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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ad27d8d --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #61347 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/61347) diff --git a/old/61347-0.txt b/old/61347-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 58cc953..0000000 --- a/old/61347-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,1537 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's Socialism and the family, by H. G. (Herbert George) Wells - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Socialism and the family - -Author: H. G. (Herbert George) Wells - -Release Date: February 9, 2020 [EBook #61347] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SOCIALISM AND THE FAMILY *** - - - - -Produced by Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - - SOCIALISM AND THE FAMILY - - - - - _BY THE SAME AUTHOR_ - - - THE PLATTNER STORY, AND OTHERS. - TALES OF SPACE AND TIME. - THE STOLEN BACILLUS AND OTHER STORIES. - TWELVE STORIES AND A DREAM. - - THE TIME MACHINE. - THE ISLAND OF DR. MOREAU. - THE WAR OF THE WORLDS. - THE INVISIBLE MAN. - THE FIRST MEN IN THE MOON. - THE FOOD OF THE GODS. - THE SEA LADY (Methuen). - WHEN THE SLEEPER WAKES. - IN THE DAYS OF THE COMET. - - LOVE AND MR. LEWISHAM. - KIPPS. - - ANTICIPATIONS. - MANKIND IN THE MAKING. - A MODERN UTOPIA. - THE FUTURE IN AMERICA. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - SOCIALISM AND THE FAMILY - - - By - H. G. WELLS - - _Author of “In the Days of the Comet,” “A Modern Utopia,” - “Anticipations,” etc._ - - - LONDON - A. C. FIFIELD, 44, FLEET STREET, E.C. - 1906 - - - - - _All rights reserved_ - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - SOCIALISM AND THE FAMILY - - -_These are two papers written by Mr. H. G. Wells. The first was read to -the Fabian Society in October, 1906, under the title of “Socialism and -the Middle Classes.” The second appeared first in the “Independent -Review.” Together they state pretty completely the attitude of Modern -Socialism to family life._ - - - - - I - - -In this paper I am anxious to define and discuss the relationship -between three distinct things: - -(1) Socialism, i.e. a large, a slowly elaborating conception of a sane -and organized state and moral culture to replace our present chaotic way -of living, - -(2) the Socialist movement, and - -(3) the Middle Classes. - -The first is to me a very great thing indeed, the form and substance of -my ideal life, and all the religion I possess. Let me make my confession -plain and clear. I am, by a sort of predestination, a Socialist. I -perceive, I cannot help talking and writing about Socialism, and shaping -and forwarding Socialism. I am one of a succession—one of a growing -multitude of witnesses, who will continue. It does not—in the larger -sense—matter how many generations of us must toil and testify. It does -not matter, except as our individual concern, how individually we -succeed or fail, what blunders we make, what thwartings we encounter, -what follies and inadequacies darken our private hopes and level our -personal imaginations to the dust. We have the light. We know what we -are for, and that the light that now glimmers so dimly through us must -in the end prevail. To us Socialism is no piece of political strategy, -no economic opposition of class to class; it is a plan for the -reconstruction of human life, for the replacement of a disorder by -order, for the making of a state in which mankind shall live bravely and -beautifully beyond our present imagining. - -So, largely, I conceive of Socialism. But Socialism and the Socialist -movement are two very different things. The Socialist movement is an -item in an altogether different scale. - -I must confess that the organized Socialist movement, all the Socialist -societies and leagues and federations and parties together in England, -seem to me no more than the rustling hem of the garment of advancing -Socialism. For some years the whole organized Socialist movement seemed -to me so unimportant, so irrelevant to that progressive development and -realization of a great system of ideas which is Socialism, that, like -very many other Socialists, I did not trouble to connect myself with any -section of it. I don’t believe that the Socialist idea is as yet nearly -enough thought out and elaborated for very much of it to be realized of -set intention now. Socialism is still essentially education, is study, -is a renewal, a profound change in the circle of human thought and -motive. The institutions which will express this changed circle of -thought are important indeed, but with a secondary importance. Socialism -is the still incomplete, the still sketchy and sketchily indicative plan -of a new life for the world, a new and better way of living, a change of -spirit and substance from the narrow selfishness and immediacy and -cowardly formalism, the chaotic life individual accident that is human -life to-day, a life that dooms itself and all of us to thwartings and -misery. Socialism, therefore, is to be served by thought and expression, -in art, in literature, in scientific statement and life, in discussion -and the quickening exercise of propaganda; but the Socialist movement, -as one finds it, is too often no more than a hasty attempt to secure a -premature realization of some fragmentary suggestion of this great, -still plastic design, to the neglect of all other of its aspects. As my -own sense of Socialism has enlarged and intensified, I have become more -and more impressed by the imperfect Socialism of almost every Socialist -movement that is going on; by its necessarily partial and limited -projection from the clotted cants and habituations of things as they -are. Some Socialists quarrel with the Liberal Party and with the -Socialist section of the Liberal Party because it does not go far -enough, because it does not embody a Socialism uncompromising and -complete, because it has not definitely cut itself off from the old -traditions, the discredited formulæ, that served before the coming of -our great idea. They are blind to the fact that there is no organized -Socialism at present, uncompromising and complete, and the Socialists -who flatter themselves they represent as much are merely those who have -either never grasped or who have forgotten the full implications of -Socialism. They are just a little step further, a very little step -further in their departure from existing prejudices, in their -subservience to existing institutions and existing imperatives. - -Take, for example, the Socialism that is popular in New York and Chicago -and Germany, and that finds its exponents here typically in the inferior -ranks of the Social Democratic Federation—the crude Marxite teaching. It -still awaits permeation by true Socialist conceptions. It is a version -of life adapted essentially to the imagination of the working wage -earner, and limited by his limitations. It is the vision of poor souls -perennially reminded each Monday morning of the shadow and irksomeness -of life, perpetually recalled each Saturday pay time to a watery gleam -of all that life might be. One of the numberless relationships of life, -the relationship of capital or the employer to the employed, is made to -overshadow all other relations. Get that put right, “expropriate the -idle rich,” transfer all capital to the State, make the State the -humane, amenable, universal employer—that, to innumerable, Socialist -working men, is the horizon. The rest he sees in the forms of the life -to which he is accustomed. A little home, a trifle larger and brighter -than his present one, a more abounding table, a cheerful missus released -from factory work and unhealthy competition with men, a bright and -healthy family going to and fro to the public free schools, free medical -attendance, universal State insurance for old age, free trams to Burnham -Beeches, shorter hours of work and higher wages, no dismissals, no -hunting for work that eludes one. All the wide world of collateral -consequences that will follow from the cessation of the system of -employment under conditions of individualist competition, he does not -seem to apprehend. Such phrases as the citizenship and economic -independence of women leave him cold. That Socialism has anything to say -about the economic basis of the family, about the social aspects of -marriage, about the rights of the parent, doesn’t, I think, at first -occur to him at all. Nor does he realize for a long time that for -Socialism and under Socialist institutions will there be needed any -system of self-discipline, any rules of conduct further than the natural -impulses and the native goodness of man. He takes just that aspect of -Socialism that appeals to him, and that alone, and it is only -exceptionally at present, and very slowly, as a process of slow -habituation and enlargement, that he comes to any wider conceptions. -And, as a consequence, directly we pass to any social type to which -weekly or monthly wages is not the dominating fact of life, and a simple -unthinking faith in Yes or No decisions its dominant habit, the -phrasings, the formulæ, the statements and the discreet omissions of the -leaders of working-class Socialism fail to appeal. - -Socialism commends itself to a considerable proportion of the working -class simply as a beneficial change in the conditions of work and -employment; to other sections of the community it presents itself -through equally limited aspects. Certain ways of living it seems to -condemn root and branch. To the stockbroker and many other sorts of -trader, to the usurer, to the company promoter, to the retired butler -who has invested his money in “weekly property,” for example, it stands -for the dissolution of all comprehensible social order. It simply -repudiates the way of living to which they have committed themselves. -And to great numbers of agreeable unintelligent people who live upon -rent and interest it is a projected severing of every bond that holds -man and man, that keeps servants respectful, tradespeople in order, -railways and hotels available, and the whole procedure of life going. -They class Socialism and Anarchism together in a way that is as -logically unjust as it is from their point of view justifiable. Both -cults have this in common, that they threaten to wipe out the whole -world of the villa resident. And this sense of a threatened profound -disturbance in their way of living pervades the attitude of nearly all -the comfortable classes towards Socialism. - -When we discuss the attitude of the middle classes to Socialism we must -always bear this keener sense of disconcerting changes in mind. It is a -part of the queer composition of the human animal that its desire for -happenings is balanced by an instinctive dread of real changes of -condition. People, especially fully adult people, are creatures who have -grown accustomed to a certain method of costume, a certain system of -meals, a certain dietary, certain apparatus, a certain routine. They -know their way about in life as it is. They would be lost in Utopia. -Quite little alterations “put them out,” as they say—create a -distressing feeling of inadequacy, make them “feel odd.” Whatever little -enlargements they may contemplate in reverie, in practice they know they -want nothing except, perhaps, a little more of all the things they like. -That’s the way with most of us, anyhow. To make a fairly complete -intimation of the nature of Socialism to an average, decent, -middle-aged, middle-class person would be to arouse emotions of -unspeakable terror, if the whole project didn’t also naturally clothe -itself in a quality of incredibility. And you will find, as a matter of -fact, that your middle-class Socialists belong to two classes; either -they are amiable people who don’t understand a bit what Socialism is—and -some of the most ardent and serviceable workers for Socialism are of -this type—or they are people so unhappily situated and so unfortunate, -or else of such exceptional imaginative force or training (which is -itself, perhaps, from the practical point of view, a misfortune), as to -be capable of a discontent with life as it is, so passionate as to -outweigh instinctive timidities and discretions. Rest assured that to -make any large section of the comfortable upper middle class Socialists, -you must either misrepresent, and more particularly under-represent -Socialism, or you must quicken their imaginations far beyond the present -state of affairs. - -Some of the most ardent and serviceable of Socialist workers, I have -said, are of the former type. For the most part they are philanthropic -people, or women and men of the managing temperament shocked into a sort -of Socialism by the more glaring and melodramatic cruelties of our -universally cruel social system. They are the district visitors of -Socialism. They do not realize that Socialism demands any change in -themselves or in their way of living, they perceive in it simply a way -of hope from the failures of vulgar charity. Chiefly they assail the bad -conditions of life of the lower classes. They don’t for a moment -envisage a time when there will be no lower classes—that is beyond them -altogether. Much less can they conceive of a time when there will be no -governing class distinctively in possession of _means_. They exact -respect from inferiors; no touch of Socialist warmth or light qualifies -their arrogant manners. Perhaps they, too, broaden their conception of -Socialism as time goes on, but so it begins with them. Now to make -Socialists of this type the appeal is a very different one from the talk -of class war and expropriation, and the abolition of the idle rich, -which is so serviceable with a roomful of sweated workers. These people -are moved partly by pity, and the best of them by a hatred for the -squalor and waste of the present _régime_. Talk of the expropriated rich -simply raises in their minds painful and disconcerting images of -distressed gentlewomen. But one necessary aspect of the Socialist’s -vision that sends the coldest shiver down the spine of the working class -Socialist is extraordinarily alluring and congenial to them, namely, the -official and organized side. They love to think of houses and factories -open to competent inspection, of municipal milk, sealed and certificated -for every cottager’s baby, of old age pensions and a high and rising -minimum standard of life. They have an admirable sense of sanitation. -They are the philanthropic and administrative Socialists as -distinguished from the economic revolutionaries. - -This class of Socialist passes insensibly into the merely Socialistic -philanthropist of the wealthy middle class to whom we owe so much -helpful expenditure upon experiments in housing, in museum and school -construction, in educational endowment, and so forth. Their activities -are not for one moment to be despised; they are a constant demonstration -to dull and sceptical persons that things may be different, better, -prettier, kindlier and more orderly. Many people impervious to tracts -can be set thinking by a model village or a model factory. However petty -much of what they achieve may be, there it is achieved—in legislation, -in bricks and mortar. Among other things, these administrative -Socialists serve to correct the very perceptible tendency of most -working men Socialists to sentimental anarchism in regard to questions -of control and conduct, a tendency due entirely to their social and -administrative inexperience. - -For more thorough-going Socialism among the middle classes one must look -to those strata and sections in which quickened imaginations and -unsettling influences are to be found. The artist should be -extraordinarily attracted by Socialism. A mind habitually directed to -beauty as an end must necessarily be exceptionally awake to the ugly -congestions of our contemporary civilisation, to the prolific futile -production of gawky, ill-mannered, jostling new things, to the shabby -profit-seeking that ousts beauty from life and poisons every enterprise -of man. And not only artistic work, but the better sort of scientific -investigation, the better sort of literary work, and every occupation -that involves the persistent free use of thought, must bring the mind -more and more towards the definite recognition of our social incoherence -and waste. But this by no means exhausts the professions that ought to -have a distinct bias for Socialism. The engineer, the architect, the -mechanical inventor, the industrial organizer, and every sort of maker -must be at one in their desire for emancipation from servitude to the -promoter, the trader, the lawyer, and the forestaller, from the -perpetually recurring obstruction of the claim of the private proprietor -to every large and hopeful enterprise, and ready to respond to the -immense creative element in the Socialist idea. Only it is that creative -element which has so far found least expression in Socialist literature, -which appears neither in the “class war” literature of the working class -Socialist nor the litigious, inspecting, fining, and regulating tracts -and proposals of the administrative Socialist. To too many of these men -in the constructive professions the substitution of a Socialist State -for our present economic method carries with it no promise of -emancipation at all. They think that to work for the public controls -which an advance towards Socialism would set up, would be worse for them -and for all that they desire to do than the profit-seeking, -expense-cutting, mercenary making of the present _régime_. - -This is, I believe, a temporary and alterable state, contrary to the -essential and permanent spirit of those engaged in constructive work. It -is due very largely to the many misrepresentations and partial -statements of Socialism that have rendered it palatable and assimilable -to the working men and the administrative Socialist. Socialism has been -presented on the one hand as a scheme of expropriation to a clamorous -popular government of working men, far more ignorant and incapable of -management than a shareholders’ meeting, and, on the other, as a scheme -for the encouragement of stupid little municipal authorities of the -contemporary type in impossible business undertakings under the guidance -of fussy, energetic, legal minded and totally unscientific instigators. -Except for the quite recent development of Socialist thought that is now -being embodied in the _New Heptarchy Series_ of the Fabian Society, -scarcely anything has been done to dispel these reasonable dreads. I -should think that from the point of view of Socialist propaganda, the -time is altogether ripe now for a fresh and more vigorous insistence -upon the materially creative aspect of the Vision of Socialism, an -aspect which is after all, much more cardinal and characteristic than -any aspect that has hitherto been presented systematically to the world. -An enormous rebuilding, remaking, and expansion is integral in the -Socialist dream. We want to get the land out of the control of the -private owners among whom it is cut up, we want to get houses, -factories, railways, mines, farms out of the dispersed management of -their proprietors, not in order to secure their present profits and -hinder development, but in order to rearrange these things in a saner -and finer fashion. An immense work of replanning, rebuilding, -redistributing lies in the foreground of the Socialist vista. We -contemplate an enormous clearance of existing things. We want an -unfettered hand to make beautiful and convenient homes, splendid cities, -noiseless great highways, beautiful bridges, clean, swift and splendid -electric railways; we are inspired by a faith in the coming of clean, -wide and simple methods of agricultural production. But it is only now -that Socialism is beginning to be put in these terms. So put it, and the -engineer and the architect and the scientific organizer, agricultural or -industrial—all the best of them, anyhow—will find it correspond -extraordinarily to their way of thinking. - -Not all of them, of course. A middle-aged architect with a note-book -full of bits of gothic, and a reputation for suburban churches, or full -of bits of “Queen Anne” and a connexion among villa builders, or an -engineer paterfamilias who has tasted blood as an expert witness, aren’t -to be won by these suggestions. They’re part of things as they are. But -that is only a temporary inconvenience to Socialism. The young men do -respond, and they are the future and what Socialism needs. - -And there’s another great constructive profession that should be -Socialist altogether, and that is the medical profession. Especially -does Socialism claim the younger men who haven’t yet sunken from the -hospitals to the trading individualism of a practice. And then there are -the teachers, the schoolmasters and schoolmistresses. The idea of a -great organized making is innate in the quality of their professions; -the making of sound bodies and healthy conditions, the making of -informed and disciplined minds. The methods of the profit-seeking -schoolmaster, the practice-buying doctor are imposed upon them by the -necessities of an individualist world. Both these two great professions -present nowadays, side by side, two types—the new type, highly -qualified, official, administrative, scientific, public-spirited; the -old type, capitalistic, with a pretentious house and equipment, the -doctor with a brougham, and a dispensary, the schoolmaster or -schoolmistress with some huge old stucco house converted by jerry-built -extensions to meet scholastic needs. Who would not rather, one may ask, -choose the former way who was not already irrevocably committed to the -latter? Well, I with my Socialist dreams would like to answer “No one,” -but I’m learning to check my buoyant optimism. The imagination and -science in a young man may cry out for the public position, for the -valiant public work, for the hard, honourable, creative years. He may -sit with his fellow-students and his fellow-workers in a nocturnal cloud -of tobacco smoke and fine talk, and vow himself to research and the -creative world state. In the morning he will think he has dreamed; he -will recall what the world is, what Socialists are, what he has heard -wild Socialists say about science and his art. He will elect for the -real world and a practice. - -Something more than a failure to state the constructive and educational -quality in Socialism on the part of its exponents has to be admitted in -accounting for the unnatural want of sympathetic co-operation between -them and the bulk of these noble professions. I cannot disguise from -myself certain curiously irrelevant strands that have interwoven with -the partial statements of Socialism current in England, and which it is -high time, I think, for Socialists to repudiate. Socialism is something -more than an empty criticism of our contemporary disorder and waste of -life, it is a great intimation of construction, organization, science -and education. But concurrently with its extension and its destructive -criticism of the capitalistic individualism of to-day, there has been -another movement, essentially an anarchist movement, hostile to -machinery and apparatus, hostile to medical science, hostile to order, -hostile to education, a Rousseauite movement in the direction of a -sentimentalized naturalism, a Tolstoyan movement in the direction of a -non-resisting pietism, which has not simply been confused with the -Socialist movement, but has really affected and interwoven with it. It -is not simply that wherever discussion and destructive criticism of the -present conventional bases of society occur, both ways of thinking crop -up together; they occur all too often as alternating phases in the same -individual. Few of us are so clear-headed as to be free from profound -self-contradictions. So that it is no great marvel, after all, if the -presentation of Socialism has got mixed up with Return-to-Nature ideas, -with proposals for living in a state of unregulated primitive virtue in -purely hand-made houses, upon rain water and uncooked fruit. We -Socialists have to disentangle it from these things now. We have to -disavow, with all necessary emphasis, that gibing at science and the -medical profession, at schools and books and the necessary apparatus for -collective thinking, which has been one of our little ornamental -weaknesses in the past. That has, I know, kept a very considerable -number of intelligent professional men from inquiring further into -Socialist theories and teachings. As a consequence there are, especially -in the medical profession, quite a number of unconscious Socialists, -men, often with a far clearer grip upon the central ideas of Socialism -than many of its professed exponents, who have worked out these ideas -for themselves, and are incredulous to hear them called Socialistic. - -So much for the specifically creative and imagination-using professions. -Throughout the whole range of the more educated middle classes, however, -there are causes at work that necessarily stimulate thought towards -Socialism, that engender scepticisms, promote inquiries leading towards -what is at present the least expounded of all aspects of Socialism—the -relation of Socialism to the institution of the Family.... - -The Family, and not the individual, is still the unit in contemporary -civilization, and indeed in nearly all social systems that have ever -existed. The adult male, the head of the family, has been the citizen, -the sole representative of the family in the State. About him have been -grouped his one or more wives, his children, his dependents. His -position towards them has always been—is still in many respects to this -day—one of ownership. He was owner of them all, and in many of the less -sophisticated systems of the past his ownership was as complete as over -his horse and house and land—more complete than over his land. He could -sell his children into slavery, barter his wives. There has been a -secular mitigation of the rights of this sort of private property; the -establishment of monogamy, for instance, did for the family what -President Roosevelt’s proposed legislation against large accumulations -might do for industrial enterprises, but to this day in our own -community, for all such mitigations and many euphemisms, the ownership -of the head of the family is still a manifest fact. He votes. He keeps -and protects. He determines the education and professions of his -children. He is entitled to monetary consolation for any infringement of -his rights over wife or daughter. Every intelligent woman understands -that, as a matter of hard fact, beneath all the civilities of to-day, -she is actual or potential property, and has to treat herself and keep -herself as that. She may by force or subtlety turn her chains into -weapons, she may succeed in exacting a reciprocal property in a man, the -fact remains fundamental that she is either isolated or owned. - -But I need not go on writing facts with which every one is acquainted. -My concern now is to point out that Socialism repudiates the private -ownership of the head of the family as completely as it repudiates any -other sort of private ownership. Socialism involves the responsible -citizenship of women, their economic independence of men, and all the -personal freedom that follows that, it intervenes between the children -and the parents, claiming to support them, protect them, and educate -them for its own ampler purposes. Socialism, in fact, is the State -family. The old family of the private individual must vanish before it, -just as the old water works of private enterprise, or the old gas -company. They are incompatible with it. Socialism assails the triumphant -egotism of the family to-day, just as Christianity did in its earlier -and more vital centuries. So far as English Socialism is concerned (and -the thing is still more the case in America) I must confess that the -assault has displayed a quite extraordinary instinct for taking cover, -but that is a question of tactics rather than of essential antagonism. - -It is possible to believe that so far as the middle classes are -concerned this discretion has been carried altogether too far. -Socialists would have forwarded their cause better if they had been more -outspoken. It has led to preposterous misunderstandings; and among -others to the charge that Socialism implied free-love.... The -middle-class family, I am increasingly convinced, is a group in a state -of tension. I believe that a modest but complete statement of the -Socialist criticism of the family and the proposed Socialist substitute -for the conventional relationships might awaken extraordinary responses -at the present time. The great terror of the eighties and early nineties -that crushed all reasonable discussion of sexual relationship is, I -believe, altogether over. - -The whole of the present system is riddled with discontents. One factor -is the enhanced sense of the child in middle-class life: the old -sentiment was that the parent owned the child, the new is that the -children own the parents. There has come an intensified respect for -children, an immense increase in the trouble, attention and expenditure -devoted to them—and a very natural and human accompaniment in the huge -fall in the middle-class birth-rate. It is felt that to bear and rear -children is the most noble and splendid and responsible thing in life, -and an increasing number of people modestly evade it. People see more -clearly the social service of parentage, and are more and more inclined -to demand a recognition from the State for this service. The -middle-class parent might conceivably be horrified if you suggested the -State should pay him for his offspring, but he would have no objection -whatever to being indirectly and partially paid by a differential income -tax graduated in relation to the size of his family. - -With this increased sense of the virtue and public service of parentage -there has gone on a great development of the criticism of schools and -teaching. The more educated middle-class parent has become an amateur -educationist of considerable virulence. He sees more and more distinctly -the inadequacy of his own private attempts to educate, the necessary -charlatanry and insufficiency of the private adventure school. He finds -much to envy in the elementary schools. If he is ignorant and -short-sighted, he joins in the bitter cry of the middle classes, and -clamours against the pampering of the working class, and the rising of -the rates which renders his efforts to educate his own children more -difficult. But a more intelligent type of middle-class parent sends his -boy in for public scholarships, sets to work to get educational -endowment for his own class also, and makes another step towards -Socialism. Moreover, the increasing intelligence of the middle-class -parent and the steady swallowing up of the smaller capitalists and -smaller shareholders by the larger enterprises and fortunes, alike bring -home to him the temporary and uncertain nature of the advantages his -private efforts give his children over those of the working man. He sees -no more than a brief respite for them against the economic cataclysms of -the coming time. He is more and more alive to the presence of secular -change in the world. He does not feel sure his sons will carry on the -old business, continue the old practice. He begins to appreciate the -concentration of wealth. The secular development of the capitalistic -system robs him more and more of his sense of securities. He is uneasier -than he used to be about investments. He no longer has that complete -faith in private insurance companies that once sustained him. His mind -broadens out to State insurance as to State education. He is far more -amenable than he used to be to the idea that the only way to provide for -one’s own posterity is to provide for every one’s posterity, to merge -parentage in citizenship. The family of the middle-class man which -fights for itself alone, is lost. - -Socialism comes into the middle-class family offering education, -offering assurances for the future, and only very distantly intimating -the price to be paid in weakened individual control. But far profounder -disintegrations are at work. The internal character of the middle-class -family is altering fundamentally with the general growth of -intelligence, with the higher education of women, with the comings and -goings for this purpose and that, the bicycles and games, the enlarged -social appetites and opportunities of a new time. The more or less -conscious _Strike against Parentage_ is having far-reaching effects. The -family proper becomes a numerically smaller group. Enormous numbers of -childless families appear; the middle-class family with two, or at most -three, children is the rule rather than the exception in certain strata. -This makes the family a less various and interesting group, with a -smaller demand for attention, emotion, effort. Quite apart from the -general mental quickening of the time, it leaves more and more social -energy, curiosity, enterprise free, either to fret within the narrow -family limits or to go outside them. The _Strike against Parentage_ -takes among other forms the form of a strike against marriage; great -numbers of men and women stand out from a relationship which every year -seems more limiting and (except for its temporary passional aspect) -purposeless. The number of intelligent and healthy women inadequately -employed, who either idle as wives in attenuated modern families, -childless or with an insufficient child or so, or who work for an -unsatisfying subsistence as unmarried women, increases. To them the -complete conceptions of Socialism should have an extraordinary appeal. - -The appearance of the feminine mind and soul in the world as something -distinct and self-conscious, is the appearance of a distinct new engine -of criticism against the individualist family, against this dwindling -property of the once-ascendant male—who no longer effectually rules, no -longer, in many cases, either protects or sustains, who all too often is -so shorn of his beams as to be but a vexatious power of jealous -restriction and interference upon his wife and children. The educated -girl resents the proposed loss of her freedom in marriage, the educated -married woman realizes as well as resents the losses of scope and -interest marriage entails. If it were not for the economic disadvantages -that make intelligent women dread a solitary old age in bitter poverty, -vast numbers of women who are married to-day would have remained single -independent women. This discontent of women is a huge available force -for Socialism. The wife of the past was, to put it brutally, caught -younger—so young that she had had no time to think—she began forthwith -to bear babies, rear babies, and (which she did in a quite proportionate -profusion) bury babies—she never had a moment to think. Now the wife -with double the leisure, double the education and half the emotional -scope of her worn prolific grandmother, sits at home and thinks things -over. You find her letting herself loose in clubs, in literary -enterprises, in schemes for joint households to relieve herself and her -husband from the continuation of a duologue that has exhausted its -interest. The husband finds himself divided between his sympathetic -sense of tedium and the proprietary tradition in which we live. - -For these tensions in the disintegration of the old proprietary family -no remedy offers itself to-day except the solutions that arise as -essential portions of the Socialist scheme. The alternative is hypocrisy -and disorder. - -There is yet another and still more effectual system of strains at work -in the existing social unit, and that is the strain between parents and -children. That has always existed. It is one of our most transparent -sentimental pretences that there is any natural subordination of son to -father, of daughter to mother. As a matter of fact a good deal of -natural antagonism appears at the adolescence of the young. Something -very like an instinct stirs in them, to rebel, to go out. The old habits -of solicitude, control and restraint in the parent become more and more -hampering, irksome, and exasperating to the offspring. The middle-class -son gets away in spirit and in fact to school, to college, to -business—his sister does all she can to follow his excellent example. In -a world with vast moral and intellectual changes in progress the -intelligent young find the personal struggle for independence -intensified by a conflict of ideas. The modern tendency to cherish and -preserve youthfulness; the keener desire for living that prevents women -getting fat and ugly, and men bald and incompetent by forty-five, is -another dissolvent factor among these stresses. The daughter is not only -restrained by her mother’s precepts, but inflamed by her example. The -son finds his father’s coevals treating him as a contemporary. - -Well, into these conflicts and disorders comes Socialism, and Socialism -alone, to explain, to justify, to propose new conventions and new -interpretations of relationship, to champion the reasonable claims of -the young, to mitigate the thwarted ownership of the old. Socialism -comes, constructive amid the wreckage. - -Let me at this point, and before I conclude, put one thing with the -utmost possible clearness. The Socialist does not propose to destroy -something that conceivably would otherwise last for ever, when he -proposes a new set of institutions, and a new system of conduct to -replace the old proprietary family. He no more regards the institution -of marriage as a permanent thing than he regards a state of competitive -industrialism as a permanent thing. In the economic sphere, quite apart -from any Socialist ideas or Socialist activities, it is manifest that -competitive individualism destroys itself. This was reasoned out long -ago in the _Capital_ of Marx; it is receiving its first gigantic -practical demonstration in the United States of America. Whatever -happens, we believe that competitive industrialism will change and -end—and we Socialists at least believe that the alternative to some form -of Socialism is tyranny and social ruin. So, too, in the social sphere, -whether Socialists succeed altogether or fail altogether, or in whatever -measure they succeed or fail, it does not alter the fact that the family -is weakening, dwindling, breaking up, disintegrating. The alternative to -a planned and organized Socialism is not the maintenance of the present -system, but its logical development, and that is all too plainly a -growing complication of pretences as the old imperatives weaken and -fade. We already live in a world of stupendous hypocrisies, a world -wherein rakes and rascals champion the sacred institution of the family, -and a network of sexual secrets, vaguely suspected, disagreeably -present, and only half-concealed, pervades every social group one -enters. Cynicism, a dismal swamp of base intrigues, cruel restrictions -and habitual insincerities, is the manifest destiny of the present -_régime_ unless we make some revolutionary turn. It cannot work out its -own salvation without the profoundest change in its determining ideas. -And what change in those ideas is offered except by the Socialist? - -In relation to all these most intimate aspects of life, Socialism, and -Socialism alone, supplies the hope and suggestions of clean and -practicable solutions. So far, Socialists have either been silent or -vague, or—let us say—tactful, in relation to this central tangle of -life. To begin to speak plainly among the silences and suppressions, the -“find out for yourself” of the current time, would be, I think, to grip -the middle-class woman and the middle-class youth of both sexes with an -extraordinary new interest, to irradiate the dissensions of every bored -couple and every squabbling family with broad conceptions, and -enormously to enlarge and stimulate the Socialist movement at the -present time. - - _Here ends the paper read by Mr. Wells to the Fabian Society, but in - this that follows he sets out the Socialist conception of the new - relations that must follow the old much more clearly._ - - - - - II - - -I do not think that the general reader at all appreciates the steady -development of Socialist thought during the past two decades. Directly -one comes into close contact with contemporary Socialists one discovers -in all sorts of ways the evidence of the synthetic work that has been -and still is in process, the clearing and growth of guiding ideas, the -qualification of primitive statements, the consideration, the adaptation -to meet this or that adequate criticism. A quarter of a century ago -Socialism was still to a very large extent a doctrine of negative, a -passionate criticism and denial of the theories that sustained and -excused the injustices of contemporary life, a repudiation of social and -economic methods then held to be indispensable and in the very nature of -things. Its positive proposals were as sketchy as they were -enthusiastic, sketchy and, it must be confessed, fluctuating. One needs -to turn back to the files of its every-day publications to realize the -progress that has been made, the secular emergence of a consistent and -continually more nearly complete and directive scheme of social -reconstruction from the chaotic propositions and hopes and denials of -the earlier time. In no direction is this more evident than in the -steady clearing of the Socialistic attitude towards marriage and the -family; in the disentanglement of Socialism from much idealist and -irrelevant matter with which it was once closely associated and -encumbered, in the orderly incorporation of conceptions that at one time -seemed not only outside of, but hostile to, Socialist ways of -thinking.... - -Nothing could have brought out this more clearly than the comical -attempt made recently by the _Daily Express_ to suggest that Mr. Keir -Hardie and the party he leads was mysteriously involved with my -unfortunate self in teaching Free Love to respectable working men. When -my heat and indignation had presently a little subsided, I found myself -asking how it came about, that any one could bring together such -discrepant things as the orderly proposals of Socialism as they shape -themselves in the projects of Mr. Keir Hardie, let us say, and the -doctrine of sexual go-as-you-please. And so inquiring, my mind drifted -back to the days—it is a hazy period to me—when Godwin and Mary -Wollstonecraft were alive, when Shelley explained his views to Harriet. -These people were in a sort of way Socialists; Palaeo-Socialists. They -professed also very distinctly that uncovenanted freedom of action in -sexual matters which is, I suppose, Free Love. Indeed, so near are we to -these old confusions that there is still, I find, one Palaeo-Socialist -surviving—Mr. Belfort Bax. In that large undifferentiated past, all -sorts of ideas, as yet too ill defined to eliminate one another, -socialist ideas, communist ideas, anarchist ideas, Rousseauism, seethed -together and seemed akin. In a sense they were akin in that they were -the condemnation of the existing order, the outcome of the destructive -criticism of this of its aspects or that. They were all _breccia_. But -in all else, directly they began to find definite statement, they were -flatly contradictory one with another. Or at least they stood upon -different levels of assumption and application. - -The formulæ of Anarchism and Socialism are, no doubt, almost -diametrically opposed; Anarchism denies government, Socialism would -concentrate all controls in the State, yet it is after all possible in -different relations and different aspects to entertain the two. When one -comes to dreams, when one tries to imagine one’s finest sort of people, -one must surely imagine them too fine for control and prohibitions, -doing right by a sort of inner impulse, “above the Law.” One’s dreamland -perfection is Anarchy—just as no one would imagine a policeman (or for -the matter of that a drain-pipe) in Heaven. But come down to earth, to -men the descendants of apes, to men competing to live, and passionately -jealous and energetic, and for the highways and market-places of life at -any rate, one asks for law and convention. In Heaven or any Perfection -there will be no Socialism, just as there will be no Bimetallism; there -is the sphere of communism, anarchism, universal love and universal -service. It is in the workaday world of limited and egotistical souls -that Socialism has its place. All men who dream at all of noble things -are Anarchists in their dreams, and half at least of the people who are -much in love, I suppose, want to be this much Anarchistic that they do -not want to feel under a law or compulsion one with another. They may -want to possess, they may want to be wholly possessed, but they do not -want a law court or public opinion to protect that possession as a -“right.” - -But it’s still not clearly recognized how distinct are the spheres of -Anarchism and Socialism. The last instance of this confusion that has -seriously affected the common idea of the Socialist was as recent as the -late Mr. Grant Allen. He was not, I think, even in his time a very -representative Socialist, but certainly he did present, as if it were a -counsel of perfection for this harsh and grimy world, something very -like reckless abandonment to the passion or mood of the moment. I doubt -if he would have found a dozen supporters in the Fabian Society in his -own time. I should think his teaching would have appealed far more -powerfully to extreme individualists of the type of Mr. Auberon Herbert. -However that may be, I do not think there is at present among English -and American Socialists any representative figure at all counselling -Free Love. The modern tendency is all towards an amount of control over -the function of reproduction, if anything, in excess of that exercised -by the State and public usage to-day. Let me make a brief comparison of -existing conditions with what I believe to be the ideals of most of my -fellow Socialists in this matter, and the reader can then judge for -himself between the two systems of intervention. - -And first let me run over the outline of the thing we are most likely to -forget and have wrong in such a discussion, the thing directly under our -noses, the thing that is. People have an odd way of assuming in such a -comparison that we are living under an obligation to conform to the -moral code of the Christian church at the present time. As a matter of -fact we are living in an epoch of extraordinary freedom in sexual -matters, mitigated only by certain economic imperatives. Anti-socialist -writers have a way of pretending that Socialists want to make Free Love -possible, while in reality Free Love is open to any solvent person -to-day. People who do not want to marry are as free as air to come -together and part again as they choose, there is no law to prevent them, -the State takes it out of their children with a certain mild -malignancy—that is all. Married people are equally free, saving certain -limited proprietary claims upon one another, claims that can always be -met by the payment of damages. The restraints are purely restraints of -opinion, that would be as powerful tomorrow if legal marriage was -altogether abolished. There was a time, no doubt, when there were actual -legal punishments for unchastity in women, but that time has gone, it -might seem, for ever. Our State retains only, from an age that held -mercantile methods in less honour, a certain habit of persecuting women -who sell themselves by retail for money, but this is done in the name of -public order and not on account of the act. Such a woman must exact cash -payments, she cannot recover debts, she is placed at a ridiculous -disadvantage towards her landlord (which makes accommodating her -peculiarly lucrative), and she is exposed to various inconveniences of -street regulation and status that must ultimately corrupt any police -force in the world—for all that she seems to continue in the land with a -certain air of prosperity. Beyond that our control between man and woman -is nil. Our society to-day has in fact no complete system of sexual -morals at all. It has the remains of a system. - -It has the remains of a monogamic patriarchal system, in which a -responsible man owned nearly absolutely wife and offspring. All its laws -and sentiments alike are derived from the reduction and qualification of -that. - -These are not the pretensions indeed of the present system such as it -is, but they are the facts. And even the present disorder, one gathers, -is unstable. One hears on every hand of its further decadence. From -Father Vaughan to President Roosevelt, and volleying from the whole -bench of bishops, comes the witness to that. Not only the old breaches -grow wider and more frequent, but in the very penetralia of the family -the decay goes on. The birth-rate falls—and falls. The family fails more -and more in its essential object. This is a process absolutely -independent of any Socialist propaganda; it is part of the normal -development of the existing social and economic system. It makes for -sterilization, for furtive wantonness and dishonour. The existing system -produces no remedies at all. Prominent people break out ever and again -into vehement scoldings of this phenomenon; the newspapers and magazines -re-echo “Race Suicide,” but there is no sign whatever in the statistical -curves of the smallest decimal per cent. of response to these -exhortations. - -Our existing sexual order is a system in decay. What are the -alternatives to its steady process of collapse? That is the question we -have to ask ourselves. To heap foul abuse, as many quite honest but -terror-stricken people seem disposed to do, on any one who attempts to -discuss any alternative, is simply to accelerate this process. To me it -seems there are three main directions along which things may go in the -future, and between which rational men have to choose. - -The first is to regard the present process as inevitable and moving -towards the elimination of weak and gentle types, to clear one’s mind of -the prejudices of one’s time, and to contemplate a disintegration of all -the realities of the family into an epoch of Free Love, mitigated by -mercantile necessities and a few transparent hypocrisies. Rich men will -be free to live lives of irresponsible polygamy; poor men will do what -they can; women’s life will be adventurous, the population will decline -in numbers and perhaps in quality. (To guard against that mischievous -quoter who lies in wait for all Socialist writers, let me say at once -that this state of affairs is anti-socialist, is, I believe, socially -destructive, and does not commend itself to me at all.) - -The second direction is towards reaction, an attempt to return to the -simple old conceptions of our past, to the patriarchal family, that is -to say, of the middle ages. This I take to be the conception of such a -Liberal as Mr. G. K. Chesterton, or such a Conservative as Lord Hugh -Cecil, and to be also as much idea as one can find underlying most -tirades against modern morals. The rights of the parent will be insisted -on and restored, and the parent means pretty distinctly the father. -Subject to the influence of a powerful and well-organized Church, a -rejuvenescent Church, he is to resume that control over wife and -children of which the modern State has partially deprived him. The -development of secular education is to be arrested, particular stress is -to be laid upon the wickedness of any intervention with natural -reproductive processes, the spread of knowledge in certain directions is -to be made criminal, and early marriages are to be encouraged.... I do -not by any means regard this as an impossible programme; I believe that -in many directions it is quite a practicable one; it is in harmony with -great masses of feeling in the country, and with many natural instincts. -It would not of course affect the educated wealthy and leisurely upper -class in the community, who would be able and intelligent enough to -impose their own private glosses upon its teaching, but it would -“moralize” the general population, and reduce them to a state of -prolific squalor. Its realization would be, I believe, almost inevitably -accompanied by a decline in sanitation, and a correlated rise in -birth-rate and death-rate, for life would be cheap, and drainpipes and -antiseptics dear, and it is quite conceivable that after some stresses, -a very nearly stable social equilibrium would be attained. After all it -is this simple sort of life, without drains and without education, with -child labour (in the open air for the most part until the eighteenth -century—though that is a detail) and a consequent straightforward desire -for remunerative children that has been the normal life of humanity for -many thousands of years. We might not succeed in getting back to a -landed peasantry, we might find large masses of the population would -hang up obstinately in industrial towns—towns that in their simple -naturalness of congestion might come to resemble the Chinese pattern -pretty closely; but I have no doubt we could move far in that direction -with very little difficulty indeed. - -The third direction is towards the developing conceptions of Socialism. -And it must be confessed at once that these, as they emerge steadily and -methodically from mere generalities and confusions, do present -themselves as being in many aspects, novel and untried. They are as -untested, and in many respects as alarming, as steam traction or iron -shipping were in 1830. They display, clearly and unambiguously, -principles already timidly admitted in practice and sentiment to-day, -but as yet admitted only confusedly and amidst a cloud of -contradictions. Essentially the Socialist position is a denial of -property in human beings; not only must land and the means of production -be liberated from the multitude of little monarchs among whom they are -distributed, to the general injury and inconvenience, but women and -children, just as much as men and things, must cease to be owned. -Socialism indeed proposes to abolish altogether the patriarchal family -amidst whose disintegrating ruins we live, and to raise women to an -equal citizenship with men. It proposes to give a man no more property -in a woman than a woman has in a man. To stupid people who cannot see -the difference between a woman and a thing, the abolition of the private -ownership of women takes the form of having “wives in common,” and -suggests the Corroboree. It is obviously nothing of the sort. It is the -recognition in theory of what in many classes is already the fact,—the -practical equality of men and women in a civilized state. It is quite -compatible with a marriage contract of far greater stringency than that -recognized throughout Christendom to-day. - -Now what sort of contract will the Socialist state require for marriage? -Here again there are perfectly clear and simple principles. Socialism -states definitely what almost everybody recognizes nowadays with greater -or less clearness, and that is the concern of the State for children. -The children people bring into the world can be no more their private -concern entirely, than the disease germs they disseminate or the noises -a man makes in a thin-floored flat. Socialism says boldly the State is -the Over-Parent, the Outer-Parent. People rear children for the State -and the future; if they do that well, they do the whole world a service, -and deserve payment just as much as if they built a bridge or raised a -crop of wheat; if they do it unpropitiously and ill, they have done the -world an injury. Socialism denies altogether the right of any one to -beget children carelessly and promiscuously, and for the prevention of -disease and evil births alike the Socialist is prepared for an -insistence upon intelligence and self-restraint quite beyond the current -practice. At present we deal with all that sort of thing as an -infringement of private proprietary rights; the Socialist holds it is -the world that is injured. - -It follows that motherhood, which we still in a muddle-headed way seem -to regard as partly self-indulgence and partly a service paid to a man -by a woman, is regarded by the Socialists as a benefit to society, a -public duty done. It may be in many cases a duty full of pride and -happiness—that is beside the mark. The State will pay for children born -legitimately in the marriage it will sanction. A woman with healthy and -successful offspring will draw a wage for each one of them from the -State, so long as they go on well. It will be her wage. Under the State -she will control her child’s upbringing. How far her husband will share -in the power of direction is a matter of detail upon which opinion may -vary—and does vary widely among Socialists. I suppose for the most part -they incline to the conception of a joint control. So the monstrous -injustice of the present time which makes a mother dependent upon the -economic accidents of her man, which plunges the best of wives and the -most admirable of children into abject poverty if he happens to die, -which visits his sins of waste and carelessness upon them far more than -upon himself, will disappear. So too the still more monstrous absurdity -of women discharging their supreme social function, bearing and rearing -children in their spare time, as it were, while they “earn their living” -by contributing some half mechanical element to some trivial industrial -product, will disappear. - -That is the gist of the Socialist attitude towards marriage; the -repudiation of private ownership of women and children, and the payment -of mothers. Partially but already very extensively, socialistic ideas -have spread through the whole body of our community; they are the saving -element in what would otherwise be a moral catastrophe now, and the -Socialist simply puts with precise definition the conclusions to which -all but foolish, ignorant, base or careless people are moving—albeit -some are moving thither with averted faces. Already we have the large, -still incomplete edifice of free education, and a great mass of -legislation against child labour; we have free baths, free playgrounds, -free libraries,—more and more people are coming to admit the social -necessity of saving our children from the private enterprise of the -milkman who does not sterilize his cans, from the private enterprise of -the schoolmaster who cannot teach, from the private enterprise of the -employer who takes them on at small wages at thirteen or fourteen to -turn them back on our hands as ignorant hooligans and social wastrels at -eighteen or twenty.... But the straightforward payment to the mother -still remains to be brought within the sphere of practical application. -To that we shall come. - - - Butler & Tanner, The Selwood Printing Works, Frome, and London - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - -_A. C. FIFIELD’S NEW LIST._ - - - THE BISHOPS AS LEGISLATORS: - - A Record of the Speeches and Votes of the Bishops in the House of Lords - during the last 100 years. - - BY JOSEPH CLAYTON - - Author of “Father Dolling”; “Bishop Westcott.” - -2nd Edition, _1s. nett, Postage 2d. Cloth gilt, 2s. nett_. - -“It will be difficult for the hardiest episcopater to make anything good -out of this book. It is a bad record, whether we regard it as citizens -or as churchmen.”—_Pall Mall Gazette._ - -“This is a tremendous and terrible indictment, which can only be -supported by an appeal to facts. Unfortunately for the bishops, the -record is black. It could not be much worse.”—_Daily News._ - -“The importance of Mr. Clayton’s investigations lies in their cumulative -effect. In view of their calling, nearly every intervention and every -abstention of the bishops in political affairs has been melancholy. -Taken together, the record is overwhelming. What we have here is a -history of the absolute uniformity with which popular causes, involving -no menace to the church, have found the bishops against them.... It is a -record of hopeless, unredeemed failure. It has been sectarian. It has -been selfish. It has never once been national. It has never once been -right, never even magnificently wrong. Its mistakes have all been -mean.”—_Morning Leader._ - - - THE WOMAN’S CALENDAR - - A QUOTATION FOR EVERY DAY OF THE YEAR. - - SELECTED BY DORA B. MONTEFIORE. - - _Artistic wrapper in 2 colours, 1s. nett. Quarter cloth, gilt top, 2s. - nett._ - - - PATRIOTISM & ETHICS - - BY J. G. GODARD. - - _New and Cheaper Issue. 374 pages. Cloth, 2s. nett. Postage, 4d._ - -“A powerful picture of the excesses committed in the name of -Patriotism.... A particularly valuable piece of work.”—_Daily News._ “A -serious and painstaking contribution to the discussion of a profound -ethical problem.”—_Daily Chronicle._ - - - CAMDEN’S SURVEY OF SURREY AND SUSSEX - - _Quarter cloth, 7s. 6d. nett. Half leather, 10s. 6d. nett. Postage, 4d._ - -A book for book collectors and craftsmen. Hand set type, hand made -paper, hand printed and hand bound. One hundred and fifty copies only -offered to the public. Reigate Press work. - - - THE CONSOLATIONS OF A FADDIST - - VERSES REPRINTED FROM “THE HUMANITARIAN.” - - BY HENRY S. SALT. - - _Crown 8vo. Wrappers, 6d. nett. Postage, 1d._ - - - WALT WHITMAN - - BY WILLIAM CLARKE, M.A. - - _A new and cheaper edition, with Portrait._ - - _Foolscap 8vo, cloth, 1s. 6d. nett. Postage 3d._ - -“Still perhaps the best life of Whitman.”—_A. E. Fletcher._ - -“A fine appreciation.... More wisdom and sound thinking are compressed -in this little volume than you will find in tons of other books.”—_The -Clarion._ - -“An able study of a remarkable personality, which should be widely -read.”—_Scotsman._ - -“An appreciative and luminous criticism, which our readers will do well -to get.”—_New Age._ - - - GARRISON THE NON-RESISTANT - - BY ERNEST CROSBY. - - _Foolscap 8vo, cloth, 1s. 6d. nett. Postage 3d._ - -“We recommend Mr. Crosby’s book to those who like a good morsel of -morally inspiring and intellectually stimulating reading. He first -tells, and tells well, the life-story of a man who lived, and would have -died, for a noble idea—the abolition of slavery. He then discusses very -fruitfully both that idea, and another, the idea of Non-Resistance, -which still remains only an idea, and some will say a dream.... His view -on the subject will surprise, but in the end will impress, the -reader, ... and he is none the less effective because his temper is -philosophic and his words are measured.”—_Sunday School Chronicle._ - - - MY FARM OF TWO ACRES - - BY HARRIET MARTINEAU. - - _The Cottage Farm Series No. 1._ - - _6d. net. Cloth, 1s. net. Postage, 1d. and 2d._ - -A reprint of Miss Martineau’s famous story of her cottage farm which she -ran for over twelve years in the middle of the nineteenth century. - - - FORK AND SPADE HUSBANDRY: or £51 a year from 2 acres - - BY JOHN SILLETT, the Suffolk Draper. - - _Cottage Farm Series, No. 2._ - - _6d. net. Cloth, 1s. net. Postage, 1d. and 2d._ - -Sillett was one of the pioneers of the small holdings, and his booklet -ran into a dozen editions fifty years ago. His accounts show a net -profit of £51 in at least one year, by fork and spade work. - - - HUMANE EDUCATION - - BY REV. A. M. MITCHELL, M.A. - Vicar of Burton Wood. - - _Small Crown 8vo. 32 pages. 3d. net. Post free 3½d._ - -A plea for a more humane and rational system of child-training in the -elementary schools. - - - _LONDON: A. C. FIFIELD, 44, FLEET ST., E.C._ - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES - - - 1. Silently corrected typographical errors and variations in spelling. - 2. Anachronistic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings retained as - printed. - 3. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Socialism and the family, by -H. G. 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Wells</title> - <link rel="coverpage" href="images/cover.jpg" /> - <style type="text/css"> - body { margin-left: 8%; margin-right: 10%; } - h1 { text-align: center; font-weight: bold; font-size: xx-large; } - h2 { text-align: center; font-weight: bold; font-size: x-large; } - .pageno { right: 1%; font-size: x-small; background-color: inherit; color: silver; - text-indent: 0em; text-align: right; position: absolute; - border: thin solid silver; padding: .1em .2em; font-style: normal; - font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; } - p { text-indent: 0; margin-top: 0.5em; margin-bottom: 0.5em; text-align: justify; } - .sc { font-variant: small-caps; } - .large { font-size: large; } - .xlarge { font-size: x-large; } - .small { font-size: small; } - .under { text-decoration: underline; } - .lg-container-b { text-align: center; } - @media handheld { .lg-container-b { clear: both; } } - .linegroup { display: inline-block; text-align: left; } - @media handheld { .linegroup { display: block; margin-left: 1.5em; } } - .linegroup .group { margin: 1em auto; } - .linegroup .line { text-indent: -3em; padding-left: 3em; } - div.linegroup > :first-child { margin-top: 0; } - .ol_1 li {padding-left: 1em; text-indent: -1em; } - ol.ol_1 {padding-left: 0; margin-left: 2.78%; margin-top: .5em; - margin-bottom: .5em; list-style-type: decimal; } - div.pbb { page-break-before: always; } - hr.pb { border: none; border-bottom: thin solid; margin-bottom: 1em; } - @media handheld { hr.pb { display: none; } } - .chapter { clear: both; page-break-before: always; } - .nf-center { text-align: center; } - .nf-center-c0 { text-align: left; margin: 0.5em 0; } - p.drop-capa0_0_6 { text-indent: -0em; } - p.drop-capa0_0_6:first-letter { float: left; margin: 0.100em 0.100em 0em 0em; - font-size: 250%; line-height: 0.6em; text-indent: 0; } - @media handheld { - p.drop-capa0_0_6 { text-indent: 0; } - p.drop-capa0_0_6:first-letter { float: none; margin: 0; font-size: 100%; } - } - .c000 { margin-top: 0.5em; margin-bottom: 0.5em; } - .c001 { margin-top: 4em; } - .c002 { margin-top: 2em; } - .c003 { margin-top: 1em; } - .c004 { page-break-before: always; margin-top: 4em; } - .c005 { margin-top: 2em; text-indent: 1em; margin-bottom: 0.25em; } - .c006 { page-break-before:auto; margin-top: 4em; } - .c007 { margin-top: 2em; margin-bottom: 0.25em; } - .c008 { text-indent: 1em; margin-top: 0.25em; margin-bottom: 0.25em; } - .c009 { font-size: .9em; text-indent: 1em; margin-top: 0.25em; - margin-bottom: 0.25em; } - .c010 { text-indent: 0; margin-top: 4em; margin-bottom: 0.25em; } - div.tnotes { padding-left:1em;padding-right:1em;background-color:#E3E4FA; - border:1px solid silver; margin:2em 10% 0 10%; font-family: Georgia, serif; - } - .covernote { visibility: hidden; display: none; } - div.tnotes p { text-align:left; } - @media handheld { .covernote { visibility: visible; display: block;} } - .section { clear: both; page-break-before: always; } - .ol_1 li {font-size: .9em; } - @media handheld {.ol_1 li {padding-left: 1em; text-indent: 0em; } } - body {font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; } - div.titlepage {text-align: center; page-break-before: always; - page-break-after: always; } - div.titlepage p {text-align: center; text-indent: 0em; font-weight: bold; - line-height: 1.5; margin-top: 3em; } - .ph1 { text-indent: 0em; font-weight: bold; font-size: xx-large; - margin: .67em auto; page-break-before: always; } - .ph2 { text-indent: 0em; font-weight: bold; font-size: x-large; margin: .75em auto; - page-break-before: always; } - .ph3 { text-indent: 0em; font-weight: bold; font-size: large; margin: .83em auto; } - .fixed { font-size: 1em; font-weight: normal; } - </style> - </head> - <body> - - -<pre> - -Project Gutenberg's Socialism and the family, by H. G. (Herbert George) Wells - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Socialism and the family - -Author: H. G. (Herbert George) Wells - -Release Date: February 9, 2020 [EBook #61347] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SOCIALISM AND THE FAMILY *** - - - - -Produced by Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - -</pre> - - -<div class='tnotes covernote'> - -<p class='c000'><b>Transcriber’s Note:</b></p> - -<p class='c000'>The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.</p> - -</div> - -<div class='section ph1'> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c001'> - <div>SOCIALISM AND THE FAMILY</div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class='section ph2'> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c001'> - <div><i>BY THE SAME AUTHOR</i></div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class='lg-container-b c002'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>THE PLATTNER STORY, AND OTHERS.</div> - <div class='line'>TALES OF SPACE AND TIME.</div> - <div class='line'>THE STOLEN BACILLUS AND OTHER STORIES.</div> - <div class='line'>TWELVE STORIES AND A DREAM.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='lg-container-b'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>THE TIME MACHINE.</div> - <div class='line'>THE ISLAND OF DR. MOREAU.</div> - <div class='line'>THE WAR OF THE WORLDS.</div> - <div class='line'>THE INVISIBLE MAN.</div> - <div class='line'>THE FIRST MEN IN THE MOON.</div> - <div class='line'>THE FOOD OF THE GODS.</div> - <div class='line'>THE SEA LADY (Methuen).</div> - <div class='line'>WHEN THE SLEEPER WAKES.</div> - <div class='line'>IN THE DAYS OF THE COMET.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='lg-container-b'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>LOVE AND MR. LEWISHAM.</div> - <div class='line'>KIPPS.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='lg-container-b'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>ANTICIPATIONS.</div> - <div class='line'>MANKIND IN THE MAKING.</div> - <div class='line'>A MODERN UTOPIA.</div> - <div class='line'>THE FUTURE IN AMERICA.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='pbb'> - <hr class='pb c003' /> -</div> -<div class='titlepage'> - -<div> - <h1 class='c004'>SOCIALISM AND THE FAMILY</h1> -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c002'> - <div><span class='large'>By</span></div> - <div><span class='large'>H. G. WELLS</span></div> - <div class='c003'><span class='small'><i>Author of “In the Days of the Comet,” “A Modern Utopia,” “Anticipations,” etc.</i></span></div> - <div class='c002'>LONDON</div> - <div>A. C. FIFIELD, 44, FLEET STREET, E.C.</div> - <div>1906</div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c001'> - <div><span class='small'><i>All rights reserved</i></span></div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='pbb'> - <hr class='pb c003' /> -</div> -<div><span class='pageno' id='Page_5'>5</span></div> -<div class='section ph2'> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c001'> - <div>SOCIALISM AND THE FAMILY</div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - -<p class='c005'><i>These are two papers written by Mr. H. G. Wells. The -first was read to the Fabian Society in October, 1906, under -the title of “Socialism and the Middle Classes.” The -second appeared first in the “Independent Review.” -Together they state pretty completely the attitude of Modern -Socialism to family life.</i></p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <h2 class='c006'>I</h2> -</div> - -<p class='drop-capa0_0_6 c007'>In this paper I am anxious to define and -discuss the relationship between three -distinct things:</p> - -<p class='c008'>(1) Socialism, i.e. a large, a slowly elaborating -conception of a sane and organized -state and moral culture to replace our present -chaotic way of living,</p> - -<p class='c008'>(2) the Socialist movement, and</p> - -<p class='c008'>(3) the Middle Classes.</p> - -<p class='c008'>The first is to me a very great thing indeed, -the form and substance of my ideal life, -and all the religion I possess. Let me make -<span class='pageno' id='Page_6'>6</span>my confession plain and clear. I am, by a -sort of predestination, a Socialist. I perceive, -I cannot help talking and writing about -Socialism, and shaping and forwarding Socialism. -I am one of a succession—one of a -growing multitude of witnesses, who will -continue. It does not—in the larger sense—matter -how many generations of us must -toil and testify. It does not matter, except -as our individual concern, how individually -we succeed or fail, what blunders we make, -what thwartings we encounter, what follies -and inadequacies darken our private hopes -and level our personal imaginations to the -dust. We have the light. We know what -we are for, and that the light that now glimmers -so dimly through us must in the end -prevail. To us Socialism is no piece of political -strategy, no economic opposition of class -to class; it is a plan for the reconstruction -of human life, for the replacement of a disorder -by order, for the making of a state in -which mankind shall live bravely and beautifully -beyond our present imagining.</p> - -<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_7'>7</span>So, largely, I conceive of Socialism. But -Socialism and the Socialist movement are two -very different things. The Socialist movement -is an item in an altogether different scale.</p> - -<p class='c008'>I must confess that the organized Socialist -movement, all the Socialist societies and -leagues and federations and parties together -in England, seem to me no more than the -rustling hem of the garment of advancing -Socialism. For some years the whole organized -Socialist movement seemed to me so -unimportant, so irrelevant to that progressive -development and realization of a great system -of ideas which is Socialism, that, like very -many other Socialists, I did not trouble to -connect myself with any section of it. I -don’t believe that the Socialist idea is as yet -nearly enough thought out and elaborated for -very much of it to be realized of set intention -now. Socialism is still essentially education, -is study, is a renewal, a profound change in -the circle of human thought and motive. -The institutions which will express this -changed circle of thought are important indeed, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_8'>8</span>but with a secondary importance. -Socialism is the still incomplete, the still -sketchy and sketchily indicative plan of a -new life for the world, a new and better way -of living, a change of spirit and substance -from the narrow selfishness and immediacy -and cowardly formalism, the chaotic life -individual accident that is human life to-day, -a life that dooms itself and all of us to thwartings -and misery. Socialism, therefore, is -to be served by thought and expression, in -art, in literature, in scientific statement and -life, in discussion and the quickening exercise -of propaganda; but the Socialist movement, -as one finds it, is too often no more than a -hasty attempt to secure a premature realization -of some fragmentary suggestion of this -great, still plastic design, to the neglect of -all other of its aspects. As my own sense of -Socialism has enlarged and intensified, I have -become more and more impressed by the -imperfect Socialism of almost every Socialist -movement that is going on; by its necessarily -partial and limited projection from the clotted -<span class='pageno' id='Page_9'>9</span>cants and habituations of things as they are. -Some Socialists quarrel with the Liberal -Party and with the Socialist section of the -Liberal Party because it does not go far -enough, because it does not embody a Socialism -uncompromising and complete, because -it has not definitely cut itself off from the -old traditions, the discredited formulæ, that -served before the coming of our great idea. -They are blind to the fact that there is no -organized Socialism at present, uncompromising -and complete, and the Socialists who flatter -themselves they represent as much are -merely those who have either never grasped -or who have forgotten the full implications -of Socialism. They are just a little step -further, a very little step further in their -departure from existing prejudices, in their -subservience to existing institutions and existing -imperatives.</p> - -<p class='c008'>Take, for example, the Socialism that is -popular in New York and Chicago and Germany, -and that finds its exponents here -typically in the inferior ranks of the Social -<span class='pageno' id='Page_10'>10</span>Democratic Federation—the crude Marxite -teaching. It still awaits permeation by true -Socialist conceptions. It is a version of life -adapted essentially to the imagination of the -working wage earner, and limited by his -limitations. It is the vision of poor souls -perennially reminded each Monday morning -of the shadow and irksomeness of life, perpetually -recalled each Saturday pay time to -a watery gleam of all that life might be. One -of the numberless relationships of life, the -relationship of capital or the employer to the -employed, is made to overshadow all other -relations. Get that put right, “expropriate -the idle rich,” transfer all capital to the -State, make the State the humane, amenable, -universal employer—that, to innumerable, -Socialist working men, is the horizon. The -rest he sees in the forms of the life to which -he is accustomed. A little home, a trifle -larger and brighter than his present one, a -more abounding table, a cheerful missus -released from factory work and unhealthy -competition with men, a bright and healthy -<span class='pageno' id='Page_11'>11</span>family going to and fro to the public free -schools, free medical attendance, universal -State insurance for old age, free trams to -Burnham Beeches, shorter hours of work and -higher wages, no dismissals, no hunting for -work that eludes one. All the wide world of -collateral consequences that will follow from -the cessation of the system of employment -under conditions of individualist competition, -he does not seem to apprehend. Such phrases -as the citizenship and economic independence -of women leave him cold. That Socialism -has anything to say about the economic -basis of the family, about the social aspects -of marriage, about the rights of the parent, -doesn’t, I think, at first occur to him at all. -Nor does he realize for a long time that for -Socialism and under Socialist institutions -will there be needed any system of self-discipline, -any rules of conduct further than the -natural impulses and the native goodness of -man. He takes just that aspect of Socialism -that appeals to him, and that alone, and it is -only exceptionally at present, and very slowly, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_12'>12</span>as a process of slow habituation and enlargement, -that he comes to any wider conceptions. -And, as a consequence, directly we pass to -any social type to which weekly or monthly -wages is not the dominating fact of life, and -a simple unthinking faith in Yes or No decisions -its dominant habit, the phrasings, the -formulæ, the statements and the discreet -omissions of the leaders of working-class -Socialism fail to appeal.</p> - -<p class='c008'>Socialism commends itself to a considerable -proportion of the working class simply as a -beneficial change in the conditions of work -and employment; to other sections of the -community it presents itself through equally -limited aspects. Certain ways of living it -seems to condemn root and branch. To the -stockbroker and many other sorts of trader, -to the usurer, to the company promoter, to -the retired butler who has invested his money -in “weekly property,” for example, it stands -for the dissolution of all comprehensible social -order. It simply repudiates the way of living -to which they have committed themselves. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_13'>13</span>And to great numbers of agreeable unintelligent -people who live upon rent and interest -it is a projected severing of every bond that -holds man and man, that keeps servants -respectful, tradespeople in order, railways and -hotels available, and the whole procedure of -life going. They class Socialism and Anarchism -together in a way that is as logically -unjust as it is from their point of view justifiable. -Both cults have this in common, that -they threaten to wipe out the whole world of -the villa resident. And this sense of a threatened -profound disturbance in their way of -living pervades the attitude of nearly all the -comfortable classes towards Socialism.</p> - -<p class='c008'>When we discuss the attitude of the middle -classes to Socialism we must always bear this -keener sense of disconcerting changes in -mind. It is a part of the queer composition -of the human animal that its desire for happenings -is balanced by an instinctive dread -of real changes of condition. People, especially -fully adult people, are creatures who -have grown accustomed to a certain method -<span class='pageno' id='Page_14'>14</span>of costume, a certain system of meals, a certain -dietary, certain apparatus, a certain -routine. They know their way about in -life as it is. They would be lost in Utopia. -Quite little alterations “put them out,” as -they say—create a distressing feeling of -inadequacy, make them “feel odd.” Whatever -little enlargements they may contemplate -in reverie, in practice they know they -want nothing except, perhaps, a little more -of all the things they like. That’s the way -with most of us, anyhow. To make a fairly -complete intimation of the nature of Socialism -to an average, decent, middle-aged, middle-class -person would be to arouse emotions -of unspeakable terror, if the whole project -didn’t also naturally clothe itself in a quality -of incredibility. And you will find, as a -matter of fact, that your middle-class Socialists -belong to two classes; either they are amiable -people who don’t understand a bit what -Socialism is—and some of the most ardent -and serviceable workers for Socialism are of -this type—or they are people so unhappily -<span class='pageno' id='Page_15'>15</span>situated and so unfortunate, or else of such -exceptional imaginative force or training -(which is itself, perhaps, from the practical -point of view, a misfortune), as to be capable -of a discontent with life as it is, so passionate -as to outweigh instinctive timidities and -discretions. Rest assured that to make any -large section of the comfortable upper middle -class Socialists, you must either misrepresent, -and more particularly under-represent Socialism, -or you must quicken their imaginations -far beyond the present state of affairs.</p> - -<p class='c008'>Some of the most ardent and serviceable -of Socialist workers, I have said, are of the -former type. For the most part they are -philanthropic people, or women and men of -the managing temperament shocked into a -sort of Socialism by the more glaring and -melodramatic cruelties of our universally -cruel social system. They are the district -visitors of Socialism. They do not realize -that Socialism demands any change in themselves -or in their way of living, they perceive -in it simply a way of hope from the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_16'>16</span>failures of vulgar charity. Chiefly they assail -the bad conditions of life of the lower classes. -They don’t for a moment envisage a time -when there will be no lower classes—that -is beyond them altogether. Much less can -they conceive of a time when there will be no -governing class distinctively in possession of -<i>means</i>. They exact respect from inferiors; -no touch of Socialist warmth or light qualifies -their arrogant manners. Perhaps they, too, -broaden their conception of Socialism as time -goes on, but so it begins with them. Now -to make Socialists of this type the appeal -is a very different one from the talk of class -war and expropriation, and the abolition of -the idle rich, which is so serviceable with a -roomful of sweated workers. These people -are moved partly by pity, and the best of -them by a hatred for the squalor and waste -of the present <i>régime</i>. Talk of the expropriated -rich simply raises in their minds -painful and disconcerting images of distressed -gentlewomen. But one necessary aspect of -the Socialist’s vision that sends the coldest -<span class='pageno' id='Page_17'>17</span>shiver down the spine of the working class -Socialist is extraordinarily alluring and congenial -to them, namely, the official and -organized side. They love to think of houses -and factories open to competent inspection, -of municipal milk, sealed and certificated for -every cottager’s baby, of old age pensions -and a high and rising minimum standard of -life. They have an admirable sense of sanitation. -They are the philanthropic and administrative -Socialists as distinguished from -the economic revolutionaries.</p> - -<p class='c008'>This class of Socialist passes insensibly into -the merely Socialistic philanthropist of the -wealthy middle class to whom we owe so -much helpful expenditure upon experiments -in housing, in museum and school construction, -in educational endowment, and so forth. -Their activities are not for one moment to -be despised; they are a constant demonstration -to dull and sceptical persons that -things may be different, better, prettier, -kindlier and more orderly. Many people -impervious to tracts can be set thinking by -<span class='pageno' id='Page_18'>18</span>a model village or a model factory. However -petty much of what they achieve may -be, there it is achieved—in legislation, in -bricks and mortar. Among other things, -these administrative Socialists serve to correct -the very perceptible tendency of most -working men Socialists to sentimental anarchism -in regard to questions of control and -conduct, a tendency due entirely to their -social and administrative inexperience.</p> - -<p class='c008'>For more thorough-going Socialism among -the middle classes one must look to those -strata and sections in which quickened imaginations -and unsettling influences are to be -found. The artist should be extraordinarily -attracted by Socialism. A mind habitually -directed to beauty as an end must necessarily -be exceptionally awake to the ugly congestions -of our contemporary civilisation, to -the prolific futile production of gawky, ill-mannered, -jostling new things, to the shabby -profit-seeking that ousts beauty from life and -poisons every enterprise of man. And not -only artistic work, but the better sort of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_19'>19</span>scientific investigation, the better sort of -literary work, and every occupation that -involves the persistent free use of thought, -must bring the mind more and more towards -the definite recognition of our social incoherence -and waste. But this by no means -exhausts the professions that ought to have -a distinct bias for Socialism. The engineer, -the architect, the mechanical inventor, the -industrial organizer, and every sort of maker -must be at one in their desire for emancipation -from servitude to the promoter, the -trader, the lawyer, and the forestaller, from -the perpetually recurring obstruction of the -claim of the private proprietor to every large -and hopeful enterprise, and ready to respond -to the immense creative element in the -Socialist idea. Only it is that creative element -which has so far found least expression -in Socialist literature, which appears neither -in the “class war” literature of the working -class Socialist nor the litigious, inspecting, -fining, and regulating tracts and proposals -of the administrative Socialist. To too many -<span class='pageno' id='Page_20'>20</span>of these men in the constructive professions -the substitution of a Socialist State for our -present economic method carries with it no -promise of emancipation at all. They think -that to work for the public controls which -an advance towards Socialism would set up, -would be worse for them and for all that they -desire to do than the profit-seeking, expense-cutting, -mercenary making of the present -<i>régime</i>.</p> - -<p class='c008'>This is, I believe, a temporary and alterable -state, contrary to the essential and permanent -spirit of those engaged in constructive -work. It is due very largely to the many -misrepresentations and partial statements -of Socialism that have rendered it palatable -and assimilable to the working men and the -administrative Socialist. Socialism has been -presented on the one hand as a scheme of -expropriation to a clamorous popular government -of working men, far more ignorant -and incapable of management than a shareholders’ -meeting, and, on the other, as a -scheme for the encouragement of stupid little -<span class='pageno' id='Page_21'>21</span>municipal authorities of the contemporary -type in impossible business undertakings -under the guidance of fussy, energetic, legal -minded and totally unscientific instigators. -Except for the quite recent development of -Socialist thought that is now being embodied -in the <cite>New Heptarchy Series</cite> of the Fabian -Society, scarcely anything has been done to -dispel these reasonable dreads. I should -think that from the point of view of Socialist -propaganda, the time is altogether ripe now for -a fresh and more vigorous insistence upon -the materially creative aspect of the Vision of -Socialism, an aspect which is after all, much -more cardinal and characteristic than any -aspect that has hitherto been presented systematically -to the world. An enormous rebuilding, -remaking, and expansion is integral -in the Socialist dream. We want to get the -land out of the control of the private owners -among whom it is cut up, we want to get -houses, factories, railways, mines, farms -out of the dispersed management of their -proprietors, not in order to secure their -<span class='pageno' id='Page_22'>22</span>present profits and hinder development, but -in order to rearrange these things in a saner -and finer fashion. An immense work of -replanning, rebuilding, redistributing lies in -the foreground of the Socialist vista. We -contemplate an enormous clearance of existing -things. We want an unfettered hand to -make beautiful and convenient homes, splendid -cities, noiseless great highways, beautiful -bridges, clean, swift and splendid electric -railways; we are inspired by a faith in the -coming of clean, wide and simple methods -of agricultural production. But it is only -now that Socialism is beginning to be put in -these terms. So put it, and the engineer and -the architect and the scientific organizer, -agricultural or industrial—all the best of -them, anyhow—will find it correspond extraordinarily -to their way of thinking.</p> - -<p class='c008'>Not all of them, of course. A middle-aged -architect with a note-book full of bits of -gothic, and a reputation for suburban churches, -or full of bits of “Queen Anne” and a connexion -among villa builders, or an engineer -<span class='pageno' id='Page_23'>23</span>paterfamilias who has tasted blood as an -expert witness, aren’t to be won by these -suggestions. They’re part of things as they -are. But that is only a temporary inconvenience -to Socialism. The young men do -respond, and they are the future and what -Socialism needs.</p> - -<p class='c008'>And there’s another great constructive -profession that should be Socialist altogether, -and that is the medical profession. Especially -does Socialism claim the younger men -who haven’t yet sunken from the hospitals -to the trading individualism of a practice. -And then there are the teachers, the schoolmasters -and schoolmistresses. The idea of -a great organized making is innate in the -quality of their professions; the making -of sound bodies and healthy conditions, the -making of informed and disciplined minds. -The methods of the profit-seeking schoolmaster, -the practice-buying doctor are imposed -upon them by the necessities of an -individualist world. Both these two great -professions present nowadays, side by side, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_24'>24</span>two types—the new type, highly qualified, -official, administrative, scientific, public-spirited; -the old type, capitalistic, with a -pretentious house and equipment, the doctor -with a brougham, and a dispensary, the -schoolmaster or schoolmistress with some -huge old stucco house converted by jerry-built -extensions to meet scholastic needs. -Who would not rather, one may ask, choose -the former way who was not already irrevocably -committed to the latter? Well, I -with my Socialist dreams would like to answer -“No one,” but I’m learning to check my -buoyant optimism. The imagination and -science in a young man may cry out for the -public position, for the valiant public work, -for the hard, honourable, creative years. -He may sit with his fellow-students and his -fellow-workers in a nocturnal cloud of tobacco -smoke and fine talk, and vow himself to -research and the creative world state. In the -morning he will think he has dreamed; he -will recall what the world is, what Socialists -are, what he has heard wild Socialists say -<span class='pageno' id='Page_25'>25</span>about science and his art. He will elect -for the real world and a practice.</p> - -<p class='c008'>Something more than a failure to state -the constructive and educational quality in -Socialism on the part of its exponents has to -be admitted in accounting for the unnatural -want of sympathetic co-operation between -them and the bulk of these noble professions. -I cannot disguise from myself certain curiously -irrelevant strands that have interwoven with -the partial statements of Socialism current -in England, and which it is high time, I -think, for Socialists to repudiate. Socialism -is something more than an empty criticism -of our contemporary disorder and waste of -life, it is a great intimation of construction, -organization, science and education. But -concurrently with its extension and its destructive -criticism of the capitalistic individualism -of to-day, there has been another -movement, essentially an anarchist movement, -hostile to machinery and apparatus, -hostile to medical science, hostile to order, -hostile to education, a Rousseauite movement -<span class='pageno' id='Page_26'>26</span>in the direction of a sentimentalized -naturalism, a Tolstoyan movement in the -direction of a non-resisting pietism, which -has not simply been confused with the -Socialist movement, but has really affected -and interwoven with it. It is not simply -that wherever discussion and destructive -criticism of the present conventional bases -of society occur, both ways of thinking crop -up together; they occur all too often as -alternating phases in the same individual. -Few of us are so clear-headed as to be free -from profound self-contradictions. So that -it is no great marvel, after all, if the presentation -of Socialism has got mixed up with -Return-to-Nature ideas, with proposals for -living in a state of unregulated primitive -virtue in purely hand-made houses, upon -rain water and uncooked fruit. We Socialists -have to disentangle it from these things now. -We have to disavow, with all necessary -emphasis, that gibing at science and the -medical profession, at schools and books and -the necessary apparatus for collective thinking, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_27'>27</span>which has been one of our little ornamental -weaknesses in the past. That has, -I know, kept a very considerable number of -intelligent professional men from inquiring -further into Socialist theories and teachings. -As a consequence there are, especially in the -medical profession, quite a number of unconscious -Socialists, men, often with a far clearer -grip upon the central ideas of Socialism than -many of its professed exponents, who have -worked out these ideas for themselves, and -are incredulous to hear them called Socialistic.</p> - -<p class='c008'>So much for the specifically creative and -imagination-using professions. Throughout -the whole range of the more educated middle -classes, however, there are causes at work -that necessarily stimulate thought towards -Socialism, that engender scepticisms, promote -inquiries leading towards what is at present -the least expounded of all aspects of Socialism—the -relation of Socialism to the institution -of the Family....</p> - -<p class='c008'>The Family, and not the individual, is still -the unit in contemporary civilization, and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_28'>28</span>indeed in nearly all social systems that have -ever existed. The adult male, the head of -the family, has been the citizen, the sole -representative of the family in the State. -About him have been grouped his one or -more wives, his children, his dependents. -His position towards them has always been—is -still in many respects to this day—one -of ownership. He was owner of them all, -and in many of the less sophisticated systems -of the past his ownership was as complete -as over his horse and house and land—more -complete than over his land. He could sell -his children into slavery, barter his wives. -There has been a secular mitigation of the -rights of this sort of private property; the -establishment of monogamy, for instance, -did for the family what President Roosevelt’s -proposed legislation against large accumulations -might do for industrial enterprises, -but to this day in our own community, for -all such mitigations and many euphemisms, -the ownership of the head of the family is -still a manifest fact. He votes. He keeps -<span class='pageno' id='Page_29'>29</span>and protects. He determines the education -and professions of his children. He is entitled -to monetary consolation for any infringement -of his rights over wife or daughter. -Every intelligent woman understands that, as -a matter of hard fact, beneath all the civilities -of to-day, she is actual or potential property, -and has to treat herself and keep herself as -that. She may by force or subtlety turn -her chains into weapons, she may succeed in -exacting a reciprocal property in a man, the -fact remains fundamental that she is either -isolated or owned.</p> - -<p class='c008'>But I need not go on writing facts with -which every one is acquainted. My concern -now is to point out that Socialism -repudiates the private ownership of the head -of the family as completely as it repudiates -any other sort of private ownership. Socialism -involves the responsible citizenship of -women, their economic independence of men, -and all the personal freedom that follows that, -it intervenes between the children and the -parents, claiming to support them, protect -<span class='pageno' id='Page_30'>30</span>them, and educate them for its own ampler -purposes. Socialism, in fact, is the State -family. The old family of the private individual -must vanish before it, just as the old -water works of private enterprise, or the old -gas company. They are incompatible with -it. Socialism assails the triumphant egotism -of the family to-day, just as Christianity -did in its earlier and more vital centuries. -So far as English Socialism is concerned -(and the thing is still more the case in America) -I must confess that the assault has displayed -a quite extraordinary instinct for taking -cover, but that is a question of tactics rather -than of essential antagonism.</p> - -<p class='c008'>It is possible to believe that so far as the -middle classes are concerned this discretion -has been carried altogether too far. Socialists -would have forwarded their cause better if -they had been more outspoken. It has led to -preposterous misunderstandings; and among -others to the charge that Socialism implied -free-love.... The middle-class family, I -am increasingly convinced, is a group in a -<span class='pageno' id='Page_31'>31</span>state of tension. I believe that a modest -but complete statement of the Socialist criticism -of the family and the proposed Socialist -substitute for the conventional relationships -might awaken extraordinary responses at the -present time. The great terror of the eighties -and early nineties that crushed all reasonable -discussion of sexual relationship is, I believe, -altogether over.</p> - -<p class='c008'>The whole of the present system is riddled -with discontents. One factor is the enhanced -sense of the child in middle-class life: the old -sentiment was that the parent owned the -child, the new is that the children own the -parents. There has come an intensified respect -for children, an immense increase in the -trouble, attention and expenditure devoted -to them—and a very natural and human -accompaniment in the huge fall in the middle-class -birth-rate. It is felt that to bear and -rear children is the most noble and splendid -and responsible thing in life, and an increasing -number of people modestly evade it. People -see more clearly the social service of parentage, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_32'>32</span>and are more and more inclined to -demand a recognition from the State for this -service. The middle-class parent might -conceivably be horrified if you suggested the -State should pay him for his offspring, but -he would have no objection whatever to -being indirectly and partially paid by a -differential income tax graduated in relation -to the size of his family.</p> - -<p class='c008'>With this increased sense of the virtue and -public service of parentage there has gone on -a great development of the criticism of schools -and teaching. The more educated middle-class -parent has become an amateur educationist -of considerable virulence. He sees -more and more distinctly the inadequacy of -his own private attempts to educate, the -necessary charlatanry and insufficiency of the -private adventure school. He finds much to -envy in the elementary schools. If he is -ignorant and short-sighted, he joins in the -bitter cry of the middle classes, and clamours -against the pampering of the working class, -and the rising of the rates which renders his -<span class='pageno' id='Page_33'>33</span>efforts to educate his own children more difficult. -But a more intelligent type of middle-class -parent sends his boy in for public scholarships, -sets to work to get educational endowment -for his own class also, and makes another -step towards Socialism. Moreover, the increasing -intelligence of the middle-class parent -and the steady swallowing up of the smaller -capitalists and smaller shareholders by the -larger enterprises and fortunes, alike bring -home to him the temporary and uncertain -nature of the advantages his private efforts -give his children over those of the working -man. He sees no more than a brief respite -for them against the economic cataclysms of -the coming time. He is more and more alive -to the presence of secular change in the world. -He does not feel sure his sons will carry on the -old business, continue the old practice. He -begins to appreciate the concentration of -wealth. The secular development of the -capitalistic system robs him more and more of -his sense of securities. He is uneasier than -he used to be about investments. He no -<span class='pageno' id='Page_34'>34</span>longer has that complete faith in private -insurance companies that once sustained him. -His mind broadens out to State insurance -as to State education. He is far more amenable -than he used to be to the idea that the -only way to provide for one’s own posterity is -to provide for every one’s posterity, to merge -parentage in citizenship. The family of the -middle-class man which fights for itself alone, -is lost.</p> - -<p class='c008'>Socialism comes into the middle-class family -offering education, offering assurances for the -future, and only very distantly intimating -the price to be paid in weakened individual -control. But far profounder disintegrations -are at work. The internal character of the -middle-class family is altering fundamentally -with the general growth of intelligence, with -the higher education of women, with the -comings and goings for this purpose and that, -the bicycles and games, the enlarged social -appetites and opportunities of a new time. -The more or less conscious <cite>Strike against -Parentage</cite> is having far-reaching effects. The -<span class='pageno' id='Page_35'>35</span>family proper becomes a numerically smaller -group. Enormous numbers of childless families -appear; the middle-class family with two, -or at most three, children is the rule rather -than the exception in certain strata. This -makes the family a less various and interesting -group, with a smaller demand for attention, -emotion, effort. Quite apart from the -general mental quickening of the time, it -leaves more and more social energy, curiosity, -enterprise free, either to fret within the narrow -family limits or to go outside them. The -<cite>Strike against Parentage</cite> takes among other -forms the form of a strike against marriage; -great numbers of men and women stand out -from a relationship which every year seems -more limiting and (except for its temporary -passional aspect) purposeless. The number -of intelligent and healthy women inadequately -employed, who either idle as wives in attenuated -modern families, childless or with an -insufficient child or so, or who work for an -unsatisfying subsistence as unmarried women, -increases. To them the complete conceptions -<span class='pageno' id='Page_36'>36</span>of Socialism should have an extraordinary -appeal.</p> - -<p class='c008'>The appearance of the feminine mind and -soul in the world as something distinct and -self-conscious, is the appearance of a distinct -new engine of criticism against the individualist -family, against this dwindling property -of the once-ascendant male—who no longer -effectually rules, no longer, in many cases, -either protects or sustains, who all too often -is so shorn of his beams as to be but a vexatious -power of jealous restriction and interference -upon his wife and children. The -educated girl resents the proposed loss of her -freedom in marriage, the educated married -woman realizes as well as resents the losses -of scope and interest marriage entails. If it -were not for the economic disadvantages that -make intelligent women dread a solitary old -age in bitter poverty, vast numbers of women -who are married to-day would have remained -single independent women. This discontent -of women is a huge available force for Socialism. -The wife of the past was, to put it -<span class='pageno' id='Page_37'>37</span>brutally, caught younger—so young that she -had had no time to think—she began forthwith -to bear babies, rear babies, and (which she -did in a quite proportionate profusion) bury -babies—she never had a moment to think. -Now the wife with double the leisure, double -the education and half the emotional scope -of her worn prolific grandmother, sits at home -and thinks things over. You find her letting -herself loose in clubs, in literary enterprises, -in schemes for joint households to relieve herself -and her husband from the continuation of -a duologue that has exhausted its interest. -The husband finds himself divided between -his sympathetic sense of tedium and the proprietary -tradition in which we live.</p> - -<p class='c008'>For these tensions in the disintegration of -the old proprietary family no remedy offers -itself to-day except the solutions that arise -as essential portions of the Socialist scheme. -The alternative is hypocrisy and disorder.</p> - -<p class='c008'>There is yet another and still more effectual -system of strains at work in the existing -social unit, and that is the strain between -<span class='pageno' id='Page_38'>38</span>parents and children. That has always -existed. It is one of our most transparent -sentimental pretences that there is any -natural subordination of son to father, of -daughter to mother. As a matter of fact -a good deal of natural antagonism appears -at the adolescence of the young. Something -very like an instinct stirs in them, to rebel, -to go out. The old habits of solicitude, -control and restraint in the parent become -more and more hampering, irksome, and -exasperating to the offspring. The middle-class -son gets away in spirit and in fact to -school, to college, to business—his sister -does all she can to follow his excellent example. -In a world with vast moral and intellectual -changes in progress the intelligent young -find the personal struggle for independence -intensified by a conflict of ideas. The modern -tendency to cherish and preserve youthfulness; -the keener desire for living that prevents -women getting fat and ugly, and men -bald and incompetent by forty-five, is another -dissolvent factor among these stresses. The -<span class='pageno' id='Page_39'>39</span>daughter is not only restrained by her -mother’s precepts, but inflamed by her example. -The son finds his father’s coevals -treating him as a contemporary.</p> - -<p class='c008'>Well, into these conflicts and disorders -comes Socialism, and Socialism alone, to -explain, to justify, to propose new conventions -and new interpretations of relationship, -to champion the reasonable claims of the -young, to mitigate the thwarted ownership -of the old. Socialism comes, constructive -amid the wreckage.</p> - -<p class='c008'>Let me at this point, and before I conclude, -put one thing with the utmost possible -clearness. The Socialist does not propose to -destroy something that conceivably would -otherwise last for ever, when he proposes -a new set of institutions, and a new system -of conduct to replace the old proprietary -family. He no more regards the institution of -marriage as a permanent thing than he regards -a state of competitive industrialism as a -permanent thing. In the economic sphere, -quite apart from any Socialist ideas or -<span class='pageno' id='Page_40'>40</span>Socialist activities, it is manifest that -competitive individualism destroys itself. -This was reasoned out long ago in the <cite>Capital</cite> -of Marx; it is receiving its first gigantic -practical demonstration in the United States -of America. Whatever happens, we believe -that competitive industrialism will change -and end—and we Socialists at least believe -that the alternative to some form of Socialism -is tyranny and social ruin. So, too, in the -social sphere, whether Socialists succeed -altogether or fail altogether, or in whatever -measure they succeed or fail, it does not alter -the fact that the family is weakening, dwindling, -breaking up, disintegrating. The alternative -to a planned and organized Socialism -is not the maintenance of the present system, -but its logical development, and that is all -too plainly a growing complication of pretences -as the old imperatives weaken and fade. We -already live in a world of stupendous hypocrisies, -a world wherein rakes and rascals -champion the sacred institution of the family, -and a network of sexual secrets, vaguely -<span class='pageno' id='Page_41'>41</span>suspected, disagreeably present, and only -half-concealed, pervades every social group -one enters. Cynicism, a dismal swamp of -base intrigues, cruel restrictions and habitual -insincerities, is the manifest destiny of the -present <i>régime</i> unless we make some revolutionary -turn. It cannot work out its own -salvation without the profoundest change in -its determining ideas. And what change in -those ideas is offered except by the Socialist?</p> - -<p class='c008'>In relation to all these most intimate aspects -of life, Socialism, and Socialism alone, supplies -the hope and suggestions of clean and practicable -solutions. So far, Socialists have either -been silent or vague, or—let us say—tactful, -in relation to this central tangle of life. To -begin to speak plainly among the silences -and suppressions, the “find out for yourself” -of the current time, would be, I think, -to grip the middle-class woman and the -middle-class youth of both sexes with an -extraordinary new interest, to irradiate the -dissensions of every bored couple and every -squabbling family with broad conceptions, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_42'>42</span>and enormously to enlarge and stimulate the -Socialist movement at the present time.</p> - -<p class='c009'><i>Here ends the paper read by Mr. Wells to the Fabian -Society, but in this that follows he sets out the Socialist -conception of the new relations that must follow the old -much more clearly.</i></p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_43'>43</span> - <h2 class='c006'>II</h2> -</div> - -<p class='drop-capa0_0_6 c007'>I do not think that the general reader at -all appreciates the steady development -of Socialist thought during the past -two decades. Directly one comes into close -contact with contemporary Socialists one -discovers in all sorts of ways the evidence of -the synthetic work that has been and still is -in process, the clearing and growth of guiding -ideas, the qualification of primitive statements, -the consideration, the adaptation to -meet this or that adequate criticism. A -quarter of a century ago Socialism was still -to a very large extent a doctrine of negative, -a passionate criticism and denial of the -theories that sustained and excused the -injustices of contemporary life, a repudiation -of social and economic methods then held to -be indispensable and in the very nature of -things. Its positive proposals were as sketchy -<span class='pageno' id='Page_44'>44</span>as they were enthusiastic, sketchy and, it -must be confessed, fluctuating. One needs -to turn back to the files of its every-day -publications to realize the progress that has -been made, the secular emergence of a consistent -and continually more nearly complete -and directive scheme of social reconstruction -from the chaotic propositions and -hopes and denials of the earlier time. In no -direction is this more evident than in the -steady clearing of the Socialistic attitude -towards marriage and the family; in the -disentanglement of Socialism from much -idealist and irrelevant matter with which it -was once closely associated and encumbered, -in the orderly incorporation of conceptions -that at one time seemed not only outside of, -but hostile to, Socialist ways of thinking....</p> - -<p class='c008'>Nothing could have brought out this more -clearly than the comical attempt made recently -by the <cite>Daily Express</cite> to suggest that -Mr. Keir Hardie and the party he leads was -mysteriously involved with my unfortunate -self in teaching Free Love to respectable -<span class='pageno' id='Page_45'>45</span>working men. When my heat and indignation -had presently a little subsided, I found -myself asking how it came about, that any -one could bring together such discrepant -things as the orderly proposals of Socialism -as they shape themselves in the projects of -Mr. Keir Hardie, let us say, and the doctrine -of sexual go-as-you-please. And so inquiring, -my mind drifted back to the days—it is a -hazy period to me—when Godwin and Mary -Wollstonecraft were alive, when Shelley explained -his views to Harriet. These people -were in a sort of way Socialists; Palaeo-Socialists. -They professed also very distinctly -that uncovenanted freedom of action -in sexual matters which is, I suppose, Free -Love. Indeed, so near are we to these old -confusions that there is still, I find, one -Palaeo-Socialist surviving—Mr. Belfort Bax. -In that large undifferentiated past, all sorts -of ideas, as yet too ill defined to eliminate -one another, socialist ideas, communist ideas, -anarchist ideas, Rousseauism, seethed together -and seemed akin. In a sense they were akin -<span class='pageno' id='Page_46'>46</span>in that they were the condemnation of the -existing order, the outcome of the destructive -criticism of this of its aspects or that. They -were all <i>breccia</i>. But in all else, directly -they began to find definite statement, they -were flatly contradictory one with another. -Or at least they stood upon different levels -of assumption and application.</p> - -<p class='c008'>The formulæ of Anarchism and Socialism -are, no doubt, almost diametrically opposed; -Anarchism denies government, Socialism -would concentrate all controls in the State, -yet it is after all possible in different relations -and different aspects to entertain the two. -When one comes to dreams, when one tries -to imagine one’s finest sort of people, one -must surely imagine them too fine for control -and prohibitions, doing right by a sort -of inner impulse, “above the Law.” One’s -dreamland perfection is Anarchy—just as no -one would imagine a policeman (or for the -matter of that a drain-pipe) in Heaven. -But come down to earth, to men the descendants -of apes, to men competing to live, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_47'>47</span>and passionately jealous and energetic, and -for the highways and market-places of life at -any rate, one asks for law and convention. -In Heaven or any Perfection there will be -no Socialism, just as there will be no Bimetallism; -there is the sphere of communism, anarchism, -universal love and universal service. -It is in the workaday world of limited and -egotistical souls that Socialism has its place. -All men who dream at all of noble things are -Anarchists in their dreams, and half at least of -the people who are much in love, I suppose, -want to be this much Anarchistic that they -do not want to feel under a law or compulsion -one with another. They may want to possess, -they may want to be wholly possessed, but -they do not want a law court or public -opinion to protect that possession as a “right.”</p> - -<p class='c008'>But it’s still not clearly recognized how -distinct are the spheres of Anarchism and -Socialism. The last instance of this confusion -that has seriously affected the common -idea of the Socialist was as recent as the late -Mr. Grant Allen. He was not, I think, even -<span class='pageno' id='Page_48'>48</span>in his time a very representative Socialist, -but certainly he did present, as if it were a -counsel of perfection for this harsh and grimy -world, something very like reckless abandonment -to the passion or mood of the moment. -I doubt if he would have found a dozen supporters -in the Fabian Society in his own time. -I should think his teaching would have appealed -far more powerfully to extreme individualists -of the type of Mr. Auberon Herbert. -However that may be, I do not think there -is at present among English and American -Socialists any representative figure at all -counselling Free Love. The modern tendency -is all towards an amount of control over -the function of reproduction, if anything, in -excess of that exercised by the State and -public usage to-day. Let me make a brief -comparison of existing conditions with what -I believe to be the ideals of most of my fellow -Socialists in this matter, and the reader can -then judge for himself between the two systems -of intervention.</p> - -<p class='c008'>And first let me run over the outline of the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_49'>49</span>thing we are most likely to forget and have -wrong in such a discussion, the thing -directly under our noses, the thing that is. -People have an odd way of assuming in such -a comparison that we are living under an -obligation to conform to the moral code of -the Christian church at the present time. -As a matter of fact we are living in an epoch -of extraordinary freedom in sexual matters, -mitigated only by certain economic imperatives. -Anti-socialist writers have a way of -pretending that Socialists want to make -Free Love possible, while in reality Free -Love is open to any solvent person to-day. -People who do not want to marry are as free -as air to come together and part again as they -choose, there is no law to prevent them, the -State takes it out of their children with a -certain mild malignancy—that is all. Married -people are equally free, saving certain limited -proprietary claims upon one another, claims -that can always be met by the payment of -damages. The restraints are purely restraints -of opinion, that would be as powerful tomorrow -<span class='pageno' id='Page_50'>50</span>if legal marriage was altogether abolished. -There was a time, no doubt, when there -were actual legal punishments for unchastity -in women, but that time has gone, it might -seem, for ever. Our State retains only, from -an age that held mercantile methods in less -honour, a certain habit of persecuting women -who sell themselves by retail for money, -but this is done in the name of public order -and not on account of the act. Such a woman -must exact cash payments, she cannot recover -debts, she is placed at a ridiculous disadvantage -towards her landlord (which makes -accommodating her peculiarly lucrative), and -she is exposed to various inconveniences of -street regulation and status that must ultimately -corrupt any police force in the world—for -all that she seems to continue in the -land with a certain air of prosperity. Beyond -that our control between man and -woman is nil. Our society to-day has in -fact no complete system of sexual morals at -all. It has the remains of a system.</p> - -<p class='c008'>It has the remains of a monogamic patriarchal -<span class='pageno' id='Page_51'>51</span>system, in which a responsible man -owned nearly absolutely wife and offspring. -All its laws and sentiments alike are derived -from the reduction and qualification of that.</p> - -<p class='c008'>These are not the pretensions indeed of the -present system such as it is, but they are the -facts. And even the present disorder, one -gathers, is unstable. One hears on every -hand of its further decadence. From Father -Vaughan to President Roosevelt, and volleying -from the whole bench of bishops, comes -the witness to that. Not only the old breaches -grow wider and more frequent, but in the -very penetralia of the family the decay goes -on. The birth-rate falls—and falls. The -family fails more and more in its essential -object. This is a process absolutely independent -of any Socialist propaganda; it is -part of the normal development of the existing -social and economic system. It makes -for sterilization, for furtive wantonness and -dishonour. The existing system produces -no remedies at all. Prominent people break -out ever and again into vehement scoldings -<span class='pageno' id='Page_52'>52</span>of this phenomenon; the newspapers and -magazines re-echo “Race Suicide,” but there -is no sign whatever in the statistical curves -of the smallest decimal per cent. of response -to these exhortations.</p> - -<p class='c008'>Our existing sexual order is a system in -decay. What are the alternatives to its -steady process of collapse? That is the -question we have to ask ourselves. To -heap foul abuse, as many quite honest but -terror-stricken people seem disposed to do, -on any one who attempts to discuss any alternative, -is simply to accelerate this process. -To me it seems there are three main directions -along which things may go in the future, -and between which rational men have to -choose.</p> - -<p class='c008'>The first is to regard the present process -as inevitable and moving towards the elimination -of weak and gentle types, to clear one’s -mind of the prejudices of one’s time, and to -contemplate a disintegration of all the realities -of the family into an epoch of Free Love, mitigated -by mercantile necessities and a few -<span class='pageno' id='Page_53'>53</span>transparent hypocrisies. Rich men will be -free to live lives of irresponsible polygamy; -poor men will do what they can; women’s -life will be adventurous, the population will -decline in numbers and perhaps in quality. -(To guard against that mischievous quoter -who lies in wait for all Socialist writers, let -me say at once that this state of affairs is -anti-socialist, is, I believe, socially destructive, -and does not commend itself to me at all.)</p> - -<p class='c008'>The second direction is towards reaction, -an attempt to return to the simple old conceptions -of our past, to the patriarchal family, -that is to say, of the middle ages. This I -take to be the conception of such a Liberal -as Mr. G. K. Chesterton, or such a Conservative -as Lord Hugh Cecil, and to be also as -much idea as one can find underlying most -tirades against modern morals. The rights -of the parent will be insisted on and restored, -and the parent means pretty distinctly the -father. Subject to the influence of a powerful -and well-organized Church, a rejuvenescent -Church, he is to resume that control over -<span class='pageno' id='Page_54'>54</span>wife and children of which the modern State -has partially deprived him. The development -of secular education is to be arrested, -particular stress is to be laid upon the wickedness -of any intervention with natural reproductive -processes, the spread of knowledge -in certain directions is to be made criminal, -and early marriages are to be encouraged.... -I do not by any means regard this as an impossible -programme; I believe that in many -directions it is quite a practicable one; it is -in harmony with great masses of feeling in the -country, and with many natural instincts. -It would not of course affect the educated -wealthy and leisurely upper class in the community, -who would be able and intelligent -enough to impose their own private glosses -upon its teaching, but it would “moralize” -the general population, and reduce them to -a state of prolific squalor. Its realization -would be, I believe, almost inevitably accompanied -by a decline in sanitation, and a correlated -rise in birth-rate and death-rate, for -life would be cheap, and drainpipes and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_55'>55</span>antiseptics dear, and it is quite conceivable -that after some stresses, a very nearly stable -social equilibrium would be attained. After -all it is this simple sort of life, without drains -and without education, with child labour (in -the open air for the most part until the eighteenth -century—though that is a detail) and a -consequent straightforward desire for remunerative -children that has been the normal life -of humanity for many thousands of years. -We might not succeed in getting back to a -landed peasantry, we might find large masses -of the population would hang up obstinately -in industrial towns—towns that in their -simple naturalness of congestion might come -to resemble the Chinese pattern pretty closely; -but I have no doubt we could move far in that -direction with very little difficulty indeed.</p> - -<p class='c008'>The third direction is towards the developing -conceptions of Socialism. And it must -be confessed at once that these, as they -emerge steadily and methodically from mere -generalities and confusions, do present themselves -as being in many aspects, novel and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_56'>56</span>untried. They are as untested, and in many -respects as alarming, as steam traction or -iron shipping were in 1830. They display, -clearly and unambiguously, principles already -timidly admitted in practice and sentiment -to-day, but as yet admitted only confusedly -and amidst a cloud of contradictions. -Essentially the Socialist position is a denial -of property in human beings; not only must -land and the means of production be liberated -from the multitude of little monarchs among -whom they are distributed, to the general -injury and inconvenience, but women and -children, just as much as men and things, -must cease to be owned. Socialism indeed -proposes to abolish altogether the patriarchal -family amidst whose disintegrating ruins we -live, and to raise women to an equal citizenship -with men. It proposes to give a man no -more property in a woman than a woman has -in a man. To stupid people who cannot see -the difference between a woman and a thing, -the abolition of the private ownership of -women takes the form of having “wives in -<span class='pageno' id='Page_57'>57</span>common,” and suggests the Corroboree. It -is obviously nothing of the sort. It is the -recognition in theory of what in many classes -is already the fact,—the practical equality of -men and women in a civilized state. It is -quite compatible with a marriage contract of -far greater stringency than that recognized -throughout Christendom to-day.</p> - -<p class='c008'>Now what sort of contract will the Socialist -state require for marriage? Here again there -are perfectly clear and simple principles. -Socialism states definitely what almost everybody -recognizes nowadays with greater or -less clearness, and that is the concern of -the State for children. The children people -bring into the world can be no more their private -concern entirely, than the disease germs -they disseminate or the noises a man makes in -a thin-floored flat. Socialism says boldly -the State is the Over-Parent, the Outer-Parent. -People rear children for the State -and the future; if they do that well, they do -the whole world a service, and deserve payment -just as much as if they built a bridge -<span class='pageno' id='Page_58'>58</span>or raised a crop of wheat; if they do it unpropitiously -and ill, they have done the world an -injury. Socialism denies altogether the right -of any one to beget children carelessly and -promiscuously, and for the prevention of disease -and evil births alike the Socialist is prepared -for an insistence upon intelligence and -self-restraint quite beyond the current practice. -At present we deal with all that sort of -thing as an infringement of private proprietary -rights; the Socialist holds it is the world -that is injured.</p> - -<p class='c008'>It follows that motherhood, which we still in -a muddle-headed way seem to regard as partly -self-indulgence and partly a service paid to -a man by a woman, is regarded by the Socialists -as a benefit to society, a public duty done. -It may be in many cases a duty full of pride -and happiness—that is beside the mark. The -State will pay for children born legitimately -in the marriage it will sanction. A woman -with healthy and successful offspring will -draw a wage for each one of them from the -State, so long as they go on well. It will be -her wage. Under the State she will control -<span class='pageno' id='Page_59'>59</span>her child’s upbringing. How far her husband -will share in the power of direction is a matter -of detail upon which opinion may vary—and -does vary widely among Socialists. I suppose -for the most part they incline to the -conception of a joint control. So the monstrous -injustice of the present time which -makes a mother dependent upon the economic -accidents of her man, which plunges the best -of wives and the most admirable of children -into abject poverty if he happens to die, which -visits his sins of waste and carelessness upon -them far more than upon himself, will disappear. -So too the still more monstrous -absurdity of women discharging their supreme -social function, bearing and rearing children -in their spare time, as it were, while they -“earn their living” by contributing some half -mechanical element to some trivial industrial -product, will disappear.</p> - -<p class='c008'>That is the gist of the Socialist attitude -towards marriage; the repudiation of private -ownership of women and children, and the -payment of mothers. Partially but already -very extensively, socialistic ideas have spread -<span class='pageno' id='Page_60'>60</span>through the whole body of our community; -they are the saving element in what would -otherwise be a moral catastrophe now, and -the Socialist simply puts with precise definition -the conclusions to which all but foolish, ignorant, -base or careless people are moving—albeit -some are moving thither with averted faces. -Already we have the large, still incomplete -edifice of free education, and a great mass of -legislation against child labour; we have free -baths, free playgrounds, free libraries,—more -and more people are coming to admit the -social necessity of saving our children from -the private enterprise of the milkman who -does not sterilize his cans, from the private enterprise -of the schoolmaster who cannot teach, -from the private enterprise of the employer -who takes them on at small wages at thirteen -or fourteen to turn them back on our hands -as ignorant hooligans and social wastrels at -eighteen or twenty.... But the straightforward -payment to the mother still remains -to be brought within the sphere of practical -application. To that we shall come.</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c002'> - <div><span class='small'>Butler & Tanner, The Selwood Printing Works, Frome, and London</span></div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='pbb'> - <hr class='pb c003' /> -</div> -<p class='c010'><span class='large'><span class='under'><i>A. C. FIFIELD’S NEW LIST.</i></span></span></p> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c002'> - <div><span class='xlarge'>THE BISHOPS AS LEGISLATORS:</span></div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>A Record of the Speeches and Votes of the Bishops in the House of Lords during the last 100 years.</div> - <div class='c003'><span class='sc'>By JOSEPH CLAYTON</span></div> - <div class='c003'>Author of “Father Dolling”; “Bishop Westcott.”</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c008'>2nd Edition, <i>1s. nett, Postage 2d. Cloth gilt, 2s. nett</i>.</p> - -<p class='c008'>“It will be difficult for the hardiest episcopater to -make anything good out of this book. It is a bad record, -whether we regard it as citizens or as churchmen.”—<cite>Pall -Mall Gazette.</cite></p> - -<p class='c008'>“This is a tremendous and terrible indictment, which -can only be supported by an appeal to facts. Unfortunately -for the bishops, the record is black. It could not be much -worse.”—<cite>Daily News.</cite></p> - -<p class='c008'>“The importance of Mr. Clayton’s investigations lies -in their cumulative effect. In view of their calling, nearly -every intervention and every abstention of the bishops in -political affairs has been melancholy. Taken together, -the record is overwhelming. What we have here is a -history of the absolute uniformity with which popular -causes, involving no menace to the church, have found -the bishops against them.... It is a record of hopeless, -unredeemed failure. It has been sectarian. It has been -selfish. It has never once been national. It has never -once been right, never even magnificently wrong. Its -mistakes have all been mean.”—<cite>Morning Leader.</cite></p> - -<div class='section ph3'> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c002'> - <div>THE WOMAN’S CALENDAR</div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div><span class='sc'>A Quotation for every Day of the Year.</span></div> - <div class='c003'><span class='sc'>Selected by</span> DORA B. MONTEFIORE.</div> - <div class='c003'><i>Artistic wrapper in 2 colours, 1s. nett. Quarter cloth, gilt top, 2s. nett.</i></div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='section ph3'> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c002'> - <div>PATRIOTISM & ETHICS</div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div><span class='sc'>By</span> J. G. GODARD.</div> - <div class='c003'><i>New and Cheaper Issue. 374 pages. Cloth, 2s. nett. Postage, 4d.</i></div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c008'>“A powerful picture of the excesses committed in the name -of Patriotism.... A particularly valuable piece of work.”—<cite>Daily -News.</cite> “A serious and painstaking contribution to the -discussion of a profound ethical problem.”—<cite>Daily Chronicle.</cite></p> - -<div class='section ph3'> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c002'> - <div>CAMDEN’S SURVEY OF SURREY AND SUSSEX</div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div><i>Quarter cloth, 7s. 6d. nett. Half leather, 10s. 6d. nett. Postage, 4d.</i></div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c008'>A book for book collectors and craftsmen. Hand set type, -hand made paper, hand printed and hand bound. One hundred -and fifty copies only offered to the public. Reigate Press work.</p> - -<div class='section ph3'> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c002'> - <div>THE CONSOLATIONS OF A FADDIST</div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div><span class='sc'>Verses Reprinted from “The Humanitarian.”</span></div> - <div class='c003'><span class='sc'>By</span> HENRY S. SALT.</div> - <div class='c003'><i>Crown 8vo. Wrappers, 6d. nett. Postage, 1d.</i></div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='section ph3'> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c002'> - <div>WALT WHITMAN</div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div><span class='sc'>By</span> WILLIAM CLARKE, M.A.</div> - <div class='c003'><i>A new and cheaper edition, with Portrait.</i></div> - <div class='c003'><i>Foolscap 8vo, cloth, 1s. 6d. nett. Postage 3d.</i></div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c008'>“Still perhaps the best life of Whitman.”—<i>A. E. -Fletcher.</i></p> - -<p class='c008'>“A fine appreciation.... More wisdom and sound -thinking are compressed in this little volume than you -will find in tons of other books.”—<cite>The Clarion.</cite></p> - -<p class='c008'>“An able study of a remarkable personality, which -should be widely read.”—<cite>Scotsman.</cite></p> - -<p class='c008'>“An appreciative and luminous criticism, which our -readers will do well to get.”—<cite>New Age.</cite></p> - -<div class='section ph3'> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c002'> - <div>GARRISON THE NON-RESISTANT</div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div><span class='sc'>By</span> ERNEST CROSBY.</div> - <div class='c003'><i>Foolscap 8vo, cloth, 1s. 6d. nett. Postage 3d.</i></div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c008'>“We recommend Mr. Crosby’s book to those who like -a good morsel of morally inspiring and intellectually stimulating -reading. He first tells, and tells well, the life-story -of a man who lived, and would have died, for a noble idea—the -abolition of slavery. He then discusses very -fruitfully both that idea, and another, the idea of Non-Resistance, -which still remains only an idea, and some -will say a dream.... His view on the subject will surprise, -but in the end will impress, the reader, ... and he -is none the less effective because his temper is philosophic -and his words are measured.”—<cite>Sunday School Chronicle.</cite></p> - -<div class='section ph3'> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c002'> - <div>MY FARM OF TWO ACRES</div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div><span class='sc'>By</span> HARRIET MARTINEAU.</div> - <div class='c003'><cite>The Cottage Farm Series No. 1.</cite></div> - <div class='c003'><i>6d. net. Cloth, 1s. net. Postage, 1d. and 2d.</i></div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c008'>A reprint of Miss Martineau’s famous story of her cottage -farm which she ran for over twelve years in the middle of the -nineteenth century.</p> - -<div class='section ph3'> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c002'> - <div>FORK AND SPADE HUSBANDRY: <span class='fixed'>or £51 a year from 2 acres</span></div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div><span class='sc'>By</span> JOHN SILLETT, the Suffolk Draper.</div> - <div class='c003'><cite>Cottage Farm Series, No. 2.</cite></div> - <div class='c003'><i>6d. net. Cloth, 1s. net. Postage, 1d. and 2d.</i></div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c008'>Sillett was one of the pioneers of the small holdings, and his -booklet ran into a dozen editions fifty years ago. His accounts -show a net profit of £51 in at least one year, by fork and spade -work.</p> - -<div class='section ph3'> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c002'> - <div>HUMANE EDUCATION</div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div><span class='sc'>By</span> REV. A. M. MITCHELL, M.A.</div> - <div>Vicar of Burton Wood.</div> - <div class='c003'><i>Small Crown 8vo. 32 pages. 3d. net. Post free 3½d.</i></div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c008'>A plea for a more humane and rational system of child-training -in the elementary schools.</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c002'> - <div><i>LONDON: A. C. FIFIELD, 44, FLEET ST., E.C.</i></div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='pbb'> - <hr class='pb c003' /> -</div> -<div class='tnotes'> - -<div class='section ph2'> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c001'> - <div>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES</div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - - <ol class='ol_1 c002'> - <li>Silently corrected typographical errors and variations in spelling. - - </li> - <li>Anachronistic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings retained as printed. - </li> - </ol> - -</div> - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Socialism and the family, by -H. G. 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