme. -Villars was on one of her frequent visits to the Queen, -the King, who had taken a special dislike to her, and -often listened behind the arras to the conversation in -the hope of detecting an indiscretion, broke out from -his hiding-place in insulting abuse of the ambassadress. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_451'>451</span>Villars lays all this trouble at the door of the Duchess -of Terranova and the Marquis of Astorga, the Queen’s -master of the household, both appointed by Don Juan, -and praises Mariana to the skies for her gentleness to -Marie Louise, and her desire that she should have her -own way and see as many French people as she liked.<a id='r307' /><a href='#f307' class='c013'><sup>[307]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>After a time the Duchess of Terranova, finding that -the harshness of her methods, contrasting with the -gentleness of her opponents, was destroying her influence, -softened her manners to some extent, and went so far -as to rebuke the King—even to scold him—when he -said unkind things to his wife about her countrywomen, -but her desire to mould Marie Louise into the traditional -Spanish Queen never ceased, and if her advice -had been followed, unpalatable and cross-grained as it -was, the unhappy girl would have been saved much of -her misery. Every small device that the King could -adopt, Villars says on the advice of the Duchess, was -brought into play to separate the Queen from French -influence. She was kept so short of money that most -of her beloved horses, which she was not allowed to -ride, and their French grooms, had to be sent back to -France, all her French men servants, even her doctor, -were dismissed, though he, from his name (Dr. Talbot), -would seem to have been an Englishman.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In this wretched existence Marie Louise grew -callous. She took no pains even to be civil to the -Spanish grand dames who visited her, or to pretend -to care a jot for the eternal comedies and visits to -convents that were the only amusements allowed her. -She played for hours every day at spilikins with the -King; ‘the worst company in the world, and he never -had any one with him but his two dwarfs.’ She was -<span class='pageno' id='Page_452'>452</span>careless and buxom, and found some little pleasure in -attending to her birds,<a id='r308' /><a href='#f308' class='c013'><sup>[308]</sup></a> but nothing else; for she had -neither brains, nor ambition, nor ideas, worthy of her -rank. Secretly all she longed for was to return to -France as a widowed Queen, to enjoy herself as she -liked without fear.<a id='r309' /><a href='#f309' class='c013'><sup>[309]</sup></a> Her one delight was the visit of -Mme. Villars, who sang French airs with her, or played -whilst the Queen danced a minuet, or chatted about -Fontainebleau and St. Cloud. ‘I do not know,’ says -Mme. Villars, ‘what passes in her breast and in her -head to keep her up so, but, as for her heart, I believe -that nothing passes there at all.’ In these words the -witty Frenchwoman aptly sums up the character of -the Queen, doomed to this life of gloomy dulness by -the side of a semi-imbecile. She had left her heart -behind her in the land she loved, and her existence -now was carelessly epicurean.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The political intrigues went on around her unheeded, -and she had not wit enough to see the traps laid for -her. The Duchess of Terranova was always dour and -disagreeable, but her desperate attempts to alienate the -Queen from all memory of France had now made her -specially disliked by her mistress, whilst Mariana and -her friends ostentatiously sided with the young Queen, -and deprecated the severity of the Duchess. Incited -<span class='pageno' id='Page_453'>453</span>by them Marie Louise determined to get rid if she -could of the rough old lady who was really her only -friend, and spoke first to her confidante Mme. Villars -about it. The ambassador and his wife were as deeply -resentful of the old Duchess, who hated French people, -as was the Queen, and were delighted to hear the project -for getting rid of her, but Mme. Villars counselled -prudence; for she knew how flighty and unstable the -Queen was. The Duchess, she said, was very clever, -and such a change as that suggested was without precedent -in Spain: besides, the Duchess had been later -somewhat more civil than before; nevertheless, if the -Queen really wished for a new mistress of the Robes she -must begin by mentioning the matter to the King, and -the Prime Minister, so that the affair might be settled -before a word of it reached the ears of the Duchess.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Marie Louise used all her witchery that same night -when she broached the subject to her husband. He -answered her, as she said, more sensibly than she had -expected, and told her that, if really the Duchess made -her so unhappy, they would make a change; but it -was a serious matter, and she must recollect that no -second change would be possible. Marie Louise then -approached Queen Mariana, and found her apparently -cool and indifferent about it, to an extent that somewhat -discouraged the young Queen, who little understood -that there was nothing that her mother-in-law -desired more than the removal of the only salutary -check upon her conduct. But Medina Celi, the Prime -Minister, whom the imperious ways of the old Duchess -had offended, lent eager ear to the suggestion when, -by the aid of the Villars, it was opened to him. Marie -Louise, by the advice of Madame Villars, asked that the -Duchess of Medina Celi might be her new Mistress of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_454'>454</span>the Robes, but that lady declined absolutely. Then -the Marchioness of los Velez and other great ladies were -suggested; and when Marie Louise consulted Mariana -upon each one in turn, the old Queen remained cold -and aloof, and even had excuses, and good words to -say about the Duchess of Terranova.</p> - -<p class='c007'>But when there was a talk of the Duchess of Albuquerque, -then Mariana took an interest in the matter -at once, and agreed with Medina Celi that she would -be an ideal person for Mistress of the Robes. But, of -all the ladies at Court, the Duchess of Albuquerque -was the one that Marie Louise disliked most. She -might struggle as she liked, however, she soon found -that without Mariana’s goodwill no one could gain a -footing in the palace, and she was almost tempted to -beg the Duchess of Terranova to stay by her side, -especially as the King himself was opposed to the -Duchess of Albuquerque. It ended, of course, in -Mariana having her way. She bullied her son into -making the appointment, and into dismissing the -people who, she said, had ruled him for a year, the -Duchess of Terranova and his friend Eguia. Unbending -to the last, the old Duchess, when she took -leave of the Queen, noticed that the latter was crying -now that the parting had come, and she told her that -it was not proper for a Queen of Spain to weep for so -small a matter. Marie Louise, half regretting the -change now that it was too late, asked the Duchess -of Terranova to come and see her sometimes. ‘I will -never set foot in the palace again, as long as I live,’ -replied the proud lady, violently banging the table and -tearing her fan to bits; and she went forth in high -dudgeon, refusing all the honours and rewards offered -to her.</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_455'>455</span>With her departure the outlook for Marie Louise -changed like a charm. The new Mistress of the Robes -had always been considered as austere as her predecessor, -for which reason the young Queen had feared -her. But she came to her new office all sweetness. -The Queen was allowed to sit up until half-past ten at -night, an unheard of thing before; she might mount -her saddle horses and ride whenever she pleased, as no -previous Queen Consort had ever done, and the King, -on the persuasion of his mother and the new Duchess -of the Robes, positively urged his wife to divert herself -in pastimes that had previously been rigorously -forbidden.<a id='r310' /><a href='#f310' class='c013'><sup>[310]</sup></a> The change in the King was extraordinary, -and proves the complete domination of his -mother over his weak spirit when she pleased to exert -her power. Mme. Villars happened to visit the Queen -two days after the Duchess of Albuquerque assumed -office; and as she entered the Queen’s apartment -Marie Louise ran smiling up to her in joy, crying: -‘You <em>will</em> say yes to what I am going to ask you, will -you not?’ The demand turned out to be that, by the -King’s special wish, Mme. Villars’s daughter should -enter the Queen’s household as a maid of honour; and -Marie Louise, at the idea of having a French girl of -her own age always near her, was transported with -delight. The appointment was sanctioned and gazetted, -but never took effect, for Villars could not afford to -endow his daughter sufficiently well, and relations -<span class='pageno' id='Page_456'>456</span>soon grew bitter again; but that Charles, who hated -the French, and especially Mme. Villars, should ever -have consented to it proves how complete the sudden -change of scene was.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Encouraged by her new liberty, Marie Louise began -to take a keener interest in public affairs, always playing, -as can now be clearly seen, the game of those -who were bent upon her ruin. Medina Celi had been -cleverly diverted by Mariana, who had been ostensibly -friendly with him, whilst the councils and secretariats -had been gradually packed with her friends; and -Marie Louise, prompted by her, took the opportunity -of the opposition offered by the minister to the stay of -the Court at Aranjuez, to set her husband against -Medina Celi, after which, both she and her mother-in-law, -into whose hands she played, both worked -incessantly to undermine the minister who was already -unpopular, owing to the terrible distress in the country -and his own ineptitude. The minister and his henchman -Eguia, and the King’s confessor, retaliated -effectively by sowing jealous distrust between Mariana -and her daughter-in-law, and between the King and -his wife and mother; and thenceforward complete -disunion existed between them all. Mariana, in disgust -at her son’s weakness, and knowing that events -were tending her way, stood aloof for a time; -Marie Louise went her own gait, making no -friends and possessing no party; and the inept -Charles, alternately petulant and sulky, distrusted -everybody.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Villars writes of Marie Louise at this juncture: -‘She, with her youth and beauty, full of life and -vivacity, was not of an age or character disposed to -enter into the views and application necessary for her -<span class='pageno' id='Page_457'>457</span>proper conduct. Her bent for liberty and pleasure, -the memories of France and all she had left behind -her there, had made Spain intolerable to her. The -captivity of the palace, the ennui of idleness without -amusement, the coarse low manners of the King, the -unpleasantness of his person, his sulky humour, which -she increased frequently by her lack of amiability -towards him, all nourished her aversion and unhappiness. -She took interest in nothing, and would -take no measure, either for the present or the future; -and so, putting aside all that Spain could give her, she -only consoled herself with the idea of returning to -France. She entertained this idea, encouraged by -predictions and chimeras which formed her only -amusement, for everything else bored her.’<a id='r311' /><a href='#f311' class='c013'><sup>[311]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>In her despairing knowledge that she could never -hope for happiness in Spain, Marie Louise thus grew -reckless. She had no ambition to rule except in the -heart of the man she loved; she was not clever enough -to succeed in the subtle political intrigues that went on -around her; she knew now that motherhood was -hardly to be hoped for with such a husband as hers, -and her one thought was of the joy of living in France. -As the political relations between France and Spain -grew constantly more strained and Charles’s detestation -of Frenchmen increased, the visits of Mme. Villars to -Marie Louise perforce grew rarer, for the suspicious -King had got into his head that the French ambassadress -was serving as an intermediary in the -palace intrigues which were setting everybody by the -ears. Marie Louise made matters worse by turning -to her widowed nurse Mme. Quantin, and her inferior -French maid. Quantin was a greedy, meddlesome -<span class='pageno' id='Page_458'>458</span>woman, of low rank, who put up her influence over the -Queen for sale, and soon embroiled matters beyond -repair.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The Queen, under the influence of this woman, lost -what little discretion and prudence she possessed. -The many poor French people in the town, to whom -Quantin and the other French maids were known, -would congregate beneath their apartments in the -palace to gossip of France, tell the news, and perhaps -to beg for favours; and Marie Louise would sometimes -be imprudent enough to approach the windows -and exchange words with her countrymen below. -Spaniards who saw it—for jealous eyes watched the -Queen always—cried shame upon such a derogation -from the dignity of Spanish royalty, and the scandalmongers -of the capital already began to whisper that -the ‘Frenchwoman,’ who would not play the part -properly, and gave no signs of motherhood, might be -put aside in favour of another Queen. In the Calle -Mayor, a punning verse passed from hand to hand -reproaching her for her sterility, and demanding in -ribald rhyme that she should either give an heir to -Spain, or return whence she came; and thus, as war -loomed ever nearer between her two countries, the lot -of the unhappy Queen grew darker.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Villars began to see that he had been misled in -condemning the hard rule of the Duchess of -Terranova, and aiding the Queen to gain the freedom -advocated for her by the amiable Mariana. ‘It was -a great misfortune for the Queen,’ he wrote, ‘who -now abandoned herself without restraint to a dangerous -line of conduct, and it is quite a question, judging -by results, whether the hard severity of the Duchess -of Terranova was not better for her than the weak complaisance -<span class='pageno' id='Page_459'>459</span>of the Duchess of Albuquerque.’<a id='r312' /><a href='#f312' class='c013'><sup>[312]</sup></a> The poor -misguided girl had not a single friend. Mariana kept -away; for things were going admirably from her point of -view; and a new alliance between Spain and the empire -and other powers, against the threatened encroachments -of France, was already being discussed in secret.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The Minister, Medina Celi, had succeeded, by -means of Eguia and the King’s confessor, in re-establishing -his position by arousing the jealousy of all -the three members of the royal family against each -other; and he sought further to isolate and discredit -Marie Louise by whispering to the King that her -friend Mme. Villars was engaged in political intrigue -with the Queen to the detriment of Spain. Mme. -Villars had been specially authorised to visit the Queen -as much as possible, and report fully all she heard for -the information of the French government; but it is -certain that she had no political mission. Charles, -however, was childishly jealous of her because his wife -liked her, and he instructed the Marquis de la Fuente, -his ambassador in France, to demand the recall of -Villars in consequence of his wife’s indiscretion. -Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> knew his kinsman well, and the real reason -for his demand: but it was part of his policy just then -to reassure the Spanish King, and Villars was -sacrificed. In the ambassador’s letter of recall, Louis -writes, after saying that Charles had complained of the -intrigues of Mme. Villars: ‘It is useless to inform -you of all the details ... it will suffice to say that, -for many reasons affecting my service, I have not -thought fit to refuse the King of Spain this mark of -my complaisance, however satisfied I may be of the -services you have rendered in the post you occupy.’</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_460'>460</span>Both Villars and his wife disdained to justify themselves -by a single word, and the ambassadress left -Madrid in the summer of 1681, to the despair of Marie -Louise; whilst Villars himself was replaced by another -ambassador early in 1682. By this time the empire -was at war with France. Louis had captured Strasbourg, -and Casale in Savoy on the same day (30th -September 1681), and Germany seemed almost at the -mercy of the now dominant power in Europe. The -imperial ambassador at Madrid, supported strongly -by Mariana, was striving his utmost to draw Spain -into the great war that seemed inevitable, and Holland -and England, jealous of the aggression of France, -were for a time apparently willing to join Spain. But -the clever diplomacy of Louis diverted the powers -from the alliance, except the empire and bankrupt -Spain; and the sorely reduced Flemish dominion of -Spain was again invaded by French troops. Luxembourg, -which belonged to Spain, was besieged, the -cities of Dixmunde and Courtrai were captured -(November 1683), and with every fresh victory of the -French, Louis became more exacting. Finally, when -the unfortunate country could resist no longer, the -government of Charles was forced to accept the -humiliating terms of the Treaty of Ratisbon in June -1684, by which Luxembourg, the well-nigh impregnable -fortress, was lost to Spain for ever, whilst Louis -also kept Strasbourg, Bovines, Chimay, and Beaumont. -Other smaller potentates, like the Elector of Brandenburg -and the Regent of Portugal, following the -example of the great Louis, hectored Spain into -degrading concessions, whilst pestilence swept through -the south, floods ruined Spanish Flanders, hurricanes -sank the silver fleets, upon which the government -<span class='pageno' id='Page_461'>461</span>of Charles largely depended, corruption lorded over -all in stark desolate Spain; and the cretin King, -growing more feeble in mind and body, mumbled his -prayers, or played childish games with his wife or -his dwarfs.</p> - -<p class='c007'>During the war, which further despoiled the land -of her adoption, the lot of Marie Louise was truly -pitiable. Even before it broke out, and during the -period of acrimonious recriminatory claims which -followed the recall of Villars, her isolation and impotence -and the growing power of Mariana were -plainly evident. In the instructions given by Louis -XIV. to his new ambassador, Vanguyon,<a id='r313' /><a href='#f313' class='c013'><sup>[313]</sup></a> in 1682, the -latter is instructed to visit the Queen-Mother first, -with all sorts of amiable messages, and Marie Louise -is only to be addressed ‘in general terms,’ and asked -to do her best to maintain good relations between the -two countries. Mariana, indeed, with the imperial -ambassador, Mansfeldt, constantly at her side, had by -the mere force of circumstances and her own character -gradually again become the principal controlling power -of the State, and, as usual, she directed her influence -not to the benefit of Spain but to the aid of the -empire in its secular struggle against the encroachments -of France. When the war, as already mentioned, -broke out (1683) with France, the underhand intrigues -of Mariana and the Austrian faction to discredit Marie -Louise and destroy any political influence she might -have over her husband, were powerfully aided by the -general feeling against everything French; and the -young Queen, without a single friend near her, was -more sorely beset than ever by her relentless enemies, -whilst she, perplexed with intrigues that she did not -<span class='pageno' id='Page_462'>462</span>understand, surrounded by people who would willingly -have followed her if she had had wit enough to lead -them, threw away her chance by the frivolity and -imprudence of her behaviour.<a id='r314' /><a href='#f314' class='c013'><sup>[314]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>She managed, it is true, by her charm and beauty -to keep her husband deeply in love with her in his -maudlin fashion, but, weak as he was, she failed to -influence him politically.<a id='r315' /><a href='#f315' class='c013'><sup>[315]</sup></a> She had already offended -<span class='pageno' id='Page_463'>463</span>Medina Celi and played the game of the Queen-Mother -against him—for he had been a friend of Don -Juan—by interfering with his appointments for the -benefit of her nurse, the widow Quantin; and now, -at the very period when Mariana had determined -that the prime minister, who had failed to pay her -full pension, and who alone stood between her and -supreme power, should be dismissed, Marie Louise -again foolishly threw her influence with her husband -against the oft-threatened minister. Medina Celi, -overwhelmed by his unpopularity and the insuperable -difficulties of his task, was brusquely dismissed by the -King in June 1685; and thenceforward Mariana was -supreme. The new minister, the Count of Oropesa, -was clever and active, and at first made sweeping -financial reforms: but he was really the tool of the -Austrian faction, which, before many months had -passed, negotiated the League of Augsburg, which -bound together Spain, the empire, Sweden, Bavaria -and other powers, against the encroachments of Louis -<span class='fss'>XIV.</span>; and again poor, ruined Spain was pledged to -enter, if called upon, into the central European war.</p> - -<p class='c007'>For the moment Louis was not prepared to meet -all Europe in arms, and his views with regard to Spain -had become somewhat changed. It was by this time -evident that Marie Louise would bear no child to her -degenerate husband, and Mariana and Mansfeldt were -already preparing to put forward the claims to the -succession of the children of the Empress (the Infanta -Margaret, daughter of Mariana), whilst Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span>, -making light, as he always did, of the renunciation -signed by Maria Theresa on her marriage (already -referred to), was determined to show that his own son, -the Dauphin, had the best right to be King of Spain if -<span class='pageno' id='Page_464'>464</span>Charles <span class='fss'>II.</span> died without issue. When, therefore, the -new French ambassador, Feuquière, went to Spain -early in 1685, he was instructed to talk seriously, and -in secret, to Marie Louise on the subject.<a id='r316' /><a href='#f316' class='c013'><sup>[316]</sup></a> He was -to tell her that she would be wise to desist from all -political intrigue directed to the change of personnel -of the government, and so to gain the goodwill of the -ministers and obtain a firmer hold over the King. -This advice came too late, for she had foolishly connived -at Medina Celi’s fall before Feuquières could -deliver his message. This, however, was only the -first step; and in the following year Father Verjus -was sent to Madrid with money and instructions to -aid Feuquière in gaining friends and forming a party -under the ægis of Marie Louise to push the claims -of the Dauphin to the Spanish succession.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In the meantime the Austrian party, under Mariana, -were having their own way unchecked. Marie Louise -was their sole stumbling-block, for the King would -never willingly lose sight of her, notwithstanding her -follies, of which her enemies made the most; and at -the instance of Mariana and her Austrian backers a -dastardly series of plots was formed for ruining the -young Queen in the eyes of her husband. We get -the first hint of them from a letter dated 12th April -1685 in the curious informal correspondence addressed -by the Duke of Montalto in Madrid to the Spanish -ambassador in London, Pedro Ronquillo, both of them -partisans of Mariana: ‘A case of no little scandalousness -has happened in the palace,’ he wrote. ‘You -<span class='pageno' id='Page_465'>465</span>know, of course, that Mme. Quantin is the favourite of -our Queen, and that M. Viremont, a Frenchman who -takes care of the Queen’s saddle horses, is also well -liked by her Majesty. By these means this man -introduced himself so much into the palace with the -Quantin woman, that, although she wears the dress of -a duenna, and is neither young nor at all handsome, -there was a talk of their getting married. Everybody -laughed at such a courtship; but the matter went so -far and the connection was so close, for both of them -are cunning enough to get out when they liked, and -perhaps he may have found means to enter her -chamber in the palace, that the woman was recently -taken out of the palace to the house of Donna Ana de -Aguirre, who is in high favour with the Queen, and it -is said that this Quantin woman gave birth to a boy -there the other day.<a id='r317' /><a href='#f317' class='c013'><sup>[317]</sup></a> This scandal has caused no end -of murmuring and satires, so shameless some of them -as to be incredible. What is quite as incredible is the -irresolution of the King. Up to the present time -nothing has been done, either to the man or the -woman, and Viremont continues in his employment as -if nothing had happened. They are married now; -but if I had my way they should be burned. Yesterday -the Quantin woman went to pay her respects to -the Queen with as much effrontery as if she had not -behaved thus. You can see by this the state the -palace is in.’<a id='r318' /><a href='#f318' class='c013'><sup>[318]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>We can supplement this narrative from other sources. -The French widow was the only person of her own -tongue and country near Marie Louise, and, though -<span class='pageno' id='Page_466'>466</span>she had been a dangerous companion, the poor Queen -clung desperately to her. As soon as the rumour of -her marriage spread the outcry for her punishment -and expulsion was raised by the enemies of Marie -Louise, and the Queen herself was attacked in dozens -of spiteful couplets as having connived at immorality -in her own apartments. The outraged Queen threw -herself at her husband’s feet in an agony of tears, and -implored him not to expel the only French woman-servant -upon whom she could depend. Charles, -moved by his wife’s tears, allowed Quantin to remain -in Madrid, though not to sleep in the palace, and -refused to believe the stories told him that Marie -Louise had knowingly been a party to the irregularity -of her servant.</p> - -<p class='c007'>This was to some extent a defeat for the Queen-Mother -and her friends; but the scandal laid a foundation -of distrust, upon which further attack might be -based. This is how the Duke of Montalto speaks of -the King’s concession to his wife. ‘I don’t know -whether the Quantin affair is true or not; but it is -publicly stated, and is the most dreadful scandal that -ever happened in the palace. Medina, Oropesa and -the Confessor, all urged the King to take some step, -but to no purpose, for he preferred to give way to the -tears and prayers of the Queen, rather than uphold the -decency of his own household. So she has triumphed -to such an extent that this woman, having married the -rogue Viremont, has positively been brought by the -Queen into the palace again to serve her, and goes -home to her husband every night! Cases of this sort -are surely enough to drive one crazy, and to banish all -hope of better times. Since I have told you the story -I must now tell you the sequel. As soon as they were -<span class='pageno' id='Page_467'>467</span>married the woman went ostentatiously to the palace -to salute the King, which he placidly allowed. The -fine pair have now gone to Aranjuez with the Court, -like people of quality, in one of the royal coaches. -Medina Celi has thrown up everything and gone away -in disgust. It is all the King’s fault, and such goings -on as these will expose to the world our master’s -tyranny and incapacity.’<a id='r319' /><a href='#f319' class='c013'><sup>[319]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>The further blow at the Queen was silently planned -whilst the Court was at the spring palace of Aranjuez, -where it usually stayed until Corpus Christi day. On -the 12th May Charles fell suddenly ill, and much was -made of the matter. Although, after bleeding, he was -quite well on the third day, it was decided that he -must immediately return to the capital. ‘What must -be well borne in mind in all this’ (wrote an enemy of -Marie Louise) ‘is that the Queen wanted to prefer her -own pleasure to the health of her husband; for it was -almost impossible to persuade her to come to Madrid. -She said that the illness was nothing, and wished to -keep the King there till Corpus Christi, notwithstanding -the heat and danger. When she was not allowed -to have her own way, she was cross and ill-humoured; -as was clear when the King was confined to his bed, -for she did not even go to see him. This is the more -strange, as when the Quantin woman was to be bled -she must needs go and visit her without ceremony. -Neither I nor any one else can understand the strange -things that are going on in that house.’<a id='r320' /><a href='#f320' class='c013'><sup>[320]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>This was written at the end of May; and some three -weeks afterwards the plot ripened. A Frenchman -named Vilaine, who is called by some authorities a -discharged groom of Marie Louise, and by the Duke -<span class='pageno' id='Page_468'>468</span>of Montalto the wax-chandler of the Queen-Mother, -denounced Quantin and her husband for having plotted, -with the knowledge of the Queen, to poison King -Charles. The accused persons were at once arrested, -and a carefully prepared hue and cry was raised against -all Frenchmen. Many foreigners were attacked and -some killed in the streets; the French embassy had to -be surrounded by troops, and the whole Court was in -a panic. Charles was a coward and miserably weak, -but he stood by his wife as well as he knew how at -this period of trial. Marie Louise, indignant and outraged -at what she knew was a vile plot against her, -demanded that the accusers should also be arrested; -but before this could be done, Quantin and her husband, -the French maids and others, were put to the torture; -and the poor woman, with both arms broken and her -lower limbs crippled for life, still maintained her innocence -and would confess nothing.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The Queen’s few Spanish friends were put into close -confinement. No evidence whatever could be wrung -from any of the accused to support the charge against -them: but the Council of Castile, packed now with -the Queen-Mother’s partisans, still continued to regard -the matter as a serious menace to the King’s life, and -frightened poor Charles nearly out of what small wits -nature had given him. In a French news letter of the -time (19th August 1685) the political aim of the proceedings -is exposed. ‘The Council of Spain desires -to involve the Queen in the accusations, because they -fear her influence over the King, and he has not -sufficient strength to resist the ministers who propose -to appoint commissaries for the Queen. She has -written to her father, saying that she has no French -person now near her, nor any one else whom she could -<span class='pageno' id='Page_469'>469</span>trust. She is, she says, in daily fear of being poisoned, -and she refuses to eat what they provide for her, which -has cast her into great weakness. She will only eat -with the King and from his dishes. Vilaine, they say, -is to be rewarded and sent to an employment in the -Canaries. The French ambassador is not allowed to -speak with the Queen; and the Venetian ambassador -was nearly murdered, because they thought he was -French. When the King is with the Queen the -ministers are all in the wrong, but when they are with -him he changes his mind.’<a id='r321' /><a href='#f321' class='c013'><sup>[321]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Quantin and all the French people about the palace -were expelled the country, when no atom of proof could -be found against them, and Charles, apparently alarmed -at the threats of Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span>, that if any harm came to -Marie Louise he would avenge her by war in Spain -itself, was emphatic in his repudiation of any suspicion -on his part against his wife. He assured Feuquières -that he regarded his wife’s interests as his own, and -never believed for a moment in her guilt: and he -assured the Duke of Orleans that, not only did he not -know that the accused French people had been tortured, -but that when he asked for a copy of the whole -of the proceedings in the case, his Council had assured -him that the records had all been burnt. In vain, -however, did the French government insist upon the -punishment of the accusers. The King might promise -and strive, but there were others stronger than he; -and Vilaine was spirited away and rewarded.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Another news letter in the same French collection -as that justed quoted does not hesitate, a few months -afterwards, when the whole matter was known, to say: -<span class='pageno' id='Page_470'>470</span>‘Although the Quantin affair is now a thing of the -past, it is nevertheless worth recording that the Count -of Mansfeldt, the imperial ambassador and his wife, to -please the Queen-Mother, originated the accusation -against the woman. She was made to suffer the -cruel tortures she did in order to injure the young -Queen, who was so outraged at it, and the King -as well, that the imperial ambassador is forbidden the -palace, except on the business of his embassy.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>Mariana’s friends looked upon it in a very different -light. Whilst still the accusation was hanging over -Marie Louise, Montalto wrote to Ronquillo in London: -‘Quantin and her husband, and all the Frenchmen in -the Queen’s stable, with her bob-tailed horses, have all -been packed off to France. They were a lot of rascals, -and the cost of her stable was a calamity. They were -all guilty, but as none of them would confess under -torture, they could not be further proceeded against. -People are talking very scandalously about such -shameful laxity. Quantin’s young niece<a id='r322' /><a href='#f322' class='c013'><sup>[322]</sup></a> was sent out -of the palace late at night, so that not a single French -person should remain. But the Queen’s tears and -prayers soon fetched her back. This is perfectly -odious and disgraceful, and one can only have contempt -of so easy going a King, who will not let even -justice take its course if his wife says nay.’ A few -weeks afterwards, the same courtier says: ‘The Queen -is still implacable at the loss of her Quantins, and the -King so excessively loving (not to call it by another -name) of his wife, that all his concessions to her, which -ought to make her more submissive to him, makes her -<span class='pageno' id='Page_471'>471</span>humour worse, and the temper that God gave her -causes no end of trouble as it is; for it is the most -extravagant ever seen.’<a id='r323' /><a href='#f323' class='c013'><sup>[323]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>The French servants of the Queen, her only solace, -all except the girl Duperroy, had been sent away; but -still Marie Louise personally had held her place in the -King’s affection. No sooner, however, had the -Quantin affair fallen a little into the background, than -another stab more wicked still was aimed at the Queen -by the same hands out of the darkness. There was a -foolish, vain, French exon of the guard, the Chevalier -Saint Chamans, who had commanded Marie Louise’s -escort when she travelled to the Spanish frontier. As -was not unusual in the French Court at the time, Saint -Chamans was pleased to profess a far-off amorous worship -of the lovely Princess; and it is quite probable -that during his attendance upon her, she may have -smiled in raillery at his silly languishing airs. In -any case, the talk of his adoration reached Madrid; -and in the autumn of 1685, some miscreant in the -capital of Spain wrote two letters as from the Queen -in a forged hand imitating hers, to Saint Chamans, -containing expressions to the highest degree compromising -of her honour. Saint Chamans, like the -love-lorn fool that he was, showed the letters to his -chums, and Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> soon learnt of their existence, -and what is more extraordinary, believed them to be -genuine. In sorrow and severe reprobation, he wrote -to Feuquières, directing him to show the letters to the -Queen, which he did in September.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Marie Louise, outraged at the mere suspicion, and -indignant at so cruel a hoax, rose for once majestic -and dignified in her wrath. She scribbled a burning -<span class='pageno' id='Page_472'>472</span>repudiation of the letters which she handed to -Feuquières for ciphered transmission to the King of -France.<a id='r324' /><a href='#f324' class='c013'><sup>[324]</sup></a> ‘It will not be difficult for your Majesty to -imagine the affliction in which I am, at knowing that -you suspect a person such as I of so unworthy a thing -as this. I cannot avoid expressing my justified sorrow -at seeing that your Majesty does not esteem at its true -worth, as you should, conduct which is most regular, -and which certainly is not of the easiest.... but as I -am so unhappy as to have people near me here -perfidious and abominable enough to use every effort -to ruin me by pernicious inventions, I am not surprised -that they should exert all their ingenuity to deprive -me of the esteem of your Majesty.... Believe me, -nothing is more false than that which you have thought -of me, and my despair to see that your Majesty doubts -for a moment my good behaviour, makes me, in this, -stand apart from your counsel, and be myself alone; -and I cannot think of the injustice your Majesty has -done me without being beside myself with sorrow. -Alas! I had made light of all my grief, believing -that your Majesty, at least, thought well of me: but -I see now I am marked for unhappiness, since your -Majesty believes a thing of me which makes me -shudder even to think of.... I am so jealous of my -honour, and I love it so much, that I shall never do -anything to stain it: and life itself is not so insupportable -to me, either, that I should seek thus to lose it.... -If I were in a more tranquil state, I should -supplicate your Majesty to have pity upon this poor -realm for my sake; but I dare not, though I think -you will be good enough to recollect that I have the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_473'>473</span>honour to be your niece, and that all my happiness -depends upon you.... Believe me, too, when I -say that I am prouder of being born a princess of your -blood, than of the rank I hold in the world’: and -so on, for several pages, the wronged and outraged -Queen eloquently protests her innocence.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Thenceforward Marie Louise, though entirely without -political influence—for the Austrian faction and the -Queen-Mother were in that respect all-powerful—was -unassailable in the affections of the poor man she had -married. Her disregard of the ordinary Spanish -etiquette, the free and easy <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">bonhomie</span></i> of her demeanour, -and the indulgence of her caprices increased -as she felt more secure in the love of her husband; -but she made no other use of her influence over him. -No better series of pictures of the life in her palace -can be found than in the vitriolic references to Marie -Louise and her husband in letters already quoted of -the Duke of Montalto. On the 30th August 1685, -he writes that for months the Queen had not gone -out in public, in which, he says, she was wise, -particularly when the anti-French riots were taking -place, as the mob might have attacked her. ‘They -say again that she is pregnant, but there is not much -belief in it, as the same thing has happened several -times before. She had got up a very grand comedy -for St. Louis’ day; but it had to be deferred, because -of this pregnancy rumour, and not even the usual -comedies in the palace were given for the same -reason.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>On the 24th October of the same year, he records -the removal of the Court to the Retiro: ‘which place -the Queen is very fond of, because there she can -enjoy her country sports, and especially ride about on -<span class='pageno' id='Page_474'>474</span>horseback every afternoon. In order to have her -horses nearer to her, she has had a place made for -them near the large pond, where she goes every -morning to visit them.’ A little later he remarks -that everything in the palace is going to the dogs. -‘There is neither firmness nor stability enough to -correct these follies of the Queen.’ In April 1686, -the same writer says: ‘Things are in the greatest -embarrassment for the government, owing to the -fancies and caprices of the Queen; for nothing is -done by any other rule than her whim.’ It appears -that the presence of the Queen’s Spanish friend -Señora Aguirre, who had been exiled at the time -of the Quantin affair, was much desired by Marie -Louise, and the latter demanded her return of the -prime minister, Oropesa. He temporised for a time, -but when she ordered him peremptorily to advise the -King to recall the lady, he refused. ‘Well,’ said the -Queen, ‘do not oppose it if the King suggests it.’ -‘Yes I will,’ replied the minister: whereupon Marie -Louise went with tears and blandishments to her -husband, and begged for the favour. For a time he -held out; but at last gave way to the extent of -ordering a decree of recall to be drafted and discussed. -Oropesa protested, and Charles cancelled -the decree. Another passionate outburst from the -Queen followed, and in the end she had her way. -‘The coming of this woman (Aguirre) will be worse -than all the devils together; worse than Quantin. -Judge what a state we are in with this irresolution of -our master. The advice of ministers and decisions -of tribunals, all are powerless before the will of this -woman (the Queen).’</p> - -<p class='c007'>The caprices of Marie Louise soon reached the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_475'>475</span>ears of her uncle Louis, and he did, in May 1686, -what he ought to have done years before, namely, to -send a French lady of great position and experience, -dependent upon him, to advise the Queen and keep -her in the right way. The lady was a descendant of -the royal house, the Countess of Soissons, and her -mission was, if possible, to induce Marie Louise to -turn her influence to political account for the benefit -of France. Her task was almost hopeless from the -first, and she failed, though she tried hard for a time; -and in the last few weeks of the Queen’s life, when -too late, was of some service to French interests.</p> - -<p class='c007'>‘The Queen’ (writes Montalto in May 1586) ‘is in -the full force of her madness, dominating the King -completely by cries and threats. He has not an atom -of resolution, and no application at all. The day upon -which the great council was held, when he would not -attend, he went on muleback to the wild beast cages -at the Retiro, and there he had the animals caught -and counted, thinking more of this frivolity than if it -had been some heroic action. This government of -ours is nothing more than a boy’s school with the -master away. No one respects anything, and each -person does as he likes, whilst the Queen follows her -whim or the last suggestion.’ On another occasion, -when the Marquis of Los Velez was giving a representation -of a sacred <i><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">auto</span></i> on a holy day, Montalto -records that ‘the Queen witnessed the show from a -balcony in the passage, when she behaved herself so -unrestrainedly as to shock people; and the actions of -this lady really give rise to the idea that she is not in -her right mind.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>The unfortunate woman kept apparently on friendly, -but not cordial, terms with Mariana, who smilingly -<span class='pageno' id='Page_476'>476</span>let her go her own way without remonstrance; and -there was now no check whatever upon her strange -vagaries, for the King grew more feeble-minded than -ever, and was as clay in her hands. ‘The Queen’s -levity approaches light-headedness,’ wrote Montalto -in the summer of 1687. ‘She was lately ill with fever, -owing to the rubbish she is always eating. Nobody -can control her, and she looks consumptive. Those -of us who are not much attached to her are not sorry -to see her afflicted.’ Utterly reckless in her mode of -life the unhappy woman, though still but twenty-five -years of age, was already losing her health and beauty. -In July Montalto reports that ‘the Queen still continues -in her extravagant conduct, and no amendment -can now be expected. She is dreadfully thin and -languid, and will take no remedies but those prescribed -by her own caprice and distrust. As for the King, I -say nothing, for I have already said so much, though -not half enough.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>And so, through the summer, matters went from -bad to worse. There was no guidance from the King, -no stability or prudence from the Queen, and Spain -drifted helpless towards the whirlpool of civil war that -was soon to engulf her. The only care of old Mariana -was to watch over the interests of her own kin in their -claims to the succession to the Spanish crown, and -paralyse the promotion of the French pretensions. -Writing from the palace on the 29th August 1687, -Montalto says: ‘It is impossible to exaggerate the -terrible state of things here. This palace is boiling -over with disorder and scandalous stories to such an -extent as to be simply a mass of confusion. The -Queen is so extravagant in her conduct, and has so -strange a character, that I dare not write, even in -<span class='pageno' id='Page_477'>477</span>cypher, what is going on. The King knows, but -remedies nothing. It seems as if God had endowed -him neither with force nor application for anything; -and the same wretched laxity is seen in the government -of the realm. He gives no more than a quarter -of an hour to business in the day, and the whole of -the rest of his time is spent in such trifles as running -backwards and forwards through these saloons, and -from balcony to balcony, like a child of six, and his -conversation would match about the same age. The -Queen is dreadfully ill and thin, and has quarrelled -with the Queen-Mother.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>Months later, in May 1688, when the war between -France and the empire was recommencing, and Spain -was once more arming for a conflict not primarily her -own, Montalto wrote, in more despondent spirit than -ever, of the condition of affairs in Madrid. ‘Yesterday -it was my turn for duty at the Retiro. I used to like -it, but now I dread the day that takes me there. Of -course I know even when I am not there what is -going on with our master; but it is very shocking to -see it close, and, so to speak, face to face. The -neglect everywhere is quite terrible. The King’s -great business whilst I was there was to see the -matting taken up in the rooms, and to count the pins -and other trifles of that sort. The Queen blurts out -whatever comes uppermost, and indulges to the full -in her craze for riding on horseback, prancing about -indecorously over the neighbourhood. She has again -had her ladies mounted, knowing that the King hates -to see it. She has her way and, dead against his will, -she insists upon acting the principal boy’s part in a -comedy they are rehearsing. As usual, she will do -as she likes. There are constant tourneys and balls -<span class='pageno' id='Page_478'>478</span>because she insists upon them, and there is no influence -or reason that can keep her within bounds. The -Queen-Mother pays great attention to her, but is -cruelly slighted by her.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>A week later, the same writer continues in a similar -strain, saying that the Queen had insisted upon the -comedy being written specially for her to take the -boy’s part: but she had fallen ill and the performance -had been postponed. ‘The King is totally opposed -to this prank; but of course she has her way. She -has had a magnificent theatre constructed at the Retiro, -with lavish ornaments, etc., for the ladies, in which -she has wasted thousands of ducats, and yet there is -not a real for urgent needs. The King is a cypher, -and allows things to be done before him of which he -entirely disapproves. I positively dread my turn of -duty, for I see the King does nothing but run about -like an imp, and if he goes into the garden it is only -to pick strawberries and count them.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>A week or so later Marie Louise had recovered her -health, and the long-prepared comedy was played with -great brilliancy. The King went to the full rehearsal -two days before the public performance; and although -shocked and annoyed by his wife’s caprice in playing -a male part, had not strength of will enough to forbid -it. When, however, the piece was represented publicly, -and all the principal ladies in Madrid, with the gentlemen -of the household, were present to praise and -applaud, poor, unstable Charles was so charmed with -his wife, even on the stage, that he testified his delight -at her performance, and the entertainment was repeated -again and again during the summer.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Once more at this time there was a belief that the -Queen was pregnant, and the hopes of the French -<span class='pageno' id='Page_479'>479</span>party ran high, though they were soon seen to be -fallacious as before. Montalto, reporting the matter -to Ronquillo, says that the Queen had explained, in -answer to an inquiry of her father, the Duke of -Orleans, that the reason for her lack of issue was not -the impotence of the King but his excessive concupiscence, -‘which,’ says the writer, ‘I do not -understand, though the effect is plain.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>In the autumn of 1688 Marie Louise fell ill of -smallpox in the palace of Madrid; and in her enfeebled -state of health the disease was held to be dangerous. -She was a bad patient, self-willed in her rejection of -the remedies prescribed to her by the only physician -she would receive, a Florentine doctor she had known -in Paris in attendance upon the Balbeses. The King -was to have started for the Escorial at the time his -wife was attacked by the malady, and was obliged to -delay his departure, though fear of contagion kept him -away from the invalid. Montalto reports, with characteristic -ill-nature: ‘The King seems sorry; but he -is more sorry at having to postpone his journey to the -Escorial. For although his feeling towards his wife -appears to be affection, I maintain that it is more fear -of her than anything else.’ Before she was fit to be -moved the Queen insisted upon being carried in a -Sedan chair to the Retiro to pass her period of convalescence -there, first visiting the church of the -Atocha, whilst Charles departed to spend a month at -the Escorial.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Left alone in her solitary convalescence, Marie -Louise appears to have developed a more devout -spirit than had previously characterised her, and at -the same time lost her desire to live. During the -period of low vitality which followed her illness one -<span class='pageno' id='Page_480'>480</span>of her ladies begged her to summon a famous saintly -man, to pray for her prompt restoration to strength. -‘No, no,’ she replied, ‘I will not do so. It would be -folly indeed to ask for life which matters so little.’ -When, at this juncture, the representatives of the town -of Madrid offered to build a new church as a votive -offering for her restoration to health, she was no less -emphatic. If the money of the suffering subjects was -to be spent upon the building she would not allow it -to be done.</p> - -<p class='c007'>She had, indeed, little left to live for. Wedded to -the fribble we have described, and with enemies of -herself and her dear France everywhere around her, -she must have felt powerless to cope with the adverse -influences opposed to her. All the love she had to -give was given long ago, before she was called upon -to make the great renunciation which had been made -in vain. So long as youth and sensuous vitality had -remained to her she had sought in reckless enjoyment -to stifle the horror of the loveless life to which she was -condemned: but when the capacity for bodily gratification -was gone, Marie Louise lost her desire to -live.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Spain was trembling upon the brink of a great war -with France, and during the winter succeeding the -Queen’s illness Count Rebenac was in Madrid with -what amounted to an ultimatum to Spain to abandon -the league of Augsburg, formed to crush the ambition -of Louis. Rebenac often saw the Queen, and coached -by him and by the Countess of Soissons, she endeavoured, -now that matters had gone too far, to -employ her hold upon her husband in a political -direction, and to frustrate the policy of the Queen-Mother -in keeping Spain in offensive and defensive -<span class='pageno' id='Page_481'>481</span>alliance with the Emperor. Her influence upon -Charles was great, and he began to incline to the -side of the French against his mother. Marie Louise -pointed out to him the awful condition of destitution -in which his country lay, and painted in moving words -the horrors of a war in which Spain had all to lose -and could not hope to gain. Charles was gentle and -tender-hearted, hating to see or hear of suffering, and -Rebenac reported early in February 1689 that the -efforts of the Queen had been effectual, and that he -had great hopes of the success of his mission.<a id='r325' /><a href='#f325' class='c013'><sup>[325]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>It was a great crisis, for a withdrawal of Spain at -this point from the alliance would have meant the -predominance of France in Europe thenceforward, and -the defeat of the Austrian party in Spain. Mariana -and her friends were strong and determined; the King -was weak and unstable. Only the life of a languid -woman, tired of the struggle, stood between them and -victory, and Marie Louise herself seems to have had -a prophetic knowledge that such an obstacle would not -be allowed to frustrate plans so deeply laid. As usual -with Spanish sovereigns, the Queen went every week -to worship at the shrine of the Virgin of Atocha, and -on Tuesday the 9th February 1689, when she took -leave of the prior of the convent church, she told him -that she should meet him no more on earth. That -night after her light repast of milk and honey the -Queen was seized with convulsions, violent pains and -vomiting; a colic it was called, which brought her to -the lowest extremity of weakness. From the first she -knew that she was doomed and made no effort. In -<span class='pageno' id='Page_482'>482</span>the intervals of the burning agony she suffered, her -confessor asked her if there was anything that troubled -her. ‘I am in peace, Father,’ she replied, ‘and am -very glad to die.’ She lingered in pain until the early -hours of the 12th February; and then the most beautiful -and ill-fated princess of the house of Bourbon -breathed her last, a martyr, if ever one lived, upon the -altar of her country; but a martyr sacrificed in vain, -for she was immolated, not by her own will, but by -the will of others.</p> - -<p class='c007'>All that Marie Louise asked of life was love, and that -was the one thing denied to her. The Spanish people, -who had sometimes been cruel to her because she was -a foreigner, were shocked by her untimely death: but -before the pompous procession which bore the body -of Marie Louise to its last resting-place in the inferior -mausoleum in the Escorial reserved for sterile Queens, -whispers ran through Spain and France that it was no -colic that had cut short the life of Marie Louise, but -poison administered in the interests of Mariana and -the Austrian faction. No proof has ever been adduced -that this was the case, for evidence in such a matter -would naturally not be easily obtainable;<a id='r326' /><a href='#f326' class='c013'><sup>[326]</sup></a> but the -death of the Queen, at the very crisis when, by her -<span class='pageno' id='Page_483'>483</span>aid, the King had been turned to the side of France, -seems in all the circumstances to have been too providential -to her enemies to have been entirely accidental. -At any rate it was effectual in changing the whole -aspect of affairs immediately; and before the mourning -for Marie Louise had lost its freshness, the French -ambassador was on his way home unsuccessful, Spain -was again at war with France, and negotiations were -being actively carried on to find a German wife for the -wretched crétin who wore the crown of Spain.</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_485'>485</span> - <h2 class='c005'><span class='large'>BOOK V</span><br /> <span class='large'>II</span><br /> MARIE ANNE OF NEUBURG</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_487'>487</span>Almost simultaneously with the death of Marie Louise -an event happened which to a large extent altered the -political balance of Europe, and placed at further -disadvantage the French partisans in Madrid. The -Prince of Orange had surprised the world by becoming -King of England, practically without opposition. It -was no longer a shifty Stuart with French sympathies -and an itching palm for the bribes of Louis who -directed the policy of Great Britain, but a prince -whose very existence was bound up in the exclusion -of France from Flanders; a prince, moreover, under -whom England and Holland were for the first time -really united. The coalition against Louis was infinitely -strengthened thereby, and Spain, with Mariana -at the helm, was now less likely than ever to shirk -the fulfilment of her obligations under the Treaty of -Augsburg. Madrid thereafter became for a time a -prime centre of international intrigues, aimed at the -exclusion of French interest from the Peninsula. -Charles had no personal desire to marry again. He -was afraid of fresh people about him; he was overborne -with the responsibilities of his great position, -and, although he was only twenty-eight, his feeble -powers of mind and body were already on the wane. -Left to himself, he would have desired nothing but -to throw up matrimony as a failure, so far as he was -concerned, and live in peace, after his own fashion, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_488'>488</span>until on his deathbed he left his realm to an heir of -his own choosing.</p> - -<p class='c007'>But the antagonistic factions that divided his Court -between them decided that such a course was quite -impossible. It could hardly have been with the hope, -as they professed, that issue would be more likely from -a second marriage than it had been from the first, for -Charles had been really enamoured with Marie Louise, -who had been his consort during the best period of -such vigour as he ever possessed. It is more likely -that the haste to get him married was prompted by -the desire of the intriguers to have by his side, when -he was called upon to settle the succession, a wife -favourable to the views of the dominant party. -Badgered and pestered on all sides, the poor creature, -always anxious to do what he was told was his duty, -consented to take another wife.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The opponents of the German interest at first suggested -a princess of Portugal, but Mariana and her -friends took care that the negotiations should fall -through; and, at the Queen-Mother’s instance, Charles -consented to leave the choice of a fit bride for him to -his uncle and brother-in-law, the Emperor Leopold. -The latter, who had only one daughter by his first -wife the Infanta Margarita, Mariana’s daughter, had -married as his second wife, by whom he had sons, -Eleanor of Neuburg-Bavaria, daughter of the Elector -Palatine, Duke of Neuburg. This lady had a sister -of twenty-two, Marie Anne of Neuburg; and upon -her the choice of the Emperor fell to be the wife of -Charles <span class='fss'>II.</span>, King of Spain.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Three months after Marie Louise died the marriage treaty -was signed; and on the 18th August 1689, late -at night in the quaint Bavarian town of Neuburg on -<span class='pageno' id='Page_489'>489</span>the Danube, the tall, angular girl with hard eyes and -mouth, was led by the Spanish ambassador through -the bedizened throng of princes and princesses of -Austria, Bavaria and Hesse, who crowded the church -of the Jesuits, to be wedded to her nephew, the young -King of Hungary, the Emperor’s heir, as proxy for -the King of Spain, the officiating priest being her -brother, Prince Alexander. The marriage was regarded -by all Europe as a pledge that thenceforward -Spain would be firmly united with the Germanic -interests against Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span>, and the challenge was -promptly accepted by the French King. Thenceforward, -for seven years, all Europe was at war; and -Spain, which only needed rest, was forced not only to -waste blood and treasure upon foreign fields, but to -fight for the integrity of its own soil in Catalonia, -North Africa and America.</p> - -<p class='c007'>England, under the Dutch King, had taken an -active part in promoting an alliance which drew Spain -closer to the Teutonic league; and only an English -fleet was available to convey the new Queen of Spain -in safety to her husband’s realm. Through Cologne -and Rotterdam, Marie Anne and her train of Germans -slowly travelled to Flushing in the late autumn of -1689, costly jewels meeting her as gifts, now from -her husband, now from her gratified mother-in-law, -who regarded her coming as a triumph for herself.<a id='r327' /><a href='#f327' class='c013'><sup>[327]</sup></a> -At Flushing a powerful English fleet, under Admiral -Russell, awaited the bride; and after much delay, and -not a few mishaps, the squadron sailed for Spain late -in January 1690. The intention had been to land the -Queen at the port of Santander; and her Spanish -<span class='pageno' id='Page_490'>490</span>household was on the road thither to receive her, -when news reached them that Corunna had been -chosen as a better harbour, and to the extreme north-west -corner of Spain they wended their way. Bad -weather, as is not unusual in the Bay of Biscay in -mid-winter, made the voyage of the Queen a dangerous -and difficult one; and on approaching Corunna it was -found that the storm was too violent for the ships to -enter. Colonel Stanhope, the English ambassador, -who accompanied the Queen to Spain, says:<a id='r328' /><a href='#f328' class='c013'><sup>[328]</sup></a> ‘We -were forced into a small port called Ferrol, three -leagues short of the Groyne (<em>i.e.</em>, Corunna), and by -the ignorance of a Spanish pilot our ships fell foul -one with another, and the admiral’s ship was aground -for some hours, but got off clear without any damage.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>To Ferrol came hurrying the Spanish household -from Corunna, with the inevitable Mansfeldt, all not -a little ruffled at this game of hide-and-seek with the -German Queen in the most inclement season of the -year; and at length, on the 6th April, after nearly a -fortnight’s stay on board of Russell’s ship in the -harbour of Ferrol, Marie Anne and a great train of -German, English and Spanish attendants landed in -the barges of the English squadron, whose decorations -and the smartness of the oarsmen aroused the surprised -admiration of the Spaniards.<a id='r329' /><a href='#f329' class='c013'><sup>[329]</sup></a> Though the officials -did their best to give Marie Anne a stately welcome -at Corunna, and the Count de Lemos entertained her -and her Court at a splendid festival at his house at -Puente de Ume, all was not harmonious. The general -feeling in Spain was against the German connection, -and especially against the ruinous war with France -<span class='pageno' id='Page_491'>491</span>that it entailed, and Count Mansfeldt, the imperial -ambassador, was especially detested. The people at -large firmly believed that he had connived at the -poisoning of Marie Louise, and his overbearing manners -had offended the courtiers.</p> - -<p class='c007'>‘I find,’ writes Stanhope, ‘that the Queen’s reception -has been much meaner than it would have been -out of a pique the Spanish grandees have against -Count Mansfeldt, who was preferred before them all -to the honour of bringing her over, by the favour of -the Queen-Mother and contrary to the advice of the -Council of Castile.’<a id='r330' /><a href='#f330' class='c013'><sup>[330]</sup></a> Nor did the demeanour of Marie -Anne mend matters, for, even thus early, her stiff -imperious manner and her hasty temper struck a chill -in the hearts of the Spaniards, who place so high a -value upon an amiable exterior. Dressed in the -traditional Spanish garb, which suited her unbending -mien, the Queen sat unmoved at the bullfights, tourneys, -masquerades and other festivities offered in her honour -by the storied cities through which she passed on her -way to Valladolid. Nobles who knelt to greet her -received but a cold recognition of their compliments, -and the cheers of the populace awoke no smile of -gratification upon the lips of Marie Anne of Neuburg.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Charles was not an eager wooer this time, and -awaited calmly the coming of his new wife to Valladolid. -On Ascension Day, 4th May 1690, he first -met his bride. There was little or no pretence of -affection on either side; but from the first Marie Anne -took the lead and imposed her will upon her husband. -The marriage feasts at Valladolid and the stereotyped -gaieties that throughout Spain celebrated the marriage, -pleased the thoughtless, but the more reflecting knew -<span class='pageno' id='Page_492'>492</span>that the war for which Spain was being again squeezed -dry by every empirical resource that ingenuity and -ignorance of finance could devise, was a direct result -of the series of alliances that the German marriage -cemented, and many were the whispered curses uttered -against the boorish Germans and Englishmen, who -were not only disrespectful, but heretics to boot. With -exactly the same ceremonial as had marked the entry -of the beautiful Marie Louise into the capital ten -years before, Marie Anne rode from the Buen Retiro -to the old Alcazar through the crowded streets, on -the 22nd May 1690. Again, behind the half-closed -jalousies, in the house of Count Oñate in the Calle -Mayor, over against the church of St. Philip, Charles -II. and his mother, growing visibly old now, witnessed -the passing of the new Queen.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The triumph of Mariana at the coming of a German -bride for her son was short lived. The time that -Marie Anne had spent at the Buen Retiro previous to -the State entry had been sufficient to show the mother-in-law -that she had met her match, and that here there -was no gentle, submissive, young creature—no -thoughtless beauty who would ruin herself if encouraged -to go her own way, like poor Marie Louise—but -a hard, passionate woman, who was determined, -whatever happened to Spain, to make the best of her -opportunities for her own advantage. Mariana, in -accordance with her usual policy, endeavoured at first -to co-operate harmoniously with her daughter-in-law, -in order to gain predominance in the partnership afterwards. -The sole minister, Oropesa, had done his best -to relieve the suffering country, and his financial reforms -had effected some improvement; but with the -renewal of the war on land and sea, the economies -<span class='pageno' id='Page_493'>493</span>were soon swallowed up, and the penury became as -pressing as ever. The minister’s subordinates were -rapacious and corrupt to an extent unexampled even in -Spain, and offices, dignities, titles, and pensions were -openly put up to the highest bidder. Oropesa, though -fairly honest himself, had an ambitious, greedy wife, -who increased his unpopularity; and when Marie -Anne arrived in Madrid, the party inimical to the -minister was already powerful.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Mariana had been Oropesa’s patron, but when the -new Queen, for whose aims it was necessary to form a -party in Spain, sided with the enemies of the minister, -Mariana dared not take the unpopular and weaker side, -and reluctantly agreed with her daughter-in-law that -Oropesa and the corrupt crew that followed him should -be deposed. Their principal abettors were the King’s -confessor, Father Matilla, the Archbishops of Toledo -(Cardinal Portocarrero) and Saragossa, the Constable -of Castile, and the Secretary of State, Lira, formerly a -creature of Oropesa. Marie Anne and the confessor -gave the poor King no rest. Charles was deeply -attached to Oropesa; he dreaded new people about -him; and for a time he refused to dismiss his minister. -Marie Anne suffered, when contradicted, from -hysterical nervous crises, that were said to threaten -her life, and every one, from her husband downward, -went in mortal fear of provoking an attack by saying -anything displeasing to her.<a id='r331' /><a href='#f331' class='c013'><sup>[331]</sup></a> The confessor Matilla -finally threatened the King that he would not give -him absolution, unless he did his duty to the country -by dismissing Oropesa.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Charles, beset on all sides, at first told everything to -Oropesa himself, but that made matters worse; and he -<span class='pageno' id='Page_494'>494</span>then repeated to each party exactly what the other -said, with the result that the palace itself became a -hotbed of scandal, hatred, and all uncharitableness. -At length Marie Anne had her way, and Charles sent -for his minister with tears in his eyes and told him that -his enemies had demanded his retirement. ‘They -wish it,’ sobbed the unhappy man, ‘and I must agree -to it:’ and then, in the deepest sorrow, he dismissed -the best minister he had ever had, in obedience to a -palace intrigue led by his German wife. Before -Oropesa went into banishment at the end of June -1691, he sought an interview with the Queen, but was -refused, and Mariana with difficulty was prevailed -upon to receive her former instrument; her ungracious -farewell of him being to tell him that he ought to have -gone long before.<a id='r332' /><a href='#f332' class='c013'><sup>[332]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>A sort of commission of government was then -formed entirely composed of men in the interests of -Marie Anne; and thenceforward all method and -regularity in the administration disappeared. The -King referred questions submitted to him to any -person who happened to be near him, and the letters -of Colonel Stanhope at the time testify to the impossibility -of getting any official business done at all. -The country was in the midst of war; the French -were masters of the best part of Catalonia, and as the -English ambassador reports, the Spaniards had not -4,000 men there in all, fit for service, and in four -months’ vigorous recruiting only 1,000 men could be -got. A handful of men, he says, dashing down from -the French frontier, could easily capture Madrid -itself, as not a soldier is between the Pyrenees and the -capital: and, such was the confusion, that it was -<span class='pageno' id='Page_495'>495</span>dangerous to drive out a mile from the walls of -Madrid for fear of violence and robbery.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Marie Anne with her camarilla was mistress of the -situation, and then Mariana, when it was difficult to -regain her lost power, discovered what the aims of her -German daughter-in-law were. It will be recollected -that Mariana’s daughter, the Infanta Margaret, Empress, -had died, leaving one daughter married to the -Elector of Bavaria, and it was naturally her son, the -boy Prince of Bavaria, to whom Mariana had looked -to inherit the Spanish crown, in default of issue to -Charles, and in accordance with the will of Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> -Marie Anne’s mission from the Emperor and his -second wife was, however, quite a different one, and -aroused in Mariana the hottest indignation when she -fully understood it. The plan was to put aside both -the female lines descended from the daughters of -Philip iv., Maria Theresa, Queen of France, and the -Empress Margaret, and to claim the succession of -the Emperor’s second son by his second marriage with -Marie Anne’s sister, by virtue of his male descent -from the Emperor Ferdinand, brother of Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span></p> - -<p class='c007'>Marie Anne had around her a gang of blood-suckers -almost as rapacious as herself, and, so long as they -were Spaniards, the people suffered in silence.<a id='r333' /><a href='#f333' class='c013'><sup>[333]</sup></a> But -the Queen’s most intimate councillors were Germans, -who, undeterred by the fate of Nithard, vied with the -Spaniards in grasping greed: and this aroused against -Marie Anne the hatred of all who did not share in the -booty. The strongest spirit in the Queen’s entourage -<span class='pageno' id='Page_496'>496</span>was the Baroness Berlips, to whom the crowd had -given the nickname of ‘the partridge,’ from a slight -resemblance in her name to the name of the bird in -Castilian. Another German member was one Henry -Jovier, a lame man of infamous character, who had -served in the Spanish army, and to these after the -first few months was added the Queen’s Capuchin -confessor Father Chiusa, also a German, who was -brought purposely to replace the Jesuit confessor first -appointed, the latter having been found not sufficiently -pliant for the place.</p> - -<p class='c007'>This was the gang that principally advised the Queen -in her measures, and, with a few Spanish grandees, -especially the Duke of Montalto and the Admiral of -Castile, practically formed the government. Mariana -was treated with the greatest <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">hauteur</span></i> by her daughter-in-law, -but had some of the ablest men in Spain on -her side, of whom Cardinal Portocarrero was the -most influential. The populace cordially hated Marie -Anne, and dreaded the imperial domination of Spain -which she represented; whilst she took no pains to -disguise her contempt for them. Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span>, in describing -the state of affairs shortly after this in his -instructions to his ambassador, Harcourt, says: ‘The -Queen has acquired such a dominion over the spirit -of her husband that it may be said that she alone -reigns as sovereign of Spain.... The authority of -the Queen, however, is founded rather upon the fear -of her anger than upon any love for her on the part -of the nation. There is no people in the world so -sensitive of praise as the Spaniards; and consequently -none who are so much affected by contempt. The -Queen professes contempt for the whole nation, and, -as offensive discourse is the only revenge of those -<span class='pageno' id='Page_497'>497</span>who are excluded from power, it is not surprising to -hear all the evil things that the public detestation -causes to be said about her. It is, however, very -true that she gives plenty of reasons for the reproaches -levelled against her with regard to her -avidity in receiving and extorting presents; and -there is no one more ingenious than she in finding -excuses for appropriating everything that is most -valuable in Madrid, and for amassing every day fresh -treasure for herself.’<a id='r334' /><a href='#f334' class='c013'><sup>[334]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>In the spring of 1683 the King’s weakness became -so alarming that the physicians almost abandoned -hope, and the intrigues around him grew in intensity. -The last successful effort of Marie Louise before her -death had been to extract from her husband a solemn -promise that he would never cede to the persuasions -of Mariana to appoint a successor to the crown until -he had received the last sacrament on his deathbed; -and the King had managed so far to withstand all -pressure put upon him to do so. The pressure was -redoubled now, especially by Marie Anne, who took -the opportunity of his illness to urge him to summon -the Archduke Charles to Madrid, and adopt him as -his successor. When the unfortunate King was wavering -some one, probably Cardinal Portocarrero, warned -him of the certain consequences, and whilst the hesitation -continued the King partially recovered.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Whilst the Court was thus given over to discord the -condition of the country grew worse and worse. The -Marquis of Mancera told Stanhope that the King was -only nominally sovereign of the realms of Aragon. -Spain, but for the power of her allies, was absolutely -defenceless, and the public distress had reached to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_498'>498</span>such an extent that famine stalked unchecked through -the land, and to protect the capital from depletion of -food, a strict cordon was placed around it, to search -every one entering or leaving the city. The Duke of -Montalto had managed to ingratiate himself with the -Queen sufficiently to obtain recognition as minister; -and his impracticable remedy was to divide the country -into four autonomous provinces, ruled by viceroys -practically independent of a central government. -Against this violation of the constitutions all Spain -cried aloud. ‘These disasters coming so thick,’ writes -Stanhope in July 1694, ‘has raised a very high ferment -in the minds of people here, which expresses itself in -great insolencies to the great men as they pass in the -streets, and to one of the greatest even in the King’s -palace: and the royal authority itself begins to lose its -veneration, several scandalous pasquins being fixed in -several public places, magnifying the great King of -France and with very little respect to his Catholic -Majesty, inasmuch as if Mr. Russell had not appeared -with his squadron as he did, it is generally believed -some public scandals would have followed.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>A few months later the same correspondent writes -that the hatred of the public had greatly increased the -strength of the faction opposed to Marie Anne, whose -great influence over the King they intended to destroy; -beginning if possible with the banishment of her bosom -friend, Baroness Berlips. ‘This lady’s son, Baron -Berlips, lately made his entry here, as envoy from the -King of Poland, and as he went to his audience in the -King’s coach, a company of ruffians came to the coach -side giving him and his mother very ill names; one of -them saying, ‘Let us kill the dog.’ Another replied, -‘Not now, for he is in the King’s coach.’ Nothing is -<span class='pageno' id='Page_499'>499</span>so much talked about at present as ousting the Berlips, -and then they think their monarchy safe.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>Cardinal Portocarrero, who was the Queen’s prime -opponent, grew in boldness as he saw that public feeling -was on his side, and both he and Mariana, when -she could obtain access to her son, implored him to -withstand the pressure of his termagant wife, and -decline to divert the succession from that laid down -by his father’s will, which made the Prince of Bavaria -his heir. At the end of 1694 the Cardinal presented -a formal State paper to the King, urging the expulsion -of Marie Anne’s German camarilla and the royal confessor -Matilla, who were ruining the country by placing -and maintaining in power men utterly unworthy to -administer the government. The wretched King, -between the hectoring of his wife, the exhortations of -his mother, the warnings of rival churchmen, and the -clamours of his people, swayed first to one side, and -then to the other, hating to discuss what was to take -place when he was dead; yet hearing of very little -else. His health, in the meanwhile, visibly declined; -and all parties thought that there was no time to waste. -The Queen feeling probably the need for some stronger -personality near her than Berlips, and the few other -inferior Germans who formed her council, soon caused -herself to be reinforced by an imperial ambassador, -Count Harrach, one of the ablest diplomatists in the -Emperor’s service, and the party of old Mariana and -her Bavarian grandson fell into the background.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Mariana, indeed, was now almost past struggling; -afflicted by a mortal disease and abandoned by her -physicians. She resorted, as usual, to charms and -quackery of the most revolting description;<a id='r335' /><a href='#f335' class='c013'><sup>[335]</sup></a> but, in -<span class='pageno' id='Page_500'>500</span>spite of incantations and empirical devices, Mariana in -May 1696 ended her turbulent life, leaving the question -of the succession still in the balance.<a id='r336' /><a href='#f336' class='c013'><sup>[336]</sup></a> With the death -of the old Queen it was thought that the chance of the -little Bavarian prince had disappeared; and Marie -Anne pushed more energetically than ever the claims -of her nephew, the Archduke Charles. Soon the King -fell so seriously ill again that his life was despaired of, -and the attempts of the Queen to obtain a will in the -favour of the Archduke were redoubled. Like all -semi-imbeciles, however, Charles, when once an idea -had been drilled into his head, clung to it tenaciously; -and though, for the sake of peace, he seemed to agree -with his wife, he did not forget his father’s will and his -mother’s injunction, that his own sister’s descendants -had a better right to succeed him than a distant relative -like the Archduke. Count Benavente, his lord of the -bedchamber, although appointed by Marie Anne, was -secretly against the Austrian; and, with his knowledge -and that of Cardinal Portocarrero alone, Charles signed -a secret will, appointing his great-nephew the child -prince of Bavaria heir to his crown.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Once again he recovered sufficiently to rise from his -bed; and Stanhope wrote on the 19th September 1696; -‘The King’s danger is over for a time, but his constitution -is so very weak and broken, much beyond his -age, that it is feared what may be the success of -another attack. They cut his hair off in this sickness, -which the decay of nature had almost done before, all -<span class='pageno' id='Page_501'>501</span>his crown being bald. He has a ravenous stomach, -and swallows all he eats whole; for his nether jaw -stands out so much that his two rows of teeth cannot -meet; to compensate which he has a prodigious wide -throat, so that a gizzard or a liver of a hen passes -down whole, and his weak stomach not being able to -digest it he voids it in the same manner.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>No sooner was the immediate danger over than -Marie Anne wormed out of the King that he had -made his will in favour of the Bavarian. Her rage -and indignation knew no bounds, and she upbraided -the King with hysterical violence, to which he retorted -by childish outbursts, leading to the smashing of -crockery, furniture, and the like, and usually ending -in tears. Oropesa, who had just returned to Court -reconciled to Marie Anne, added his persuasions to -those of the Queen and the threats of the confessor, -but for a time without success. In November 1696 -Stanhope reports that the King was still very ill, and -obliged to keep his bed: ‘although they sometimes -make him rise out of his bed, much against his will -and beyond his strength, the better to conceal his -illness abroad. He is not only extremely weak in -body, but has a great weight of melancholy and discontent -upon his spirits, attributed in a great measure -to the Queen’s continual importunities to make him -alter his will.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>At length, in September 1697, the sick man could -withstand the pressure no longer; and during another -grave attack,<a id='r337' /><a href='#f337' class='c013'><sup>[337]</sup></a> at the instance of his wife and Harrach, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_502'>502</span>tore up the will appointing the Prince of Bavaria his -heir. Portocarrero had gone so far as to threaten to -call the Cortes together to confirm the will, and had -exhorted the King to stand firm, but he had been -powerless as against the strong will of Marie Anne. -For a long time, however, Charles still held out against -making another will in favour of the Austrian; and -only, at last, by threats and cajolery was he induced -to write a letter to the Emperor asking him to send -the Archduke to Spain with ten or twelve thousand -men, on the pretext that they were required for the -defence of Catalonia.</p> - -<p class='c007'>But the gigantic armaments needed by Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> -to face all Europe victoriously, as he had done, was -exhausting the resources of France, and peace was in -the air. The need also for French agents to have a -good chance in Madrid to push the succession claim -also made Louis pliant; and when the Peace of Ryswick -was signed in October 1697, the world was -surprised at the generous terms accorded by the victor -to Spain. With every chance of success, then, Louis -having restored the territory he had conquered, he -could pose as the true friend of Spain, ready to -champion the rights of his descendants by Maria -Theresa, the eldest daughter of Philip, against the -unpopular Germans, to succeed to the Spanish throne. -There was much lost ground for the French to make -up; for the German factions had been in sole possession -ever since the death of Marie Louise in 1690; -but the death of Mariana had left some of her friends -in the market, and all classes of Spaniards were sick -to death of Germans; so, as soon as the peace was -signed, the Marquis d’Harcourt hurried to Madrid as -French ambassador, primed with instructions, and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_503'>503</span>supplied with means to re-constitute the French party -in Spain, and defeat, if possible, the machinations of -Queen Marie Anne.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The first effect of the peace was to stop the project -of bringing an Austrian army to Spain under the -Archduke, and also the plan of the Elector of Bavaria -to put in an appearance to counteract the Archduke’s -presence. The arrival of Harcourt at Madrid soon -afterwards put a new complexion on affairs there. -Stanhope writes, on the 14th March 1698, when the -King had fallen again dangerously ill: ‘Our Court is -in great disorder: the grandees all dog and cat, Turk -and Moor. The King is in a languishing condition, -not in so imminent a danger as last week, but so weak -and spent as to his principle of life, that all I can hear -is pretended, amounts only to hopes of preserving him -some weeks, without any probability of his recovery. -The general inclination as to the succession is altogether -French; their (<em>i.e.</em> the Spaniards’) aversion -to the Queen having set them against all her countrymen: -and if the French King will content himself -that one of his younger children be King of Spain, -without pretending to incorporate the two monarchies, -he will find no opposition, either from grandees or -common people.... The King is so very weak he -can scarcely lift his hand to his head to feed himself, -and so extremely melancholy, that neither his buffoons, -dwarfs, nor puppet-shows, all of which have shown -their abilities before him, can in the least divert him -from fancying everything that is said or done is a -temptation of the devil, and never thinking himself -safe but with his confessor and two friars by his side, -whom he makes lie in his chamber every night.’<a id='r338' /><a href='#f338' class='c013'><sup>[338]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_504'>504</span>In such circumstances as these it was evident to -the Queen’s opponents that a bold move must be -made at once or she would win. Her most powerful -abettor with the King was the confessor, Father -Matilla; the ostensible ministers, the Admiral of -Castile,<a id='r339' /><a href='#f339' class='c013'><sup>[339]</sup></a> Montalto and Oropesa, after many wrangles -with her, agreeing to let her have a free hand with -her husband, if they were allowed to take a fair share -of the national plunder; the real government behind -them being the Queen and her camarilla. The only -man near the King who was inclined to favour the -Bavarian heir was the lord chamberlain, Count Benavente, -to whom one night, late in March 1698, Charles -mumbled that he was very unhappy and uneasy in -his conscience, and should like to see Cardinal -Portocarrero.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The Cardinal Archbishop, who had been a close -friend of Mariana’s, and was a man of ability, had -been carefully excluded from the King’s chamber by -Marie Anne. It was eleven o’clock at night, but -swift secret messengers were soon at the Cardinal’s -door; and before midnight, unknown to the Queen, -the primate stood by the King’s bed. Charles opened -all the troubles of his terror-stricken soul to the friend -of his dead mother: how the violence of his wife and -the harshness of the confessor, Matilla, frightened him -into adopting a course which his conscience told him -was wrong, and he prayed the primate to help him with -advice in this dire strait. Portocarrero was nothing -loath. Hurrying from the palace, he hastily convened -a meeting of his friends. Count Monterey, the Marquis -<span class='pageno' id='Page_505'>505</span>of Leganés, Don Sebastian de Cotes, Don Francisco -Ronquillo, the idol of the populace, and Don Juan -Antonio Urraca.</p> - -<p class='c007'>What was to be done, and who should do it, before -the Queen could banish them all? Monterey, in his -stumbling speech, pointed out the danger of acting -through the King at all, seeing that the Queen could -twist him round her finger and make him alter any -resolution he adopted, as she had done before. The -best course, he said, would be for the Cardinal to -frequent the King’s chamber, ostensibly to give spiritual -consolation, and then very gradually to prepare the -King’s mind for a change. Others thought that this -process was too slow, since the King might slip -through their hands after all, and Leganés advised -that the Cardinal should immediately urge the King -to order the arrest and imprisonment of the detested -Admiral of Castile, the Duke of Rio Seco. ‘His only -escort,’ said Leganés, ‘were four knavish poets and a -couple of buffoons,’ whilst he, Leganés, had plenty of -arms at home and two hundred soldiers in his pay, -and could seize the most objectionable ministers at once. -Then turbulent Ronquillo had his say. They must -strike higher than the Admiral. The Queen as well -must be seized as soon as her henchman was laid by -the heels, and the Huelgas at Burgos should be her -future place of confinement. Let us be practical, said -Monterey, sneering at Ronquillo for a fool: if we -offer violence to the Queen the excitement will kill -the King before we can get a will or decree executed. -We must act more cautiously than that. Then the -two angry nobles clapped their hands to their swords, -and were for fighting it out on the spot, until the -Cardinal separated them, and wise old Cotes, with his -<span class='pageno' id='Page_506'>506</span>quiet voice, calmly gave his opinion. It would be -easy for the Cardinal to obtain such a decree as that -required, but the Queen would get it revoked the -next morning more easily still, and then, what would -happen to all of us? Let us, he said, strike at the -trunk by all means, if possible, and get rid of the -Queen: but how? Before that can be done we should -put Matilla, the confessor, out of the way. The King -hated and feared him already, and only yesterday -refused to speak to him: let the Cardinal and Benavente -advise the King to change his confessor, and -the next step will be easy. This seemed good advice; -but the jealous hidalgos then fell to quarrelling as to -who the new confessor should be, with the result that -the choice was ultimately left to the Cardinal.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The next morning Cotes suggested to his colleagues -a certain modest professor of theology at Alcalá, one -Father Froilan Diaz, for the post. He was near -enough to the capital to be brought thither without -delay, and would be humble enough to do as he was -told: and so it was decided to secure the great -appointment to Father Diaz. There was no lack of -messengers to carry to him from the conspirators the -news of his coming elevation, for each of them, especially -Ronquillo, wished to gain the credit of proposing -it; and the next day the astounded professor found -himself already by anticipation a person to be courted -by the greatest grandees in the land.</p> - -<p class='c007'>One day, early in the morning, in the first week in -April, the sick King lay in bed listening dreamily -to some music being played in the ante-chamber, the -door between the rooms being open. Father Matilla -and a crony of his, one Dr. Parra, were quietly chatting -in one of the deep window recesses of the ante-chamber; -<span class='pageno' id='Page_507'>507</span>when suddenly Count Benavente entered -unannounced, accompanied by a stout, fresh-coloured -ecclesiastic; and, without saluting Matilla, they walked -straight through into the King’s bedroom, which -Benavente alone was entitled to do, as lord chamberlain. -Matilla was keen-witted, and saw at a glance -what it meant. Turning to his friend, he said, ‘Goodbye: -this business is ending just as it ought to have -begun;’ and with that he hurried out of the palace -and to the monastery of his order in Madrid.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Spies had already carried to Marie Anne and the -Admiral reports of mysterious confabulations of their -enemies, but they knew not where the blow was to -fall. At eleven o’clock the King usually dined; and -when Marie Anne, according to custom, entered the -room that morning, to sit by his side whilst he ate, -she learnt for the first time from the disjointed babble -of the sick man, that he was free from Matilla, and -had a new confessor.<a id='r340' /><a href='#f340' class='c013'><sup>[340]</sup></a> Marie Anne was aghast at the -news, though she made no sign of disapproval to her -husband; but the moment she could leave the King’s -side, she summoned the Admiral and her other -advisers, and considered the ill tidings. None knew -who would be the next victim, and most of them -thought that Matilla had betrayed them. Panic and -bewilderment reigned amongst the chosen Camarilla. -Some were for striving to reinstate Matilla, some for -punishing him, others were for saving themselves by -resignation and flight, but one great churchman, the -head of the Franciscan order, Folch de Cardona, kept -his head, and advised calmness. Matilla was exonerated -<span class='pageno' id='Page_508'>508</span>and consulted; but when he learned that the -Queen and the Admiral had known of Portocarrero’s -meeting before the blow fell, he broke down. ‘Oh,’ -he cried, ‘if I had only known one short half hour -before, I could have saved us all:’ and then, though -nominally pensioned and banished to Salamanca, he -fell ill of grief, fever, or poison, and died within a -week of his dismissal.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Diaz did not seem very terrible at first; for his -methods with the King were soothing, and he moved -slowly. He took Matilla’s place on the Council of -the Inquisition, and at once became a power in the -land; but he was all politeness and gentle saintliness -to Marie Anne, and even she, suspicious as she was, -began to think that she might dominate still if she -could confine Father Diaz to his spiritual functions. -In the course of a few weeks after the change, the -Court was moved to Toledo, but there the mob, who -loved the Ronquillo brothers, and hated the Queen, -knowing that she had suffered a defeat, made her -feel that her power was on the wane. ‘The Queen,’ -writes Stanhope, ‘is very uneasy at the impudent -railleries of the Toledo women, who affront her -every day publicly in the streets, and insult the -Admiral to his face. There is besides a great want -of money; for the King’s new confessor having persuaded -him before he left Madrid to publish a decree -forbidding the sale of all governments and offices, -either in present or reversion, as a duty of conscience ... the superintendent of the revenues declares that -he is not able to find money for his Majesty’s subsistence, -all branches of the revenue being anticipated -for many years, and he is now debarred from selling -offices, which was the only resource he had left.’</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_509'>509</span>In the meanwhile, the French ambassador, Harcourt, -was busy buying friends at Court, though most of old -Mariana’s late adherents still preferred, as the King -undoubtedly did, the Bavarian Prince. The people at -large were strongly in favour of a French prince, -descended from Maria Theresa, ‘though they would -rather have the devil,’ as Stanhope says, ‘than see -France and Spain united.... It is scarce conceivable -the abhorrence they have for Vienna; most of which -is owing to the Queen’s very imprudent conduct; -insomuch that, in effect, that party is included in her -own person and family. They have much kinder -thoughts of the Bavarian, but still rather desire a -French Prince to secure them against war.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>The intrigues of the French ambassador were met -by increased activity on the part of the Queen, who -left Charles no rest in pushing the claims of her -nephew the Archduke. The poor King was sick of -the whole business, and only wished to be left alone, -and for his Bavarian nephew to succeed him. The -King will not bear to hear talk of business of any -kind, and when sometimes the Queen cannot contain -herself, he bids her let him alone, and says she designs -to kill him.’<a id='r341' /><a href='#f341' class='c013'><sup>[341]</sup></a> A few weeks later (25th June) the -English ambassador sent this vivid picture of the -invalid: ‘Our gazettes here tell us every week that -his Catholic Majesty is in perfect health.... It is -true that he is every day abroad, but <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">hæret lateri -lethalis arundo</span></i>; his ankles and knees swell again, his -eyes bag, the lids are as red as scarlet, and the rest of -his face a greenish yellow. His tongue is “tied,” as it is -called, that is, he has such a fumbling in his speech, -that those near him hardly understand him; at which -<span class='pageno' id='Page_510'>510</span>he sometimes grows angry, and asks if they all be -deaf.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>But, with all his feebleness, Charles still resisted the -pressure upon him either to make a will or to summon -the Archduke. Marie Anne was persistent; and at -the end of June her importunity produced a dangerous -fit that nearly ended the King’s life there and then, -after which Stanhope writes: ‘There is not the least -hope of this King’s recovery; and we are every night -in apprehensions of hearing he is dead in the morning, -though the Queen lugs him out every day, to make -the people believe he is well till her designs are rife, -which I rather fear will prove abortive; for, by the -best information I can get of the three pretenders, -her candidate is like to have the fewest votes. Upon -old Count Harrach’s pressing the King to have the -Archduke Charles sent for to Spain ... he gave no -answer, but turning to the Queen, who was present, -said laughing, “<span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Oyga mujer, el Conde aprieta mucho</span>” -(Hark, wife, how very pressing the Count is) repeating -“very pressing” several times. The French Ambassador -“presses” just as much, and the Nuncio, in the -Pope’s name, also for the French.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>These signs were not lost on Marie Anne, and she -began to turn to the strongest side. Harcourt and his -wife were charming and liberal, and had quite -captivated the Madrid crowd, who cheered them -wherever they went, whilst Harrach and his wife were -unattractive and unpopular; but what was more important -than anything else, now that Spanish resources -were failing, French money was forthcoming to buy -Baroness Berlips and the Queen’s German hangers-on. The Marquise of Harcourt paid assiduous court -to Marie Anne, who, seeing the impossibility of her own -<span class='pageno' id='Page_511'>511</span>candidate, listened, beguiled, to the clever suggestion -of the French that if she would abandon the Emperor’s -son, she might continue Queen of Spain by a marriage -with the French prince who might succeed Charles.</p> - -<p class='c007'>For a time, in the late autumn of 1698, the French -cause suffered a setback. Louis apparently considering -that his chance of placing a French prince upon the -throne of all the Spanish dominions in face of Europe -would be impracticable, revived a scheme that he had -agreed upon with the Emperor years before, when -Charles was a child; namely, to partition Spain, by -agreement with the maritime powers, between the -three claimants: a French prince to take Naples, -Sicily, and the Basque province, the Prince of Bavaria -to reign in Spain itself, and Austria to be contented -with Milan. This, when it was divulged, aroused the -intensest indignation, not only in Spain, but in Austria -and Bavaria. Harcourt and his wife lost their favour -at once, and Marie Anne again leaned towards her -German kinsmen. What was more important still, -the King at last, under pressure which will be presently -explained, made a testament declaring the Prince of -Bavaria his heir. Marie Anne, the King himself, and -the Council, all denied it; but it was soon known to -be true, and the French ambassador immediately -presented a demand that Cortes should be summoned -to settle the succession by vote.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Suddenly, whilst this demand was being laboriously -discussed, the news came that the little Bavarian prince, -the only descendant of old Mariana except the King, had -died, aged six—of poison it was said, in February 1699; -and the problem of the succession was changed in a -moment. Bribed and cajoled by hopes of remaining -Queen of Spain by a second marriage, Marie Anne -<span class='pageno' id='Page_512'>512</span>again seemed inclined to side with those who had been -her enemies. Most of the partisans of the Bavarian -claimant, including the King himself, and especially -Portocarrero, went over to the French view; and the -principal reason why Marie Anne held herself in doubt -was because she saw those whom she hated all ranged -on the side of France.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Whilst this sordid bickering was going on in the -palace the distress in the country increased daily, until -famine invaded even the capital. The new confessor -and Cardinal Portocarrero had, as yet, made no great -change in the government; and Marie Anne’s friends -were still in office, headed by Oropesa and the Admiral. -Ronquillo and his fellow-conspirators were growing -impatient for their reward, and incited secretly by their -agents, the populace of Madrid broke into revolt in -April 1699. A howling mob surrounded the palace, -crying for bread. ‘Long live the King, and death to -Oropesa,’ was the cry. Inside the palace panic reigned -supreme, and poor Charles was like to die with fright, -when the rabble demanded fiercely that he should -show himself upon the balcony. Marie Anne appeared -at the open window undaunted, and told the crowd -that the King was asleep. ‘He has slept too long,’ -was the reply, ‘wake him’; and at last the King had -to appear, looking, as Stanhope says, like a ghost, and -moving as if by clock work. Ronquillo! Ronquillo! -shouted the mob. We will have Ronquillo for mayor: -and in a hurry Ronquillo was sent for and sworn in as -mayor, which somewhat appeased the insurgents, who -bore him off in triumph. Oropesa’s palace was ablaze, -and a rush upon it by the mob had resulted in many of -the latter being killed, and cast into a well within the -precincts by Oropesa’s servants. Further enraged at -<span class='pageno' id='Page_513'>513</span>this, the populace surged <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en masse</span></i> to the King’s palace, -clamouring for the heads of Oropesa and the Admiral; -and they were with difficulty restrained from invading -the royal apartments by the clergy, with raised crucifixes -and holy symbols. Again they demanded the -presence of the King, who told them that Ronquillo -had orders to do everything to satisfy them, and -promised, on his oath as a King, that the insurgents -should be held harmless for the tumult.</p> - -<p class='c007'>A clean sweep was made of Marie Anne’s friends. -The Admiral fled to hiding; and Portocarrero declared -that within a week or two he would have Berlips, the -Capuchin confessor of the Queen, and the whole gang -cleared out of Spain. The day after the tumult Stanhope -wrote: ‘The King is very weak, and declines fast. -The tumult yesterday, I fear, may have some ill-effect -further on his health. It was such as the like never -before happened in Madrid in the memory of the oldest -men here, and proves, contrary to what they brag of, -that there is a mob here as well as in other places.’ -The whole aspect of the palace changed as if by magic, -and Cardinal Portocarrero was supreme. Marie Anne, -cowed by the violence and vituperation of the mob, -was glad to lie low, and did not attempt to influence -the King, whose health declined every day.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Since the death of the Bavarian claimant in February -the matter of the succession had remained in abeyance; -and it was evident now that unless the King was indeed -very soon to declare his heir by testament he -would die with the question still open. But poor -Charles shrunk from the execution of an act, which he -had always said he would only do in <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">articulo mortis</span></i>, -and the persuasions of those about him were always -met by a fresh plea for delay. In this deadlock of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_514'>514</span>affairs a course was adopted by the dominant party -which will always furnish one of the most repulsive -episodes of history. During his first grave attack at -the end of 1697, Charles, who was as superstitious as -he was ignorant, sent for Rocaberti, the Inquisitor-General, -a stern Dominican, and confessed that he -believed his illness to be the result of a maleficent -charm cast upon him. The Inquisitor replied that he -would have the case examined; but he saw no probability -of result unless the King would point out some -person whom he suspected, or gave some evidence to -proceed upon.</p> - -<p class='c007'>There the matter remained until Froilan Diaz was -substituted, as has been related, for Matilla as the -King’s confessor. Probably as part of a concerted -plan to obtain complete control over him, Diaz appeared -to agree with Charles in his expressed belief that he -was bewitched; and, having heard that an old friend -of his in a convent in Galicia, had by many efficacious -exorcisms become quite familiar with the evil spirits -that he cast out, he consulted the Inquisitor-General -Rocaberti, as to whether it would be well to summon -the priestly exorciser to the King. The Inquisitor -did not like the business, but consented to a letter -being written to the Bishop of Oviedo, the exorciser’s -spiritual superior, asking him to submit to the latter -the question as to the truth of the statement that the -King was suffering from diabolical arts. The bishop, -determined not to be made the channel of such nonsense, -replied that the only witchcraft the King was -suffering from was weakness of constitution and a too -ready acquiescence in his wife’s will; and he refused -to have anything to do with it. Diaz then sent direct -to Argüelles the exorciser in July 1698, instructing -<span class='pageno' id='Page_515'>515</span>him to lay upon his breast a paper with the names of -the King and Queen written upon it, and summon the -devil to ask if the persons whose names were written -were bewitched.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Thenceforward for eight or nine months the ghastly -mockery went on.<a id='r342' /><a href='#f342' class='c013'><sup>[342]</sup></a> The devil announced that the -King was bewitched: ‘<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">et hoc ad destruendam materiam -generationis in Rege, et eum incapacem ponendum ad -regnum administrandum</span>’; the charm having been -administered by moonlight when the King was fourteen -years old. Repulsive remedies were prescribed -which, if administered, would certainly have killed the -patient, others were recommended just as hideous but -less harmful; and the poor creature was submitted to -them. At length, after the will in favour of the -Bavarian had been wrung from the King by many -months of this ghastly nonsense, it was seen that the -exorciser was aiming at gaining influence for himself. -He said that the charms had been administered by the -King’s mother, and repeated much dangerous political -advice that the devil had given, such as to recommend -the complete isolation of the King from his wife, and -other things less palatable to Portocarrero and the -French party; and the exorciser, being able to get no -further, was dropped in June 1699.</p> - -<p class='c007'>This was the time when the King was suffering -from the shock of the recent tumults, and Stanhope -writes: ‘His Catholic Majesty grows every day sensibly -worse and worse. It is true that last Thursday -they made him walk in the public solemn procession -of Corpus, which was much shortened for his sake. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_516'>516</span>However, he performed it so feebly that all who saw -him said he could not make one straight step, but -staggered all the way; nor could it be otherwise expected -after he had had two falls a day or two before, -walking in his own lodgings, when his legs doubled -under him by mere weakness. In one of them he -hurt his eye, which appeared much swelled, and black -and blue; the other being quite sunk into his head, -the nerves being contracted by his paralytic distemper. -Yet it was thought fit to have him make this sad figure -in public, only to have it put into the Gazette how -strong and vigorous he is.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>At this juncture Marie Anne’s suspicions were first -aroused of the witchcraft business by a hint dropped -by the King, and she at once set spies upon those -who had access to him, and especially upon Diaz the -confessor. A very few days convinced her that the -ghastly incantations that were being carried on were -directed against her, politically and personally. ‘Roaring -with very rage,’ she summoned her friends and -demanded instant revenge and punishment of the -King’s confessor.<a id='r343' /><a href='#f343' class='c013'><sup>[343]</sup></a> She was reminded by Folch de -Cardona, that as the Inquisitor-General was concerned -in the matter, it would be prudent to go cautiously -until it was seen how far the Holy Office itself was a -party: and, in any case, he said it would be wisest to -allow the Inquisition to avenge her rather than for her -to do it and thereby make herself more unpopular than -she was. It was soon found that the Sacred Tribunal -was not concerned; but as Rocaberti, the dreaded -chief Inquisitor, had been active in the matter, no one -dared to move against Diaz or him, for Inquisitors -<span class='pageno' id='Page_517'>517</span>were dangerous people to touch. Almost immediately -afterwards Rocaberti died suddenly, almost certainly -poisoned; and then Marie Anne laid her plans to -crush Father Diaz the confessor.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Stanhope writes (15th July): ‘The doctors, not -knowing what more to do with the King, to save -their credit have bethought themselves to say his ill -must certainly be witchcraft, and there is a great -Court party who greedily catch at and improve the -report, which, how ridiculous soever it may sound in -England, is generally believed here, and propagated -by others to serve a turn. They, finding all their -attempts in vain to banish Madame Berlips, think -this cannot fail, and are using to find out any colourable -pretences to make her the witch.’ It was higher -game even than Berlips that they were aiming at. -Berlips stood behind the Queen, and one could not -be injured without the other.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In September a mad woman, in a state of frenzy, -burst into the King’s presence, foaming at the mouth, -and cursed him with demoniac shrieks until she was -removed by force, leaving Charles in an agony of -terror which nearly killed him. The mad woman was -followed, and it was found that she lived with two -other demoniacs who were under the impression that -they were keeping the King subject in their room. -This nonsense was conveyed to the King by Diaz, -and confirmed the invalid in his conviction that he -was under the influence of sorcery. In this belief -he ordered that the three women should be exorcised -by a famous German monk, who had been brought -to Spain as an able exorciser for the King’s benefit. -Diaz, who superintended the incantations, unfortunately -for himself, dictated questions to the demoniacs which -<span class='pageno' id='Page_518'>518</span>were evidently designed to involve the Queen. Who -was it that caused the King’s malady? A beautiful -woman, was the answer. Was it the Queen? and -to this no distinct reply was given. But the question -was enough; and when Marie Anne received a full -report of the proceedings, as she did from her spies, -she was, of course, furious that an open attempt should -be made to cast upon her the blame of the witchcraft.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The first step towards her revenge was to get a -new Inquisitor-General in her interest, and she pressed -the King to appoint Folch de Cardona, General of -the Franciscans. He refused, prompted no doubt by -his confessor, and, in spite of Marie Anne’s passionate -outbursts of protest, he appointed Cardinal Cordova; -to whom the King and the confessor unburdened -themselves completely, and told the whole story of -the exorcism. From these conferences an extraordinary -resolution resulted. The Queen herself was -too high to strike at first; but her great friend and -late all-powerful minister, the Admiral of Castile, was -detested and despised by every one, and might be -attacked with impunity to begin with. So it was -decided that he, being allied with the devil to cause -all the mischief, should be seized by the Inquisition -of Granada and closely imprisoned, whilst his household -should be incarcerated elsewhere, and his papers -seized by the holy office. This could not be done, -however, until the new Inquisitor-General’s appointment -was ratified by the Pope. Once more Marie -Anne and her friends trumped their opponents’ strong -suit, for Cardinal Cordova died of poison on the very -day that the bull arrived.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Again Marie Anne pressed her husband to appoint -one of her tools Inquisitor-General; but Father Diaz -<span class='pageno' id='Page_519'>519</span>was now fighting for his life, and prevented the appointment. -Marie Anne then sought out a man who -would be acceptable to her opponents, but whom she -might buy, and Mendoza, Bishop of Segovia, became -Inquisitor-General, bribed by the Queen with the -promise of a cardinal’s hat to do her bidding in -future. Marie Anne had the whip hand and promptly -used it. Stanhope wrote on the 22nd August: ‘As -to Court factions, her Majesty is now as high as ever, -and the Cardinal of Toledo, who carried everything -before him two months ago, now dares hardly to open -his mouth. But he is sullen, comes seldom to Court, -and talks of retiring to Toledo.’ First the German -exorciser was captured, and under torture confessed -the details of the exorcism of the three demoniacs -when Diaz was present; then the compromising correspondence -with the exorciser in Galicia was seized, -with all the hints and suggestions made in it to -incriminate the Queen. This was sufficient evidence -against Diaz, and he was arrested. Everything he -had done, he said, was by the King’s orders; and as -royal confessor he claimed immunity, his mouth being -closed. He was at once dismissed from all his offices, -and the King was appealed to by the Inquisitor-General -to allow the confessor’s privileges to be dispensed -with. Charles could only mumble that they -might do justice; but Diaz had a powerful party -behind him who took care to spread abroad the story -of the Queen’s vengeance, and Diaz, aided by many -of his late colleagues on the Council of the Inquisition, -fled to the coast, and so to Rome. There he was -seized and brought back to Spain; and thenceforward, -for many years, there raged around him a great and -unparalleled contest between the Council of the Inquisition, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_520'>520</span>which favoured Diaz, and the Inquisitor-General -in the interests of the Queen’s vengeance.<a id='r344' /><a href='#f344' class='c013'><sup>[344]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Marie Anne had won, so far as the King’s confessor -was concerned, but her unpopularity was so great that -she gained no ground politically; nor did her German -candidate for the succession improve in his chance of -success, for Cardinal Portocarrero and his friends filled -all the administrative offices, and Marie Anne was -powerless. Stanhope wrote in September 1699: ‘One -night last week a troop of about three hundred, with -swords, bucklers and firearms, went into the outward -court of the palace and, under the King’s window, -sung most impudent lampoons and pasquins; and the -Queen does not appear in the streets without hearing -herself cursed to her face.... The pasquins plainly -tell her they will pull her out of the palace and put -her in a convent, adding that their party is no less -than 14,000 strong. This new turn has damped the -discourse, which was very hot lately, of the Admiral’s -return to Court, and the Cardinal of Toledo is now -like to be the great man again.’<a id='r345' /><a href='#f345' class='c013'><sup>[345]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Every day some fresh sign was given that Marie -Anne’s foes were paramount. ‘Our great German -lady, the Countess of Berlips, is going, nor does she -go alone; but all the rest of the German tribe are to -accompany her, namely, a fine young lady, her niece, -a German woman, a dwarf, an eunuch, the Queen’s -German doctor, the Capuchin, her confessor, and -Father Carapacci ... who, though no German, yet -is one of the Queen’s chief agents, and as great an -eyesore to the people as any of them. This seems a -<span class='pageno' id='Page_521'>521</span>great reform, but I believe will prove no amendment, -for I expect to see others as greedy, if not more so, -to take their places.’<a id='r346' /><a href='#f346' class='c013'><sup>[346]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>The French party was now absolutely paramount; -for the money and diplomatic skill of Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> had -been lavishly employed in gaining friends from those -who had been in favour of the Bavarian prince; and -Marie Anne herself, though she had now the Inquisitor-General -on her side, could hardly get a word alone -with her dying husband. Charles lingered on in -morbid melancholy for many months longer. Like -his father, in similar case, he found the royal charnelhouse -at the Escorial a resort that suited his humour. -On one occasion it is related that, with Marie Anne -at his side, he caused the coffins of his relatives to be -opened and the bodies exposed to view. He was -deeply affected by the sight of the corpse that had -once been the beautiful Marie Louise, the wife of his -youth, whose dead face he caressed, with tears and -promises to join her soon, whilst Marie Anne, as a -reply to the King’s affection for his dead French wife, -kissed the crumbling hand of old German Mariana, -whose enemy she had been on earth.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Whilst the Spanish Court and so-called government -were thus employed in degrading superstitions and -petty squabbles, the fate of the nation, reduced now -to utter impotence, was being discussed and settled -by foreign powers. Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span>, still desirous, if possible -of securing for France without war the portion of -Spain’s inheritance which mainly interested him, made -early in 1700, another treaty with England and Holland -for the partition of Spain between the claimants -and others interested, threatening that if the Emperor -<span class='pageno' id='Page_522'>522</span>refused to accept the terms offered the invasion of -Spain by France would follow, and the whole inheritance -claimed for the Dauphin at the sword’s point. -The Emperor indignantly rejected the advance, and -also claimed to be sole heir: the Spaniards, and even -their moribund King, blazing out in anger with some -of their old pride at this unceremonious dismemberment -of their ancient realm. Stanhope’s expulsion -from Spain followed quickly upon this new attempt -at partition, and for a short time the French cause -looked black. Then the Austrians, to make their -assurance doubly sure, endeavoured to secure Marie -Anne firmly to their side by the same means as those -that Harcourt had employed to win her for the French -faction. They promised that if she aided them the -Archduke, her nephew, when he became King of -Spain should marry her. The Queen was delighted; -and in order to deal one more blow at the French -claim, went to her husband and divulged to him, not -the Austrian but the former French offer of marriage. -Charles was tired of life and utterly muddled with the -atmosphere of intrigue in which he lived; but even -he protested in impotent passion against his wife -being wooed before he was dead, and this increased -his dislike of the French claimant, though Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> -recalled Harcourt and disclaimed the offer he had made.</p> - -<p class='c007'>But Cardinal Portocarrero was always by the King’s -side, and exercised more influence over him than any -one else. He, in his sacred character, warned Charles -that it was his duty to his conscience to lay aside -personal partialities, and to summon a conference of -the most famous theologians and jurisconsults to -discuss and decide the question of the succession. -Portocarrero took care that such conferences should -<span class='pageno' id='Page_523'>523</span>result in a vote in favour of Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span>‘s young grandson, -Philip Duke of Anjou, measures being taken to -prevent any future joining of the two realms under one -crown. Charles was hard to convince, for he clung to -the Empire both by tradition and at the pleading of -his wife; and Portocarrero then told him that it was -his duty to submit his doubts to the Pope. Charles -was devout, and did so. Innocent <span class='fss'>XI.</span> had all along -been an enemy of Austria and a friend of France; and, -as Portocarrero of course anticipated, decided in favour -of the Duke of Anjou as the legitimate heir.<a id='r347' /><a href='#f347' class='c013'><sup>[347]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>But still Charles hesitated. Marie Anne was indefatigable -in persuading him to favour the Austrian, -and always managed to prevent the fateful will being -made in Anjou’s favour; distracting her dying husband, -even at this pass, with the vain shows, bull fights, -tourneys, and the like, which had been for so long the -traditional pleasures of his Court. She even endeavoured -to make terms with her enemies again, -in order to be safe in any eventuality; but Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> -began to speak more haughtily now; threatening war -if a single German soldier set foot in Spain or resistance -was offered to the partition. There was nothing that -Charles and his people dreaded more than the dismemberment -of the country, and this frightened the -King into looking upon the acceptance of the French -claim as the only means of keeping Spain intact. -Thus, from day to day, the irresolute monarch turned -to one side or another, as his wife or Portocarrero, his -fears or his affections, gained the upper hand.</p> - -<p class='c007'>On the 20th September he took to his bed to rise -<span class='pageno' id='Page_524'>524</span>no more, and a few days afterwards received the last -sacrament, asking for pardon of all whom he had -unconsciously offended. The sick chamber assumed -the appearance of a mingled charnel house and toyshop, -as the pale figure of the King upon his great bed -grew more ghastly and hopeless. All the sacred relics -in the capital were crowded into the room; carved -saints, blessed rosaries and mouldering human remains, -until, to make space for fresh comers, the less renowned -objects had to be removed. The Primate of Spain, -Portocarrero, made the most of the priestly privilege; -and, in the interests of the dying King’s religious -consolation, he kept from his side Marie Anne and -her allies, the Inquisitor-General and the King’s -regular confessor. Alone with the King, the Cardinal -admonished him that in order to avoid dying in a state of -sin, it was necessary for him to avert war from the country -by making a will, leaving his crown to the Duke of Anjou, -putting aside all personal leanings and family ties.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Charles could resist no longer. He was in terror; -the spectre of sin and devilish temptations always -before him, and summoning the Secretary of State, -Ubilla, he himself directed him to draft a will in -favour of his young French great-nephew, the Duke -of Anjou. On the 3rd October 1700, the document -was placed before him. Around his bed stood -Cardinals Portocarrero and Borgia, and the highest -officers of the household; but Marie Anne of Neuburg -was not there to see the final shattering of her hopes. -With trembling hand Charles the Bewitched took the -pen. ‘God alone gives kingdoms,’ he sighed, ‘for to -Him all kingdoms belong.’ Then signing in his great -uncultured writing; ‘I, the King,’ he dropped the pen, -saying, ‘I am nothing now:’ and thus the die was -<span class='pageno' id='Page_525'>525</span>cast, the house of Austria gave place to the house of -Bourbon. Marie Anne did not even yet accept defeat -meekly. In an interval of partial improvement in the -King’s health, she returned to the attack, and with -tears and protestations, induced the King to think well -again of his Austrian kinsmen. A courier was sent -hurrying to Vienna to tell the Emperor, that, after all, -the last will would make his son the heir of Spain, and -a codicil was signed conferring upon Marie Anne the -governorship of any city in Spain or Spanish State in -Italy or Flanders in which she might choose to reside -after her husband’s death.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Soon afterwards (26th October) a decree was signed -by Charles, who seemed then to be dying, appointing -a provisional government, headed by Marie Anne, -with Portocarrero and other great officers, to rule, -pending the arrival of the new King; whilst Portocarrero -was nominated to act as Regent if the King, -though still alive, might be unable to exercise his -functions. With all the terror-stricken devotion that -had been traditional in his house, the last few days on -earth of Charles the Bewitched were passed, and on -the 1st November 1700, the last descendant in the -male line of the great Emperor Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span>, died of -senile old age before he was forty, the victim of four -generations of incest; leaving as his legacy to the -world a great war which changed the face of Europe, -and decided the future course of civilisation.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The terms of the will had been kept a close secret; -and as soon as the King’s death was known, the -Palace of Madrid was packed with an eager crowd of -nobles and magnates to learn the name of their future -king. The will was read solemnly in the presence of -Marie Anne and the principal great officers; and soon -<span class='pageno' id='Page_526'>526</span>the news was spread that Spain was free from the -house of Austria, which had been the cause of its -greatness and its ruin. Marie Anne, at the head of -the Council of Regency, had but a short term of power, -and, as may be supposed, considering her imperious -nature, a far from harmonious one. Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span>, however, -lost no time; and the bright handsome lad, full -of hope and spirit, thenceforward Philip <span class='fss'>V.</span> of Spain, -hurried south to take possession of his inheritance -almost before the Emperor had time to protest.</p> - -<p class='c007'>On the 18th February 1701, Philip arrived in -Madrid; and his first act was to confirm Portocarrero -as his leading minister. Marie Anne had quarrelled -with her colleagues before this, and they had complained -of her to the young King before his arrival. -She had been defeated indeed; for she saw now that -the marriage bait that had been held out to her was -illusory; and when the order came to her from the new -King to leave Madrid before he entered it, she went, -full of plans for revenge still, to her place of banishment -at Toledo; yet with kindly professions upon her -lips, for the large pension of 400,000 ducats settled -upon her by Charles, was too valuable to be jeopardised -by open opposition to the ruling powers. She was all -smiles when young Philip visited her at Toledo soon -after his arrival; and she hung around his neck a -splendidly jewelled badge of the Golden Fleece as a -token of her recognition of his sovereignty. But -when the war broke out, and the Archduke, her -nephew, with his allies came to fight for the prize he -claimed, Marie Anne could hardly be expected to -stand quite aloof. In 1706, the victorious Austrian -and his allies were carried by the fortune of war into -Toledo; and Marie Anne welcomed her nephew with -<span class='pageno' id='Page_527'>527</span>effusive joy as King of Spain; but when the turn of -the tide carried Philip <span class='fss'>V.</span> into power again, a few -months later, two hundred horsemen, under the Duke -of Osuna, clattered into the courtyard of Marie Anne’s -convent retreat at Toledo, and arrested the Queen, -carrying her thence as rapidly as horses could travel -over the frontier to France.</p> - -<p class='c007'>At Bayonne, Marie Anne lived in retirement for -nine years, when a strange revolution of fortune’s -wheel brought her back to Spain again triumphant. -In the stately Morisco Palace at Guadalajara, Marie -Anne passed in affluent dignity the last twenty-six -years of life in widowhood, and died in 1740. She -lived to see Spain rise from its ashes, a new nation, -purged by the fires of war; purified by heroism and -sacrifice. The long duel between the Empire and -France for the possession of the resources of Spain -had ended before the death of Marie Anne in the -successful reassertion of Spain to the possession of her -own resources. Rulers, men and women, had blindly -and ignorantly done their worst; pride, bigotry, and -sloth had dominated for centuries the spirit of the -nation, as a result of the action which alone had -caused Spain to bulk so big in the eyes of the world, -and then to sink so low. But at last the evil nightmare -of the house of Austria was shaken off, and when -the aged widow of Charles <span class='fss'>II.</span> passed to her rest at -Guadalajara, Spaniards were awakening to the stirring -message, that Spain might be happier and more truly -great in national concentration than when the men-at-arms -of the Austrian Philips squandered blood and -treasure beyond count, to uphold in foreign lands an -impossible pretension, born of ambitions as dead as -those who first conceived them.</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_529'>529</span> - <h2 class='c005'>EPILOGUE</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_531'>531</span>Fire and sword swept Spain clean. The long drawn -war of succession broke down much of the old exclusiveness -and conceit which had been for two centuries -the bane of the Spanish people, and a new patriotic -spirit was aroused which proved that the nation was -not effete but only drugged. The accession of Philip V. -had been looked upon by his grandfather as practically -annexing Spain to France. ‘<i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Il n’y a plus de Pyrénées</span></i>,’ -he announced; and his first act proved his determination -of treating his grandson’s realm as a vassal state -of his own. Again it was to a large extent the influence -of women which directed the course of Spanish -politics, even to the confusion of the <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">roi soleil</span></i>. It has -been shown in this history how often feminine influence -had been invoked by statesmen to bring Spain to a -sympathetic line of policy for their own ends, and -how often circumstances had rendered their efforts -ineffectual.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The confident anticipations of Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> that, by -rightly choosing his feminine instruments he might -use Spain entirely for the aggrandisement of France, -were even more conspicuously defeated than any -previous attempts had been in a similar direction; for -the ladies upon whom he depended were one after the -other caught up by the chivalrous patriotism of the -Spanish people, newly aroused from the bad dream of -a hundred years, and boldly braving Louis, they did -<span class='pageno' id='Page_532'>532</span>their best for Spain and for their own ends, whether -France benefited or not.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The bride that Louis chose for his grandson was -one from whom no resistance could be expected. She -was a mere child, under fifteen, Maria Louisa Gabriela -of Savoy, daughter of Victor Amadeus and Anne Marie -of Orleans, sister of that Marie Louise, Queen of -Spain, whose life has been told in detail in these pages. -In September 1701 young Philip went to meet his -bride at Barcelona; and even thus early it was seen -that he had to face a coalition of all Europe against -him. Revolt had been stirred up in Naples; and -Philip had hardly time to snatch a brief honeymoon -before he was obliged to hurry away to Italy to fight -for his crown; leaving the girl whom he had married -to rule Spain in his absence and to marshal the elements -of defence in a country utterly prostrate and -disorganised. Maria Louisa was, of course, entirely -inexperienced, but she came of a stout race and never -flinched from the responsibilities cast upon her. The -young married couple were already deeply in love with -each other; and Philip, though only seventeen, had -thus early begun to show the strange uxoriousness that -in later life became an obsession which made him a -mere appanage of the woman by his side; so that -Maria Louisa began her strenuous life assured that -she would meet with no captious opposition from her -husband.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> and Mme. de Maintenon had placed by -her side a far stronger personality than Philip; one of -the greatest women of her century, whose mission it -was to keep the young King and Queen of Spain in -the narrow path of French interests. Anne Marie de -la Tremouille, Duchess of Bracciano, whom the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_533'>533</span>Spaniards called the Princess of Ursinos, took charge -of the young Queen at once when the Piedmontese -household was dismissed at the frontier; and through -the most troublous period of the great struggle which -finally gave the throne to Philip, she ruled the rulers -gently, wisely and firmly for their own interests and -those of Spain. No cantankerous straitlaced Mistress -of the Robes was she, such as the Duchess of Terranova -who had embittered the life of the other Marie -Louise, but a great lady full of wit and knowledge, and -as brave as a lioness in defence of the best interests -of those in her charge.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The young Queen herself, when she had been installed -in the capital as Regent, showed how changed -were the circumstances of a Queen of Spain, now that -the dull gloom of the house of Austria had been swept -away, and a new Spain was gazing towards the dawn. -Nothing could exceed the diligence and ability of this -girl of fifteen in administering the government of -Madrid in the absence of the new King. Instead of -the dull round of devotion and frivolity which had filled -the lives of other Queen Consorts, she, with the wise -old Princess at her side, worked incessantly. She -would sign nothing she did not understand: she insisted -upon all complaints being investigated, and -reports made direct to her. Supplies of men and -money for the war in which Philip was already plunged -in Italy, were collected and remitted with an activity -and regularity which filled old-fashioned Spaniards -with surprise, and encouraged those who possessed -means to contribute from their hoards resources previously -unsuspected. The manners of the Court were -reformed; immorality and vice, so long rampant in -Madrid, was frowned at and discouraged; and, instead -<span class='pageno' id='Page_534'>534</span>of allowing the news of the wars in which the King -was engaged to filter slowly and incorrectly from the -palace to the gossips of the street, the Queen herself -read aloud from a balcony to the people below the -despatches she daily received from her husband.</p> - -<p class='c007'>All this was enough to make the old Queen Consorts -of Spain turn with horror in their porphyry urns at the -Escorial; but it came like a breeze of pure mountain -air into the miasmatic apathy which had hitherto -cloaked the capital; and all Spain plucked up heart -and spirit from the energy of this girl of fifteen, with -the wise old Frenchwoman behind her. But even -they could only administer things as they found them, -and the root of the governmental system itself was -vicious. Time, and above all knowledge, was required -to re-organise the country; and Spaniards grew restive -at the foreign auspices under which the reforms were -introduced. Maria Louisa and her husband well knew -that without French support liberally given, they could -never hold their own: for when the King returned to -Madrid early in 1703, the Spaniards, who had belonged -to the Austrian party in the last reign, had thrown -off the mask and fled to join the enemy: and it was -clear that no Spaniards would fight to make Spain a -dependency of France.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Nothing less than this would satisfy Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span>; and -the Princess of Ursinos, who had tried to make the -struggle a patriotic one for Spaniards, was warned -from Paris that, unless she immediately retired from -the country, King Louis would abandon Spain -and his grandson to their fate. The Princess went -into exile with a heavy heart, and the new French -ambassador, Grammont, came when she had departed -in 1704, instructed to make a clean sweep of all the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_535'>535</span>national party in Madrid, and to obtain control for -the French ministers. But Louis <em>XIV.</em> had underrated -the power and ability of Maria Louisa, who resented -the contemptuous dismissal of her wise mentor, and -took no pains to conceal her opposition to the change. -Louis sent scolding letters to her, berating her for her -presumption in wishing, ‘at the age of eighteen to -govern a vast disorganised monarchy,’ against the -advice of those so much more experienced than herself. -But at last he had to recognise that this girl, -with the best part of Spain behind her, held the -stronger position; and he took the wise course of -conciliating her by re-enlisting and restoring to Spain -the offended Princess of Ursinos. In vain his representatives -in Madrid assured him that neither the -Princess nor the Queen could be trusted to serve -French interests blindly. The two women were too -clever and too firm to be ignored, and the Princess -returned to Madrid in triumph in August 1705, with -<i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">carte blanche</span></i> from Louis to do as she judged best to -save Spain for the house of Bourbon, at all events.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Thenceforward the Mistress of the Robes governed -the Queen, the Queen governed the King, and the -King was supposed to govern the country; plunged -in war at home and abroad, with the Spanish nobles -either on the side of the Austrian or sullen at the -foreign influence which pervaded the government -measures, even when moderated and held in check -by the Princess of Ursinos. At length, when the -long war was wearing itself out, and peace was in -the air, the stout-hearted little Savoyarde fell sick. -She had borne many children to her husband, but -only two sons, so far, had lived, Louis, born in 1707, -and Ferdinand, born late in 1713. The birth of the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_536'>536</span>latter heralded his mothers death. She had not -spared herself in all the strenuous thirteen years of -war and tumult, during which she had to a great -extent governed Spain; for Philip, when not absent -in the field, was an obedient husband; and now, at -the dawn of a period of peace at the beginning of -1714, Maria Louisa died at the age of twenty-six.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Philip was still a young man; but the dependence -upon his wife, and his long fits of apathy that afterwards -led to lunacy, had made him unfit to fulfil the -duties of his position without a clever helpmeet by -his side. The first result of the death of Maria -Louisa was enormously to increase the influence of -the old Princess of Ursinos. She was the only person -allowed to see the King in his heartbroken grief; -and whilst he was in seclusion in the Medina Celi -palace, the monks were turned out of a neighbouring -monastery that the Princess might stay there and -have free access to the King through a passage made -for the purpose through the walls that separated the -buildings. The gossips very soon began to say that -the King was going to marry the Princess, though -she was old enough to be his grandmother. But, as -usual, the scandalmongers were wrong. The Princess -of Ursinos was far too clever for such a stroke as -that; but she and others saw that Philip must marry -some one without loss of time, or he would lose what -wits were left to him.</p> - -<div id='i_536fp.jpg' class='figcenter id001'> -<img src='images/i_536fp.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic001'> -<p>ISABEL FARNESE.<br /><br /><em>After a Painting by Van Loo</em>.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_537'>537</span>The marriage-mongers of Europe were on the alert, -but the problem to be solved was not an easy one. -A bride must be found whom Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> would accept, -and yet one not too subservient to orders from France, -nor one who would interfere with the absolute paramountcy -of the Princess of Ursinos. So all the suggestions coming from France were regarded coldly; -and the Princess set about finding a candidate who -would suit her. There was an Italian priest in Spain -at the time, one Father Alberoni, a cunning rogue, -who could be a buffoon when it suited him, who had -wormed himself into Court circles in the suite of the -Duke of Vendome. This man, a Parmese, came to -the Princess of Ursinos the day after Queen Maria -Louisa Gabriela died and suggested that there was a -modest, submissive little princess at Parma, the niece -and stepdaughter of the reigning prince, who had no -male heirs, and that this girl was exactly fitted to be -the new consort to Philip <span class='fss'>V.</span> The Princess of Ursinos -was inclined to regard the idea favourably, for not -only was it evident that so young and humble a -princess would not attempt to interfere with her, but -the match seemed to offer a chance for re-establishing -the lost influence of Spain in Italy. Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> had -other views for his grandson, and did not take kindly -to the proposal, but he was grudgingly won over by -the Princess of Ursinos, whom he could not afford to -offend. Philip himself was as wax in the hands of -the old Princess; and on the 16th September 1714 -he married by proxy Isabel Farnese, Princess of -Parma.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Isabel Farnese had been represented by Alberoni -as a tractable young maiden, but she was a niece, by -her mother, of the Queen Dowager, Marie Anne of -Neuburg, who was eating her heart out in spite in -her exile at Bayonne; and Alberoni knew full well -when he suggested the Parmese bride that he was -taking part in a deep-laid conspiracy to overthrow the -Princess of Ursinos. His part was a difficult one to -play at first, for he had to keep up an appearance of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_538'>538</span>adhesion to the Princess of Ursinos whilst currying -favour with the coming Queen. Isabel Farnese approached -her new realm with the airs of a conqueror. -She was to have landed at Alicante, and thither went -Alberoni and her Spanish household to receive her: -but she altered her mind suddenly, and decided to go -overland through the south of France and visit her -aunt Marie Anne at Bayonne. Marie Anne had a -long score of her own to settle with the Princess of -Ursinos, who had kept her in exile, and she instructed -her niece how to proceed to make herself mistress of -her husband’s realm.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Isabel Farnese, girl though she was, did not need -much instruction in imperious self-assertion, and began -her operations as soon as she crossed the frontier. -She flatly refused to dismiss her Italian suite, as had -been arranged in accordance with the invariable -Spanish rule, and showed from the first that she -meant to have her own way in all things. She was -in no hurry, moreover, to meet her husband until the -Princess of Ursinos was out of the way; and when -the latter, in great state, came to meet her at Jadraque, -a short distance from Guadalajara, where the King -was awaiting his bride, Isabel was ready for the -decisive fray which should settle the question as to -who should rule Spain.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The old Princess was quite aware also by this time -that she had to meet a rival, and she began when she -entered the presence by making some remark about -the slowness of the Queen’s journey. Hardly were -the words out of her mouth than the young termagant -shouted: ‘Take this old fool away who dares to come -and insult me:’ and then, in spite of protest and -appeal, the Princess was hustled into a coach to be -<span class='pageno' id='Page_539'>539</span>driven into exile through a snowstorm in the winter -night over the bleakest uplands in Europe. Attired -in her Court dress, with no change of garments or -adequate protection against the weather, without -respect, consideration or decency, the aged Princess -was thus expelled from the country she had served -so wisely. She saw now, as she had feared for some -time before, that she had been tricked by the crafty -Italian clown-cleric, and that her day was done.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The dominion of the new Queen Isabel Farnese -over the spirit of Philip <span class='fss'>V.</span> was soon more complete -even than that of the Princess had been, and a letter -of cold compliment from the King was all the reward -or consolation that the Princess got for her protracted -service to him and his cause in Spain; services without -which, in all human probability, he would never -have retained the crown. So long as Philip had a -masterful woman always by his side to keep him in -leading strings, it mattered little to him who the -woman was; and Isabel Farnese, bold, ambitious, and -intriguing, ruled Spain in the name of her husband -thenceforward for thirty years. Her system was -neither French nor Spanish, but founded upon the -feline ecclesiastical methods of the smaller Italian -Courts: and the object of Isabel’s life was to assert -successfully the rights of her sons to the Italian principalities, -she claimed in virtue of her descent. The -pretext under which she cloaked her aims was the recovery -of the Spanish influence in the sister Peninsula: -but the wars which resulted were in no sense of Spanish -national concern, but purely Italian and dynastic.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Thus, for many years to come, the progress of Spain -was retarded, and her resources wasted in struggles by -land and sea all over Europe, and with allies and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_540'>540</span>opponents constantly changing, with the end of seating -Isabel’s Bourbon sons upon Italian thrones. She -succeeded, at the cost of a generation of war, and gave -to Spain once more an appearance of some of her old -potency, thanks to new ideas and more enlightened -administration: but when the successive deaths of her -two stepsons, the heirs of Philip by his first Savoyard -wife, made her own eldest son Charles King of Spain, -Isabel was plainly, but delicately, made to understand -that the destinies of the country must in future be -guided by men, and in enlightened national interests, -and not by women for secondary ends.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Again, on the death of Charles <span class='fss'>III.</span>, the only strong -King since Philip <span class='fss'>II.</span>, the regal mantle fell upon a weak -uxorious man, whose wife, yet another Maria Louisa, -led Spain by the miry path of disgraceful favouritism to -the great war of Independence—the Peninsular war—which -destroyed what was left of old Spain, and held -up to the derision of the world the reigning family, of -whom Napoleon made such cruel sport.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Forty years more of feminine rule in the next -generation brought the unfortunate country to the -revolution of 1868, and then the dawning came of a -happier day, now brightening to its full. Only half -a century ago the old, old struggle between France -and Germany to provide a Consort for Spain was -engaged anew, and brought England and France upon -the very verge of war. But the fall of the Bourbons -in France and Italy, and the disappearance of the -French monarchy, as a result of the great war between -the Frank and Teuton, still, on the ancient pretext of -their rival interests in Spain, banished, at least for our -time, the dynastic jealousy which had kept Europe at -war for centuries.</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_541'>541</span>An Austrian Queen-Regent has since then ruled -Spain with consummate wisdom and the noblest self-sacrifice -for nearly twenty years; and France has -watched with sympathy, and no thought of aggression, -the sustained effort of a good woman to hand down -intact to her fatherless son the inheritance to which -he was born. An English Queen Consort sits by the -side of the Spanish King, now, for the first time for -centuries, and yet no breath of discord comes from -other nations to mar the love match that has ended -in a happy marriage.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The world grows wiser at last. The old tradition -that dynastic connection could override irresistible -national tendencies has lingered long, but is really -dying now. Matrimonial alliances between reigning -families are symptoms, not causes, and as the personal -power of the monarch wanes before the growth of -popular government, the influence of the consort -becomes more social, and consequently more personally -interesting.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The stories told in these pages treat of a state of -affairs never likely to recur. They show, amongst -other things, with what little prescience the world -has been governed. The attempt of Ferdinand the -Catholic to make Aragon great by marriage ended -in the swamping of Aragon: the attempt of Charles -<span class='fss'>V.</span> and his son to dictate the religion of the world, -by means of the strength gained by matrimonial -alliances, ended in the exhaustion and ruin of Spain: -the attempts of France and Germany to obtain control -of Spain by providing consorts for the ruling kings -has ended in neither obtaining what it sought, and -in Spain being as safe from foreign domination of -any sort as any country in Europe. The lesson to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_542'>542</span>be drawn surely is that rulers, grandly as they bulk -for their little day in the eyes of men, are themselves -but puppets, moved by aggregate spontaneous national -forces infinitely more powerful than any individuality -can be, and that a monarch’s seeming strength is only -effective so long as it interprets truly the accumulated -impulse, that, in obedience to some harmonious law -as yet uncoded, guides to their destiny the nations of -the earth.</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c003'> - <div>FINIS</div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<img src='images/i_542.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -</div> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_543'>543</span> - <h2 class='c005'>INDEX</h2> -</div> - -<ul class='index c003'> - <li class='c018'>Adrian, Cardinal, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Aguirre, Señora, <a href='#Page_474'>474</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Agreda, Maria de, <a href='#Page_354'>354</a>, <a href='#Page_357'>357</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Aix la Chapelle, <a href='#Page_391'>391</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Alba, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Albaicin, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Alberoni, Father, <a href='#Page_537'>537</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Albuera, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Albuquerque, Duchess of, <a href='#Page_455'>455</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Alcantara, Master of, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Alcazar, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Alexander <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Alexander Farnese, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Alfonso <span class='fss'>V.</span> of Portugal, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Alphonso (brother of Henry <span class='fss'>IV</span>), <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Alhama, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a>, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Almazan, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Almeria, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Anne of Austria (wife of Phillip <span class='fss'>II</span>), <a href='#Page_314'>314</a>; - <ul> - <li>character, illness and death, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'>Anna of Austria (Queen of France), <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a>, <a href='#Page_352'>352</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Arabic Manuscripts, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Aranda, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Aranjuez, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Arcos, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Arevalo, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Armada, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Armignac, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Arthur, Prince of Wales, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Artois, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Arundel, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Astorga, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Astorga, Marquis, <a href='#Page_424'>424</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Augsburg, League of, <a href='#Page_463'>463</a>, <a href='#Page_480'>480</a>, <a href='#Page_487'>487</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Aulnoy, Madame d’, quoted, <a href='#Page_419'>419</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Avila, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Avila, Juan de, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Badajoz, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Balbeses, Marquis de los, <a href='#Page_415'>415</a>, <a href='#Page_423'>423</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Baltasar Carlos, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>, <a href='#Page_358'>358</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Barcelona, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>; - <ul> - <li>Treaty, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_348'>348</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'>Bavaria, Prince of, <a href='#Page_495'>495</a>, <a href='#Page_500'>500</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Baza, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Bedford, Earl of, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Behovia, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a></li> - <li class='c018'>‘Beltraneja,’ the birth, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>; - <ul> - <li>betrothal, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>;</li> - <li>betrothal to King of Portugal, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>;</li> - <li>marriage, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'>Benavente, Count, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Bergues, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Berlips, Baroness, <a href='#Page_496'>496</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Bernaldez, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Bertondona, Martin de, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Bidasoa, <a href='#Page_377'>377</a>, <a href='#Page_425'>425</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Boabdil, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Bobadilla, Beatriz de, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Bobadilla, Francisco de, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Bonner, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Borgia, Francis of, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Bourbon, Anthony de, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Braganza, Duke of, <a href='#Page_348'>348</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Brantôme, quoted, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Bristol, Earl of, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Browne, Sir Anthony, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Buckingham, Duke of, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Buendia, Count, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Buen Retiro, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>, <a href='#Page_342'>342</a>, <a href='#Page_429'>429</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Burgos, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>, <a href='#Page_322'>322</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Burgundy, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Cabeña, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Cabero, Juan, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Cabra, Count of, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Cabrera, Andres, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Cabezon, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Calais, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Calatrava, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Calderon, Maria, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Cardeñosa, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Cardona, Folch de, <a href='#Page_507'>507</a>, <a href='#Page_516'>516</a>, <a href='#Page_518'>518</a></li> - <li class='c018'><span class='pageno' id='Page_544'>544</span>Cardona, Hugo de, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Carew family, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Carlos, Don, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Carrillo, Alfonso, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Cartuja de Miraflores, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Castañar, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Castile, Admiral of, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Castile, revolt in, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Cateau Cambresis, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Catharine of Lancaster, ix.</li> - <li class='c018'>Cerdagne, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a></li> - <li class='c018'>‘Chambergo’ Regiment, <a href='#Page_396'>396</a>, <a href='#Page_406'>406</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Charles, Archduke, <a href='#Page_497'>497</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Charles, Prince of Wales, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Charles of Viana, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Charles <span class='fss'>II</span>, birth, <a href='#Page_382'>382</a>; - <ul> - <li>description as a child, <a href='#Page_392'>392</a>, <a href='#Page_396'>396</a>;</li> - <li>recalls Don Juan, <a href='#Page_402'>402</a>;</li> - <li>banishes Don Juan to Aragon, <a href='#Page_403'>403</a>;</li> - <li>coming of age, <a href='#Page_403'>403</a>;</li> - <li>suggestions for marriage, <a href='#Page_414'>414</a>;</li> - <li>reconciliation with Mariana, <a href='#Page_421'>421</a>;</li> - <li>journey to meet Marie Louise, <a href='#Page_426'>426</a>;</li> - <li>marriage, <a href='#Page_431'>431</a>;</li> - <li>neglect of government, <a href='#Page_440'>440</a>;</li> - <li>jealousy of Mme. de Villars, <a href='#Page_459'>459</a>;</li> - <li>dismisses Medina Celi, <a href='#Page_463'>463</a>;</li> - <li>illness at Aranjuez, <a href='#Page_467'>467</a>;</li> - <li>second marriage, <a href='#Page_488'>488</a>;</li> - <li>meets Marie Anne, <a href='#Page_491'>491</a>;</li> - <li>dismisses Oropesa, <a href='#Page_494'>494</a>;</li> - <li>increasing weakness, <a href='#Page_497'>497</a>;</li> - <li>appoints Prince of Bavaria heir, <a href='#Page_500'>500</a>;</li> - <li>destroys will, <a href='#Page_502'>502</a>;</li> - <li>said to be bewitched, <a href='#Page_514'>514</a>;</li> - <li>makes will in favour of Philip, <a href='#Page_524'>524</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_525'>525</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'>Charles <span class='fss'>III</span>, <a href='#Page_540'>540</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Charles <span class='fss'>V</span>, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Charles <span class='fss'>VIII</span>, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Chatellerault, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Chièvres, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Chimay, Prince of, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Cigales, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Civil War in Spain, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Clarencius, Mrs., <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Claude of France, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Clerambant, Maréchale, <a href='#Page_423'>423</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Coligny, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Columbus, Christopher, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>; - <ul> - <li>received by Isabel, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>;</li> - <li>guest of Deza, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>;</li> - <li>member of royal household, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>;</li> - <li>grant for maintenance, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>;</li> - <li>negotiations with Portugal, France, and England, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>;</li> - <li>extravagant demands, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>;</li> - <li>agreement with Isabel, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>;</li> - <li>returns in triumph from first voyage, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>;</li> - <li>second voyage, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>;</li> - <li>third voyage, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>;</li> - <li>imprisoned, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>;</li> - <li>release, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>;</li> - <li>fourth voyage, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'>Columbus, Diego, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Comuneros, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Compostella, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Conchillos, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Condé, <a href='#Page_354'>354</a>, <a href='#Page_376'>376</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Consuegra, <a href='#Page_383'>383</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Conti, Prince of, <a href='#Page_417'>417</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Cordova, Cardinal, <a href='#Page_518'>518</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Cordova, Gonzalo de, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Corunna, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>, <a href='#Page_391'>391</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Cotes, Sebastian de, <a href='#Page_505'>505</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Council of the Indies, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Court, Spanish, description, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>, <a href='#Page_369'>369</a>, <a href='#Page_533'>533</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Courtenay, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Courtrai, <a href='#Page_460'>460</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Cranmer, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Cromwell, <a href='#Page_371'>371</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Cuellar, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Cueva, Beltran de la, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a></li> - <li class='c003'>D’assonleville, <a href='#Page_254'>254</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Denia, Marchioness of, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Denia, Marquis of, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Deza, Diego, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Diaz, Froilan, <a href='#Page_506'>506</a>, <a href='#Page_519'>519</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Dixmunde, <a href='#Page_460'>460</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Dominicans, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Dueñas, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Dunkirk, <a href='#Page_376'>376</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Edward <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of England, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Edward <span class='fss'>VI.</span> of England, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Egmont, Count, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Eguia, Jeronimo de, <a href='#Page_440'>440</a>, <a href='#Page_454'>454</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Elizabeth of England, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a></li> - <li class='c018'>El Zagal, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Emanuel Philibert of Savoy, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Emmanuel, King, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Enriquez, Juana, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Escalas, Conde de, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Escorial, <a href='#Page_357'>357</a>, <a href='#Page_366'>366</a>, <a href='#Page_388'>388</a>, <a href='#Page_406'>406</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Estrada, Duke of, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Estremadura, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Fadrique, Admiral, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Fadrique de Toledo, <a href='#Page_346'>346</a></li> - <li class='c018'><span class='pageno' id='Page_545'>545</span>Fanshawe, Lady, quoted, <a href='#Page_384'>384</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Fanshawe, Sir Richard, <a href='#Page_383'>383</a>, <a href='#Page_390'>390</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Feuquières, <a href='#Page_464'>464</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Ferdinand of Aragon, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>; - <ul> - <li>marriage, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>;</li> - <li>in France, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>;</li> - <li>motto, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>;</li> - <li>fight against Moors, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a>;</li> - <li>in Council at Cordova, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>;</li> - <li>rejects Colon’s terms, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>;</li> - <li>attacked by lunatic, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>;</li> - <li>schemes for his children, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>;</li> - <li>treaty with France, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>;</li> - <li>breaks treaty, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>;</li> - <li>war with France, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>;</li> - <li>quarrel with son-in-law, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>;</li> - <li>represses rebellion of Moors, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>;</li> - <li>attempts to conciliate Philip, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>;</li> - <li>illness, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a>;</li> - <li>claims right to govern Castile, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>;</li> - <li>ordered to leave Castile, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>;</li> - <li>alliance with Jimenez, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a>;</li> - <li>contemplates second marriage, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a>;</li> - <li>alliance with Louis <span class='fss'>XII</span>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>;</li> - <li>agreement with Philip, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>;</li> - <li>treaty, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>;</li> - <li>assumes government of Castile, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'>Ferdinand, Emperor, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Feria, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Fernando, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Ferrer, Mosen, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Flanders, <a href='#Page_354'>354</a>, <a href='#Page_390'>390</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Flushing, <a href='#Page_489'>489</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Fonseca, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Fontainebleau, <a href='#Page_417'>417</a>, <a href='#Page_422'>422</a></li> - <li class='c018'>France, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_248'>248</a>, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a>, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>, <a href='#Page_346'>346</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Franche Comté, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Francis <span class='fss'>II</span>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Francis Phœbus, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Galicia, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Gardiner, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Geneda, Diego de, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Germaine de Foix, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Giron, Pedro, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Gloucester, Duke of, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Gomez, Ruy, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Grammont, Duke de, <a href='#Page_378'>378</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Granada, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>; - <ul> - <li>siege, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>–72;</li> - <li>burning of library, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'>Granvelle, quoted, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Grey family, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Grey, Lady Jane, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Grey de Wilton, Lord, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Guadalajara, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Guadix, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Guevara, Anna de, <a href='#Page_352'>352</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Guevara, Velez de, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Guienne, Duke of, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Guise, Duke of, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Guisnes, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Guzmans, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Harcourt, Duke of, <a href='#Page_423'>423</a>, <a href='#Page_502'>502</a>, <a href='#Page_503'>503</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Haro, Count de, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Haro, Luis de, <a href='#Page_355'>355</a>, <a href='#Page_375'>375</a>, <a href='#Page_383'>383</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Harrach, Count, <a href='#Page_499'>499</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Heliche, Marquis of, <a href='#Page_370'>370</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Henry <span class='fss'>II.</span> (of France), <a href='#Page_269'>269</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Henry <span class='fss'>IV.</span> (of France), <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Henry <span class='fss'>IV.</span> (of Spain), <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>; - <ul> - <li>impeachment, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'>Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (of England), <a href='#Page_149'>149</a>, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a>, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Henry <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> (of England), <a href='#Page_211'>211</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Hernandez, Garcia, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Hispanola, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Horn, Count, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Hornillos, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a></li> - <li class='c018'>House tax, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Howell, James, quoted, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Huelva, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Infantado, Duke of, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Inquisition, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_448'>448</a>, <a href='#Page_514'>514</a>, <a href='#Page_516'>516</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Isabel, Empress, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Isabel Farnese, xiii; - <ul> - <li>marriage, <a href='#Page_537'>537</a>;</li> - <li>influence over Philip, <a href='#Page_539'>539</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'>Isabel of Bourbon, betrothal, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>; - <ul> - <li>meeting with Philip, <a href='#Page_322'>322</a>;</li> - <li>marriage, <a href='#Page_323'>323</a>;</li> - <li>character and manners, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>;</li> - <li>love for stage, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>;</li> - <li>escape from fire at Aranjuez, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>;</li> - <li>birth of son, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a>;</li> - <li>children, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>;</li> - <li>rejoicings at birth of Baltasar Carlos, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>;</li> - <li>portraits, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>;</li> - <li>sells jewels to provide soldiers, <a href='#Page_346'>346</a>;</li> - <li>struggle with France, <a href='#Page_346'>346</a>;</li> - <li>breach with Olivares, <a href='#Page_349'>349</a>;</li> - <li>Regent in absence of King, <a href='#Page_350'>350</a>;</li> - <li>demands dismissal of Olivares, <a href='#Page_352'>352</a>;</li> - <li>illness, <a href='#Page_355'>355</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_356'>356</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'>Isabel of the Peace, xi, xiv; - <ul> - <li>betrothal, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>;</li> - <li>marriage, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a>;</li> - <li>journey to Spain, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a>;</li> - <li>meeting with Philip, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>;</li> - <li>smallpox, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>;</li> - <li>illness, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>;</li> - <li>letter to Catharine, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>;</li> - <li>defeats conspiracy in Navarre, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>;</li> - <li>meets her mother at Bayonne, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>;</li> - <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_546'>546</span>birth of daughter, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>;</li> - <li>birth of second daughter, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'>Isabel the Catholic, ix; - <ul> - <li>betrothed to Charles of Viana, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>;</li> - <li>suggested betrothal to King of Portugal, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>;</li> - <li>offered crown, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>;</li> - <li>accepts heirship, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>;</li> - <li>meeting with Henry, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>;</li> - <li>intrigues with reference to marriage, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>;</li> - <li>marriage, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>;</li> - <li>deprived of grants and privileges, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>;</li> - <li>birth of first child, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>;</li> - <li>reconciliation with Henry, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>;</li> - <li>revenue, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>;</li> - <li>reforms Court, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>;</li> - <li>treatment of religious orders, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a>;</li> - <li>influence f Torquemada, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>;</li> - <li>establishes Inquisition, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>;</li> - <li>birth of Prince of the Asturias, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>;</li> - <li>crushes Portuguese, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>;</li> - <li>acknowledged Queen of Spain, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>;</li> - <li>birth of third child, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>;</li> - <li>war with Moors, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a>;</li> - <li>birth of fourth child, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>;</li> - <li>takes command of campaign against Moors, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>;</li> - <li>birth of last child, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>;</li> - <li>pledges crown, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>;</li> - <li>Queen of Granada, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a>;</li> - <li>terms with Columbus, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>;</li> - <li>domestic life, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>;</li> - <li>letter to Talavera, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>;</li> - <li>purification of monasteries, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>;</li> - <li>unification of coinage, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>;</li> - <li>marriages of children, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>;</li> - <li>death of Juan, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>;</li> - <li>death of eldest daughter and her son Miguel, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>;</li> - <li>troubles domestic and political, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>;</li> - <li>ill-health, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>;</li> - <li>visit of Philip and Joan, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>;</li> - <li>wishes in regard to succession, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>;</li> - <li>apoplexy, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a>;</li> - <li>will, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>;</li> - <li>codicil, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'>Isle of Pheasants, <a href='#Page_378'>378</a>, <a href='#Page_425'>425</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Jaen, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Jamaica, <a href='#Page_371'>371</a></li> - <li class='c018'>James <span class='fss'>I.</span> of England, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a></li> - <li class='c018'>James <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Jews, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Jimenez de Cisneros, Royal Confessor, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>; - <ul> - <li>primate, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>;</li> - <li>maintains order, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>;</li> - <li>Cardinal, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>;</li> - <li>Regent, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'>Joan the Mad, xi; - <ul> - <li>birth, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>;</li> - <li>marriage, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>;</li> - <li>birth of son, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>;</li> - <li>visit to Spain, takes oath with her husband as heir of Castile, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>;</li> - <li>receives homage as heir of Ferdinand, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>;</li> - <li>detention at Medina, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>;</li> - <li>returns to Flanders, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a>;</li> - <li>proclaimed Queen of Castile, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>;</li> - <li>discord with husband, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>;</li> - <li>letter on being declared unfit to rule, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a>;</li> - <li>journey to Spain, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>;</li> - <li>shipwreck and landing in England, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>;</li> - <li>meeting with Katharine, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a>;</li> - <li>interview with Enriquez, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>;</li> - <li>receives oath of allegiance of Cortes, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>;</li> - <li>grief for death of Philip, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>;</li> - <li>refusal to perform duties of Government, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>;</li> - <li>pilgrimage to Granada, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>;</li> - <li>birth of youngest child, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>;</li> - <li>suggested marriage with Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span>, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>;</li> - <li>dismisses Councillors of Philip, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>;</li> - <li>meeting with Ferdinand at Tortoles, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>;</li> - <li>at Arcos, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>;</li> - <li>imprisoned at Tordesillas, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>;</li> - <li>visited by Charles and Leonora, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>;</li> - <li>protest against treatment, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>;</li> - <li>conference with executive body of Regent’s government, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>;</li> - <li>receives Padilla, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>;</li> - <li>identifies herself with Revolution, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>;</li> - <li>anti-religious tendency, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a>;</li> - <li>visited by Francis of Borgia, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>;</li> - <li>illness, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'>Juan, Prince of Asturias, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Juan <span class='fss'>II.</span>, of Aragon, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Juan of Austria, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Juan Jose, of Austria (Don Juan), xii, <a href='#Page_363'>363</a>, <a href='#Page_370'>370</a>, <a href='#Page_376'>376</a>, <a href='#Page_383'>383</a>, <a href='#Page_387'>387</a>, <a href='#Page_388'>388</a>, <a href='#Page_390'>390</a>, <a href='#Page_391'>391</a>; - <ul> - <li>controversy with Mariana, <a href='#Page_393'>393</a>;</li> - <li>Viceroy of Aragon, <a href='#Page_396'>396</a>;</li> - <li>ordered to Sicily, <a href='#Page_401'>401</a>;</li> - <li>recalled by Charles, <a href='#Page_402'>402</a>;</li> - <li>exiled to Aragon, <a href='#Page_403'>403</a>;</li> - <li>recalled to Madrid, <a href='#Page_405'>405</a>;</li> - <li>enters Madrid in State, <a href='#Page_408'>408</a>;</li> - <li>decrease of power, <a href='#Page_418'>418</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_420'>420</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'>Juan <span class='fss'>II.</span>, of Castile, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Katharine of Aragon, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Katharine, Infanta, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a></li> - <li class='c003'><span class='pageno' id='Page_547'>547</span>Laredo, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Las Casas, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Las Huelgas, <a href='#Page_431'>431</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Leganés, Marquis of, <a href='#Page_351'>351</a>, <a href='#Page_505'>505</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Lerida, <a href='#Page_351'>351</a>, <a href='#Page_354'>354</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Lerma, <a href='#Page_323'>323</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Lille, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Lionne, M. de, <a href='#Page_376'>376</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Lisle, Count Alva de, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Literature, Spanish, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a></li> - <li class='c018'>London, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Lope de Vega, <a href='#Page_339'>339</a>, <a href='#Page_342'>342</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Lotti, Cosme, <a href='#Page_344'>344</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span>, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Louis <span class='fss'>XII.</span>, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Louis <span class='fss'>XIII.</span>, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span>, <a href='#Page_460'>460</a>, <a href='#Page_464'>464</a>, <a href='#Page_521'>521</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Loja, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Luis de la Cruz, Friar, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Luna, Alvaro de, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Luxembourg, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Madrigal, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Malaga, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Maldonado, Dr., <a href='#Page_79'>79</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Manrique, Pedro, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Mansfeldt, Count, <a href='#Page_463'>463</a>, <a href='#Page_490'>490</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Manuel, Juan, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Marchena, Antonio de, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Margaret, Archduchess, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a>, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Margaret, Empress, <a href='#Page_368'>368</a>, <a href='#Page_414'>414</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Margaret of Austria, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Margaret of Savoy, <a href='#Page_352'>352</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Margaret Tudor, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Maria of Hungary, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Maria Louisa of Savoy, <a href='#Page_532'>532</a>; - <ul> - <li>marriage, <a href='#Page_532'>532</a>;</li> - <li>regent in absence of husband, <a href='#Page_533'>533</a>;</li> - <li>ability and diligence, <a href='#Page_533'>533</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_536'>536</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'>Mariana of Austria, offered in marriage to Baltasar Carlos, <a href='#Page_361'>361</a>; - <ul> - <li>marriage to Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span>;</li> - <li>meets Philip at Navalcarnero, <a href='#Page_365'>365</a>;</li> - <li>birth of a daughter, <a href='#Page_368'>368</a>;</li> - <li>paralysis, <a href='#Page_371'>371</a>;</li> - <li>birth of son, <a href='#Page_373'>373</a>;</li> - <li>intrigues against Don Juan, <a href='#Page_382'>382</a>;</li> - <li>birth of a son, <a href='#Page_382'>382</a>;</li> - <li>growth of power, <a href='#Page_382'>382</a>;</li> - <li>Queen-Regent, <a href='#Page_389'>389</a>;</li> - <li>conspiracy in favour of Don Juan, <a href='#Page_394'>394</a>;</li> - <li>dismisses Nithard, <a href='#Page_395'>395</a>;</li> - <li>alliance with England and Holland against France, <a href='#Page_397'>397</a>;</li> - <li>seeks help of Don Juan, <a href='#Page_398'>398</a>;</li> - <li>favour of Valenzuela, <a href='#Page_400'>400</a>;</li> - <li>regency ends, <a href='#Page_402'>402</a>;</li> - <li>triumph over Don Juan, <a href='#Page_403'>403</a>;</li> - <li>prisoner in Alcazar, <a href='#Page_406'>406</a>;</li> - <li>banished to Toledo, <a href='#Page_406'>406</a>;</li> - <li>reconciled to Charles, <a href='#Page_421'>421</a>;</li> - <li>return to Court, <a href='#Page_421'>421</a>;</li> - <li>meeting with Marie Louise, <a href='#Page_433'>433</a>;</li> - <li>treatment of Marie Louise, <a href='#Page_444'>444</a>;</li> - <li>plots to ruin Marie Louise, <a href='#Page_464'>464</a>;</li> - <li>plans for succession, <a href='#Page_499'>499</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_500'>500</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'>Maria Theresa, <a href='#Page_371'>371</a>, <a href='#Page_378'>378</a>, <a href='#Page_380'>380</a>, <a href='#Page_389'>389</a>, <a href='#Page_396'>396</a>, <a href='#Page_414'>414</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Marie Anne of Neuburg, married by proxy, <a href='#Page_489'>489</a>; - <ul> - <li>journey to Spain, <a href='#Page_489'>489</a>;</li> - <li>welcome at Corunna, <a href='#Page_490'>490</a>;</li> - <li>sides with enemies of Oropesa, <a href='#Page_493'>493</a>;</li> - <li>unpopularity, <a href='#Page_496'>496</a>;</li> - <li>summons Count Harrach, <a href='#Page_499'>499</a>;</li> - <li>efforts to secure succession of Archduke Charles, <a href='#Page_500'>500</a>;</li> - <li>plans to crush Diaz, <a href='#Page_517'>517</a>;</li> - <li>accused of witchcraft, <a href='#Page_518'>518</a>;</li> - <li>secures dismissal of Diaz, <a href='#Page_529'>529</a>;</li> - <li>head of Council of Regency, <a href='#Page_526'>526</a>;</li> - <li>banished to Toledo, <a href='#Page_526'>526</a>;</li> - <li>visited by Philip <span class='fss'>V.</span>, <a href='#Page_526'>526</a>;</li> - <li>sides with Austria, <a href='#Page_527'>527</a>;</li> - <li>banished to Bayonne, <a href='#Page_527'>527</a>;</li> - <li>returns to Spain, <a href='#Page_527'>527</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_527'>527</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'>Marie Louise of Orleans, <a href='#Page_415'>415</a>; - <ul> - <li>love for Dauphin, <a href='#Page_416'>416</a>;</li> - <li>betrothed to King of Spain, <a href='#Page_417'>417</a>;</li> - <li>marriage by proxy, <a href='#Page_418'>418</a>;</li> - <li>journey to Spain, <a href='#Page_423'>423</a>;</li> - <li>household, <a href='#Page_424'>424</a>;</li> - <li>letter to Charles, <a href='#Page_427'>427</a>;</li> - <li>marriage at Quintanapalla, <a href='#Page_431'>431</a>;</li> - <li>meeting with Mariana, <a href='#Page_433'>433</a>;</li> - <li>isolation at Burgos, <a href='#Page_433'>433</a>;</li> - <li>entry into Madrid, <a href='#Page_439'>439</a>;</li> - <li>frivolity, <a href='#Page_444'>444</a>;</li> - <li>humoured by Mariana, <a href='#Page_444'>444</a>;</li> - <li>growing interest in public affairs, <a href='#Page_456'>456</a>;</li> - <li>discord with Mariana and Charles, <a href='#Page_456'>456</a>;</li> - <li>unhappiness, <a href='#Page_457'>457</a>;</li> - <li>influence of Madame Quantin, <a href='#Page_458'>458</a>;</li> - <li>reproached for sterility, <a href='#Page_458'>458</a>;</li> - <li>accused of plotting against King, <a href='#Page_468'>468</a>;</li> - <li>French expelled from palace, <a href='#Page_469'>469</a>;</li> - <li>letter to Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> <em>re</em> Saint Chamans, <a href='#Page_472'>472</a>;</li> - <li>smallpox, <a href='#Page_479'>479</a>;</li> - <li>illness, <a href='#Page_480'>480</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_481'>481</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'><span class='pageno' id='Page_548'>548</span>Martinez, Friar, <a href='#Page_385'>385</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Mary of England, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>; - <ul> - <li>plans for marriage, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>–220;</li> - <li>accepts Philip, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>;</li> - <li>presents, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a>;</li> - <li>meeting with Philip, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>;</li> - <li>marriage, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>;</li> - <li>parting from Philip, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>;</li> - <li>Queen of Spain, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a>;</li> - <li>war with France, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a>;</li> - <li>illness, <a href='#Page_254'>254</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'>Mary Queen of Scots, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Matienzo, Friar, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Matilla, Father, <a href='#Page_493'>493</a>, <a href='#Page_504'>504</a>, <a href='#Page_506'>506</a>, <a href='#Page_507'>507</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Maurice of Saxony, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Maximilian, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a>, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Mayenne, Duke of, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>, <a href='#Page_382'>382</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Mazarin, <a href='#Page_376'>376</a>, <a href='#Page_382'>382</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Medici, Catharine de, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Medici, Marie de, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Medillin, Count, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Medina, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Medina Celi, Duke of, befriends Colon, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Medina Celi, Duke of (under Charles), <a href='#Page_415'>415</a>, <a href='#Page_440'>440</a>, <a href='#Page_453'>453</a>, <a href='#Page_459'>459</a>, <a href='#Page_463'>463</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Medina del Campo, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Medina de las Torres, Duke of, <a href='#Page_386'>386</a>, <a href='#Page_387'>387</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Medina Sidonia, Duke of, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Melcombe Regis, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Mello, <a href='#Page_354'>354</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Mendoza, Cardinal, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Mendoza, Bishop of Segovia, <a href='#Page_519'>519</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Mendoza, Diego Hurtado de, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Metz, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Montalto, Duke of, quoted, <a href='#Page_464'>464</a>, <a href='#Page_470'>470</a>, <a href='#Page_473'>473</a>, <a href='#Page_475'>475</a>, <a href='#Page_476'>476</a>, <a href='#Page_477'>477</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Montenegro, <a href='#Page_401'>401</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Monterey, Count, <a href='#Page_505'>505</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Montgomerie, Sieur de l’Orge, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Montmorenci, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Moors, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Moscoso, <a href='#Page_388'>388</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Moslems, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Muley Abul Hassan, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Murcientes, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Muza, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a></li> - <li class='c003'>New Hall, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Nimeguen, <a href='#Page_414'>414</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Nithard, Father Everard, <a href='#Page_382'>382</a>, <a href='#Page_389'>389</a>, <a href='#Page_393'>393</a>, <a href='#Page_394'>394</a>; - <ul> - <li>dismissed, <a href='#Page_395'>395</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'>Noailles, Antoine de, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Novas, Marquis de las, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Ojeda, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Olivarez, Gaspar de Guzman, Count of, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>, <a href='#Page_345'>345</a>; - <ul> - <li>breach with Queen, <a href='#Page_349'>349</a>;</li> - <li>fall, <a href='#Page_353'>353</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'>Olivarez, Countess of, <a href='#Page_339'>339</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Olmedo, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Oñate, <a href='#Page_427'>427</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Orange, Prince of, <a href='#Page_487'>487</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Oropesa, Count of, <a href='#Page_463'>463</a>, <a href='#Page_482'>482</a>; - <ul> - <li>dismissed, <a href='#Page_494'>494</a>, <a href='#Page_501'>501</a>–512</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'>Osma, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Osorio, Isabel de, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Osuna, Duke of, <a href='#Page_418'>418</a>, <a href='#Page_425'>425</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Ovando, Nicolas de, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Padilla, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Paget, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Palencia, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Palos, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Passau, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Pastrana, Duke of, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Patiño, <a href='#Page_393'>393</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Perez, Friar Juan, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Peter Martyr, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Petre, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Philip <span class='fss'>II.</span>, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>; - <ul> - <li>Regent, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>;</li> - <li>betrothed to Mary, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>;</li> - <li>journey to England, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>;</li> - <li>marriage, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>;</li> - <li>leaves England, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>;</li> - <li>returns, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>;</li> - <li>proposal of marriage to Elizabeth, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>;</li> - <li>union with France, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>;</li> - <li>marriage to Isabel, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>;</li> - <li>poverty, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>;</li> - <li>marriage to Anne, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'>Philip <span class='fss'>III.</span>, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, betrothed, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>; - <ul> - <li>marriage, <a href='#Page_323'>323</a>;</li> - <li>succeeds, <a href='#Page_323'>323</a>;</li> - <li>character, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>;</li> - <li>jealousy, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>;</li> - <li>intrigue with Maria Calderon, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a>;</li> - <li>birth of son, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>;</li> - <li>leads armies in Catalonia, <a href='#Page_350'>350</a>;</li> - <li>returns to Madrid, <a href='#Page_351'>351</a>;</li> - <li>letter to Maria de Agredo;</li> - <li>grief at loss of son, <a href='#Page_362'>362</a>;</li> - <li>marriage to Mariana, <a href='#Page_363'>363</a>;</li> - <li>poverty, <a href='#Page_372'>372</a>;</li> - <li>birth of son, <a href='#Page_373'>373</a>;</li> - <li>journey to French frontier, <a href='#Page_379'>379</a>;</li> - <li>ill-health, <a href='#Page_383'>383</a>;</li> - <li>reported bewitched, <a href='#Page_384'>384</a>;</li> - <li>will, <a href='#Page_386'>386</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_387'>387</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'>Philip <span class='fss'>V.</span>, <a href='#Page_523'>523</a>, <a href='#Page_526'>526</a>; - <ul> - <li>marriage, <a href='#Page_532'>532</a>;</li> - <li>in Italy, <a href='#Page_533'>533</a>;</li> - <li>second marriage, <a href='#Page_537'>537</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'><span class='pageno' id='Page_549'>549</span>Philip of Burgundy, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>; - <ul> - <li>assumes title, Prince of Castile, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a>;</li> - <li>intrigues with England, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a>, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a>;</li> - <li>treaty with Ferdinand, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'>Philip Prosper, <a href='#Page_374'>374</a>, <a href='#Page_381'>381</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Plascencia, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Pole, Cardinal, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Portocarrero, Cardinal, <a href='#Page_493'>493</a>, <a href='#Page_522'>522</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Portugal, throws off Spanish yoke, <a href='#Page_348'>348</a>; - <ul> - <li>independence recognised, <a href='#Page_390'>390</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'>Pyrenees, Peace of, <a href='#Page_379'>379</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Quantin, Madame, <a href='#Page_458'>458</a>, <a href='#Page_465'>465</a>, <a href='#Page_468'>468</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Quevedo, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Quintanapalla, <a href='#Page_429'>429</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Quintanilla, Alfonso de, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Raleigh, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Ramua, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Ratisbon, Treaty of, <a href='#Page_460'>460</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Ravaillac, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Rebenac, <a href='#Page_480'>480</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Religious Orders, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Renard, Simon, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Richelieu, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Richmond, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Rio Seco, Duke of, <a href='#Page_505'>505</a>, <a href='#Page_518'>518</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Rieux, Madame, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Riquelme, Maria de, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Rivers, Lord, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Rocaberti, <a href='#Page_514'>514</a>, <a href='#Page_517'>517</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Roche sur Yon, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Rocroy, <a href='#Page_354'>354</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Rojas, Bishop, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Roncesvalles, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Ronquillo, Francisco, <a href='#Page_505'>505</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Rosellon, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_378'>378</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Ruiz, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Russell, Admiral, <a href='#Page_489'>489</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Ryswick, Peace of, <a href='#Page_501'>501</a></li> - <li class='c003'>‘Sacred Brotherhood,’ 37</li> - <li class='c018'>Saint Chamans, <a href='#Page_471'>471</a></li> - <li class='c018'>St. Jean de Luz, <a href='#Page_425'>425</a></li> - <li class='c018'>St. Jean Pied de Port, <a href='#Page_277'>277</a></li> - <li class='c018'>St Jerome, monastery of, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a>, <a href='#Page_322'>322</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Salamanca, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Salic Law, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Salmas, Countess of, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Sanchez, Gabriel, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Sandwich, Lord, <a href='#Page_390'>390</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Santa Fe, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Sant’angel, Luis de, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Santa Maria de la Rabida, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Santa Maria del Campo, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Santiago, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Segovia, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Seville, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Sicily, <a href='#Page_398'>398</a>, <a href='#Page_414'>414</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Soissons, Countess of, <a href='#Page_475'>475</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Soto, Dr., <a href='#Page_204'>204</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Spinola, <a href='#Page_346'>346</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Stanhope, Colonel, quoted, <a href='#Page_490'>490</a>, <a href='#Page_491'>491</a>, <a href='#Page_498'>498</a>, <a href='#Page_500'>500</a>, <a href='#Page_509'>509</a>, <a href='#Page_510'>510</a>, <a href='#Page_513'>513</a>, <a href='#Page_515'>515</a>, <a href='#Page_517'>517</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Suffolk, Earl of, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Talavera, Father, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Tavara, Francisca de, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Tendilla, Count, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Terranova, Duchess of, <a href='#Page_414'>414</a>, <a href='#Page_429'>429</a>, <a href='#Page_454'>454</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Tilly, <a href='#Page_346'>346</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Toledo, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Tordesillas, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>; - <ul> - <li>battle, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'>Toro, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Torquemada, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>; - <ul> - <li>inquisitor-general, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'>Torquemada (town), <a href='#Page_172'>172</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Trenchard, Sir John, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Uceda, Duke of, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Ureña, Countess of, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Ursinos, Princess of, <a href='#Page_532'>532</a>, <a href='#Page_534'>534</a>, <a href='#Page_535'>535</a>, <a href='#Page_536'>536</a>, <a href='#Page_538'>538</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Valdés, Pedro, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Valentinois, Duchess, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Valenzuela, Fernando de, <a href='#Page_398'>398</a>; - <ul> - <li>honours, <a href='#Page_403'>403</a>, <a href='#Page_405'>405</a>;</li> - <li>flight, <a href='#Page_406'>406</a>;</li> - <li>imprisoned at Consuegra, <a href='#Page_408'>408</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c018'>Valladolid, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Vanguyon, <a href='#Page_461'>461</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Vaucelles, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Vega, Garcilaso de la, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Velazquez, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Velazquez, Diego de Silva, <a href='#Page_380'>380</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Velez, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Velez-Malaga, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Vendome, Duke of, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Venta de los Toros de Guisando, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Verjus, Father, <a href='#Page_464'>464</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Vilaine, <a href='#Page_468'>468</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Villafafila, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a></li> - <li class='c018'><span class='pageno' id='Page_550'>550</span>Villalar, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Villamediana, Count of, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Villars, Mme. de, quoted, <a href='#Page_426'>426</a>, <a href='#Page_433'>433</a>, <a href='#Page_435'>435</a>, <a href='#Page_443'>443</a>, <a href='#Page_445'>445</a>, <a href='#Page_446'>446</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Villars, Marquis de, <a href='#Page_420'>420</a>, <a href='#Page_431'>431</a>, <a href='#Page_459'>459</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Villena, Marquis of, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Vistahermosa, Duchess of, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Vivero, Juan, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Westphalia, Treaty of, <a href='#Page_364'>364</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Weymouth, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Winchester, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Windsor, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Wyatt family, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Zahara, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Zamora, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Zoraya, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a></li> - <li class='c018'>Zuñiga, Diego Lopez de, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a></li> -</ul> - -<hr class='c019' /> -<div class='footnote' id='f1'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r1'>1</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_551'>551</span>The ceremony is described by Enriquez de Castillo in the contemporary -‘Cronica de Enrique <span class='fss'>IV.</span>’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f2'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r2'>2</a>. Hernando de Pulgar, ‘Cronica de los Reyes Catolicos.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f3'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r3'>3</a>. Letter of Diego de Valera to Henry <span class='fss'>IV.</span> MS. quoted by Amador de -las Rios. Historia de Madrid. See also the famous poems of the time, -Coplas de Mingo Revulgo, and Coplas del Provincial, where vivid pictures -are given of the prevailing anarchy.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f4'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r4'>4</a>. The protest is in the archives of Villena’s descendant, the present Duke -of Frias, to whom I am indebted for an abstract of it.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f5'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r5'>5</a>. The original treaty, which of course came to nothing, is in the Frias -Archives, and is signed by Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> as one of the contracting parties. -It is dated 9th May 1463. I have not seen the fact stated elsewhere.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f6'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r6'>6</a>. The text of the demands, under thirty-nine heads, will be found in -the ‘Documentos Ineditos,’ vol. xiv. p. 369.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f7'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r7'>7</a>. The exact sequence and dates of these and the following events have -never yet been made clear in any of the numerous histories of the time, -not even in Prescott, owing to the fact that Enriquez de Castillo and -Pulgar very rarely give dates, whilst Galindez only mentions the years -of such happenings as he records. The printing of the contemporary -so-called ‘Cronicon de Valladolid’ (partly written by Isabel’s physician, -Dr. Toledo) in the ‘Documentos Ineditos,’ now enables us to set forth -the events chronologically, and thus the better to understand their -significance.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f8'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r8'>8</a>. Enriquez de Castillo, ‘Cronica de Enrique <span class='fss'>IV.</span>‘</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f9'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r9'>9</a>. A number of decrees issued by Alfonso at the time, conferring upon -Villena and his partisans great grants and privileges, are in the Frias -archives; and other charters rewarding the city of Avila for its adherence -to his cause have recently been printed by the Chronicler of the city from -its archives, Sr. de Foronda.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f10'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r10'>10</a>. Of a poisoned trout which he ate, it was asserted by his partisans. -The suspicion of poison is strengthened by the fact that his death was -publicly announced as a fact some days before it happened, when he was -quite well.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f11'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r11'>11</a>. In a series of documents recently published from the archives of the -city of Avila by St. Foronda, there is one very curious charter signed by -Isabel on 2nd September, before even she started for the interview with -her brother. In it she already acts as sovereign of Avila, confirming the -many privileges given to the city by her brother Alfonso, whom she calls -King, and cancelling the grants of territories belonging to the city which -King Henry had made to his follower, the Count of Alba. Thus she -annulled the King’s grants before he bestowed the city upon her.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f12'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r12'>12</a>. The original deed signed by the King of Portugal, dated 2nd May -1469, is in the Frias archives.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f13'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r13'>13</a>. Isabel only learnt of the deception practised upon her some time -afterwards (1471) from the partisans of the Beltraneja’s projected marriage -with the Duke of Guienne. A genuine bull of dispensation was afterwards -granted to her by the new Pope, Sixtus <span class='fss'>IV.</span></p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f14'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r14'>14</a>. The story of Ferdinand’s coming and his marriage is graphically told -in the Decades of Alfonso de Palencia, who had been sent from Isabel to -fetch him, and accompanied him on his journey.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f15'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r15'>15</a>. ‘Cronicon de Valladolid,’ a diary kept at Valladolid at the time by Dr. -Toledo, Isabel’s physician. <em>Doc. Ined.</em> 14.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f16'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r16'>16</a>. In the Frias archives there is an undertaking, dated 2nd October -1470, signed by the Duke of Guienne, promising rewards to Cardinal -Mendoza, the Marquis of Villena, the Duke of Arevalo, and others, for -their aid in bringing about the betrothal with the Beltraneja.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f17'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r17'>17</a>. Dueñas was granted on the same day, 21st October 1470, to the -Princess Doña Juana (the Beltraneja). Cronicon de Valladolid.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f18'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r18'>18</a>. How much Isabel prized the fidelity of these steadfast adherents is -seen by the last act of her life. On her deathbed she revoked—not very -honestly or graciously most people think—all grants and rewards she had -given out of crown possessions, on the pretext that she had been moved -to make them more by need than by her own wish. The only exception -she made was the manors of the Marquisite of Moya, which, with the title, -had been granted to Cabrera and his wife Doña Beatriz Bobadilla.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f19'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r19'>19</a>. Recorded in Enriquez de Castillo’s ‘Cronica de Enrique <span class='fss'>IV.</span>‘</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f20'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r20'>20</a>. It should be mentioned that the faithless Queen of Henry <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, the -mother of the Beltraneja, lived apart from him in Madrid. She had -several children by various men subsequently.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f21'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r21'>21</a>. Galindez tells the story that Henry on his deathbed swore that Juana -was really his child, and says that he left a will in her favour of which -Villena was the executor. The latter having predeceased the King, the -will remained in the keeping of Oviedo, the King’s secretary, who afterwards -entrusted it to the curate of Santa Cruz at Madrid. He, fearing to -hold it, enclosed it in a chest with other papers and buried it at Almeida, -in Portugal. Years afterwards Isabel learnt of this, and when, in 1504, -she was mortally ill, she sent the curate and the lawyer who had told her -to disinter the will. When they brought it she was too ill to see it, and -it remained in the lawyer’s keeping. He informed Ferdinand after the -Queen’s death, and the King ordered the document to be burnt, whilst -the lawyer was richly rewarded. Others say, continues Galindez, that the -paper was preserved.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f22'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r22'>22</a>. She died in June 1475.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f23'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r23'>23</a>. Although she allowed a poor madman who attempted to kill Ferdinand -to be torn to bits by red hot pincers, and consigned scores of thousands of -poor wretches to the flames for doubting the correctness of her views on -religion, she refused ever to go to a bullfight after attending one at which -two men had been killed. She strongly condemned such waste of human -life without good object.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f24'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r24'>24</a>. Oviedo, who knew her well, says that no other woman could compare -with her in beauty.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f25'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r25'>25</a>. ‘Cronicon de Valladolid,’ Doc. Ined. 14, and also Alfonso de Palencia.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f26'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r26'>26</a>. As one instance of the mercenary character of the Castilian nobles -of the time, I may mention that there is a bond signed by the King of -Portugal in the Frias archives promising to young Villena the Mastership -of Santiago in payment for his help.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f27'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r27'>27</a>. The King of Portugal, having heard that Castilian raiders had crossed -the Portuguese frontier, is said to have proposed to Ferdinand at this -juncture a compromise, by which the Beltraneja should be dropped, and -Isabel recognised in return for the cession to Portugal of all Galicia and -the two fortresses of Zamora and Toro which he occupied. Ferdinand -was inclined to agree to this, and sent an envoy to propose it to his wife. -Before the envoy had finished his first sentence Isabel stopped him -indignantly, and forbade him to continue. She herself, she said, would -in future direct the war, and no foot of her own realm of Castile should -be surrendered. She then hurried to Medina and summoned the Cortes, -as is told in the text.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f28'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r28'>28</a>. Each group of 100 heads of families subscribed sufficient to pay, -mount, arm, and maintain a horseman; and when intelligence of a crime -came, every church bell in the district rang an alarm to summon the -members of the constabulary to pursue the evil-doer, a special prize being -given to the captor. It must be understood that the townships in Spain -extend in every case over a large territory outside the walls, so that -the house tax, although nominally urban because collected by the -municipalities, was really collected also from rural hamlets.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f29'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r29'>29</a>. The importance of obtaining control of the Orders was seen by Isabel -at the very beginning of her reign. When the Master of Santiago died -in 1476 the Queen was at Valladolid. Without a moment’s delay she -mounted her horse and rode to the town of Huete, where the Chapter to -elect the new Master was to be held. She entered the Chapter and in an -energetic speech urged the knights for the sake of her, their sovereign, to -elect her husband their Master. The Castilian knights were angry at the -idea of an Aragonese heading them, and opposed the suggestion. Isabel -found a way out by pledging Ferdinand to transfer his powers as Master -to a Castilian as soon as he was elected; and this he did, appointing his -faithful follower Cardenas; but when the latter died Ferdinand became -actual Master. Thenceforward the knighthoods (<i><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">encomiendas</span></i>) were endowed -with pensions derived from rent charges on portions of the estates, -the bulk of the revenue being absorbed by the King’s treasury. For -details of the Orders and their appropriation, see Ulick Burke’s ‘History -of Spain’ to 1515, edited by Martin Hume.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f30'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r30'>30</a>. As at Jaen in 1473, where the Constable of Castile was killed whilst -trying to stop the massacre.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f31'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r31'>31</a>. Galindez and Perez de Pulgar.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f32'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r32'>32</a>. At the Cortes of Madrigal in 1479, and in those of Toledo in 1480, -Isabel and Ferdinand renewed all the old ferocious edicts against the use -of silk and jewels by Jews in their garments, and ordered them strictly to -confine their residence to the ghettoes, and two years later all toleration -they enjoyed by papal decree was abolished.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f33'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r33'>33</a>. Father Florez claims for Isabel and Torquemada alone what he considers -the great honour of establishing the Inquisition.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f34'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r34'>34</a>. In the first eight years of its existence, the Inquisition burnt in Seville -alone 700 people, and sent to perpetual imprisonment in the dungeons -5000 more, confiscating all their goods.—<em>Bernaldez.</em></p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f35'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r35'>35</a>. Shortly after her death, the mayor of her own city of Medina del -Campo declared that the soul of Isabel had gone to hell for her cruel -oppression of her subjects, and that all the people around Valladolid and -Medina, where she was best known, were of the same opinion.—<cite>Spanish -State Papers</cite>, Supplement to vols. i. and ii.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f36'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r36'>36</a>. Florez, ‘Reinas Catolicos.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f37'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r37'>37</a>. Pulgar. ‘Cronica de los Reyes Catolicos.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f38'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r38'>38</a>. The Moors justified the attack by the accusation that the famous -Ponce de Leon, Marquis of Cadiz, had raided and plundered the town of -Mercadillo, near Ronda.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f39'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r39'>39</a>. When somewhat later the Queen urgently begged him to accept the -bishopric of Salamanca, and he persistently refused, she reproached him -for not obeying her once when she had obeyed him so many times. ‘I -will not be the bishop,’ he replied, ‘of any place but Granada.’ He was -in effect the first archbishop.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f40'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r40'>40</a>. Pulgar, ‘Cronica de los Reyes Catolicos.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f41'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r41'>41</a>. Lagréze. See also Zurita’s ‘Anales de Aragon.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f42'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r42'>42</a>. Florez, ‘Reinas Catolicos.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f43'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r43'>43</a>. See Perez de Pulgar, ‘Reyes Catolicos.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f44'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r44'>44</a>. Florez, ‘Reinas Catolicos.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f45'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r45'>45</a>. Bernaldez, ‘Reyes Catolicos,’ and Bleda’s ‘Cronica.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f46'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r46'>46</a>. The chroniclers of the siege dilate much upon the magnificent appearance -of Isabel and her great train of ladies when, on the day of her arrival -before Baza, she reviewed her troops in full view of the dumbfoundered -Moors on the ramparts of the fortress. Her own Castilian troops, frantic -with enthusiasm, no longer cried ‘Long live the Queen,’ but ‘Long live -our <em>King</em> Isabel.’—<em>Florez</em>, ‘Reinas Catolicos,’ and Letters of Peter Martyr, -who was present.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f47'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r47'>47</a>. The professed Christian Jews were much more severely dealt with -than the unbaptised.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f48'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r48'>48</a>. Perez de Hita (Historia de los Vandos) recounts that the city of Santa -Fe sprang from a marvellous edifice which four grandees caused to be -constructed in a single night. It consisted of four buildings of wood -covered with painted canvas to imitate stone, and surrounded by a battlemented -wall of a similar construction. Roadways in the form of a cross -divided the four blocks with a gate at each of the four extremities. The -Moors, on seeing what they thought was a strong fortress raised so rapidly, -thought that witchcraft had been at work, and were utterly cast down.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f49'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r49'>49</a>. The title ‘Catholic’ was formally conferred upon them by the Pope -after the taking of Granada.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f50'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r50'>50</a>. He promptly sold this to Isabel, and retired to Fez, where he was -murdered. The account of the surrender is mainly taken from Perez de -Hita’s ‘Historia de los Vandos,’ 1610, and Perez de Pulgar’s ‘Cronica.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f51'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r51'>51</a>. She is said never to have allowed Ferdinand to wear a shirt except -those that she herself made for him.—<em>Navarro Rodrigo</em>, ‘El Cardinal -Cisneros.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f52'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r52'>52</a>. The sequence of the movements of Columbus, and several facts and -dates here given, vary from the current accounts. The narrative here set -forth has been carefully compiled from the result of much recent Spanish -research, besides the well-known texts of Navarrete and the superb -anthology of contemporary information reproduced by Mr. Thatcher in -his exhaustive three volumes lately published. I have also depended -much upon Rodriguez Pinilla’s ‘Colon en España,’ Cappa’s ‘Colon y los -Españoles,’ and Ibarra y Rodriguez’s ‘Fernando el Catolico y el Descubrimiento -de America,’ etc. etc.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f53'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r53'>53</a>. See Columbus’s own letter to the nurse of Prince Juan, reproduced by -Mr. Thatcher.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f54'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r54'>54</a>. As Medina Celi was with Ferdinand during all the campaign of 1485, -it is possible that he may have mentioned it to the King then, and have -been told that when there was time the sovereigns themselves would -examine into the matter.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f55'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r55'>55</a>. Las Casas and F. Colon.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f56'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r56'>56</a>. Fernando Colon.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f57'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r57'>57</a>. Las Casas.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f58'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r58'>58</a>. Fernando Colon.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f59'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r59'>59</a>. The speech, which is probably apocryphal, is given at length by Las -Casas.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f60'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r60'>60</a>. The legend of Queen Isabel and her jewels has been now completely -disproved by my friend, Don Cesareo Fernandez Duro, in his article ‘<span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Las -Joyas de la Reina Isabel</span>’ in the ‘<span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Revista Contemporanea</span>,’ vol. xxxviii.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f61'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r61'>61</a>. Professor Ibarra y Rodriguez’s interesting study ‘<span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Fernando el Catolico -y el Descubrimiento</span>’ (Madrid, 1892) makes this matter clear for the first -time. The treasury of Castile was empty, but Ferdinand had plenty of -money in Aragon. He was careful, however, not to allow the Castilians -to know this, or they would have clamoured for some of it for their war -against Granada, whilst he was hoarding it for his war against France. -He therefore went through the comedy of causing Sant’angel to lend the -million maravedis, apparently out of his own pocket, but the money was -secretly advanced for the purpose to Sant’angel from the King’s Aragonese -treasury, to which it was subsequently repaid through Sant’angel.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f62'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r62'>62</a>. Some of these took the form of generosity at other people’s expense. -The town of Palos was ordered, as punishment for some offence, to -provide two caravels and stores.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f63'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r63'>63</a>. Quoted by Florez. ‘Reinas Catolicos.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f64'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r64'>64</a>. <em>Ibid.</em> Both Luis de Sant’angel, who served as accountant general, -and Gabriel Sanchez, the Aragonese treasurer, were of Jewish descent.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f65'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r65'>65</a>. From Ulick Burke’s ‘History of Spain.’ Edited by Martin Hume. Only -five years after the expulsion from Spain, as many of the Spanish Jews -had fled to Portugal, Isabel, through her daughter, who had married the -King of Portugal, coerced the latter to expel all Jews from his country.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f66'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r66'>66</a>. It is said that Ferdinand tried to save the life of his assailant, who -had been condemned to the most cruel and awful tortures as a punishment. -The Catalans, furious at being baulked of their vengeance, appealed -to Isabel, who decided that the sentence should be carried out, but that -the victim should be secretly suffocated first.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f67'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r67'>67</a>. The Luis de Sant’angel and the Sanchez letter have been published -several times, but the letter to the Sovereigns has been lost, but for some -passages quoted by Las Casas.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f68'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r68'>68</a>. It is related that the Queen concealed from Jimenez her intention to -make him Primate, and handed him unexpectedly the papal bull addressed -to him as: The venerable brother Francisco Jimenez de Cisneros, Archbishop-elect -of Toledo. When the friar saw the superscription he dropped -the document and fled, crying, This bull is not for me. He was pursued -and caught two leagues from Madrid by envoys from Isabel, and still refused -the great preferment on the ground of his unworthiness. He stood -out for six months until Isabel obtained from the Pope a peremptory -command to him to accept the archbishopric, and even then he insisted -that the vast revenues should be used for pious and charitable purposes.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f69'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r69'>69</a>. A full account of these complicated intrigues will be found in the -present writer’s ‘Wives of Henry <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>‘</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f70'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r70'>70</a>. Father Florez quotes a remark of Isabel, on another occasion, warmly -approving of the bullfight, ‘which, though foreigners who have not seen -it condemn as barbarous, she considered it very different, and as a diversion -where valour and dexterity shine.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f71'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r71'>71</a>. Florez, ‘Reinas Catolicos.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f72'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r72'>72</a>. Montero de los Rios ‘Historia de Madrid.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f73'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r73'>73</a>. Oviedo.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f74'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r74'>74</a>. Ferdinand had wished to appoint an Aragonese commander, but as -Castile was defraying most of the expenses of the war, Isabel insisted -upon a Castilian being appointed.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f75'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r75'>75</a>. Clemencin. ‘Elogio.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f76'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r76'>76</a>. Zurita, ‘Anales,’ and Padilla, ‘Cronica de Felipe <span class='fss'>I.</span>‘</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f77'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r77'>77</a>. The Spanish chroniclers complain bitterly of Philip’s slowness in -coming to meet his bride. He was in Tyrol when she arrived in -Flanders, and spent nearly a month in joining her at Lille. From the -first the love was all on poor Joan’s side.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f78'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r78'>78</a>. Ferdinand, it is related, fearing that the sudden news of Juan’s death -would kill Isabel with grief, caused her to be told that it was her husband, -Ferdinand himself, that had died, so that when he presented himself -before her, the—as he supposed—lesser grief of her son’s death should be -mitigated by learning that her husband was alive. The experiment does -not appear to have been very successful, as Isabel was profoundly affected -when she heard the truth. (<em>Florez</em>, ‘Reinas Catolicos’).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f79'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r79'>79</a>. In fact the Cortes of Aragon obstinately refused to swear allegiance -to the Infanta Isabel as heiress when she went to Saragossa for the -purpose in the autumn; and she was kept there in great distress until -her expected child should be born, which, if it were a male, would receive the -oath of the Cortes. The anxiety and worry consequent upon this killed -the Infanta (Queen of Portugal) in the birth of her child Miguel in August.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f80'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r80'>80</a>. Her story is told in ‘The Wives of Henry <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>,’ by the present writer.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f81'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r81'>81</a>. ‘Spanish State Papers.’ Calendar, Supplement to vol. i. p. 405.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f82'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r82'>82</a>. ‘Calendar of Spanish State Papers,’ Supplement to vol. i. ‘Reports -of the Sub-Prior of Santa Cruz to Isabel.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f83'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r83'>83</a>. Ferdinand sent at once an envoy to remonstrate with Maximilian -about his son’s pretensions, but it was soon seen that Maximilian and his -son were entirely in accord. Maximilian had the effrontery to claim the -crown of Portugal in right of his mother, Doña Leonor of Portugal, and -the crown of Castile for Juana, in preference to any daughter that might -be born to her eldest sister, Isabel of Portugal. Ferdinand’s enemy, the -King of France, naturally supported these pretensions, which were really -put forward at the time to thwart Ferdinand, whose plans in Italy were -now seen to threaten the suzerainty of the empire over some of the Italian -States.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f84'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r84'>84</a>. As showing how unrelenting was Isabel’s determination to exterminate -infidelity in the whole Peninsula at the time, it may be mentioned that -one of the conditions of the marriage of her eldest widowed daughter -Isabel to the King of Portugal in 1497, was that every Jew should be -expelled from Portugal.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f85'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r85'>85</a>. Marmol Carbajal, ‘<span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Rebelion of Castigo de los Moros de Granada</span>.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f86'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r86'>86</a>. Marmol Carbajal. It will be recollected that Ferdinand had opposed -Jimenez’s appointment, as he wanted the archbishopric and primacy for -his son.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f87'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r87'>87</a>. Ulick Burke, ‘History of Spain.’ Edited by Martin Hume.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f88'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r88'>88</a>. Las Casas.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f89'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r89'>89</a>. Colon’s son, Ferdinand, says that he ordered his fetters to be buried -with him: but this does not appear to have been done. His bitter indignation -is expressed by his son, Fernando, and in Colon’s ‘Letter to the -Nurse.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f90'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r90'>90</a>. Zurita: Rodriguez Villa, ‘Juana la Loca,’ and ‘Calendar of Spanish -State Papers,’ Supplement to Vol. i.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f91'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r91'>91</a>. Especially the Archbishop of Besançon, whose influence over Philip -was great. Philip would not let him go; but he died suddenly directly -afterwards, doubtless of poison. Philip’s hurry to get away from Spain -was attributed to his own fears of poison.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f92'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r92'>92</a>. A copy of their urgent remonstrance from Toledo is in MS. in the -Royal Academy of History, Madrid.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f93'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r93'>93</a>. ‘Calendar of Spanish State Papers,’ Supplement to vols. i and ii.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f94'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r94'>94</a>. Sandoval, in his ‘Historia de Carlos <span class='fss'>V.</span>,’ gives a glowing account of -the festivities that followed, and especially of a ridiculously fulsome -sermon preached by the Bishop of Malaga on the occasion, laying quite -a malicious emphasis upon poor Joan’s devotion to what was called in -Spain ‘Christianity,’ or rather the strict Catholic ritual.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f95'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r95'>95</a>. These interesting letters are in MS. in the Royal Academy of History, -Madrid, A 11. Some of them are quoted by Rodriguez Villa in his ‘<span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Dona -Juana la Loca</span>.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f96'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r96'>96</a>. Royal Academy of History, Madrid, A 9, and Rodriguez Villa.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f97'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r97'>97</a>. He even had a letter written, as if by his child Charles of three years -old, to King Ferdinand praying that his mamma might be allowed to -come home to them.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f98'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r98'>98</a>. When the will was signed Isabel called her husband to her bedside, -and with tears made him swear that, neither by a second marriage nor -otherwise, would he try to deprive Joan of the crown. She fell back then -prostrate and was thought to be dead, but afterwards revived.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f99'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r99'>99</a>. Zurita, ‘Anales de Aragon.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f100'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r100'>100</a>. A full account of the progress of events from day to day at the time is -given in Documents Ineditos, vol 18.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f101'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r101'>101</a>. Ferdinand, after the Cortes had taken the oath of allegiance, addressed -to them a document (quoted in full by Zurita) saying that when Queen -Isabel provided in her will for the case of Joan’s incapacity to rule, she -had not gone further into particulars out of consideration for her daughter; -although the latter had, whilst she was in Spain, shown signs of mental -disturbance. The time had now come, said Ferdinand, to inform the -Cortes in strict secrecy of the real state of affairs. Since Joan’s return to -Flanders reports from Ferdinand’s agents, and from Philip himself, which -were exhibited to the Cortes, said that her malady had increased, and that -her state was such that the case foreseen by Queen Isabel in her will had -now arrived. The Cortes, after much deliberation and against the nobles, -led by the Duke of Najera, thereupon decided to acknowledge Ferdinand -as ruler owing to the incapacity of Joan.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f102'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r102'>102</a>. Zurita, ‘Anales de Aragon.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f103'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r103'>103</a>. Discovered in the Alburquerque archives by Sr. Rodriguez Villa, and -published by him in his ‘Doña Juana La Loca.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f104'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r104'>104</a>. It has already been mentioned on page <a href='#Page_26'>26</a> that, according to Galindez, -a will of Henry <span class='fss'>IV.</span> leaving the crown of Castile to the Beltraneja had -come into Ferdinand’s possession on Isabel’s death. The authority for -the statement that Ferdinand offered marriage to the Beltraneja at this -juncture is principally Zurita, ‘Anales de Aragon,’ and it was adopted by -Mariana and later historians. Mr. Prescott scornfully rejects the whole -story, without, as it seems to me, any reason whatever for doing so, except -that it tells against Ferdinand’s character. It is surely too late in the -day to hope to save <em>that</em>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f105'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r105'>105</a>. ‘Collection de Voyages des Souverains des Pays Bas,’ vol. i.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f106'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r106'>106</a>. From a most entertaining Spanish account in manuscript in the -Royal Academy of History, Madrid, in which the courtiers are mercilessly -chaffed.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f107'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r107'>107</a>. ‘Spanish State Papers Calendar,’ vol. i. Peter Martyr (Epist. 300) -says that Katharine did her best to solace, comfort and entertain her -sister Joan, but that the latter would take pleasure in nothing, and only -loved solitude and darkness. In order to preserve appearances, the -treaty arranged and signed before Joan’s arrival at Windsor was -ostensibly entered into by Philip as ruler of Flanders, not as King of -Castile; but its whole object obviously was to strengthen Philip in -Spain.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f108'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r108'>108</a>. None of Ferdinand’s envoys were allowed to see Joan at Corunna, -but when the great Castilian nobles, Count Benavente and Marquis de -Villena, came to pay homage, Joan was seated by the side of her -husband, and the reception hall was thrown open to the public. This -was necessary in consequence of the jealousy of Castilians against -foreigners, and their insistence upon Joan’s sovereignty; but it was -the only occasion on which Philip openly associated her with his -government.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f109'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r109'>109</a>. See the draft summons to nobles and gentry, kept ready for the -eventuality, reproduced by Rodriguez Villa, ‘Doña Juana la Loca.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f110'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r110'>110</a>. Her grand-daughter, another Joan, sister of Philip <span class='fss'>II.</span> and Princess -of Portugal, had also after her widowhood this curious fancy to keep her -face hidden.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f111'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r111'>111</a>. The part played by Jimenez at this period has always been a puzzling -problem. He was apparently in the full confidence of Philip, but it is -impossible to believe that he was not really acting in concert with -Ferdinand at the time. He probably knew that one way or the other -Philip was bound to disappear very soon, and his presence at the crisis -would enable him, as it actually did, to keep firm hold upon the government -until Ferdinand returned. His anxiety to get the custody of Joan -seems to point to this also, as the person who held the Queen was the -master of the situation.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f112'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r112'>112</a>. Estanques’ ‘Cronica’ in Documentos Ineditos, vol. viii.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f113'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r113'>113</a>. Although, as was usual, Philip’s Italian physician vehemently denied -that there were any indications of poison on the remains, there can be -but little doubt that Philip was murdered by agents of Ferdinand. The -statement to that effect was freely and publicly made at the time, but the -authorities were always afraid to prosecute those who made them. See -‘Calendar of Spanish State Papers,’ Supplement to Vol. i., p. xxxvii. -There were many persons who attributed Philip’s death, not to Ferdinand, -but to the Inquisition, which Philip had offended by softening its rigour, -and suspending the chief Inquisitors, Deza and Lucero; but this is very -improbable.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f114'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r114'>114</a>. ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Collection de Voyages des Souverains des Pays Bas</span>,’ vol. i. It is -here stated that foreign officers of the household broke up all the gold -and silver plate they could lay hands on to turn into money, and pay -their way back to Flanders.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f115'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r115'>115</a>. ‘Collection de Voyages des Souverains des Pays Bas.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f116'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r116'>116</a>. On the very day that Philip died, an attempt was made by a faction -of nobles to obtain possession of the young Prince. The keeper of the -Castle of Simancas was on his guard, as he knew of the King’s illness, -and refused admittance to any but the two gentlemen who bore Philip’s -signed order for the child to be delivered to them. When the morrow -brought news of the King’s death, the Seneschal refused to obey the -order, and defied the forces sent to capture the fortress.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f117'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r117'>117</a>. The monks at first flatly refused to have the corpse moved, and the -Bishop of Burgos reproved the Queen. Joan, however, fell into such a -fury, that they were forced to obey.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f118'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r118'>118</a>. An interesting letter from Ferdinand’s secretary, Conchillos, who was -at Burgos, to Almazan, who accompanied Ferdinand in Italy (Royal -Academy of History, Salazar A 12, reproduced by Sr. Rodriguez Villa), -dated 23rd December, gives a vivid picture of the confusion and scandal -caused by this sudden caprice of the Queen. He says that though they -had all done their best to prevent any one speaking to her but her father’s -partisans, the Marquis of Villena, his opponent, is the person she welcomes -most. ‘With this last caprice of the Queen there is no one, big or little, -who any longer denies that she is out of her mind, except Juan Lopez, -who says that she is as sane as her mother was, and lends her money for -all this nonsense.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f119'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r119'>119</a>. Jimenez also raised a force of one thousand picked soldiers under -an Italian commander to enable him to keep the upper hand.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f120'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r120'>120</a>. Puebla to Ferdinand, Spanish Calendar, vol. i. 409.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f121'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r121'>121</a>. Peter Martyr, Epistolæ.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f122'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r122'>122</a>. Villena was against Ferdinand, though Joan liked him. She probably -meant that it was he who had inspired the protest.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f123'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r123'>123</a>. The Castilian jealousy of Aragonese government, which was really at -the bottom of the adherence of the nobility to Philip, was not by any -means dead; and, but for the firmness of Jimenez and the diplomacy of -Ferdinand, it is quite probable that a league of nobles would have seized -Joan at this time and have governed in her name. Most of the greater -Castilian nobles appear to have made mutual protests against the assumption -of rule in Castile by Ferdinand; and in the archives of the Duke of -Frias there is one dated 19th June 1507, just before Ferdinand landed at -Valencia, and signed by the Marquis Pacheco, solemnly repudiating -Ferdinand as King, swearing to be loyal to Joan, and attributing anything -that he may subsequently do to the contrary effect, to intimidation -and force. As these protests were kept secret the nobles made themselves -safe either way.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f124'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r124'>124</a>. The Marquis of Villena had just been brought to his side, and somewhat -later Juan Manuel was bribed to give up his fortresses, though he -himself retired to Flanders, for he would never trust Ferdinand. The -only great noble who continued to hold out was the Duke of Najera.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f125'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r125'>125</a>. Copied by Rodriguez Villa.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f126'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r126'>126</a>. It is in the immediate neighbourhood of Burgos, and one of the -coldest places in Spain.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f127'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r127'>127</a>. And at a later period, when that danger was at an end, the fear of -scandal being caused in a court so slavishly Catholic by Joan’s violent -hatred of the religious services.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f128'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r128'>128</a>. This strangely privileged corps has always had the duty to guard the -sovereigns of Castile personally inside their apartments. The men are -all drawn by right from the inhabitants of the town of Espinosa only.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f129'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r129'>129</a>. Calendar, Spanish State Papers, Supplement to vol. i. All the documents -quoted in narrating this period of Joan’s life are from the same -source, and from the collection of the Royal Academy of History (Rodriguez -Villa).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f130'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r130'>130</a>. By a long series of intrigues Chièvres had forced the hands of Jimenez -to have Charles and Joan proclaimed joint sovereigns even before the -arrival of the former. The Pope and the Emperor had been persuaded -to address Charles as Catholic King upon Ferdinand’s death; but in the -face of the discontent of the Castilian nobles it was necessary for Charles -at last to make all manner of promises as to his future residence in Spain, -respect for Spanish traditions, and avoidance of using Spanish money for -foreign purposes, as well as that to which reference is made in the text -with regard to Joan, before he could be fully acknowledged. He broke -most of his pledges at once, and so precipitated the great rising of the -<i><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Comuneros</span></i>. See ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Vie de Chièvres</span>’ by Varilla.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f131'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r131'>131</a>. Denia told the rebels that he had appealed to the Queen for a -certificate of his dismissal, but what he really asked for was her written -order to stay. In reply, she told him to go about his business and talk -to her no more. He was, however, successful in getting a letter from -the young Infanta to the revolutionary Junta praying them not to send -the marchioness away, but it had no effect. The Infanta got into sad -disgrace with her brother for her alleged kindness and sympathy with -the rebels, but she spiritedly defended herself, and appealed to this letter -of hers in favour of the Denias as proof that she did what she could in -very difficult and dangerous circumstances. (Letters from Simancas -copied by Señor Rodriguez Villa.)</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f132'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r132'>132</a>. It was one of the principal allegations of the government, that, although -Joan never signed anything for the rebels, her verbal orders were at once -taken down in notarial form and acted upon as royal decrees.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f133'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r133'>133</a>. One of her demands was that all her women should be sent away, as -they were. Her hatred of her own sex was remarkable.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f134'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r134'>134</a>. The Admiral of Castile and other nobles at the time endeavoured to -prevail upon Joan to take the direction of affairs under <em>their</em> guidance; -but she refused just as obstinately to give her signature to them as she -had to the rebels. Denia writes to the Emperor that the Admiral is very -anxious to cure the Queen; but in no case will it be allowed without the -Emperor’s permission. ‘Besides, it would be another resurrection of -Lazarus.’ The bitterest complaints of Denia and his methods were sent -by the great nobles to Charles, whilst Denia could say no good word for -them.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f135'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r135'>135</a>. Mr. Bergenroth translated ‘<i><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">hacerle premia</span></i>,’ ‘applying torture,’ and -it may be so translated. I prefer, however, the wider interpretation; -though, no doubt, Denia meant to recommend physical coercion.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f136'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r136'>136</a>. The Emperor ordered her to be taken to Toro in 1527, but Denia was -afraid of forcing her to go.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f137'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r137'>137</a>. Denia’s account of the interview with Borgia (confirmed by the latter) -is extremely curious. The priestly Duke said, as she would do nothing -else, she might recite the ‘General Confession,’ and he would absolve her. -‘Can you absolve?’ she asked. ‘Yes!’ he replied, ‘with the exception of -certain cases.’ ‘Then,’ said the Queen, ‘you recite the General Confession.’ This Borgia did, and asked her whether she said the same. ‘Yes,’ -she replied; and ‘she then permitted him to absolve her.’ It will be -seen that there was not much submission in this. Only a day or so afterwards -she appears to have flown into a terrible passion because some new -hangings and gold ornaments had been placed on the corridor altar; and -she refused to eat until they had been removed, and the altar left plain as -before.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f138'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r138'>138</a>. For particulars of this portrait, hitherto unknown, see ‘Calendars of -Spanish State Papers,’ vol. viii., edited by Martin Hume.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f139'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r139'>139</a>. Ambassades de Noailles, vol. ii. p. 99.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f140'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r140'>140</a>. Antonio de Guaras to the Duke of Alburquerque. ‘Antonio de Guaras,’ -by Dr. R. Garnett. For particulars of this personage, Antonio de Guaras, -see ‘Españoles é Ingleses,’ por Martin Hume. Madrid y Londres, 1903.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f141'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r141'>141</a>. Correspondance de Cardinal de Granvelle.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f142'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r142'>142</a>. These were all councillors in the interest and pay of the Emperor, and -were pledged in any case to favour the match.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f143'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r143'>143</a>. Record Office. Record Commission Transcripts, Brussels, vol. i.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f144'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r144'>144</a>. Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary. Camden Society.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f145'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r145'>145</a>. Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary. Camden Society.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f146'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r146'>146</a>. On the 21st January 1554 the Emperor wrote to Philip sending him -the treaty for ratification, and asked him to send powers for the formal -betrothal, since the English insist that when, by the blessing of God, the -marriage takes place you shall take an oath to respect the laws and -privileges of England: ‘<em>but the Queen confidently assures us that secretly -everything shall be done to our liking, and we believe this</em>.’ MSS. -Simancas. Estado, 808.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f147'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r147'>147</a>. ‘The Coming of Philip the Prudent’ in ‘The Year after the Armada,’ -by Martin Hume.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f148'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r148'>148</a>. Renard to the Emperor, 27th March 1554. Record Commission -Transcripts, also printed by Tytler.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f149'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r149'>149</a>. Full details of Philip’s voyage and arrival in England will be found in -‘The Coming of Philip the Prudent’ in ‘The Year after the Armada,’ by -Martin Hume.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f150'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r150'>150</a>. Renard to the Emperor, 9th June 1554, Brussels Transcripts, Record -Office.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f151'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r151'>151</a>. ‘The Coming of Philip the Prudent,’ in ‘The Year After the Armada,’ -by Martin Hume. Philip himself brought 600 Andalusian jennets to -improve the English breed of horses.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f152'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r152'>152</a>. Though the palace is a crumbling ruin, the door in the garden wall -remains.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f153'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r153'>153</a>. This, I am aware, is contrary to the statements of most English historians, -and especially of Mr. Froude. The evidence in favour of my -view of the King’s attitude is stated in my essay called ‘The Coming of -Philip the Prudent,’ in ‘The Year After the Armada’ and other historical -essays. Mr. Froude and his predecessors depended too implicitly upon -the entirely untrustworthy and biassed accounts sent by Noailles to -France, and the similarly inimical Venetian agent’s version.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f154'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r154'>154</a>. ‘The Coming of Philip the Prudent.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f155'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r155'>155</a>. Ruy Gomez wrote from Richmond, 24th August 1554, to Eraso. ‘The -King entertains the Queen excellently, and knows very well how to pass -over what is not good in her for the sensibility of the flesh. He keeps -her so contented that truly the other day, when they were alone together, -she almost made love to him, and he answered in the same fashion. As -for these gentlemen (<em>i.e.</em>, the English councillors), his behaviour towards -them is such that they themselves confess that they have never yet had -a King in England who so soon won the hearts of all men.’ MSS. -Simancas Estado, 808. In November 1554 Gonzalo Perez wrote to -Vasquez: ‘The English are now so civil you would hardly believe it. -The kindness and gifts they have received, and are receiving every day, -from the King would soften the very stones. The Queen is a saint, and I -feel sure that God will help us for her sake.’—MSS. Simancas Estado, 808.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f156'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r156'>156</a>. Ambassades de Noailles, vol. iii. Leyden, 1763.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f157'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r157'>157</a>. It had been announced and was generally believed that Mary was -dead, and the citizens were overjoyed to see her in an open litter with -Philip and Pole riding by her side.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f158'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r158'>158</a>. Badoero to the Doge. Venetian State Papers. 15th December 1558.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f159'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r159'>159</a>. Michaeli, the Venetian Envoy (‘Calendar of Venetian State Papers’), -mentions one extraordinary journey of a courier at this time from Paris to -London in twenty-five hours.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f160'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r160'>160</a>. It is related by the Flemish envoy Courteville that on his way through -Canterbury he entered the Cathedral with his spurs on, against the rule; -and on being charged with this by a student, he paid the fine by emptying -his purse of gold in the student’s cap.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f161'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r161'>161</a>. Feria to the King. MSS., ‘Simancas Estado,’ 811.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f162'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r162'>162</a>. This English fleet was mainly instrumental in gaining for the -Flemings a great victory over the French under Termes in July 1558.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f163'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r163'>163</a>. MSS., ‘Simancas Estado,’ 811.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f164'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r164'>164</a>. MSS., ‘Simancas Estado,’ 811.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f165'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r165'>165</a>. This account of Mary’s last hours is from the Life of Jane Dormer, -Duchess of Feria, by her confessor and secretary, Father Clifford.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f166'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r166'>166</a>. A curious account of the splendid festival, which celebrated at the -same time the signature of the peace with England and Isabel’s baptism, -is given by the Spanish ambassador. (Spanish Calendar, vol. viii., edited -by Martin Hume.)</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f167'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r167'>167</a>. The Bishop of Limoges, writing to Cardinal Lorraine soon after the -betrothal (8th August 1559), says: ‘Never was a prince so delighted with -any creature as he (<em>i.e.</em>, Philip) is with the Catholic Queen, his wife. It -is impossible to put his joy in a letter.’—L. Paris, ‘<span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Negociations sous -François <span class='fss'>II.</span></span>‘</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f168'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r168'>168</a>. Miss Freer’s ‘Elizabeth de Valois,’ quoted from Godefroi.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f169'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r169'>169</a>. ‘<span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Documentos Ineditos</span>,’ vol. iii. Philip to Francis <span class='fss'>II.</span> from Valladolid.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f170'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r170'>170</a>. <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Bibliothèque Nationale, ‘Fonds François,’</span> No. 7237, where there is -a considerable collection of the poems of both mother and daughter -unprinted. Miss Frere quotes some of Catharine’s lines to Isabel, but -not the above.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f171'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r171'>171</a>. ‘<span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Documentos Ineditos</span>,’ vol. iii.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f172'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r172'>172</a>. The account of Isabel’s voyage and reception is drawn mainly from -the narratives of eyewitnesses in the correspondence published by M. L. -Paris in ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Negociations sous François <span class='fss'>II.</span></span>‘</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f173'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r173'>173</a>. ‘<span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Négociations sous François <span class='fss'>II.</span></span>,’ p. 173.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f174'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r174'>174</a>. Even more comforted, we are told, were the poor maids of honour, -whose own beds and baggage had gone astray.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f175'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r175'>175</a>. Brantome, ‘Dames Illustres.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f176'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r176'>176</a>. Brantome says he had this story from one of Isabel’s ladies in waiting -who was present.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f177'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r177'>177</a>. <em>i.e.</em> Anne of Bourbon Montpensier.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f178'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r178'>178</a>. ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Negociations sous Francois <span class='fss'>II.</span></span>,’ p. 706.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f179'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r179'>179</a>. Brantome, ‘Dames Illustres.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f180'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r180'>180</a>. ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Negociations sous François <span class='fss'>II.</span></span>‘</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f181'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r181'>181</a>. <em>i.e.</em> Margaret of Valois, La Reine Margot, who afterwards married -Henry <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, the Bearnais on the evil day of St. Bartholomew, and was subsequently -put aside by him.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f182'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r182'>182</a>. Particulars of these intrigues will be found in ‘The Love Affairs of -Mary Queen of Scots’ by Martin Hume.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f183'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r183'>183</a>. She afterwards married Philip himself as his fourth wife.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f184'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r184'>184</a>. Négociations sous François <span class='fss'>II.</span></p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f185'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r185'>185</a>. <em>Ibid.</em></p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f186'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r186'>186</a>. Letter from the French ambassador in Spain to Catharine de’ Medici, -quoted in ‘Vie d’Elisabeth de Valois,’ par le Marquis du Prat.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f187'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r187'>187</a>. Speaking of this illness Brantôme says quaintly, ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Elle tomba malade -en telle extrémité qu’elle fut abandonnée des medecins. Sur quoy il y -eut un certain petit medecin Italien qui pourtant n’avoit grande vogue à -la cour, qui se presentant au roy, dit que, si on le vouloit laisser faire, -il la gueriroit, ce que le roy permit: aussi estoit elle morte. Il entreprend -et luy donne une medecine, qu’apres l’avoir prise on luy vit tout a coup -monter miraculeusement la couleur au visage et reprendre son parler et -puis après sa convalescence. Et cependant toute la cour et tout le peuple -d’Espagne rompaient les chemins de processions, d’allées et venues qu’ils -fasoient aux eglises et aux hospitaux pour sa Santé, les uns en chemise -les autres nuds pieds, nues testes, offrans offrandes, prieres, oraisons et -intercessions à Dieu par jeusnes, macerations de corps et autres telles -sainctes et bonnes dévotions pour sa Santé.</span>’</p> - -<p class='c007'>Brantôme arrived in Spain soon after her recovery, and vividly describes -the joy and gratitude of the people at her convalescence. He saw her, -he says, go out in her carriage for the first time after her recovery to -give thanks to the Virgin of Guadalupe, and asserts that she looked more -lovely than ever as she sat at the door of the carriage for the people to -see her. She was dressed in white satin covered with silver trimming, -her face being uncovered. ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mais je crois que jamais rien ne fut veu si -beau que cette reine, comme je pris l’hardiesse de luy dire.</span>’ (Dames -Illustres.)</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f188'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r188'>188</a>. L’Aubépine to Catharine. ‘Bibliothèque Nationale,’ printed in an -appendix to Du Prat’s ‘Elizabeth de Valois.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f189'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r189'>189</a>. Isabel to Catharine. Bibliothèque Nationale, No. 39, printed in the -appendix of Du Prat’s ‘Elizabeth de Valois.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f190'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r190'>190</a>. Archives Nationales, Paris C. K., 1393, quoted in the Introduction of -the Spanish Calendar of Elizabeth, edited by Martin Hume.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f191'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r191'>191</a>. Bibliothèque Nationale, Colbert, vol. 140. ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Bref discours de l’arrivée -de la Reine d’Espagne à St. Jehan de Luz.</span>’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f192'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r192'>192</a>. It is usually assumed (and amongst others by Father Florez in ‘Reinas -Catolicas’) that the massacre of St. Bartholomew seven years later (1572) -in Paris was arranged at this meeting. There is, however, no proof that -such was the case. Philip and the Spanish party, it is true, were loud in -their praises of this enormity, but much happened between Bayonne and -Bartholomew.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f193'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r193'>193</a>. Isabel herself ascribed the blessing to her prayers to the body of St. -Eugène, which she had with great difficulty persuaded the French to -surrender to Spain. It was carried with great pomp from St. Denis to -Toledo, and Isabel was constant in her adoration of it.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f194'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r194'>194</a>. French ambassador Fourquevault to Catharine, June 1567. Bibliothèque -Nationale, No. 220 (Du Prat).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f195'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r195'>195</a>. <em>Ibid.</em>, No. 8.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f196'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r196'>196</a>. Fourquevault to Catharine, 3rd October 1568. Du Prat.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f197'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r197'>197</a>. Fourquevault to Catharine, 3rd October 1568. Du Prat.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f198'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r198'>198</a>. Father Florez tells of her that on one occasion she was brought to -death’s door by her loathing her food; and as all mundane remedies had -been tried in vain, the King sent for the blessed friar Orozco. The friar -told the Queen he had a remedy recommended by his grandmother -which would cure her if she would take it. The Queen consented, and -the friar cooked a partridge and bacon before her, reciting verses of the -Magnificat at each turn of the spit. When the dish was ready he took -it to the Queen and said, ‘Eat, my lady, in the name of God, for the mere -smell of this would make a dead man hungry.’ Needless to say, Anna -ate and was cured.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f199'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r199'>199</a>. She was much beloved, especially in Madrid, and died in childbed -at the Escorial in 1611.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f200'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r200'>200</a>. An interminable account of the splendours of the occasion, for which -the favourite Duke of Lerma was mainly responsible, will be found in -‘<span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Documentos Ineditos</span>,’ lxi.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f201'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r201'>201</a>. To show how uncertain were still the relations between the people -of the two countries, it may be mentioned that an eyewitness of the -ceremonies of the exchange, etc., mentions as a marvellous thing that -there was no fighting between Spaniards and Frenchmen.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f202'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r202'>202</a>. The only portion of this building now standing is the ancient Gothic -church where King Alfonso and Queen Victoria Eugénie were recently -married. It stands close to the famous picture gallery in the Prado.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f203'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r203'>203</a>. From an unpublished MS. in the British Museum. Add. 10,236.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f204'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r204'>204</a>. From MSS. of Diego de Soto, de Aguilar Royal Academy of History, -Madrid, G. 32, and another in British Museum, Add. 10,236.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f205'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r205'>205</a>. Father Florez and other ecclesiastical writers give many instances of -her liberality in contributing to pious works, and in Reinas Catolicas -there is an account of Isabel’s action at the time (in 1624), that a ‘heretic -had outraged the Most Holy Sacrament in this my convent of St. Philip.’ -In addition to the services of atonement for the outrage in all the churches, -‘the royal family made such an atonement as never was seen, as befitted -an insult to the greatest of the mysteries. The corridors of the palace -were adorned with all the valuable and beautiful possessions of the crown, -and a separate altar was erected in the name of each royal personage. -That of the Queen attracted the attention of all beholders for the taste it -exhibited, and the immense value of the jewels that adorned it belonging -to her Majesty. The value of these jewels was computed at three million -and a half’ (of reals).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f206'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r206'>206</a>. ‘Voyage d’Espagne.’ Aersens van Sommerdyk, and many other -visitors to Spain at the time testify to this. See also ‘<span lang="co" xml:lang="co">Relatione dell’ -Ambasciatore di Venetia</span>.’ British Museum MSS., Add. 8,701.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f207'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r207'>207</a>. Historia del Arte Dramatico en España (translated from the German -of A. F. Schack).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f208'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r208'>208</a>. Howell’s ‘Familiar Letters.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f209'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r209'>209</a>. The steps of the Church of St. Philip in the Calle Mayor was so -called <em>El Mentidero</em>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f210'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r210'>210</a>. Speech (published) by Don Eugenio Hartzenbusch to the Royal -Academy of History, Madrid, 1861, where the whole question is discussed.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f211'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r211'>211</a>. The house now belonging to Count Oñate, just out of the Puerta del -Sol.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f212'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r212'>212</a>. It is certain that Olivares urged Philip most fervently to attend to -business in the early years of his reign. See my chapter on Philip IV. in -‘The Cambridge Modern History,’ vol. iv., for a letter on the subject from -Philip.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f213'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r213'>213</a>. On the site of the present Teatro español in the Plaza de Sant Ana.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f214'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r214'>214</a>. Philip had had a son by another lady high at Court three years before -this, in 1626, of whom an account from unpublished sources will be found -in ‘The Year after the Armada,’ etc., by Martin Hume.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f215'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r215'>215</a>. From an unpublished contemporary account in Italian. B. M. Add. -8,703.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f216'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r216'>216</a>. Ashburton Collection.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f217'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r217'>217</a>. Soto de Aguilar, one of Philip’s gentlemen of the wardrobe, wrote an -interminable account of all the festivities of his time (MS. Royal Academy -of History. Copy in the writer’s possession), from which have been -derived many details.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f218'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r218'>218</a>. The garden was that of Monterey, and with the two adjoining gardens, -which for this occasion were thrown into one, occupied the whole space -from the Calle de Alcala to the Carrera de San Geronimo, called the -Salon del Prado.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f219'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r219'>219</a>. Amongst other trifles offered to the ladies at this feast were some of -the small jars (<em>bucaros</em>) made of fine scented white clay, which it was at -the time a feminine vice to eat. Madame D’Aulnoy gives a curious -account of the evil effects produced by this strange eatable. She also -mentions the curious craze in Madrid at the time amongst people of -fashion to throw eggshells filled with scent at each other in the theatres, -parties, and even whilst promenading in carriages. Philip himself was -much addicted to this pastime.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f220'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r220'>220</a>. This was the garden on the corner of the Carrera de San Geronimo -and the Prado, now occupied by the Villahermosa palace and -grounds.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f221'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r221'>221</a>. Philip is represented as wearing such a collar in his portrait by -Velazquez at Dulwich College.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f222'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r222'>222</a>. Although he confesses that when most of the great folks had retired, -and daylight lit up the scene of revelry, great numbers of people were -found hidden in the shrubberies.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f223'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r223'>223</a>. On the spot where the Bank of Spain now stands, until a few years -ago the site of the palace and grounds of the Marquis of Alcañices.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f224'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r224'>224</a>. Appendix to Mesonero Romanos’ ‘El Antiguo Madrid.’ An account -of this feast, though much less full, is also given in the newsletters of the -date published by Sr. Rodriguez Villa in ‘La Corte de España en 1636 y -1637.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f225'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r225'>225</a>. The policy and aims of Olivares are fully set forth in ‘Spain, Its -Greatness and Decay,’ Cambridge Historical Series, by Martin Hume.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f226'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r226'>226</a>. Olivares was notoriously offensive to ladies. On one occasion when -Isabel gave an opinion on State affairs he told Philip that monks must -be kept for praying and women for child-bearing.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f227'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r227'>227</a>. One hundred and fifty persons in Madrid alone were cast into dungeons -for not being liberal enough with their contributions on this occasion.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f228'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r228'>228</a>. <span lang="co" xml:lang="co">Relatione dell’ Ambasciatore di Venetia</span> (MS. British Museum, Add. -8,701), and also an account attributed (doubtfully) to Quevedo, printed in -vol. iii. of the Semanario Erudito.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f229'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r229'>229</a>. News letter of 11th October in Semanario Erudito, vol. xxxiii.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f230'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r230'>230</a>. Matias de Novoa, ‘<span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Memorias</span>.’ He was one of Philip’s chamberlains.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f231'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r231'>231</a>. Life of Sor Maria de Agreda, quoted by Father Florez.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f232'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r232'>232</a>. <span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Cartas de la Venerable Madre Sor Maria de Agreda</span>, edited by F. -Silvela. For two years after Isabel’s death all comedies and theatrical -representations were forbidden at the instance of Sor Maria, but in -1648 Philip consented to their resumption.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f233'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r233'>233</a>. ‘<span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Cartas de la Venerable Madre Sor Maria de Agreda y Felipe <span class='fss'>IV.</span></span>’ -Edited by Silvela.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f234'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r234'>234</a>. Marie Anne de Montpensier, the daughter of Gaston, Duke of Orleans -(La Grande Demoiselle), was suggested, but rejected at once as impossible, -both from the French and Spanish point of view! It would, indeed, -have further alienated, rather than have drawn together, the French -regency and Spain.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f235'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r235'>235</a>. ‘Cartas de la Venerable Madre Sor Maria de Agreda y Felipe <span class='fss'>IV.</span>‘</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f236'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r236'>236</a>. The progress and events from day to day are related by Mascarenhas, -Bishop of Leyria, who accompanied the Queen, in ‘<span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Viage de la Serenisima -Reina Doña Margarita de Austria</span>.’ Madrid, 1650.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f237'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r237'>237</a>. It has puzzled many inquirers why the marriages of the kings of -Spain should usually have taken place in poverty-stricken little villages -like Navalcarnero and Quintanapalla, where no adequate accommodation -existed, or could be created. The real reason appears to be that when -a royal marriage took place in a town the latter was freed for ever after -from paying tribute. The poorer the place, therefore, the smaller the -sacrifice of public revenue.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f238'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r238'>238</a>. It is all described in Amador de los Rios Historia de Madrid, and the -prodigious sums spent are given.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f239'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r239'>239</a>. Cartas de Sor Maria.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f240'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r240'>240</a>. <em>Ibid.</em></p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f241'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r241'>241</a>. In course of time she married her cousin the Emperor Leopold.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f242'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r242'>242</a>. ‘Reinas Catolicas.’ Florez.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f243'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r243'>243</a>. Even thus early she began to introduce Austrian etiquette in her -receptions; such, for instance, as causing the ladies presented to her to -pass before her, in by one door and out by an opposite door (Avisos de -Barrionuevo).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f244'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r244'>244</a>. Avisos de Barrionuevo, vol. ii. p. 303 (February 1656).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f245'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r245'>245</a>. <em>Ibid.</em> vol. i.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f246'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r246'>246</a>. Barrionuevo, vol. ii.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f247'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r247'>247</a>. The comedy of San Gaetano had been represented at the special -desire of the Queen shortly before, not without some difficulty from the -Inquisition, and the crush to see it was so great that several people were -killed.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f248'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r248'>248</a>. Barrionuevo, vol. ii. 308.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f249'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r249'>249</a>. Cartas de la Venerable Sor Maria de Agreda.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f250'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r250'>250</a>. Barrionuevo, vol. iii. 63.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f251'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r251'>251</a>. One day (8th November 1657) she suddenly asked for some <i><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Buñuelos</span></i> -(hot fritters), and men were sent out hurrying to the Plaza where they were -sold. A great cauldron of 8 lbs. of them were brought smoking hot covered -with honey, and Mariana ate greedily of them, to her great contentment.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f252'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r252'>252</a>. Barrionuevo.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f253'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r253'>253</a>. Cartas de la Venerable Sor Maria de Agreda. The King’s prayer -came true, for the child died at the age of four.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f254'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r254'>254</a>. The extravagance of these rejoicings produced a remonstrance from -the nun to the King. ‘It is good and politic for your Majesty to receive -the congratulations of your subjects ... but I do beseech you earnestly -not to allow excessive sums to be spent on these festivities when there is -a lack of money needful even for the defence of your crown. Let there -be in them no offence to God.... It is good to rejoice for the birth of -the prince, but let us do it with a clear conscience.’—<em>Cartas.</em></p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f255'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r255'>255</a>. Barrionuevo. A curious circumstance is related by the same journalist -as having taken place at the christening. The lady-in-waiting, as usual, -handed the child to the little Infanta Margaret, aged six, who was the -godmother; and the only clothing the babe wore was an extremely short -tunic, the lower limbs being entirely bare. The little Infanta, shocked at -what she considered disrespectful neglect, asked angrily why the prince -was not properly dressed; and had to be told that it was done purposely -in order that all might see that he was really a male.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f256'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r256'>256</a>. Barrionuevo relates (vol. iv. p. 166), that a saintly Franciscan friar, -upon being appealed to by Philip to pray for the health of his child, -replied that he would do so, but a better prayer still would be for the -King to give up his constant comedies and rejoicings and pray to God -himself. This was in June 1658; and the nun was for ever giving to -Philip the same advice.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f257'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r257'>257</a>. ‘Recueil des Instructions données aux ambassadeurs de France en -Espagne,’ vol. i. (Morel Fatio.)</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f258'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r258'>258</a>. ‘Journal du Voyage d’Espagne.’ Paris, 1669.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f259'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r259'>259</a>. Luis de Haro alone took a household of 200 persons, whilst the King’s -medical staff alone consisted of ten doctors and four barbers.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f260'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r260'>260</a>. ‘<span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Viage del Rey N. S. a la Frontera de Francia.</span>’ Castillo. Madrid, -1667.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f261'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r261'>261</a>. The golilla, so characteristic of Philip’s reign, was a stiff cardboard -projecting collar, the under surface of which was covered with cloth to -match the doublet, and the upper surface lined with light silk.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f262'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r262'>262</a>. Palamino. Life of Velazquez. All the sumptuary decrees were -suspended. From this date the Spanish fashion in dress changed.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f263'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r263'>263</a>. Cartas de Sor Maria.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f264'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r264'>264</a>. Original Letters of Sir R. Fanshawe. January 1664.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f265'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r265'>265</a>. An interesting account of this ceremony is given by Lady Fanshawe -in her Memoirs.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f266'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r266'>266</a>. This was Mariana’s daughter, the Infanta Margaret, so well recollected -by Velazquez’s portraits of her. She was at this time thirteen years old, -and had just been betrothed to the Emperor Leopold, her cousin. She -was married two years later, and died in 1673, at the age of twenty-two.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f267'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r267'>267</a>. Memoirs of Lady Fanshawe.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f268'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r268'>268</a>. It is related that when Philip was asked if the bodies of the saints -should be brought into his room he said, ‘No, they can intercede in my -favour just as well in the chapel as here.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f269'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r269'>269</a>. As soon as Philip breathed his last the Marquis of Malpica, who was -on duty as principal gentleman-in-waiting and captain of the guard, went -to the outer guardroom, and said to the assembled officers: ‘Companions, -there is no more for us to do here. Go up and guard our King, Charles -<span class='fss'>II.</span>’ Philip had died in one of the lower ground-floor rooms of the palace. -The above account is condensed from a contemporary unpublished MS. -journal of a courtier in the ‘Biblioteca National,’ c. xxiv. 4. Lady Fanshawe -also gives a very precise account of the lying-in-state, varying in -some few details from the MS. narrative above referred to.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f270'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r270'>270</a>. My diarist gives another instance of the heartless conduct of the -nobles after the King’s death. When the body was to be transferred to -the Escorial each of the chamberlains and officials insisted that it was -not his duty to make the formal surrender, or to help to carry the corpse. -The squabble was only ended by the Duke of Medina ordering his cousin -Montealegre, to do it.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f271'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r271'>271</a>. Fanshawe died in Spain soon after his recall, Lord Sandwich replacing -him to conclude the treaty. See ‘Letters of Earl of Sandwich’ -and ‘Fanshawe’s Letters.’ London.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f272'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r272'>272</a>. An extremely detailed account of the events that accompanied the -feud between Mariana and Don Juan will be found in a rare book called -‘Relation of the Differences that happened in the Court of Spain.’ -London, 1678.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f273'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r273'>273</a>. Montero de los Rios, ‘Historia de Madrid.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f274'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r274'>274</a>. ‘Diario de los Sucesos de la Corte.’ MS. in the Royal Academy of -History, Madrid.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f275'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r275'>275</a>. A full description of the condition of Spain at the period, drawn -from many contemporary sources, is given in ‘Spain, Its Greatness and -Decay,’ by Martin Hume (Cambridge University Press).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f276'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r276'>276</a>. The nobles and leaders were all excommunicated, and not even the -King’s intercession could mollify the Pope until full reparation was made -at tremendous cost, and penance done in most humiliating fashion.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f277'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r277'>277</a>. The contemptible instability of the King is seen in a conversation he -had with the prior of the Escorial the day after Valenzuela’s capture. -The prior had been formerly urged most earnestly by Charles to shelter -and defend the favourite, and a written warrant to that effect was given. -As no written order for his capture was exhibited the Prior presented -himself before the King to explain what had been done. Before he could -speak Charles giggled and said, ‘So they caught him!’ ‘Yes, sire, they -caught him,’ replied the prior. ‘And his wife too?’ asked the King. -‘His wife is now in Madrid, sire, and I come now to crave mercy and -protection for both of them.’ ‘For his wife but not for him,’ said Charles. -‘But surely your Majesty will not abandon your unhappy minister in this -sad strait.’ ‘You may take it from me,’ replied Charles, ‘that a holy -woman has had a revelation from God that Valenzuela was to be captured -at the Escorial.’ ‘A revelation of the devil more likely,’ blurted out the -disgusted prior. ‘And pray do not think, sire, that I am interceding for -Valenzuela for interests of my own: I never got anything from him in -the world but this benzoin lozenge.’ With this Charles jumped back in -a fright. ‘Put it away! put it away!’ he cried. ‘Perhaps it is witchcraft -or poison.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>(The narrative is from an MS. relation written by one of the monks at -the time, and now in the Escorial Library. Portions of it have been -quoted by Don Modesto Lafuente, ‘<span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Historia de Espana</span>,’ vol. xii.)</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f278'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r278'>278</a>. ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Memoires touchans le mariage de Charles <span class='fss'>II.</span> avec Marie Louise,</span>’ -from which many of details related in the text concerning the marriage -in France and the journey to the frontier are taken.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f279'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r279'>279</a>. On the return of the Duke of Pastrana to Spain after the marriage at -Fontainebleau, Marie Louise sent by him her first letter to her husband. -I have had the good fortune to come across this hitherto unpublished -letter in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid. It is badly written, in a great -smeared school hand, evidently copied from a draft. I transcribe it here -in full: ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Monseigneur. Je ne puis laisser partir le duc de Pastrana sans -tesmoigner à votre Majesté l’impatience que j’ai d’avoir l’honneur de la -voir. Je suplie en mesme temps votre Majesté d’estre bien persuadée -du respect que j’ai pour elle et de l’attachement inviolable avec lequel je -serai toute ma vie, Monseigneur, de votre Majesté la tres humble et -tres observante, Marie Louise.</span>’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f280'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r280'>280</a>. They are described with the minuteness of a milliner’s bill in -‘<span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Descripcion de las circunstancias esenciales ... en la funcion de los -desposorios del Rey N. S. Don Carlos <span class='fss'>II.</span></span>’ Madrid, 1679.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f281'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r281'>281</a>. Mme. D’Aulnoy’s celebrated ‘Voyage D’Espagne’ is usually quoted -largely for local colour in the histories and romances of this period. I -am, however, of opinion that very little credit can be given to it, so far -as the authoress’s own adventures are concerned. I have grave doubts -indeed, whether Mme. D’Aulnoy went to Spain at all. Much of her -information is easily traceable to other books, and the rest, apart from -the love romances that occupy so many of her pages, may well have been -gathered from her cousin, who was married to a Spanish nobleman. The -cousin is represented as a friend of Don Juan, and the conversation very -likely did take place with her, as Mme. D’Aulnoy represents, though -perhaps the latter was not present.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f282'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r282'>282</a>. ‘Voyage d’Espagne.’ La Haye, 1692.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f283'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r283'>283</a>. When he consented to the return of some of Mariana’s friends to -Court he was told that Don Juan would object. ‘What does that matter?’ -he replied. ‘I wish it, and that is enough.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f284'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r284'>284</a>. ‘Recueil des Instructions aux Ambassadeurs de France (Espagne).’ -Paris, 1894.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f285'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r285'>285</a>. The leather or damask curtains of the coaches were usually kept -closed except by confessedly immodest women; but on such occasions -as these, they were sometimes opened to satisfy the crowd, who wished -to welcome royal persons.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f286'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r286'>286</a>. ‘<span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Descripcion de las circunstancias</span>,’ etc. Madrid, 1679.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f287'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r287'>287</a>. <em>Ibid.</em></p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f288'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r288'>288</a>. ‘Semanario Erudito,’ vol. ii., where a pamphlet of the period is reproduced -accusing her of complicity in the murder of her cousin, Don -Diego de Aragon.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f289'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r289'>289</a>. The lively Mme. D’Aulnoy gives a description of a scene previous to -the departure of the young Queen’s household from Madrid. The ladies -had been privately mustered in the Retiro Gardens for the King to see -how they would look mounted when they entered the capital in state with -the Queen. ‘The young ladies of the palace were quite pretty, but, good -God! what figures the Duchess of Terranova and Doña Maria de Aragon -cut. They were both mounted on mules, all bristling and clanking with -silver, and with a great saddle cloth of black velvet, like those used by -physicians on their horses in Paris. They were both dressed in widows’ -weeds, which I have already described to you, both very ugly and very -old, with an air of severity and imperiousness, and they wore great hats -tied on by strings under their chins. There were twenty gentlemen -around them holding them up, for fear they should fall, though they -would never have allowed one to touch them thus unless they had been -in fear of breaking their necks.—‘Voyage d’Espagne.’ The same authority -says that the Duchess of Terranova alone took with her on the journey, -‘six litters of different coloured embroidered velvet, and forty mules -caparisoned as richly as ever I have seen.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f290'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r290'>290</a>. ‘Letters de Mme. de Villars.’ Paris, 1823.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f291'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r291'>291</a>. Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, MSS. C., 1–5, transcribed by the present -writer.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f292'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r292'>292</a>. ‘Mémoires de la Cour d’Espagne,’ par M. de Villars.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f293'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r293'>293</a>. ‘Mémoires.’ Villars.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f294'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r294'>294</a>. Lettres de Mme. Villars.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f295'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r295'>295</a>. Mme. D’Aulnoy thus describes the King’s appearance at this first -interview with his bride: ‘I have heard that the Queen was extremely -surprised at his appearance. He had a very short, wide jacket (<i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">just -au corps</span></i>) of grey barracan; his breeches were of velvet, and his stockings -of very loose spun silk. He wore a very beautiful cravat which the -Queen had sent him, but it was fastened rather too loosely. His hair -was put behind his ears, and he wore a light grey hat.’—‘Voyage -d’Espagne.’ La Haye, 1692.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f296'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r296'>296</a>. A note on a previous page explains the reason why these small villages -were chosen for the marriage ceremonies of the Kings of Spain.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f297'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r297'>297</a>. ‘Mémoires.’ Villars.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f298'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r298'>298</a>. It will be seen that the sprightly letter-writer indulges here in an -untranslatable pun. The carriage was without glass = glace, and she -hoped the occupants would be without ice = glace.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f299'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r299'>299</a>. Writing of this period, Mme. D’Aulnoy, who professes to have been -in Madrid at the time, says that the Marchioness de la Fuente told her -that: ‘the Queen had been much upset at the roughness of the Mistress -of the Robes, who, seeing that her Majesty’s hair did not lie flat on the -forehead, spat into her hand and approached for the purpose of sticking -the straying lock down with saliva. The Queen resented this warmly, -and rubbed hard with her pocket handkerchief upon the spot where this -old woman had so dirtily wetted her forehead.... It is really quite -pitiable the way this old Mistress of the Robes treats the Queen. I know -for a fact that she will not allow her to have a single hair curled, and -forbids her to go near a window or speak to a soul.’—‘Voyage d’Espagne.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f300'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r300'>300</a>. It was a hooped skirt of peculiar shape, fashionable in Spain, called -a <i><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">guardainfante</span></i>, of which a specimen may be seen in the portrait of -Mariana in the present volume.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f301'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r301'>301</a>. ‘Lettre de Mme. Villars à Mme. Coulange,’ 15th December 1679.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f302'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r302'>302</a>. Nouvelle relation de la magnifique et royale entrée ... à Madrid -par Marie Louise,’ etc. Paris, 1680.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f303'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r303'>303</a>. ‘Mémoires de la Cour d’Espagne.’ Villars.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f304'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r304'>304</a>. Lettres de Mme. Villars à Mme. Coulange.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f305'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r305'>305</a>. ‘Voyage d’Espagne,’ Mme. D’Aulnoy. For the amount of credit to -be given to Mme. D’Aulnoy, see note on a previous page.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f306'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r306'>306</a>. <i><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Gabacho</span></i> is an opprobrious term applied to Frenchmen in Spain.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f307'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r307'>307</a>. ‘Mémoires de la Cour d’Espagne.’ Villars.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f308'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r308'>308</a>. Mme. D’Aulnoy in her own Mémoires tells a curious though doubtful -story of these perroquets of which Marie Louise was so fond. They had -been brought from Paris, and the few sentences they had been taught -were in French, so that the Duchess of Terranova thought herself justified -in having them killed. When the Queen asked for them and learnt their -fate she said nothing: but when next the Mistress of the Robes came to -kiss her hand Marie Louise gave her two good sound slaps on the face -instead. When the indignant Duchess with all her followers went in a -rage to demand redress of the King, Marie Louise excused herself by -saying that she gave the slaps overcome by the irresistible influence of a -pregnant woman. This flattered the King and she was absolved.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f309'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r309'>309</a>. ‘Mémoires de la Cour d’Espagne.’ Villars.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f310'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r310'>310</a>. ‘Mémoires de la Cour d’Espagne.’ Villars. Even so, she was not -allowed to mount her horses from the ground, but had to be driven in her -coach to the place and mount the horse from the step of the carriage. -One of her horses being very high spirited resented on one occasion this -strange performance, and the Queen was thrown to the ground, much to -her husband’s alarm. No one, it appears, dared to touch the Queen, -even to raise her from the ground, until Charles had sufficiently recovered -from the shock to do so himself. (Mme. D’Aulnoy.)</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f311'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r311'>311</a>. ‘Mémoires.’ Villars.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f312'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r312'>312</a>. ‘Mémoires de la Cour d’Espagne.’ Villars.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f313'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r313'>313</a>. ‘Recueil des Instructions aux ambassadeurs de France.’ Paris, 1894.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f314'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r314'>314</a>. In January 1685 the Duke of Montalto in Madrid wrote to Pedro -Ronquillo, the ambassador in London. ‘The King attends to nothing -but his hunting pastimes, and the Queen in tiring horses, as if she were -a skilled horse-breaker. That is a pretty way to become pregnant! In -short, my dear sir, it is quite clear that God determines to punish us on -every side.’ Writing again, a month later (28th February), the same -correspondent, after vilifying the Medina Celi government, says: -‘Neither the things in the palace or anywhere else here improve. It -looks, on the contrary, as if the devil himself had taken them in hand. -Medina Celi is very placid over it, and cares only for himself; the King -has been wolf-hunting for a week thirty miles off, and there would be no -harm in that if he would only despatch business. As for the Queen, -Medina Celi positively encourages her in her pranks so as to be able to -hold on to office by her. He does not care so long as others have to -pay.’ Both the correspondents, it is needless to say, belonged to -Mariana’s party. ‘Doc. Ined.,’ lxxix.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f315'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r315'>315</a>. There was a document found in Marie Louise’s cabinet after her -death, which purported to be a political guide, written to her at this -period by Louis <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> In this cynical document the Queen is advised -how to gain advantage from the King’s weakness and ineptitude, and how -to obtain control of him. She is to maintain an attitude between complaint -and friendship with the Queen-Mother, but to be very wary with -regard to her: she is advised to maintain Oropesa in the ministry, but -not to trust him, or to allow him more power than he had. She is to -continue to introduce French fashions, manners, etc., in the palace; and -advice is given her as to how she should treat all the principal nobles. -The manuscript concludes: ‘Withdraw this paper into your most secret -keeping. Live for yourself and for your beloved France. In Spain they -do not love you, as you know, and they do not fear you either, for faint -hearts easily conceive suspicions, and strength is not needed to commit -a cruelty.’ The original document is in the Bibliotéca Nacional, Madrid -(H. II), and there is a Spanish translation of it in MSS. Add. 15,193, -British Museum. The document has usually been assumed to be -authentic, but I am rather inclined to regard it as one of the many means -employed to blacken the French cause after Marie Louise’s death.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f316'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r316'>316</a>. To the French ambassador who was in Spain in 1688, the Count -de Rebenac, she gave the most intimate detailed reasons for her lack -of issue connected with the constitution of the King. Rebenac repeated -these confidences in his letters to Louis.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f317'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r317'>317</a>. Mme. Quantin was a widow. It has been explained that all the ladies -in the palace had to be maids or widows.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f318'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r318'>318</a>. ‘Doc. Ined.,’ lxxix.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f319'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r319'>319</a>. ‘Doc. Ined.,’ lxxix.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f320'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r320'>320</a>. <em>Ibid.</em></p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f321'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r321'>321</a>. MSS. of Father Léonard in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris. Quoted -by Morel Fatio in ‘Mémoires de la Cour d’Espagne.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f322'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r322'>322</a>. This was Susanne Duperroy, to whom Marie Louise left 3,000 -doubloons in her will. Mme. Quantin herself received a legacy of 4,000 -from the Queen.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f323'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r323'>323</a>. ‘Doc. Ined.,’ lxxix.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f324'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r324'>324</a>. The letter is in the Archives of the Ministère des Affaires Étrangères, -Paris, vol. 71. It has been transcribed by M. Morel Fatio.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f325'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r325'>325</a>. ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Recueil des Instructions aux Ambassadeurs Français</span>,’ Paris, 1894, -and ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Correspondance de Rebenac, Archives du Ministère des Affaires -Etrangères.</span>’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f326'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r326'>326</a>. The tragic end of the Queen so distressed the French ambassador -Rebenac that for a time he lost his reason after attending the funeral -ceremony. In his subsequent correspondence with the King of France -he made no secret of his belief that she had been murdered. The -Duchess of Orleans, the Queen’s stepmother, thus refers to Rebenac’s -statements in her correspondence: ‘Rebenac’s feelings have done no -wrong to our young Queen of Spain. It is the sharp-nosed Count of -Mansfeldt who poisoned her.’ De Torcy, in his ‘Mémoires,’ says: ‘The -Count of Mansfeldt and Count Oropesa are both suspected of having been -the authors of Marie Louise’s death, and take little care to exonerate -themselves. The Marquis de Louville, in his ‘Mémoires,’ also distinctly -states that the Queen was poisoned, and several other contemporary -French authorities are no less certain.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f327'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r327'>327</a>. The jewels taken by Count Benavente from Charles was valued at -180,000 crowns, and Mariana’s gift to her daughter-in-law 30,000.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f328'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r328'>328</a>. Stanhope Correspondence in Lord Mahon’s ‘Spain under Charles <span class='fss'>II.</span>‘</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f329'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r329'>329</a>. ‘Reinas Catolicas,’ Father Florez.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f330'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r330'>330</a>. Stanhope Correspondence.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f331'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r331'>331</a>. ‘Modesto Lafuente Historia de España.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f332'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r332'>332</a>. Stanhope Correspondence.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f333'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r333'>333</a>. Stanhope says: ‘Our new junta, which raised so great expectations, at -first, is now grown almost a jest; especially since, at the time they took -away all pensions from poor widows and orphans, the Duke of Osuna, -one of the richest men in Spain, procured himself a pension of 6000 -crowns a year for life, by intercession of the confessor.’</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f334'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r334'>334</a>. ‘Recueil des Instructions,’ etc.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f335'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r335'>335</a>. Stanhope Correspondence, 3rd May 1696.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f336'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r336'>336</a>. Stanhope reports, ‘There is now great noise of a miracle done by a -piece of a waistcoat she died in, on an old lame nun, who, in great faith, -earnestly desired it, and no sooner applied it to her lips, but she was -perfectly well and threw away her crutches. This, with some other -stories that will not be wanting, may in time grow up to a canonisation.’ -Correspondence in ‘Spain under Charles <span class='fss'>II.</span>‘</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f337'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r337'>337</a>. His recovery from this attack was attributed to the body of St. Diego, -which was brought to his bed; and when the King got better, amidst the -great rejoicings and bullfights to celebrate the miracle, Charles and his -wife spent some days at Alcalá worshipping the grim relic.—<em>Stanhope.</em></p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f338'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r338'>338</a>. Stanhope Correspondence.—<em>Mahon.</em></p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f339'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r339'>339</a>. The Admiral of Castile, who was the Queen’s most ostentatious -champion, though she often quarrelled with him, was really betraying her -all the time (‘Recueil des Instructions’).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f340'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r340'>340</a>. The account here given is taken mainly from a contemporary MS., -written by an officer of the Inquisition and an adherent of Portocarrero, -in the British Museum, Add. 10,241: and from another account printed -in Madrid, 1787.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f341'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r341'>341</a>. ‘Stanhope Correspondence,’ <em>Mahon</em>, 11th June 1698.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f342'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r342'>342</a>. Every detail of the correspondence will be found in the MSS. already -referred to, and, in English, in ‘The Exorcism of Charles the Bewitched,’ -in ‘The Year after the Armada,’ etc., by the present writer.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f343'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r343'>343</a>. MSS. account already referred to. British Museum MSS., Add. -10,241.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f344'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r344'>344</a>. This struggle, which cannot be described here, is fully narrated in -‘The Exorcism of Charles the Bewitched’ (‘Year After the Armada’), by -Martin Hume.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f345'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r345'>345</a>. Stanhope Correspondence.—<em>Mahon.</em></p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f346'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r346'>346</a>. Stanhope Correspondence.—<em>Mahon.</em></p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f347'> -<p class='c007'><a href='#r347'>347</a>. There is no doubt whatever that the French claim through Maria -Theresa and Anna of Austria, Queens of France, was the legitimate one, -and that the Emperor had no valid right by Spanish law.</p> -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c003'> - <div><span class='small'>Printed by T. and A. <span class='sc'>Constable</span>, Printers to His Majesty at the Edinburgh University Press.</span></div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='pbb'> - <hr class='pb c004' /> -</div> -<div class='tnotes'> - -<div class='section ph2'> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c001'> - <div>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES</div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - - <ol class='ol_1 c003'> - <li>P. <a href='#t171'>171</a>, changed “1906” to “1506”. - - </li> - <li>P. <a href='#t353'>353</a>, changed “1543” to “1643”. - - </li> - <li>P. <a href='#t433'>433</a>, changed “amoreux” to “<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">amoureux</span>”. - - </li> - <li>P. <a href='#t448'>448</a>, changed “1580” to “1680”. - - </li> - <li>Silently corrected typographical errors and variations in spelling. - - </li> - <li>Archaic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings retained as printed. - - </li> - <li>Footnotes were re-indexed using numbers and collected together at the end of the last - chapter. - </li> - </ol> - -</div> - -<pre style='margin-top:6em'> -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK QUEENS OF OLD SPAIN *** - -This file should be named 63831-h.htm or 63831-h.zip - -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: -http://www.gutenberg.org/6/3/8/3/63831/ - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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