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Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..1d6260f --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #62467 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/62467) diff --git a/old/62467-0.txt b/old/62467-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 2955cb1..0000000 --- a/old/62467-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,784 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Divorce versus Democracy, by G. K. Chesterton - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: Divorce versus Democracy - -Author: G. K. Chesterton - -Release Date: June 24, 2020 [EBook #62467] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DIVORCE VERSUS DEMOCRACY *** - - - - -Produced by Tim Lindell, Chuck Greif and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) - - - - - - - - - - DIVORCE - _versus_ - DEMOCRACY - - BY - G. K. CHESTERTON - - _Reprinted from “Nash’s Magazine”_ - - [Illustration: IHS - - Loqure ut profifiliis - ciscantur - Israel] - - London - THE SOCIETY OF - SS. PETER & PAUL - _Publishers to the Church of England_ - - 32 George St., Hanover Square, - and 302 Regent St., W. - 1916 - - - - -Preface - - -I have been asked to put forward in pamphlet form this rather hasty -essay as it appeared in “Nash’s Magazine”; and I do so by the kind -permission of the editor. The rather chaotic quality of its journalism -it is now impossible to alter. The convictions upon which it is based -are unaltered and unalterable. Indeed, in so far as circumstances have -since affected them, they are greatly strengthened. In so far as there -was something sporadic and seemingly irrelevant in the writing, it was -partly because I was contending against an evil that was diffused and -indefinable, at once tentative and ubiquitous. Since then that disease -has come to a head and burst; primarily in the North of Europe. By that -historic habit which generally makes one European people the -standard-bearer of a social tendency, which made the Empire a Roman -Empire and the Revolution a French Revolution, the North Germans have -become the peculiar champions of that modern change which would make the -State infinitely superior to the Family. It is even asserted that -Prussian political authority is now encouraging the abandonment of -common morality for the support of population; and even if this horrible -thing be untrue, it is highly significant that it can be plausibly said -of Prussia, and certainly of no other Christian State. And in the new -light of action it is possible to trace more clearly the trend towards -divorce, as also that trend towards the other pagan institution of -slavery, which would certainly have accompanied it. But the enslaving -force in Europe struck too early; and the whole movement has been -brought to a standstill. - -The same circumstances have given an importance to a formula of my own -which I still think rather important. It may be summarised as the -patriotism of the household. In the experience of nationality we do not -admit that any excess of despair can come into the same logical world as -desertion. No amount of tragedy need amount to treason. The Christian -view of marriage conceives of the home as self-governing in a manner -analogous to an independent state; that is, that it may include internal -reform and even internal rebellion; but because of the bond, not against -it. In this way it is itself a sort of standing reformer of the State; -for the State is judged by whether its arrangements bear helpfully or -bear hardly on the human fulness and fertility of the free family. Thus -the Wicked Ten in Rome were condemned and cast down because their public -powers permitted a wrong against the purity of a private family. Thus -the mediæval revolt against the Poll Tax began by the authority of an -official insulting the authority of a father. Men do not now, any more -than then, become sinless by receiving a post in a bureaucracy; and if -the domestic affairs of the poor were once put into the hands of mere -lawyers and inspectors, the poor would soon find themselves in positions -from which there is no exit save by the sword of Virginius and the -hammer of Wat Tyler. As for the section of the rich who are still -seeking a servile solution, they, of course, are still seeking the -extension of divorce. It is only “_divide et impera_”; and they want the -division of sex for the division of labour. The very same economic -calculation which makes them encourage tyranny in the shop makes them -encourage licence in the family. But now the free families of five great -nations have risen against them; and their plot has failed. - - G. K. CHESTERTON - - - - -Divorce _versus_ Democracy - - -On this question of divorce I do not profess to be impartial, for I have -never perceived any intelligent meaning in the word. I merely (and most -modestly) profess to be right. I also profess to be representative: that -is, democratic. Now, one may believe in democracy or disbelieve in it. -It would be grossly unfair to conceal the fact that there are -difficulties on both sides. The difficulty of believing in democracy is -that it is so hard to believe--like God and most other good things. The -difficulty of disbelieving in democracy is that there is nothing else to -believe in. I mean there is nothing else on earth or in earthly -politics. Unless an aristocracy is selected by gods, it must be selected -by men. It may be negatively and passively permitted, but either heaven -or humanity must permit it; otherwise it has no more moral authority -than a lucky pickpocket. It is baby talk to talk about “Supermen” or -“Nature’s Aristocracy” or “The Wise Few.” “The Wise Few” must be either -those whom others think wise--who are often fools; or those who think -themselves wise--who are always fools. - -Well, if one happens to believe in democracy as I do, as a large trust -in the active and passive judgment of the human conscience, one can have -no hesitation, no “impartiality,” about one’s view of divorce; and -especially about one’s view of the extension of divorce among the -democracy. A democrat in any sense must regard that extension as the -last and vilest of the insults offered by the modern rich to the modern -poor. The rich do largely believe in divorce; the poor do mainly believe -in fidelity. But the modern rich are powerful and the modern poor are -powerless. Therefore for years and decades past the rich have been -preaching their own virtues. Now that they have begun to preach their -vices too, I think it is time to kick. - -There is one enormous and elementary objection to the popularising of -divorce, which comes before any consideration of the nature of marriage. -It is like an alphabet in letters too large to be seen. It is this: That -even if the democracy approved of divorce as strongly and deeply as the -democracy does (in fact) disapprove of it--any man of common sense must -know that nowadays the thing will be worked probably against the -democracy, but quite certainly by the plutocracy. People seem to forget -that in a society where power goes with wealth and where wealth is in an -extreme state of inequality, extending the powers of the law means -something entirely different from extending the powers of the public. -They seem to forget that there is a great deal of difference between -what laws define and what laws do. A poor woman in a poor public-house -was broken with a ruinous fine for giving a child a sip of shandy-gaff. -Nobody supposed that the law verbally stigmatised the action for being -done by a poor person in a poor public-house. But most certainly nobody -will dare to pretend that a rich man giving a boy a sip of champagne -would have been punished so heavily--or punished at all. I have seen the -thing done frequently in country houses; and my host and hostess would -have been very much surprised if I had gone outside and telephoned for -the police. The law theoretically condemns any one who tries to -frustrate the police or even fails to assist them. Yet the rich -motorists are allowed to keep up an organised service of anti-police -detectives--wearing a conspicuous uniform--for the avowed purpose of -showing motorists how to avoid capture. No one supposes again that the -law says in so many words that the right to organise for the evasion of -laws is a privilege of the rich but not of the poor. But take the same -practical test. What would the police say, what would the world say, if -men stood about the streets in green and yellow uniforms, notoriously -for the purpose of warning pickpockets of the presence of a -plain-clothes officer? What would the world say if recognised officials -in peaked caps watched by night to warn a burglar that the police were -waiting for him? Yet there is no distinction of principle between the -evasion of that police-trap and the other police-trap--the police-trap -which prevents a motorist from killing a child like a chicken; which -prevents the most frivolous kind of murder, the most piteous kind of -sudden death. - -Well, the Poor Man’s Divorce Law will be applied exactly as all these -others are applied. Everybody must know that it would mean in practice -that well-dressed men, doctors, magistrates, and inspectors, would have -more power over the family lives of ill-dressed men, navvies, plumbers, -and potmen. Nobody can have the impudence to pretend that it would mean -that navvies, plumbers, and potmen would (either individually or -collectively) have more power over the family lives of doctors, -magistrates, and inspectors. Nobody dare assert that because divorce is -a State affair, therefore the poor citizen will have any power, direct -or indirect, to divorce a duchess from a duke or a banker from a -banker’s wife. But no one will call it inconceivable that the power of -rich families over poor families, which is already great, the power of -the duke as landlord, the power of the banker as money-lender, might be -considerably increased by arming magistrates with more powers of -interference in private life. For the dukes and bankers often are -magistrates, always the friends and relatives of magistrates. The -navvies are not. The navvy will be the subject of the new experiments; -certainly never the experimentalist. It is the poor man who will show to -the imaginative eye of science all those horrors which, according to -newspaper correspondents, cry aloud for divorce--drunkenness, madness, -cruelty, incurable disease. If he is slow in working for his master, he -will be “defective.” If he is worn out by working for his master, he -will be “degenerate.” If he, at some particular opportunity, prefers to -work for himself to working for his master, he will be obviously insane. -If he never has any opportunity of working for any masters he will be -“unemployable.” All the bitter embarrassments and entanglements -incidental to extreme poverty will be used to break conjugal happiness, -as they are already used to break parental authority. Marriage will be -called a failure wherever it is a struggle; just as parents in modern -England are sent to prison for neglecting the children whom they cannot -afford to feed. - -I will take but one instance of the enormity and silliness which is -really implied in these proposals for the extension of divorce. Take the -case quoted by many contributors to the discussion in the papers--the -case of what is called “cruelty.” Now what is the real meaning of this -as regards the prosperous and as regards the struggling classes of the -community? Let us take the prosperous classes first. Every one knows -that those who are really to be described as gentlemen all profess a -particular tradition, partly chivalrous, partly merely modern and -refined--a tradition against “laying hands upon a woman, save in a way -of kindness.” I do not mean that a gentleman hates the cowing of a woman -by brute force: any one must hate that. I mean he has a ritual, taboo -kind of feeling about the laying on of a finger. If a gentleman (real or -imitation) has struck his wife ever so lightly, he feels he has done one -of those things that thrill the thoughts with the notion of a -border-line; something like saying the Lord’s Prayer backwards, touching -a hot kettle, reversing the crucifix, or “breaking the pledge.” The -wife may forgive the husband more easily for this than for many things; -but the husband will find it hard to forgive himself. It is a purely -class sentiment, like the poor folks’ dislike of hospitals. What is the -effect of this class sentiment on divorce among the higher classes? - -The first effect, of course, is greatly to assist those faked divorces -so common among the fashionable. I mean that where there is a collusion, -a small pat or push can be remembered, exaggerated, or invented; and yet -seem to the solemn judges a very solemn thing in people of their own -social class. But outside these cases, the test is not wholly -inappropriate as applied to the richer classes. For, all gentlemen -feeling or affecting this special horror, it does really look bad if a -gentleman has broken through it; it does look like madness or a personal -hatred and persecution. It may even look like worse things. If a man -with luxurious habits, in artistic surroundings, is cruel to his wife, -it may be connected with some perversion of sex cruelty, such as was -alleged (I know not how truly) in the case of the millionaire Thaw. We -need not deny that such cases are cases for separation, if not for -divorce. - -But this test of technical cruelty, which is rough and ready as applied -to the rich, is absolutely mad and meaningless as applied to the poor. A -poor woman does not judge her husband as a bully by whether he has ever -hit out. One might as well say that a schoolboy judges whether another -schoolboy is a bully by whether he has ever hit out. The poor wife, like -the schoolboy, judges him as a bully by whether he is a bully. She knows -that while wife-beating may really be a crime, wife-hitting is sometimes -very like just self-defence. No one knows better than she does that her -husband often has a great deal to put up with; sometimes she means him -to; sometimes she is justified. She comes and tells all this to -magistrates again and again; in police court after police court women -with black eyes try to explain the thing to judges with no eyes. In -street after street women turn in anger on the hapless knight-errant who -has interrupted an instantaneous misunderstanding. In these people’s -lives the rooms are crowded, the tempers are torn to rags, the natural -exits are forbidden. In such societies it is as abominable to punish or -divorce people for a blow as it would be to punish or divorce a -gentleman for slamming the door. Yet who can doubt, if ever divorce is -applied to the populace, it would be applied in the spirit which takes -the blow quite seriously? If any one doubts it, he does not know what -world he is living in. - -It is common to meet nowadays men who talk of what they call Free Love -as if it were something like Free Silver--a new and ingenious political -scheme. They seem to forget that it is as easy to judge what it would be -like as to judge of what legal marriage would be like. “Free Love” has -been going on in every town and village since the beginning of the -world; and the first fact that every man of the world knows about it is -plain enough. It never does produce any of the wild purity and perfect -freedom its friends attribute to it. If any paper had the pluck to head -a column “Is Concubinage a Failure?” instead of “Is Marriage a Failure?” -the answer “Yes” would be given by the personal memory of many men, and -by the historic memory of all. Modern people perpetually quote some wild -expression of monks in the wilderness (when a whole civilisation was -maddened by remorse) about the perilous quality of Woman, about how she -was a spectre and a serpent and a destroying fire. Probably the -establishment of nuns, situated a few miles off, described Man also as a -serpent and a spectre; but their works have not come down to us. - -Now all this old-world wit against Benedick the married man was sensible -enough. But so was the bachelorhood of the old monks, who said it, -sensible enough. It is perfectly true that to entangle yourself with -another soul in the most tender and tragic degree is to make, in all -rational possibility, a martyr or a fool of yourself. Most of the modern -denunciations of marriage might have been copied direct from the maddest -of the monkish diaries. The attack on marriage is an argument for -celibacy. It is not an argument for divorce. For that entanglement which -celibacy avowedly avoids, divorce merely reduplicates and repeats. It -may have been a sort of solemn comfort to a gentleman of Africa to -reflect that he had no wife. It cannot be anything but a discomfort to a -gentleman of America to wonder which wife he really has. If progress -means, as in the ludicrous definition of Herbert Spencer, “an advance -from the simple to the complex,” then certainly divorce is a part of -progress. Nothing can be conceived more complex than the condition of a -man who has settled down finally four or five times. Nothing can be -conceived more complex than the position of a profligate who has not -only had ten _liaisons_, but ten legal _liaisons_. There is a real sense -in which free love might free men. But freer divorce would catch them in -the most complicated net ever woven in this wicked world. - -The tragedy of love is in love, not in marriage. There is no unhappy -marriage that might not be an equally unhappy concubinage, or a far more -unhappy seduction. Whether the tie be legal or no, matters something to -the faithless party; it matters nothing to the faithful one. The pathos -reposes upon the perfectly simple fact that if any one deliberately -provokes either passions or affections, he is responsible for them as -long as they go on, as the man is responsible for letting loose a flood -or setting fire to a city. His remedy is not to provoke them, like the -hermit. His punishment, when he deserves punishment, is to spend the -rest of his life in trying to undo any ill he has done. His escape is -despair--which is called, in this connection, divorce. For every healthy -man feels one fundamental fact in his soul. He feels that he must have -a life, and not a series of lives. He would rather the human drama were -a tragedy than that it were a series of Music-hall Turns and Potted -Plays. A man wishes to save the souls of all the men that he has been: -of the dirty little schoolboy; of the doubtful and morbid youth; of the -lover; of the husband. Re-incarnation has always seemed to me a cold -creed; because each incarnation must forget the other. It would be worse -still if this short human life were broken up into yet shorter lives, -each of which was in its turn forgotten. - -If you are a democrat who likes also to be an honest man--if (in other -words) you want to know what the people want and not merely what you can -somehow induce them to ask for--then there is no doubt at all that this -is what they want. You can only realise it by looking for human nature -elsewhere than in election reports; but when you have once looked for it -you see it and you never forget it. From the fact that every one thinks -it natural that young men and women should carve names on trees, to the -fact that every one thinks it unnatural that old men and women should be -separated in workhouses, millions and millions of daily details prove -that people do regard the relation as normally permanent; not as a -vision, but as a vow. - -Now for the exceptions, true or false. I would note a strange and even -silly oversight in the discussion of such exceptions, which has haunted -most arguments for further divorce. The ordinary emancipated prig or -poet who urges this side of the question always talks to one tune. -“Marriage may be the best for most men,” he says, “but there are -exceptional natures that demand a more undulating experience; constancy -will do for the common herd, but there are complex natures and complex -cases where no one could recommend constancy. I do not ask (at the -present Stage of Progress) for the abolition of marriage; I hereby ask -that it may be remitted in such individual and extreme examples.” - -Now it is perfectly astounding to me that any one who has walked about -this world should make such a blunder about the breed we call mankind. -Surely it is plain enough that if you ask for dreadful exceptions, you -will get them--too many of them. Let me take once again a rough parable. -Suppose I advertised in the papers that I had a place for any one who -was too stupid to be a clerk. Probably I should receive no replies; -possibly one. Possibly also (nay, probably) it would be from the one man -who was not stupid at all. But suppose I had advertised that I had a -place for any one who was too clever to be a clerk. My office would be -instantly besieged by all the most hopeless fools in the four kingdoms. -To advertise for exceptions is simply to advertise for egoists. To -advertise for egoists is to advertise for idiots. It is exactly the bore -who does think that his case is interesting. It is precisely the really -common person who does think that his case is uncommon. It is always the -dull man who does think himself rather wild. To ask solely for strange -experiences of the soul is simply to let loose all the imbecile asylums -about one’s ears. Whatever other theory is right, this theory of the -exceptions is obviously wrong--or (what matters more to our modern -atheists) is obviously unbusinesslike. It is, moreover, to any one with -popular political sympathies, a very deep and subtle sort of treason. By -thus putting a premium on the exceptional we grossly deceive the -unconsciousness of the normal. It seems strangely forgotten that the -indifference of a nation is sacred as well as its differences. Even -public apathy is a kind of public opinion--and in many cases a very -sensible kind. If I ask everybody to vote about Mineral Meals and do not -get a single ballot-paper returned, I may say that the citizens have not -voted. But they have. - -The principle held by the populace, against which this plutocratic -conspiracy is being engineered, is simply the principle expressed in the -Prayer Book in the words “for better, for worse.” It is the principle -that all noble things have to be paid for, even if you only pay for them -with a promise. One does not take one’s interest out of England as one -takes it out of Consols. A man is not an Englishman unless he can endure -even the decay and death of England. And just as every citizen is a -potential soldier, so every wife or husband is a potential hospital -nurse--or even asylum attendant. For though we should all approve of -certain tragedies being mitigated by a celibate separation--yet the more -real love and honour there has been in the marriage, the less real -mitigation there will be in the parting. But this sound public instinct -both about patriotism and marriage also insists that the first vow or -obligation shall be mitigated, not merely erased and forgotten. Many a -good woman has loved and refused a doubtful man, with the proviso that -she would marry no one else; the old institution of marriage has the -same feeling about the tragedy that is post-matrimonial. The thing -remains real; it binds one to something. If I am exiled from England I -will go and live on an island somewhere and be as jolly as I can. I will -not become a patriot of any other land. - -[Illustration] - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's Divorce versus Democracy, by G. K. 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K. Chesterton - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: Divorce versus Democracy - -Author: G. K. Chesterton - -Release Date: June 24, 2020 [EBook #62467] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DIVORCE VERSUS DEMOCRACY *** - - - - -Produced by Tim Lindell, Chuck Greif and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) - - - - - - -</pre> - -<hr class="full" /> - -<div class="c"> -<img src="images/cover.jpg" width="641" height="1000" alt="" title="" /> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_1" id="page_1">{1}</a></span></p> - -<h1> -<img src="images/title.jpg" -height="550" -alt="" -/> -<br /><br /><br /> -DIVORCE<br /> -versus<br /> -DEMOCRACY</h1> - -<p class="cb">BY<br /> -G. K. CHESTERTON<br /> -<br /> -<small><i>Reprinted from “Nash’s Magazine”</i></small> -<br /><br /> -<br /><br /> -London -<br /><br /> -SS. PETER & PAUL<br /> -<i>Publishers to the Church of England</i><br /><br /> -32 George St., Hanover Square,<br /> -and 302 Regent St., W.<br /> -1916</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_2" id="page_2">{2}</a></span> </p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_3" id="page_3">{3}</a></span> </p> - -<h2><img src="images/i_003.png" -width="100" -alt="Preface" /></h2> - -<p class="nind">I <span class="smcap">have</span> been asked to put forward in pamphlet form this rather hasty -essay as it appeared in “Nash’s Magazine”; and I do so by the kind -permission of the editor. The rather chaotic quality of its journalism -it is now impossible to alter. The convictions upon which it is based -are unaltered and unalterable. Indeed, in so far as circumstances have -since affected them, they are greatly strengthened. In so far as there -was something sporadic and seemingly irrelevant in the writing, it was -partly because I was contending against an evil that was diffused and -indefinable, at once tentative and ubiquitous. Since then that disease -has come to a head and burst; primarily in the North of Europe. By that -historic habit which generally makes one European people the -standard-bearer of a social tendency, which made the Empire a Roman -Empire and the Revolution a French Revolution, the North Germans have -become the peculiar champions of that modern change which would make the -State infinitely superior to the Family. It is even asserted that -Prussian political authority is now encouraging the abandonment of -common morality for the support of population; and even if this horrible -thing be untrue, it is highly significant that it can be plausibly said -of Prussia, and certainly of no other Christian State. And in the new -light of action it is possible to trace more clearly the trend towards -divorce, as also that trend towards the other pagan institution of -slavery, which would certainly have accompanied it. But the enslaving -force in Europe struck too early; and the whole movement has been -brought to a standstill.</p> - -<p>The same circumstances have given an importance to a formula of my own -which I still think rather<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_4" id="page_4">{4}</a></span> important. It may be summarised as the -patriotism of the household. In the experience of nationality we do not -admit that any excess of despair can come into the same logical world as -desertion. No amount of tragedy need amount to treason. The Christian -view of marriage conceives of the home as self-governing in a manner -analogous to an independent state; that is, that it may include internal -reform and even internal rebellion; but because of the bond, not against -it. In this way it is itself a sort of standing reformer of the State; -for the State is judged by whether its arrangements bear helpfully or -bear hardly on the human fulness and fertility of the free family. Thus -the Wicked Ten in Rome were condemned and cast down because their public -powers permitted a wrong against the purity of a private family. Thus -the mediæval revolt against the Poll Tax began by the authority of an -official insulting the authority of a father. Men do not now, any more -than then, become sinless by receiving a post in a bureaucracy; and if -the domestic affairs of the poor were once put into the hands of mere -lawyers and inspectors, the poor would soon find themselves in positions -from which there is no exit save by the sword of Virginius and the -hammer of Wat Tyler. As for the section of the rich who are still -seeking a servile solution, they, of course, are still seeking the -extension of divorce. It is only “<i>divide et impera</i>”; and they want the -division of sex for the division of labour. The very same economic -calculation which makes them encourage tyranny in the shop makes them -encourage licence in the family. But now the free families of five great -nations have risen against them; and their plot has failed.</p> - -<p class="r"> -G. K. CHESTERTON<br /> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_5" id="page_5">{5}</a></span></p> -<h2><img src="images/i_005a.png" -width="350" -alt="Divorce versus Democracy" /></h2> - -<p class="nind"> -<span class="letra"><img src="images/i_005.jpg" -width="200" -alt="O" -/></span>N this question of divorce I do not profess to be impartial, for I have -never perceived any intelligent meaning in the word. I merely (and most -modestly) profess to be right. I also profess to be representative: that -is, democratic. Now, one may believe in democracy or disbelieve in it. -It would be grossly unfair to conceal the fact that there are -difficulties on both sides. The difficulty of believing in democracy is -that it is so hard to believe—like God and most other good things. The -difficulty of disbelieving in democracy is that there is nothing else to -believe in. I mean there is nothing else on earth or in earthly -politics. Unless an aristocracy is selected by gods, it must be selected -by men. It may be negatively and passively permitted, but either heaven -or humanity must permit it; otherwise it has no more moral authority -than a lucky pickpocket. It is baby talk to talk about “Supermen” or -“Nature’s Aristocracy” or “The Wise Few.” “The Wise Few” must be either -those whom others think wise—who are often fools; or those who think -themselves wise—who are always fools.</p> - -<p>Well, if one happens to believe in democracy as I do, as a large trust -in the active and passive judgment of the human conscience, one can have -no hesitation, no “impartiality,” about one’s view of divorce; and -especially about one’s view of the extension of divorce among the -democracy. A democrat in any sense must regard that extension as the -last and vilest of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_6" id="page_6">{6}</a></span> insults offered by the modern rich to the modern -poor. The rich do largely believe in divorce; the poor do mainly believe -in fidelity. But the modern rich are powerful and the modern poor are -powerless. Therefore for years and decades past the rich have been -preaching their own virtues. Now that they have begun to preach their -vices too, I think it is time to kick.</p> - -<p>There is one enormous and elementary objection to the popularising of -divorce, which comes before any consideration of the nature of marriage. -It is like an alphabet in letters too large to be seen. It is this: That -even if the democracy approved of divorce as strongly and deeply as the -democracy does (in fact) disapprove of it—any man of common sense must -know that nowadays the thing will be worked probably against the -democracy, but quite certainly by the plutocracy. People seem to forget -that in a society where power goes with wealth and where wealth is in an -extreme state of inequality, extending the powers of the law means -something entirely different from extending the powers of the public. -They seem to forget that there is a great deal of difference between -what laws define and what laws do. A poor woman in a poor public-house -was broken with a ruinous fine for giving a child a sip of shandy-gaff. -Nobody supposed that the law verbally stigmatised the action for being -done by a poor person in a poor public-house. But most certainly nobody -will dare to pretend that a rich man giving a boy a sip of champagne -would have been punished so heavily—or punished at all. I have seen the -thing done frequently in country houses; and my host and hostess would -have been very much surprised if I had gone outside and telephoned for -the police. The law theoretically condemns any one who tries to -frustrate the police or even fails to assist them. Yet the rich -motorists are allowed to keep up an organised service of anti-police -detectives—wearing a conspicuous uniform—for the avowed purpose of -showing<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_7" id="page_7">{7}</a></span> motorists how to avoid capture. No one supposes again that the -law says in so many words that the right to organise for the evasion of -laws is a privilege of the rich but not of the poor. But take the same -practical test. What would the police say, what would the world say, if -men stood about the streets in green and yellow uniforms, notoriously -for the purpose of warning pickpockets of the presence of a -plain-clothes officer? What would the world say if recognised officials -in peaked caps watched by night to warn a burglar that the police were -waiting for him? Yet there is no distinction of principle between the -evasion of that police-trap and the other police-trap—the police-trap -which prevents a motorist from killing a child like a chicken; which -prevents the most frivolous kind of murder, the most piteous kind of -sudden death.</p> - -<p>Well, the Poor Man’s Divorce Law will be applied exactly as all these -others are applied. Everybody must know that it would mean in practice -that well-dressed men, doctors, magistrates, and inspectors, would have -more power over the family lives of ill-dressed men, navvies, plumbers, -and potmen. Nobody can have the impudence to pretend that it would mean -that navvies, plumbers, and potmen would (either individually or -collectively) have more power over the family lives of doctors, -magistrates, and inspectors. Nobody dare assert that because divorce is -a State affair, therefore the poor citizen will have any power, direct -or indirect, to divorce a duchess from a duke or a banker from a -banker’s wife. But no one will call it inconceivable that the power of -rich families over poor families, which is already great, the power of -the duke as landlord, the power of the banker as money-lender, might be -considerably increased by arming magistrates with more powers of -interference in private life. For the dukes and bankers often are -magistrates, always the friends and relatives of magistrates. The -navvies are not. The navvy will be the subject of the new<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_8" id="page_8">{8}</a></span> experiments; -certainly never the experimentalist. It is the poor man who will show to -the imaginative eye of science all those horrors which, according to -newspaper correspondents, cry aloud for divorce—drunkenness, madness, -cruelty, incurable disease. If he is slow in working for his master, he -will be “defective.” If he is worn out by working for his master, he -will be “degenerate.” If he, at some particular opportunity, prefers to -work for himself to working for his master, he will be obviously insane. -If he never has any opportunity of working for any masters he will be -“unemployable.” All the bitter embarrassments and entanglements -incidental to extreme poverty will be used to break conjugal happiness, -as they are already used to break parental authority. Marriage will be -called a failure wherever it is a struggle; just as parents in modern -England are sent to prison for neglecting the children whom they cannot -afford to feed.</p> - -<p>I will take but one instance of the enormity and silliness which is -really implied in these proposals for the extension of divorce. Take the -case quoted by many contributors to the discussion in the papers—the -case of what is called “cruelty.” Now what is the real meaning of this -as regards the prosperous and as regards the struggling classes of the -community? Let us take the prosperous classes first. Every one knows -that those who are really to be described as gentlemen all profess a -particular tradition, partly chivalrous, partly merely modern and -refined—a tradition against “laying hands upon a woman, save in a way -of kindness.” I do not mean that a gentleman hates the cowing of a woman -by brute force: any one must hate that. I mean he has a ritual, taboo -kind of feeling about the laying on of a finger. If a gentleman (real or -imitation) has struck his wife ever so lightly, he feels he has done one -of those things that thrill the thoughts with the notion of a -border-line; something like saying the Lord’s Prayer backwards, touching -a<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_9" id="page_9">{9}</a></span> hot kettle, reversing the crucifix, or “breaking the pledge.” The -wife may forgive the husband more easily for this than for many things; -but the husband will find it hard to forgive himself. It is a purely -class sentiment, like the poor folks’ dislike of hospitals. What is the -effect of this class sentiment on divorce among the higher classes?</p> - -<p>The first effect, of course, is greatly to assist those faked divorces -so common among the fashionable. I mean that where there is a collusion, -a small pat or push can be remembered, exaggerated, or invented; and yet -seem to the solemn judges a very solemn thing in people of their own -social class. But outside these cases, the test is not wholly -inappropriate as applied to the richer classes. For, all gentlemen -feeling or affecting this special horror, it does really look bad if a -gentleman has broken through it; it does look like madness or a personal -hatred and persecution. It may even look like worse things. If a man -with luxurious habits, in artistic surroundings, is cruel to his wife, -it may be connected with some perversion of sex cruelty, such as was -alleged (I know not how truly) in the case of the millionaire Thaw. We -need not deny that such cases are cases for separation, if not for -divorce.</p> - -<p>But this test of technical cruelty, which is rough and ready as applied -to the rich, is absolutely mad and meaningless as applied to the poor. A -poor woman does not judge her husband as a bully by whether he has ever -hit out. One might as well say that a schoolboy judges whether another -schoolboy is a bully by whether he has ever hit out. The poor wife, like -the schoolboy, judges him as a bully by whether he is a bully. She knows -that while wife-beating may really be a crime, wife-hitting is sometimes -very like just self-defence. No one knows better than she does that her -husband often has a great deal to put up with; sometimes she means him -to; sometimes she is justified. She comes and tells all this to -magistrates again and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_10" id="page_10">{10}</a></span> again; in police court after police court women -with black eyes try to explain the thing to judges with no eyes. In -street after street women turn in anger on the hapless knight-errant who -has interrupted an instantaneous misunderstanding. In these people’s -lives the rooms are crowded, the tempers are torn to rags, the natural -exits are forbidden. In such societies it is as abominable to punish or -divorce people for a blow as it would be to punish or divorce a -gentleman for slamming the door. Yet who can doubt, if ever divorce is -applied to the populace, it would be applied in the spirit which takes -the blow quite seriously? If any one doubts it, he does not know what -world he is living in.</p> - -<p>It is common to meet nowadays men who talk of what they call Free Love -as if it were something like Free Silver—a new and ingenious political -scheme. They seem to forget that it is as easy to judge what it would be -like as to judge of what legal marriage would be like. “Free Love” has -been going on in every town and village since the beginning of the -world; and the first fact that every man of the world knows about it is -plain enough. It never does produce any of the wild purity and perfect -freedom its friends attribute to it. If any paper had the pluck to head -a column “Is Concubinage a Failure?” instead of “Is Marriage a Failure?” -the answer “Yes” would be given by the personal memory of many men, and -by the historic memory of all. Modern people perpetually quote some wild -expression of monks in the wilderness (when a whole civilisation was -maddened by remorse) about the perilous quality of Woman, about how she -was a spectre and a serpent and a destroying fire. Probably the -establishment of nuns, situated a few miles off, described Man also as a -serpent and a spectre; but their works have not come down to us.</p> - -<p>Now all this old-world wit against Benedick the married man was sensible -enough. But so was the bachelorhood of the old monks, who said it, -sensible<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_11" id="page_11">{11}</a></span> enough. It is perfectly true that to entangle yourself with -another soul in the most tender and tragic degree is to make, in all -rational possibility, a martyr or a fool of yourself. Most of the modern -denunciations of marriage might have been copied direct from the maddest -of the monkish diaries. The attack on marriage is an argument for -celibacy. It is not an argument for divorce. For that entanglement which -celibacy avowedly avoids, divorce merely reduplicates and repeats. It -may have been a sort of solemn comfort to a gentleman of Africa to -reflect that he had no wife. It cannot be anything but a discomfort to a -gentleman of America to wonder which wife he really has. If progress -means, as in the ludicrous definition of Herbert Spencer, “an advance -from the simple to the complex,” then certainly divorce is a part of -progress. Nothing can be conceived more complex than the condition of a -man who has settled down finally four or five times. Nothing can be -conceived more complex than the position of a profligate who has not -only had ten <i>liaisons</i>, but ten legal <i>liaisons</i>. There is a real sense -in which free love might free men. But freer divorce would catch them in -the most complicated net ever woven in this wicked world.</p> - -<p>The tragedy of love is in love, not in marriage. There is no unhappy -marriage that might not be an equally unhappy concubinage, or a far more -unhappy seduction. Whether the tie be legal or no, matters something to -the faithless party; it matters nothing to the faithful one. The pathos -reposes upon the perfectly simple fact that if any one deliberately -provokes either passions or affections, he is responsible for them as -long as they go on, as the man is responsible for letting loose a flood -or setting fire to a city. His remedy is not to provoke them, like the -hermit. His punishment, when he deserves punishment, is to spend the -rest of his life in trying to undo any ill he has done. His escape is -despair—which is called, in this connection, divorce. For every healthy -man feels one<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_12" id="page_12">{12}</a></span> fundamental fact in his soul. He feels that he must have -a life, and not a series of lives. He would rather the human drama were -a tragedy than that it were a series of Music-hall Turns and Potted -Plays. A man wishes to save the souls of all the men that he has been: -of the dirty little schoolboy; of the doubtful and morbid youth; of the -lover; of the husband. Re-incarnation has always seemed to me a cold -creed; because each incarnation must forget the other. It would be worse -still if this short human life were broken up into yet shorter lives, -each of which was in its turn forgotten.</p> - -<p>If you are a democrat who likes also to be an honest man—if (in other -words) you want to know what the people want and not merely what you can -somehow induce them to ask for—then there is no doubt at all that this -is what they want. You can only realise it by looking for human nature -elsewhere than in election reports; but when you have once looked for it -you see it and you never forget it. From the fact that every one thinks -it natural that young men and women should carve names on trees, to the -fact that every one thinks it unnatural that old men and women should be -separated in workhouses, millions and millions of daily details prove -that people do regard the relation as normally permanent; not as a -vision, but as a vow.</p> - -<p>Now for the exceptions, true or false. I would note a strange and even -silly oversight in the discussion of such exceptions, which has haunted -most arguments for further divorce. The ordinary emancipated prig or -poet who urges this side of the question always talks to one tune. -“Marriage may be the best for most men,” he says, “but there are -exceptional natures that demand a more undulating experience; constancy -will do for the common herd, but there are complex natures and complex -cases where no one could recommend constancy. I do not ask (at the -present Stage of Progress) for the abolition of marriage; I hereby ask -that it may be remitted in such individual and extreme examples.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_13" id="page_13">{13}</a></span>”</p> - -<p>Now it is perfectly astounding to me that any one who has walked about -this world should make such a blunder about the breed we call mankind. -Surely it is plain enough that if you ask for dreadful exceptions, you -will get them—too many of them. Let me take once again a rough parable. -Suppose I advertised in the papers that I had a place for any one who -was too stupid to be a clerk. Probably I should receive no replies; -possibly one. Possibly also (nay, probably) it would be from the one man -who was not stupid at all. But suppose I had advertised that I had a -place for any one who was too clever to be a clerk. My office would be -instantly besieged by all the most hopeless fools in the four kingdoms. -To advertise for exceptions is simply to advertise for egoists. To -advertise for egoists is to advertise for idiots. It is exactly the bore -who does think that his case is interesting. It is precisely the really -common person who does think that his case is uncommon. It is always the -dull man who does think himself rather wild. To ask solely for strange -experiences of the soul is simply to let loose all the imbecile asylums -about one’s ears. Whatever other theory is right, this theory of the -exceptions is obviously wrong—or (what matters more to our modern -atheists) is obviously unbusinesslike. It is, moreover, to any one with -popular political sympathies, a very deep and subtle sort of treason. By -thus putting a premium on the exceptional we grossly deceive the -unconsciousness of the normal. It seems strangely forgotten that the -indifference of a nation is sacred as well as its differences. Even -public apathy is a kind of public opinion—and in many cases a very -sensible kind. If I ask everybody to vote about Mineral Meals and do not -get a single ballot-paper returned, I may say that the citizens have not -voted. But they have.</p> - -<p>The principle held by the populace, against which this plutocratic -conspiracy is being engineered, is simply the principle expressed in the -Prayer Book in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_14" id="page_14">{14}</a></span> the words “for better, for worse.” It is the principle -that all noble things have to be paid for, even if you only pay for them -with a promise. One does not take one’s interest out of England as one -takes it out of Consols. A man is not an Englishman unless he can endure -even the decay and death of England. And just as every citizen is a -potential soldier, so every wife or husband is a potential hospital -nurse—or even asylum attendant. For though we should all approve of -certain tragedies being mitigated by a celibate separation—yet the more -real love and honour there has been in the marriage, the less real -mitigation there will be in the parting. But this sound public instinct -both about patriotism and marriage also insists that the first vow or -obligation shall be mitigated, not merely erased and forgotten. Many a -good woman has loved and refused a doubtful man, with the proviso that -she would marry no one else; the old institution of marriage has the -same feeling about the tragedy that is post-matrimonial. The thing -remains real; it binds one to something. If I am exiled from England I -will go and live on an island somewhere and be as jolly as I can. I will -not become a patriot of any other land.</p> - -<div class="c"> -<img src="images/i_014.jpg" width="250" alt="" title="" /> -</div> - -<hr class="full" /> - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's Divorce versus Democracy, by G. K. 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