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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..f5809b0 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #60668 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/60668) diff --git a/old/60668-8.txt b/old/60668-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 30a9caf..0000000 --- a/old/60668-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,3964 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Essay On The Character And Influence Of -Washington in the Revolution Of The United States Of America, by François Guizot - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Essay On The Character And Influence Of Washington in the Revolution Of The United States Of America - -Author: François Guizot - -Translator: George S. Hillard - -Release Date: November 11, 2019 [EBook #60668] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ESSAY ON CHARACTER OF WASHINGTON *** - - - - -Produced by Don Kostuch - - - - - -[Transcriber's note: This production is based on -https://archive.org/details/essayoncharacte00guiz/page/1] - - -{i} - - Essay On The Character And Influence Of Washington - - In The Revolution Of The United States Of America. - - By M. Guizot. - - - - Translated From The French. - - - Third Edition. - - - - New York - - Published By James Miller, - - (Successor To C. S. Francis & Co.,) - - 522 Broadway. - - 1868. - -{ii} - - - - - -Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year one thousand -eight hundred and forty, by James Munroe & Co., in the Clerk's -office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. - - -{iii} - - Translator's Preface. - - -The following Essay is a translation of the Introduction, by M. -Guizot, to a French version of Sparks's Life of Washington, and -of selected portions of Washington's Writings, which has recently -appeared in Paris, in six octavo volumes. M. Guizot is well -known, not only as the author of many valuable historical works, -but as a practical statesman himself, and therefore peculiarly -qualified to appreciate the character of Washington, and to -estimate his claims to the gratitude of his country, and the -admiration of mankind. The Essay can hardly fail to be read with -interest by every countryman of the illustrious man who forms its -subject. It is a performance remarkable for the knowledge which -it evinces of our own history, for its great political wisdom, -its elevated moral tone, and its just discrimination in regard to -the character of Washington. -{iv} -Every American citizen must be highly gratified to find his own -veneration for the name of Washington confirmed by this unbiassed -tribute from a foreigner so distinguished in literature and -politics, as M. Guizot. Nothing has ever been written concerning -him in Europe, so accurate, so just, and so profound as this; and -it will serve to justify and strengthen that admiration, which -has been accorded to him in foreign countries, hardly less than -in his own. - - George S. Hillard. - -{v} - - Advertisement Of The French Publishers. - - -No foreign event occurring at a distance ever awakened so lively -a sympathy in France, as the Revolution of the United States of -America. No great man who was a foreigner has ever, in this -country, been the object of general admiration to such an extent -as Washington. He has had the applause of both the court and the -people, of the old _régime_ and the new nation. During his -life, testimonials of respect were heaped upon him by Louis the -Sixteenth; and, at his death, Napoleon directed a public mourning -for him, and a funeral oration. [Footnote 1] - - [Footnote 1: "Bonaparte rendered unusual honors to the name - of Washington, not long after the event of his death was made - known in France. By what motives he was prompted, it is - needless to inquire. At any rate, both the act itself and his - manner of performing it are somewhat remarkable, when - regarded in connexion with his subsequent career. He was then - First Consul. On the 9th of February, he issued the following - order of the day to the army, "Washington is dead! This great - man fought against tyranny; he established the liberty of his - country. His memory will always be dear to the French people, - as it will be to all free men of the two worlds; and - especially to French soldiers, who like him and the American - soldiers, have combated for liberty and equality. The First - Consul likewise ordered, that during ten days, black crape - should be suspended from all the standards and flags - throughout the Republic. On the same day a splendid ceremony - took place in the Champ de Mars, and the trophies brought by - the army from Egypt were displayed with great pomp. - Immediately after this ceremony was over, a funeral oration, - in honor of Washington (_Eloge Funèbre de Washington_) - was pronounced by M. de Fontanes, in the Hotel des Invalides, - then called the Temple of Mars. The First Consul, and all the - civil and military authorities of the capital, were - present."--Sparks's _Life of Washington_, pp. 531, 532, - _note_.] - -{vi} - -It is now forty years since this great man has been reposing, to -use his own expression, "in the mansions of rest," at Mount -Vernon, by the side of his fathers. But his country has recently -reared to him the noblest of monuments, in the publication of his -_Works_, consisting of his Letters, Discourses, and -Messages, comprising what was written and spoken by him in the -midst of his active career, and forming indeed his lively image -and the true history of his life. - -These are, in truth, his _Works_. Washington preserved with -scrupulous care, either a first draft or an exact copy of every -letter he wrote, whether as a public man or a private individual, -and whether they related to his own concerns, the management and -culture of his farms, or to the interests of the state. - -{vii} - -During the period from 1783 to 1787, in his retirement at Mount -Vernon, he arranged the first part of this correspondence, -containing among other things, whatever had been written by him -during the war of independence; and, at his death, he bequeathed -all his papers, together with his estate at Mount Vernon, to his -nephew, Bushrod Washington, who was for thirty years one of the -justices of the Supreme Court of the United States. The entire -collection, comprising the letters written by Washington himself, -and those addressed to him, filled more than two hundred folio -volumes. - -The Congress of the United States has recently purchased these -precious papers, and caused them to be deposited in the national -archives. An able editor, Mr. Sparks, already well known by his -important historical labors, and especially by editing the -"Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States during the War of -Independence," (printed at Boston in twelve octavo volumes), has -examined these papers and made selections and extracts from them. -The family of Washington, his surviving friends, and various -intelligent and distinguished persons favored his efforts in -executing this patriotic task. -{viii} -Mr. Sparks has not remained content with the collection of -materials, already so ample, which was in his possession; he -traveled over America and Europe, and the public and private -collections of France and England were liberally opened to him. -He has sought out, and brought together from all quarters, the -documents necessary to illustrate and complete this authentic -biography of a great man, which is the history of the infant -years of a great people; and a work in twelve large octavo -volumes, adorned with portraits, plates, and _fac-similes_, -under the title of "The Writings of George Washington," has been -the result of this labor, which has been performed in all its -parts with scrupulous fidelity, patriotism, and a love of the -subject. - -The work is divided into several parts. - -The First Volume contains a Life of Washington, written by Mr. -Sparks. - -The Second Volume, entitled Part First, contains the Official and -Private Letters of Washington, prior to the American Revolution, -(from the 9th of March, 1754, to the 31st of May, 1775). The -official letters relate to the war of 1754-1758, between France -and England, for the possession of the territories lying west of -the English colonies. - -{ix} - -The Third, Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, Seventh, and Eighth Volumes -(being the Second Part) comprise the Correspondence and the -various papers relating to the American Revolution and the War of -Independence, (from the 16th of June, 1775, to the 23d of -December, 1783). - -The Ninth Volume (being the Third Fart) is composed of the -Private Letters written by Washington from the end of 1783 to the -spring of 1789, in the interval between his return to Mount -Vernon, after the peace of Versailles, and his elevation to the -Presidency of the United States, (from the 28th of December, -1783, to the 14th of April, 1789). - -The Tenth and Eleventh Volumes (being the Fourth Part) comprise -the Official and Private Correspondence of Washington from his -elevation to the Presidency to the close of his life, (from the -5th of May, 1789, to the 12th of December, 1799). - -The Twelfth Volume (being the Fifth Part), contains the Documents -and Messages addressed by Washington to Congress, as President of -the United States, and also his Proclamations and Addresses to -the American people in general, or to particular classes of -citizens. - -{x} - -Each volume is terminated by an Appendix, in which the Editor has -collected a variety of historical documents of great interest, -and, generally speaking, hitherto unpublished, which illustrate -the principal events of the period, and the most important parts -of the life and character of Washington. - -Finally, numerous and accurate Notes, scattered through the work, -give all the information necessary for the complete understanding -of the letters and incidents to which they relate. - -Viewed as a whole and in its details, in its literary execution -and in its outward form, the edition is worthy of the great name -to which it is consecrated. - -In 1838, when the work had been just completed, the American -Editor, desirous that Washington should be as well known in -France as in his own country, applied to M. Guizot, requesting -him to make a selection, from the voluminous correspondence, of -such portions as seemed most calculated to awaken an interest in -the French public, and to superintend their publication in the -French language. M. Guizot has made this selection; upon the -principle of taking, especially, First, the letters concerning -the relations of France and the United States at that period, and -the distinguished part which our country acted in that great -event; Secondly, those which develope the political views of -Washington in the formation of the constitution and the -organization of the government of the United States,--views full -of valuable instruction; Thirdly, those which exhibit in the -clearest light the character, the turn of mind, and the manners -of the great man from whom they proceeded. - -{xi} - -In order to accomplish fully the honorable task which he -undertook, M. Guizot was desirous of presenting his own views of -the character of Washington, and of his influence in the -revolution which founded the United States of America; and these -are contained in the Introduction, which is prefixed to our -edition. - -We have spared no pains to make its external appearance worthy of -the intrinsic value of its contents. We are indebted to the -kindness of General Cass, the minister of the United States in -France, for most useful assistance and information; and he has -afforded them with a kindness, at once so enlightened and so -generous, that we feel it our duty to make a public -acknowledgment of our obligations to him. - -{xii} - -{13} - - Character And Influence of Washington. - - -Two difficult and important duties are assigned to man, and may -constitute his true glory: to support misfortune and resign -himself to it with firmness; to believe in goodness and trust -himself to it with unbroken confidence. - -There is a spectacle not less noble or less improving, than that -of a virtuous man struggling with adversity; it is that of a -virtuous man at the head of a good cause, and giving assurance of -its triumph. - -If there were ever a just cause, and one which deserved success, -it was that of the English colonies in their struggle to become -the United States of America. -{14} -In their case, open insurrection had been preceded by resistance. -This resistance was founded upon historical right and upon facts, -upon natural right and upon opinions. - -It is the honorable distinction of England to have given to her -colonies, in their infancy, the seminal principle of their -liberty. Almost all of them, either at the time of their being -planted or shortly after, received charters which conferred upon -the colonists the rights of the mother country. And these -charters were not a mere deceptive form, a dead letter, for they -either established or recognized those powerful institutions, -which impelled the colonists to defend their liberties and to -control power by dividing it; such as the laying of taxes by -vote, the election of the principal public bodies, trial by jury, -and the right to meet and deliberate upon affairs of general -interest. - -Thus the history of these colonies is nothing else than the -practical and sedulous development of the spirit of liberty, -expanding under the protecting influence of the laws and -traditions of the country. Such, indeed, was the history of -England itself. - -{15} - -A Still more striking resemblance is presented in the fact, that -the colonies of America, at least the greater part of them and -the most considerable among them, either were founded, or -received their principal increase, precisely at the period when -England was preparing to sustain, or was already sustaining, -those bold conflicts against the claims of absolute power, which -were to confer upon her the honorable distinction of giving to -the world the first example of a great nation, free and well -governed. - -From 1578 to 1704, under Elizabeth, James the First, Charles the -First, the Long Parliament, Cromwell, Charles the Second, James -the Second, William the Third, and Queen Anne, the charters of -Virginia, of Massachusetts, of Maryland, of Carolina, and of New -York, were, one after another, recognized, contested, restrained, -enlarged, lost, regained; incessantly exposed to those struggles -and those vicissitudes, which are the condition, indeed the very -essence, of liberty; for it is victory, and not peace, that free -communities can lay claim to. - -{16} - -At the same time with their legal rights, the colonists had also -religious faith. It was not only as Englishmen, but as -Christians, that they wished to be free; and their faith was more -dear to them than their charters. Indeed, these charters were, in -their eyes, nothing more than a manifestation and an image, -however imperfect, of the great law of God, the Gospel. Their -rights would not have been lost, even had they been deprived of -their charters. In their enthusiastic state of mind, supported by -divine favor, they would have traced these rights to a source -superior and inaccessible to all human power; for they cherished -sentiments more elevated than even the institutions themselves, -over which they were so sensitively watchful. - -It is well known, that, in the eighteenth century, the human -understanding, impelled by the accumulation of wealth, the growth -of population, and the increase of every form of social power, as -well as by its own impetuous and self-derived activity, attempted -the conquest of the world. Political science, in all its forms, -woke into new and vigorous life; as did, to a still greater -degree, the spirit of philosophy, proud, unsatisfied, eager to -penetrate and to regulate all things. -{17} -English America shared in this great movement, but serenely and -dispassionately; obeying its inherent tendency rather than -rushing into new and untried paths. Philosophical opinions were -there combined with religious belief, the triumphs of reason with -the heritage of faith, and the rights of man with those of the -Christian. - -A noble spectacle is presented to us, when we see the union of -historical and rational right, of traditions and opinions. A -nation, in such a case, gains in prudence as well as in energy. -When time-honored and esteemed truths control man without -enslaving him, restrain at the same time that they support him, -he can move onward and upward, without danger of being carried -away by the impetuous flight of his own spirit, soon to be either -dashed in pieces against unknown obstacles, or to sink gradually -into a sluggish and paralyzing inactivity. -{18} -And when, by a further union, still more beautiful and more -salutary, religious belief is indissolubly linked, in the very -mind of man, to the general progress of opinions, and liberty of -reason to the firm convictions of faith,--it is then that a -people may trust themselves to the boldest institutions. For -religious belief promotes, to an incalculable extent, the wise -management of human affairs. In order to discharge properly the -duty assigned to him in this life, man must contemplate it from a -higher point of view; if his mind be merely on the same level -with the task he is performing, he will soon fall below it, and -become incapable of accomplishing it in a worthy manner. - -Such was the fortunate condition, both of man and of society, in -the English colonies, when, in a spirit of haughty aggression, -England undertook to control their fortunes and their destiny, -without their own consent. This aggression was not unprecedented, -nor altogether arbitrary; it also rested upon historical -foundations, and might claim to be supported by some right. - -{19} - -It is the great problem of political science, to bring the -various powers of society into harmony, by assigning to each its -sphere and its degree of activity; a harmony never assured, and -always liable to be disturbed, but which, nevertheless, can be -produced, even from the elements of the struggle itself, to that -degree which the public safety imperatively demands. It is not -the privilege of states in their infancy to accomplish this -result. Not that any essential power is in them absolutely -disregarded and annihilated; on the contrary, all powers are -found in full activity; but they manifest themselves in a -confused manner, each one in its own behalf, without necessary -connexion or any just proportion, and in a way to bring on, not -the struggle which leads to harmony, but the disorder which -renders war inevitable. - -In the infancy of the English colonies, three different powers -are found, side by side with their liberties, and consecrated by -the same charters,--the crown, the proprietary founders, whether -companies or individuals, and the mother country. The crown, by -virtue of the monarchical principle, and with its traditions, -derived from the Church and the Empire. The proprietary founders, -to whom the territory had been granted, by virtue of the feudal -principle, which attaches a considerable portion of sovereignty -to the proprietorship of the soil. -{20} -The mother country, by virtue of the colonial principle, which, -at all periods and among all nations, by a natural connexion -between facts and opinions, has given to the mother country a -great influence over the population proceeding from its bosom. - -From the very commencement, as well in the course of events as in -the charters, there was great confusion among these various -powers, by turns exalted or depressed, united or divided, -sometimes protecting, one against another, the colonists and -their franchises, and sometimes assailing them in concert. In the -course of these confused changes, all sorts of pretexts were -assumed, and facts of all kinds cited, in justification and -support either of their acts or their pretensions. - -In the middle of the seventeenth century, when the monarchical -principle was overthrown in England in the person of Charles the -First, one might be led to suppose, for a moment, that the -colonies would take advantage of this to free themselves entirely -from its control. -{21} -In point of fact, some of them, Massachusetts especially, settled -by stern Puritans, showed themselves disposed, if not to break -every tie which bound them to the mother country, at least to -govern themselves, alone, and by their own laws. But the Long -Parliament, by force of the colonial principle, and in virtue of -the rights of the crown which it inherited, maintained, with -moderation, the supremacy of Great Britain. Cromwell, succeeding -to the power of the Long Parliament, exercised it in a more -striking manner, and, by a judicious and resolute principle of -protection, prevented or repressed, in the colonies, both -royalist and Puritan, every faint aspiration for independence. - -This was to him an easy task. The colonies, at this period, were -feeble and divided. Virginia, in 1640, did not contain more than -three or four thousand inhabitants, and in 1660 hardly thirty -thousand. [Footnote 2] - - [Footnote 2: Marshall's _Life of Washington_, edition of - 1805, Vol. I. p. 76. Bancroft's _History of the United - States_, Vol. I. pp. 210, 232, 265.] - -{22} - -Maryland had at most only twelve thousand. In these two provinces -the royalist party had the ascendency, and greeted with joy the -Restoration. In Massachusetts, on the other hand, the general -feeling was republican; the fugitive regicides, Goffe and -Whalley, found there favor and protection; and when the local -government were compelled to proclaim Charles the Second as king, -they forbade, at the same time, all tumultuous assemblies, all -kinds of merry-making, and even the drinking of the King's -health. There was, at that time, neither the moral unity, nor the -physical strength, necessary to the foundation of a state. - -After 1688, when England was finally in possession of a free -government, the colonies felt but slightly its advantages. The -charters, which Charles the Second and James the Second had -either taken away or impaired, were but imperfectly and partially -restored to them. The same confusion prevailed, the same -struggles arose between the different powers. The greater part of -the governors, coming from Europe, temporarily invested with the -prerogatives and pretensions of royalty, displayed them with more -arrogance than power, in an administration, generally speaking, -inconsistent, irritating, seldom successful, frequently marked by -grasping selfishness, and a postponement of the interests of the -public to petty personal quarrels. - -{23} - -Moreover, it was henceforth not the crown alone, but the crown -and the mother country united, with which the colonies had to -deal. Their real sovereign was no longer the king, but the king -and the people of Great Britain, represented and mingled together -in Parliament. And the Parliament regarded the colonies with -nearly the same eyes, and held, in respect to them, nearly the -same language, as had lately been used towards the Parliament -itself, by those kings whom it afterwards overcame. An -aristocratic senate is the most intractable of masters. Every -member of it possesses the supreme power, and no one is -responsible for its exercise. - -In the mean time, the colonies were rapidly increasing in -population, in wealth, in strength internally, and in importance -externally. Instead of a few obscure establishments, solely -occupied with their own affairs, and hardly able to sustain their -own existence, a people was now forming itself, whose -agriculture, commerce, enterprising spirit, and relative position -to other states, were giving them a place and consideration among -men. -{24} -The mother country, unable to govern them well, had neither the -leisure nor the ill will to oppress them absolutely. She vexed -and annoyed them without checking their growth. - -And the minds of men were expanded, and their hearts elevated, -with the growing fortunes of the country. By an admirable law of -Providence, there is a mysterious connexion between the general -condition of a country, and the state of feeling among the -citizens; a certain, though not obvious, bond of union, which -connects their growth and their destinies, and which makes the -farmer in his fields, the merchant in his counting-room, even the -mechanic in his workshop, grow more confident and high-spirited, -in proportion as the society, in whose bosom they dwell, is -enlarged and strengthened. As early as 1692, the General Court of -Massachusetts passed a resolution, "that no tax should be levied -upon his Majesty's subjects in the colonies, without the consent -of the Governor and Council, and the representatives in General -Court assembled." [Footnote 3] - - [Footnote 3: Story's _Commentaries on the Constitution_, - Vol. I. p. 62.] - -{25} - -In 1704, the legislative assembly of New York made a similar -declaration. [Footnote 4] - - [Footnote 4: Marshall's _Life of Washington_, - Vol. II. p. 17.] - -The government of Great Britain repelled them, sometimes by its -silence, and sometimes by its measures, which were always a -little indirect and reserved. The colonists were often silent in -their turn, and did not insist upon carrying out their principles -to their extreme consequences. But the principles themselves were -spreading among the colonial society, at the same time that the -resources were increasing, which were destined, at a future day -to be devoted to their service, and to insure their triumph. - -Thus, when that day arrived, when George the Third and his -Parliament, rather in a spirit of pride, and to prevent the loss -of absolute power by long disuse, than to derive any advantage -from its exercise, undertook to tax the colonies without their -consent, a powerful, numerous, and enthusiastic party,--the -national party,--immediately sprang into being, ready to resist, -in the name of right and of national honor. - -{26} - -It was indeed a question of right and of honor, and not of -interest or physical well-being. The taxes were light, and -imposed no burden upon the colonists. But they belonged to that -class of men who feel most keenly the wrongs which affect the -mind alone, and who can find no repose while honor is -unsatisfied. "For, Sir, what is it we are contending against? Is -it against paying the duty of three pence per pound on tea, -because burdensome? No; it is the right only, that we have all -along disputed." [Footnote 5] Such was, at the commencement of -the quarrel, the language of Washington himself, and such was the -public sentiment--a sentiment founded in sound policy, as well -as moral sense, and manifesting as much judgment as virtue. - - [Footnote 5: Washington to Bryan Fairfax. - _Washington's Writings_, Vol. II. p. 392.] - -{27} - -An instructive spectacle is presented to our contemplation, in -the number of public associations, which at that time were formed -in the colonies;--associations, local or general, accidental or -permanent; chambers of burgesses and of representatives, -conventions, committees, and congresses. Men of very different -characters and dispositions there met together; some, full of -respect and attachment to the mother country, others, ardently -devoted to that American country which was growing up under their -eyes and by the labor of their own hands; the former, anxious and -dejected, the latter, confident and enthusiastic, but all moved -and united by the same elevated sentiment, and the same -resolution to resist; giving the freest utterance to their -various views and opinions, without its producing any deep or -permanent division; on the contrary, respecting in each other the -rights of freedom, discussing together the great question of the -country with that conscientious purpose, that spirit of justice -and discretion, which gave them assurance of success, and -diminished the cost of its purchase. In June 1775, the first -Congress, assembled at Philadelphia, took measures for the -publication of a solemn declaration, for the purpose of -justifying the taking up of arms. -{28} -Two members, one from Virginia, and one from Pennsylvania, were a -part of the committee charged with the duty of drawing it up. "I -prepared," relates Mr. Jefferson himself, "a draft of the -declaration committed to us. It was too strong for Mr. Dickinson. -He still retained the hope of reconciliation with the mother -country, and was unwilling it should be lessened by offensive -statements. He was so honest a man, and so able a one, that he -was greatly indulged, even by those who could not feel his -scruples. We therefore requested him to take the paper, and put -it into a form he could approve. He did so; preparing an entire -new statement, and preserving of the former only the last four -paragraphs, and half of the preceding one. We approved and -reported it to Congress, who accepted it. Congress gave a signal -proof of their indulgence to Mr. Dickinson, and of their great -desire not to go too fast for any respectable part of our body, -in permitting him to draw their second petition to the King -according to his own ideas, and passing it with scarcely an -amendment. -{29} -The disgust against its humility was general; and Mr. Dickinson's -delight at its passage was the only circumstance that reconciled -them to it. The vote being passed, although further observation -on it was out of order, he could not refrain from rising and -expressing his satisfaction, and concluded by saying, 'There is -but one word, Mr. President, in the paper, which I disapprove, -and that is the word _Congress;_' on which Benjamin Harrison -rose and said, 'There is but one word in the paper, Mr. -President, of which I approve, and that is the word -_Congress_.'" [Footnote 6] - - [Footnote 6: Jefferson's _Memoirs_, Vol. I. pp. 9, 10.] - -Such a unanimity of feeling in the midst of so much liberty was -not a short-lived wisdom, the happy influence of the first burst -of enthusiasm. During the period of nearly ten years, which the -great contest occupied, men the most unlike, who were ranked -under the banners of the same national party, young and old, -enthusiastic and calm, continued to act thus in concert, one -portion being sufficiently wise, and the other sufficiently firm, -to prevent a rupture. And when, forty-six years afterwards, -[Footnote 7] after having taken part in the violent struggle -between the parties which American liberty gave birth to, himself -the head of the victorious party, Mr. Jefferson called up anew -the recollections of his youth, we may be sure, that it was not -without mingled emotions of pain and pleasure, that he recurred -to these noble examples of moderation and justice. - - [Footnote 7: Mr. Jefferson wrote his _Memoirs_ in 1821.] - -{30} - -Insurrection, resistance to established authority, and the -enterprise of forming a new government, are matters of grave -importance to men like these, to all men of sense and virtue. -Those who have the most forecast, never calculate its whole -extent. The boldest would shudder in their hearts, could they -foresee all the dangers of the undertaking. Independence was not -the premeditated purpose, not even the wish, of the colonies. A -few bold and sagacious spirits either saw that it would come, or -expressed their desire for it, after the period of resistance -under the forms of law had passed. But the American people did -not aspire to it, and did not urge their leaders to make claim to -it. -{31} -"'For all what you Americans say of your loyalty,' observed the -illustrious Lord Camden, at that time Mr. Pratt, 'I know you will -one day throw off your dependence upon this country; and, -notwithstanding your boasted affection to it, will set up for -independence.' Franklin answered, 'No such idea is entertained in -the minds of the Americans; and no such idea will ever enter -their heads, unless you grossly abuse them.' 'Very true,' replied -Mr. Pratt, 'that is one of the main causes I see will happen, and -will produce the event.'" [Footnote 8] - - [Footnote 8: Washington's Writings, Vol. II. p. 496.] - -Lord Camden was right in his conjectures. English America was -grossly abused; and yet, in 1774, and even in 1775, hardly a year -before the declaration of independence, and when it was becoming -inevitable, Washington and Jefferson thus wrote; "Although you -are taught, I say, to believe, that the people of Massachusetts -are rebellious, setting up for independency, and what not, give -me leave, my good friend, to tell you, that you are abused, -grossly abused. ... -{32} -I can announce it as a fact, that it is not the wish or interest -of that government, or any other upon this continent, separately -or collectively, to set up for independence; but this you may, at -the same lime, rely on, that none of them will ever submit to the -loss of those valuable rights and privileges, which are essential -to the happiness of every free state, and without which, life, -liberty, and property are rendered totally insecure." -[Footnote 9] - - [Footnote 9: Letter to Robert Mackenzie, 9 October, 1774; - Washington's Writings, Vol. II. p. 400.] - -"Believe me, dear Sir, there is not in the British empire a man, -who more cordially loves a union with Great Britain than I do. -But, by the God that made me, I will cease to exist, before I -will yield to a connexion on such terms as the British Parliament -propose, and, in this, I think I speak the sentiments of America. -We want neither inducement nor power to declare and assert a -separation. It is will alone, which is wanting, and that is -growing apace, under the fostering hand of our King." [Footnote -10] - - [Footnote 10: Letter to Mr. Randolph, 29th November, 1775; - Jefferson's _Memoirs and Correspondence_, Vol. I. p. 153.] - -{33} - -George the Third, in point of fact, pledged to the course he was -pursuing, and acting under the influence of passionate obstinacy, -animated and sustained his ministers and the Parliament in the -struggle. In vain were fresh petitions constantly presented to -him, always loyal and respectful without insincerity; in vain was -his name commended to the favor and protection of God, in the -services of religion, according to usual custom. He paid no -attention, either to the prayers which were made to him, or to -those which were offered to Heaven in his behalf; and by his -order the war continued, without ability, without vigorous and -well-combined efforts, but with that hard and haughty obstinacy, -which destroys in the heart all affection as well as hope. - -Evidently the day had arrived, when power had forfeited its claim -to loyal obedience; and when the people were called upon to -protect themselves by force, no longer finding in the established -order of things either safety or shelter. Such a moment is a -fearful one, big with unknown events; one, which no human -sagacity can predict, and no human government can control, but -which, notwithstanding, does sometimes come, bearing an impress -stamped by the hand of God. -{34} -If the struggle, which begins at such a moment, were one -absolutely forbidden; if, at the mysterious point in which it -arises, this great social duty did not press even upon the heads -of those who deny its existence, the human race, long ago, wholly -fallen under the yoke, would have lost all dignity as well as all -happiness. - -Nor was there wanting another condition, also essential, to the -legitimate character of the insurrection of the English colonies. -They had a reasonable chance of success. - -No vigorous hand, at that time, had the management of public -affairs in England. The cabinet of Lord North was not remarkable -for talent or generosity of feeling. The only eminent man in the -country, Lord Chatham, was in the opposition. - -{35} - -The times of extreme tyranny had gone by. Proscriptions, judicial -and military cruelties, a general and systematic laying waste of -the country; all those terrible measures, those atrocious -sufferings, which a little while before in the heart of Europe, -in a cause equally just, had been inflicted upon the Hollanders, -would not have been tolerated in the eighteenth century, by the -spectators of the American contest, and, indeed, were never -thought of by those who were the most fiercely engaged in it. On -the contrary, a powerful party was formed, and eloquent voices -were constantly lifted up, in the British Parliament itself, in -support of the colonies and of their rights. This is the glory -and distinction of a representative government, that it insures -to every cause its champions, and brings even into the arena of -politics those defences, which were instituted for the sanctuary -of the laws. - -Europe, moreover, could not be a passive spectator of such a -struggle. Two great powers, France and Spain, had serious losses -and recent injuries in America itself, to avenge upon England. -{36} -Two powers, whose greatness was of recent growth, Russia and -Prussia, displayed in favor of liberal opinions a sympathy which -was enlightened, though a little ostentatious, and showed -themselves disposed to seize the occasion of bringing discredit -upon England, or of injuring her, in the name of liberty itself. -A republic, formerly glorious and formidable, still rich and -honored, Holland, could not fail to assist America, against her -ancient rival, with her capital, and her credit. Finally, among -the powers of an inferior rank, all those whose situation -rendered the maritime supremacy of England odious or injurious to -them, could not but feel in favor of the new state a good will; -timid, perhaps, and without immediate effect, but still useful -and encouraging. - -By the rarest good fortune, at that time every thing united and -acted in concert in favor of the insurgent colonies. Their cause -was just, their strength already great, and their characters -marked by prudence and morality. Upon their own soil, laws and -manners, old facts and modern opinions, united in sustaining and -animating them in their purpose. Great alliances were preparing -for them in Europe. Even in the councils of the hostile mother -country, they had powerful support. Never, in the history of -human societies, had any new and contested right received so much -favor, and engaged in the strife with so many chances of success. - -{37} - -Still by how many obstacles was this undertaking opposed! What -efforts and sacrifices did it cost to the generation which was -charged with the duty of accomplishing it! How many times did it -appear to be, and indeed really was, on the point of being -utterly defeated! - -In the country itself, among the people in appearance and -sometimes in reality so unanimous, independence, when once -declared, soon met numerous and active adversaries. In 1775, -hardly had the first guns been fired at Lexington, when, in the -midst of the general enthusiasm, a company of Connecticut troops -was requisite in New York to sustain the republican party against -the Tories or Loyalists, a name which the partisans of the mother -country had proudly adopted. [Footnote 11] In 1775, New York sent -important supplies to the English army under the orders of -General Gage. [Footnote 12] - - [Footnote 11: Marshall's _Life of Washington_, - Vol. II. p. 187.] - - [Footnote 12: Marshall's _Life of Washington_, - Vol. II. p. 229.] - -{38} - -In 1776, when General Howe arrived upon the shores of the same -province, a crowd of inhabitants manifested their joy, renewed -the oath of fidelity to the crown, and took up arms in its -behalf. [Footnote 13] The feeling was the same in New Jersey, and -the Loyalist corps, levied in these two provinces, equalled in -numbers the contingents furnished by them to the republican -armies.[Footnote 14] In the midst of this population, Washington -himself was not in safety; a conspiracy was formed to deliver him -up to the English, and some members of his own guard were found -to be engaged in it. [Footnote 15] - - [Footnote 13: Ibid., Vol. II. p. 381.] - - [Footnote 14: Ibid., Vol. III. p. 47. - Spark's _Life of Washington_, Vol. I. p 261.] - - [Footnote 15: Marshall's _Life of Washington_, - Vol. II. p. 364.] - -{39} - -Maryland and Georgia were divided. In North and South Carolina, -in 1776 and 1779, two Loyalist regiments, one of fifteen hundred, -and the other of seven hundred men, were formed in a few days. -Against these domestic hostilities, Congress and the local -governments used, at first, extreme moderation; rallying the -friends of independence without troubling themselves with its -opponents; demanding nothing from those who would have refused; -everywhere exerting themselves by means of writings, -correspondence, associations, and the sending of commissioners -into the doubtful counties, to confirm their minds, to remove -their scruples, and to demonstrate to them the justice of their -cause, and the necessity there was for the steps they had taken. -For, generally, the Loyalist party was founded upon sincere and -honorable sentiments; fidelity, affection, gratitude, respect for -tradition, and a love of established order; and from such -sentiments it derived its strength. For some time the government -contented itself with watching over this party and keeping it -under restraint; in some districts, they even entered into treaty -with it, to secure its neutrality. But the course of events, the -imminence of the danger, the urgent need of assistance, and the -irritation of the passions, soon led to a more rigorous course. -Arrests and banishment became frequent. The prisons were filled. -Confiscations of property commenced. -{40} -Local committees of public safety disposed of the liberty of -their fellow-citizens, on the evidence of general notoriety. -Popular violence, in more than one instance, was added to the -arbitrary severities of the magistrates. A printer in New York -was devoted to the cause of the Loyalists; a troop of horsemen, -who had come from Connecticut for that purpose, broke his presses -and carried off his types. [Footnote 16] The spirit of hatred and -vengeance was awakened. In Georgia and South Carolina, on the -western frontier of Connecticut and of Pennsylvania, the struggle -between the two parties was marked with cruelty. Notwithstanding -the legitimate character of the cause, notwithstanding the -virtuous wisdom of its leaders, the infant republic was -experiencing the horrors of a civil war. - - [Footnote 16: Marshall's _Life of Washington_, - Vol. II. p. 240.] - -Evils and dangers, still more serious, were every day springing -from the national party itself. The motives which led to the -insurrection were pure; too pure to consist for any length of -time, among the mass at least, with the imperfections of -humanity. -{41} -When the people were appealed to in the name of rights, to be -maintained, and honor to be saved, the first impulse was a -general one. But, however great may be the favor of Providence in -such great enterprises, the toil is severe, success is slow, and -the generality of men soon become exhausted through weariness or -impatience. The colonists had not taken up arms to escape from -any atrocious tyranny; they had not, like their ancestors in -fleeing from England, the first privileges of life to regain, -personal security and religious toleration. They were no longer -stimulated by any urgent personal motive; there were no social -spoils to be divided, no old and deep-seated passions to gratify. -The contest was prolonged without creating in thousands of -retired families those powerful interests, those coarse but -strong ties, which, in our old and violent Europe, have so often -given to revolutions their force and their misery. Every day, -almost every step towards success, on the contrary, called for -new efforts and new sacrifices. -{42} -"I believe, or at least I hope," wrote Washington, "that there is -public virtue enough left among us to deny ourselves every thing -but the bare necessaries of life, to accomplish this end." -[Footnote 17] - - [Footnote 17: Letter to Bryan Fairfax; - _Washington's Writings_, Vol. II. p. 395.] - -A sublime hope, one which deserved to be rewarded as it was, by -the triumph of the cause, but which could not raise to its own -lofty elevation all that population, whose free and concurring -support was the condition, and indeed the only means, of success. -Depression, lukewarmness, inactivity, the desire to escape from -labors and expenses, soon became the essential evil, the pressing -danger, against which the leaders had constantly to struggle. In -point of fact, it was among the leaders, in the front ranks of -the party, that enthusiasm and devotedness were maintained. In -other instances of similar events, the impulse of perseverance -and self-sacrifice has come from the people. In America, it was -the independent and enlightened classes, who were obliged to -animate and sustain the people in the great contest in which they -were engaged for their country's sake. -{43} -In the ranks of civil life, the magistrates, the rich planters, -the leading merchants, and, in the army, the officers, always -showed themselves the most ardent and the most firm; from them, -example as well as counsel proceeded, and the people at large -followed them with difficulty, instead of urging them on. "Take -none for officers but _gentlemen_," was the recommendation -of Washington, after the war had lasted three years.[Footnote 18] -So fully had he been taught by experience, that these were -everywhere devoted to the cause of independence, and ready to -risk every thing and suffer every thing to insure its success. - - [Footnote 18: In his instructions to Colonel George Baylor, - 9th of January, 1777; _Washington's Writings_, Vol. IV. - p. 269.] - -These, too, were the only persons who, at least on their own -account, could sustain the expenses of the war, for the State -made no provision for them. Perhaps no army ever lived in a more -miserable condition than the American army. -{44} -Almost constantly inferior in numbers to the enemy; exposed to a -periodical and, in some sort, legalized desertion; called upon to -march, encamp, and fight, in a country of immense extent, thinly -peopled, in parts uncultivated, through vast swamps and savage -forests, without magazines of provisions, often without money to -purchase them, and without the power to make requisitions of -them; obliged, in carrying on war, to treat the inhabitants, and -to respect them and their property, as if it had consisted of -troops in garrison in a time of peace, this army was exposed to -great exigencies, and a prey to unheard-of sufferings. "For some -days," writes Washington, in 1777, "there has been little less -than a famine in camp. A part of the army have been a week -without any kind of flesh, and the rest three or four days. The -soldiers are naked and starving." ... "We find gentlemen -reprobating the measure of going into winter quarters; as much as -if they thought the soldiers were made of stocks or stones, and -equally insensible of frost and snow; and, moreover, as if they -conceived it easily practicable, for an inferior army, under the -disadvantages I have described ours to be, to confine a superior -one, in all respects well-appointed and provided for a winter's -campaign, within the city of Philadelphia, and to cover from -depredation and waste the States of Pennsylvania and Jersey." - -{45} - -"I can assure those gentlemen, that it is a much easier and less -distressing thing to draw remonstrances in a comfortable room by -a good fireside, than to occupy a cold, bleak hill, and sleep -under frost and snow, without clothes or blankets. I feel -super-abundantly for the poor soldiers, and, from my soul, I pity -those miseries which it is neither in my power to relieve nor -prevent." [Footnote 19] - - [Footnote 19: _Washington's Writings_, - Vol. V. pp. 199, 200.] - -Congress, to whom he applied, could do hardly more than he -himself. Without the strength necessary to enforce the execution -of its orders; without the power of passing any laws upon the -subject of taxes; obliged to point out the necessities of the -country, and to solicit the thirteen confederated States to -provide for them, in the face of an exhausted people, a ruined -commerce, and a depreciated paper currency; this assembly, though -firm and prudent, was often able to do nothing more than address -new entreaties to the States, and clothe Washington with new -powers; instructing him to obtain from the local governments, -reinforcements, money, provisions, and every thing requisite to -carry on the war. - -{46} - -Washington accepted this difficult trust: and he soon found a new -obstacle to surmount, a new danger to remove. No bond of union, -no central power, had hitherto united the colonies. Each one -having been founded and governed separately, each, on its own -account, providing for its own safety, for its public works, for -its most trifling as well as most important affairs, they had -contracted habits of isolation and almost of rivalship, which the -distrustful mother country had taken pains to foster. In their -relations to each other, even ambition and the desire of conquest -insinuated themselves, as if the States had been foreign to each -other; the most powerful ones sometimes attempted to absorb the -neighboring establishments, or to deprive them of their -authority; and in their most important interest, the defence of -their frontiers against the savages, they often followed a -selfish course of policy, and mutually abandoned one another. - -{47} - -It was a most arduous task to combine at once, into one system, -elements which had hitherto been separated, without holding them -together by violence, and, while leaving them free, to induce -them to act in concert under the guidance of one and the same -power. The feelings of individuals no less than public -institutions, passions as well as laws, were opposed to this -result. The colonies wanted confidence in each other. All of them -were jealous of the power of Congress, the new and untried rival -of the local assemblies; they were still more jealous of the -army, which they regarded as being, at the same time, dangerous -to the independence of the States and to the liberty of the -citizens. Upon this point, new and enlightened opinions were in -unison with popular feeling. The danger of standing armies, and -the necessity, in free countries, of perpetually resisting and -diminishing their power, their influence, and the contagion of -their morals, was one of the favorite maxims of the eighteenth -century. -{48} -Nowhere, perhaps, was this maxim more generally or more warmly -received than in the colonies of America. In the bosom of the -national party, those who were the most ardent, the most firmly -resolved to carry on the contest with vigor and to the end, were -also the most sensitive friends of civil liberty; that is to say, -these were the men, who looked upon the army, a military spirit, -military discipline, with the most hostile and suspicious eye. -Thus it happened, that obstacles were met with precisely in that -quarter in which it was natural to look for, and to expect to -find, the means of success. - -And in this army itself, the object of so much distrust, there -prevailed the most independent and democratic spirit. All orders -were submitted to discussion. Each company claimed the privilege -of acting on its own account and for its own convenience. The -troops of the different States were unwilling to obey any other -than their own generals; and the soldiers, any other than -officers, sometimes directly chosen, and always at least -approved, by themselves. -{49} -And the day after a defeat which it was necessary to retrieve, or -a victory which was to be followed up, whole regiments would -break up and go home, it being impossible to prevail upon them to -wait even a few days for the arrival of their successors. - -A painful doubt, mingled with apprehension, arises in the mind at -the contemplation of the many and severe sufferings with which -the course of the most just revolution is attended, and of the -many and perilous chances to which a revolution, the best -prepared for success, is exposed. But this doubt is rash and -unjust. Man, through pride, is blind in his confident -expectation, and, through weakness, is no less blind in his -despair. The most just and successful revolution brings into -light the evil, physical and moral, always great, which lies -hidden in every human society. But the good does not perish in -this trial, nor in the unholy connexion which it is thus led to -form; however imperfect and alloyed, it preserves its power as -well as its rights; if it be the leading principle in men, it -prevails, sooner or later, in events also, and instruments are -never wanting to accomplish its victory. - -{50} - -Let the people of the United States for ever hold in respectful -and grateful remembrance, the leading men of that generation -which achieved their independence, and founded their government! -Franklin, Adams, Hamilton, Jefferson, Madison, Jay, Henry Mason, -Greene, Knox, Morris, Pinckney, Clinton, Trumbull, Rutledge; it -would be impossible to enumerate them all; for, at the time the -contest began, there were in each colony, and in almost every -county in each colony, some men already honored by their fellow -citizens, already well known in the defence of public liberty, -influential by their property, talent, or character; faithful to -ancient virtues, yet friendly to modern improvement; sensible to -the splendid advantages of civilization, and yet attached to -simplicity of manners; high-toned in their feelings, but of -modest minds, at the same time ambitious and prudent in their -patriotic impulses; men of rare endowments, who expected much -from humanity, without presuming too much upon themselves, and -who risked for their country far more than they could receive -from her, even after her triumph. - -{51} - -It was to these men, aided by God and seconded by the people, -that the success of the cause was due. Among them, Washington was -the chief. - -While yet young, indeed very young, he had become an object of -great expectation. Employed as an officer of militia in some -expeditions to the western frontier of Virginia against the -French and Indians, he had made an equal impression on his -superiors and his companions, the English governors and the -American people. The former wrote to London to recommend him to -the favor of the King. [Footnote 20] The latter, assembled in -their churches, to invoke the blessing of God upon their arms, -listened with enthusiasm to an eloquent preacher, Samuel Davies, -who, in praising the courage of the Virginians, exclaimed, "As a -remarkable instance of this, I many point out to the public that -heroic youth, Colonel Washington, whom I cannot but hope -Providence has hitherto preserved in so signal a manner for some -important service to his country." [Footnote 21] - - [Footnote 20: Washington's Writings, Vol. II. p. 97.] - - [Footnote 21: August 17th, 1755. Washington's Writings. - Vol. II. p. 89.] - -{52} - -It is also related, that fifteen years afterwards, in a journey -which Washington made to the West, when on the banks of the Ohio, -an old Indian at the head of his tribe requested to see him, and -told him that, at the battle of Monongahela, he had several times -discharged his rifle at him, and directed his warriors to do the -same; but, to their great surprise, their balls had no effect. -Convinced that Washington was under the protection of the Great -Spirit, he had ceased to fire at him, and had now come to pay his -respects to a man who, by the peculiar favor of Heaven, could -never die in battle. - -Men are fond of thinking that Providence has permitted them to -penetrate its secret purposes. The anecdote of the old chief -became current in America, and formed the subject of a drama, -called _The Indian Prophecy_. [Footnote 22] - - [Footnote 22: Washington's Writings, Vol. II. p. 475.] - -{53} - -Never, perhaps, was this vague expectation, this premature -confidence in the destiny, I hardly venture to say the -predestination, of any individual more natural, than in the case -of Washington; for there never was a man who appeared to be, and -who really was, from his youth, and in his early actions, more -consistent with his future career, and more adapted to the cause, -upon which he was destined to bestow success. - -He was a planter by inheritance and inclination, and devoted to -those agricultural interests, habits, and modes of life, which -constituted the chief strength of American society. Fifty years -later, Jefferson, in order to justify his confidence in the -purely democratic organization of this society, said, "It cannot -deceive us as long as we remain virtuous, and I think we shall, -as long as agriculture is our principal object." [Footnote 23] - - [Footnote 23: _Edinburgh Review_, July, 1830, p. 498.] - -From the age of twenty years, Washington considered agriculture -as his principal employment, making himself well acquainted with -the prevalent tone of feeling, and sympathizing with the virtuous -and simple habits of his country. -{54} -Traveling, field-sports, the survey of distant tracts of land, -intercourse, friendly or hostile, with the Indians on the -frontier, these formed the amusements of his youth. He was of -that bold and hardy temperament, which takes pleasure in those -adventures and perils, which, in a vast and wild country, man has -to encounter. He had that strength of body, perseverance, and -presence of mind, which insure success. - -In this respect, at his entrance into life, he felt a slightly -presumptuous degree of self-confidence. He writes to Governor -Dinwiddie; "For my own part I can answer, that I have a -constitution hardy enough to encounter and undergo the most -severe trials, and, I flatter myself, resolution to face what any -man dares." [Footnote 24] - - [Footnote 24: Washington's Writings, Vol. II. p. 29.] - -To a spirit like this, war was a more congenial employment than -field-sports or traveling. As soon as an opportunity offered, he -embraced the employment with that ardor, which, in the early -period of life, does not reveal a man's capacity so certainly as -his taste. -{55} -In 1754, it is said, when George the Second was hearing a -despatch read, which had been transmitted by the Governor of -Virginia, and in which Washington, than a young major, ended the -narrative of his first battle with the words, "I heard the -bullets whistle, and, believe me, there is something charming in -the sound;" the King observed, "He would not say so, if he had -been used to hear many." Washington was of the King's opinion; -for, when the major of the Virginia militia had become the -Commander-in-chief of the United States, some one having asked -him if it were true, that he had ever expressed such a sentiment, -he replied, "If I said so, it was when I was young." [Footnote -25] - - [Footnote 25: Washington's Writings, Vol. II. p. 39.] - -But his youthful ardor, which was at the same time serious and -calm, had the authority which belongs to a riper age. From the -first moment in which he embraced the military profession, he -took pleasure, far more than in the excitement of battle, in that -noble exercise of the understanding and the will, armed with -power in order to accomplish a worthy purpose, that powerful -combination of human action and good fortune, which kindles and -inspires the most elevated as well as the most simple minds. -{56} -Born in the first rank of colonial society, trained in the public -schools in the midst of his countrymen, he took his place -naturally at their head; for he was at once their superior and -their equal; formed to the same habits, skilled in the same -exercises; a stranger, like them, to all elegant learning, -without any pretensions to scientific knowledge, claiming nothing -for himself, and exerting only in the public service that -ascendency, which always attends a judicious and penetrating -understanding, and a calm and energetic character, in a -disinterested position. - -In 1754, he was just appearing in society, and entering upon his -military career. It is a young officer of two-and-twenty, who -commands battalions of militia, and corresponds with the -representative of the king of England. In neither of these -relations does he feel any embarrassment. He loves his -associates; he respects the king and the governor; but neither -affection nor respect alters the independence of his judgment or -of his conduct. -{57} -By an admirable, instinctive power of action and command, he sees -and apprehends, by what means and upon what terms success is to -be obtained in the enterprise he has undertaken on behalf of his -king and his country. And these terms he imposes, these means he -insists upon; from the soldiers he exacts all that can be -accomplished by discipline, promptness, and activity in the -service; from the governor, that he shall discharge his duty in -respect to the pay of the soldiers, the furnishing of supplies, -and the choice of officers. In every case, whether his words or -opinions are sent up to the superior to whom he is rendering his -account, or pass down to the subordinates under his command, they -are equally precise, practical, and decided, equally marked by -that authority which truth and necessity bestow upon the man who -appears in their name. From this moment, Washington is the -leading American of his time, the faithful and conspicuous -representative of his country, the man who will best understand -and best serve her, whether he be called upon to fight or -negotiate for her, to defend or to govern her. - -{58} - -It is not the issue alone which has revealed this. His -contemporaries foresaw it. Colonel Fairfax, his first patron, -wrote to him, in 1756, "Your good health and fortune are the -toast at every table." [Footnote 26] In 1759, chosen, for the -first time, to the House of Burgesses in Virginia, at the moment -when he was taking his seat in the House, the Speaker, Mr. -Robinson, presented to him, in warm and animated terms, the -thanks of the House for the services which he had rendered to his -country. Washington rose to make his acknowledgments for so -distinguished an honor; but such was his embarrassment, that he -could not speak a single word; he blushed, hesitated, and -trembled. The Speaker at once came to his aid, and said, "Sit -down, Mr. Washington; your modesty equals your valor, and that -surpasses the power of any language that I possess." [Footnote -27] - - [Footnote 26: Washington's Writings, Vol. II. p. 145.] - - [Footnote 27: Spark's _Life of Washington_, - Vol. I. p. 107.] - -{59} - -Finally, in 1774, on the eve of the great struggle, after the -separation of the first Congress held for the purpose of making -preparations to meet it, Patrick Henry replied to those that -inquired of him, who was the first man in Congress, "If you speak -of eloquence, Mr. Rutledge, of South Carolina, is the greatest -orator; but, if you speak of solid information and sound -judgment, Colonel Washington is unquestionably the greatest man -on that floor." [Footnote 28] - - [Footnote 28: Spark's _Life of Washington_, - Vol. I., p. 107.] - -However, to say nothing of eloquence, Washington had not those -brilliant and extraordinary qualities, which strike the -imagination of men at the first glance. He did not belong to the -class of men of vivid genius, who pant for an opportunity of -display, are impelled by great thoughts or great passions, and -diffuse around them the wealth of their own natures, before any -outward occasion or necessity calls for its employment. Free from -all internal restlessness and the promptings and pride of -ambition, Washington did not seek opportunities to distinguish -himself, and never aspired to the admiration of the world. -{60} -This spirit so resolute, this heart so lofty, was profoundly calm -and modest. Capable of rising to a level with the highest -destiny, he might have lived in ignorance of his real power -without suffering from it, and have found, in the cultivation of -his estates, a satisfactory employment for those energetic -faculties, which were to be proved equal to the task of -commanding armies and founding a government. - -But, when the opportunity presented itself, when the exigence -occurred, without effort on his part, without any surprise on the -part of others, indeed rather, as we have just seen, in -conformity with their expectations, the prudent planter stood -forth a great man. He had, in a remarkable degree, those two -qualities which, in active life, make men capable of great -things. He could confide strongly in his own views, and act -resolutely in conformity with them, without fearing to assume the -responsibility. - -{61} - -It is always a weakness of conviction, that leads to weakness of -conduct; for man derives his motives from his own thoughts, more -than from any other source. From the moment that the quarrel -began, Washington was convinced, that the cause of his country -was just, and that success must necessarily follow so just a -cause, in a country already so powerful. Nine years were to be -spent in war to obtain independence, and ten years in political -discussion to form a system of government. Obstacles, reverses, -enmities, treachery, mistakes, public indifference, personal -antipathies, all these incumbered the progress of Washington, -during this long period. But his faith and hope were never shaken -for a moment. In the darkest hours, when he was obliged to -contend against the sadness which hung upon his own spirits, he -says, "I cannot but hope and believe, that the good sense of the -people will ultimately get the better of their prejudices. ... I -do not believe, that Providence has done so much for nothing. ... -The great Governor of the universe has led us too long and too -far on the road to happiness and glory to forsake us in the midst -of it. By folly and improper conduct, proceeding from a variety -of causes, we may now and then get bewildered; but I hope and -trust, that there is good sense and virtue enough left to recover -the right path before we shall be entirely lost." [Footnote 29] - - [Footnote 29: Washington's Writings, - Vol. IX. pp. 5, 383, 392.] - -{62} - -And at a later period, when that very France which had so well -sustained him daring the war, brought upon him embarrassments and -perils more formidable than war; when Europe, upheaved from its -foundations, was pressing heavily upon his thoughts, and -perplexing his mind, no less than America, he still continued to -hope and to trust. "The rapidity of national revolutions appears -no less astonishing than their magnitude. In what they will -terminate is known only to the Great Ruler of events; and, -confiding in his wisdom and goodness, we may safely trust the -issue to him, without perplexing ourselves to seek for that, -which is beyond human ken; only taking care to perform the parts -assigned to us, in a way that reason and our own consciences -approve." [Footnote 30] - - [Footnote 30: Ibid., Vol. X. p. 331.] - -{63} - -The same strength of conviction, the same fidelity to his own -judgment, which he manifested in his estimate of things -generally, attended him in his practical management of business. -Possessing a mind of admirable freedom, rather in virtue of the -soundness of its views, than of its fertility; and variety, he -never received his opinions at second hand, nor adopted them from -any prejudice; but, on every occasion, he formed them himself, by -the simple observation or attentive study of facts, unswayed by -any bias or prepossession, always acquainting himself personally -with the actual truth. - -Thus, when he had examined, reflected, and made up his mind, -nothing disturbed him; he did not permit himself to be thrown -into, and kept in, a state of perpetual doubt and irresolution, -either by the opinions of others, or by love of applause, or by -fear of opposition. He trusted in God and in himself. "If any -power on earth could, or the Great Power above would, erect the -standard of infallibility in political opinions, there is no -being that inhabits the terrestrial globe, that would resort to -it with more eagerness than myself, so long as I remain a servant -of the public. But as I have found no better guide hitherto, than -upright intentions, and close investigation, I shall adhere to -those maxims, while I keep the watch." [Footnote 31] - - [Footnote 31: Washington's Writings, Vol. XI. p. 71.] - -{64} - -To this strong and independent understanding, he joined a great -courage, always ready to act upon conviction, and fearless of -consequences. "What I admire in Christopher Columbus," said -Turgot, "is, not his having discovered the new world, but his -having gone to search for it on the faith of an opinion." Whether -the occasion was of great or little moment, whether the -consequences were near at hand or remote, Washington, when once -convinced never hesitated to move onward upon the faith of his -conviction. One would have inferred, from his firm and quiet -resolution, that it was natural to him to act with decision, and -assume responsibility;--a certain sign of a genius born to -command; an admirable power, when united to a conscientious -disinterestedness. - -{65} - -On the list of great men, if there be some who have shone with a -more dazzling lustre, there are none who have been exposed to a -more complete test, in war and in civil government; resisting the -king, in the cause of liberty, and the people, in the cause of -legitimate authority; commencing a revolution and ending it. From -the first moment, his task was clearly manifest in all its extent -and all its difficulty. To carry on the war, he had not merely to -create an army. To this work, always so difficult, the creating -power itself was wanting. The United States had neither a -government nor an army. Congress, a mere phantom, whose unity was -only in name, had neither authority, nor power, nor courage, and -did nothing. Washington was obliged, from his camp, not only to -make constant solicitations, but to suggest measures for -adoption, to point out to Congress what course they should -pursue, if they would prevent both themselves and the army from -becoming an idle name. His letters were read while they were in -session, and supplied the subject of their debates; debates, -characterized by inexperience, timidity, and distrust. They -rested satisfied with appearances and promises. They sent -messages to the local governments. -{66} -They expressed apprehensions of military power. Washington -replied respectfully, obeyed, and then insisted; demonstrated the -deceptiveness of appearances, and the necessity of a real force -to give him the substance of the power, of which he had the name, -and to insure to the army the success which they expected of it. -Brave and intelligent men, devoted to the cause, were not wanting -in this assembly, so little experienced in the art of government. -Some of them went to the camp, examined for themselves, had -interviews with Washington, and brought with them, on their -return, the weight of their own observations and of his advice. -The assembly gradually grew wiser and bolder, and gained -confidence in themselves and in their general. They adopted the -measures, and conferred upon him the powers, which were -necessary. He then entered into correspondence and negotiations -with local governments, legislatures, committees, magistrates, -and private citizens; placing facts before their eyes; appealing -to their good sense and their patriotism; availing himself, for -the public service, of his personal friendships; dealing -prudently with democratic scruples and the sensitiveness of -vanity; maintaining his own dignity; speaking as became his high -station, but without giving offence, and with persuasive -moderation; though wisely heedful of human weakness, being -endowed with the power, to an extraordinary degree, of -influencing men by honorable sentiments and by truth. - -{67} - -And when he had succeeded, when Congress first, and afterwards -the different States, had granted him the necessary means of -making an army, his task was not finished; the business of the -war had not yet commenced; the army did not exist. Here, too, he -was obstructed by a complete inexperience, the same want of -unity, the same passion for individual independence, the same -conflict between patriotic purposes and disorganizing impulses. -Here, too, he was obliged to bring discordant elements into -harmony; to keep together those which were constantly ready to -separate; to enlighten, to persuade, to induce; to use personal -influence; and, without endangering his dignity or his power, to -obtain the moral fidelity, the full and free support, both of the -officers and soldiers. -{68} -Then only could Washington act as a general, and turn his -attention to the war. Or, rather, it was during the war, in the -midst of its scenes, its perils, and its hazards, that he was -constantly obliged to recommence, both in the country and the -army itself, this work of organization and government. - -His military capacity has been called in question. He did not -manifest, it is true, those striking displays of it which, in -Europe, have given renown to great captains. Operating with a -small army over an immense space, great manoeuvres and great -battles were necessarily unknown to him. But his superiority, -acknowledged and declared by his companions, the continuance of -the war during nine years, and its final success, are also to be -taken as proofs of his merit, and may well justify his -reputation. His personal bravery was chivalrous even to rashness, -and he more than once abandoned himself to this impulse in a -manner painful to contemplate. More than once, the American -militia, seized with terror, took to flight, and brave officers -sacrificed their lives to infuse courage into their soldiers. -{69} -In 1776, on a similar occasion, Washington indignantly persisted -in remaining on the field of battle, exerting himself to arrest -the fugitives by his example and even by his hand. "We made," -wrote General Greene the next day, "a miserable, disorderly -retreat from New York, owing to the disorderly conduct of the -militia. Fellows's and Parsons's brigades ran away from about -fifty men, and left his Excellency on the ground within eighty -yards of the enemy, so vexed at the infamous conduct of the -troops, that he sought death rather than life." [Footnote 32] - - [Footnote 32: Washington's Writings, Vol. IV. p. 94.] - -On more than one occasion, also, when the opportunity appeared -favorable, he displayed the boldness of the general as well as -the intrepidity of the man. He has been called the _American -Fabius_, it being said that the art of avoiding battle, of -baffling the enemy, and of temporizing, was his talent as well as -his taste. In 1775, before Boston, at the opening of the war, -this Fabius wished to bring it to a close by a sudden attack upon -the English army, which he flattered himself he should be able to -destroy. -{70} -Three successive councils of war, forced him to abandon his -design, but without shaking his conviction, and he expressed -bitter regret at the result. [Footnote 33] In 1776, in the State -of New York, when the weather was extremely cold, in the midst of -a retreat, with troops half disbanded, the greater part of whom -were preparing to leave him and return to their own homes, -Washington suddenly assumed an offensive position, attacked, one -after another, at Trenton and Princeton, the different corps of -the English army, and gained two battles in eight hours. - - [Footnote 33: Washington's Writings, Vol. III. - pp. 82, 127, 259, 287, 290, 291, 292, 297.] - -Moreover, he understood what was even a much higher and much more -difficult art, than that of making war; he knew how to control -and direct it. War was to him only a means, always kept -subordinate to the main and final object,--the success of the -cause, the independence of the country. When, in 1798, the -prospect of a possible war between the United States and France -occurred to disturb the repose of Mount Vernon, though already -approaching to old age and fond of his retirement, he thus wrote -to Mr. Adams, his successor in the administration of the -republic. - -{71} - - "It was not difficult for me to perceive that, if we entered - into a serious contest with France, the character of the war - would differ materially from the last we were engaged in. In - the latter, time, caution, and worrying the enemy, until we - could be better provided with arms and other means, and had - better disciplined troops to carry it on, was the plan for us. - But if we should be engaged with the former, they ought to be - attacked every step." [Footnote 34] - - [Footnote 34: Washington's Writings, Vol. XI. p. 309.] - -This system of active and aggressive war, which, at the age of -sixty-six, he proposed to adopt, was one which, twenty-two years -before, in the vigor of life, neither the advice of some of the -generals, his friends, nor the slanders of some others, his -enemies, nor the complaints of the States which were laid waste -by the enemy, nor popular clamor, nor the desire of glory, nor -the recommendations of Congress itself, had been able to induce -him to follow. -{72} - "I know the unhappy predicament I stand in; I know that much is - expected of me; I know, that without men, without arms, without - ammunition, without any thing fit for the accommodation of a - soldier, little is to be done; and, what is mortifying, I know - that I cannot stand justified to the world without exposing my - own weakness, and injuring the cause, which I am determined not - to do. ... My own situation is so irksome to me at times, that, - if I did not consult the public good more than my own - tranquillity, I should, long ere this, have put every thing on - the cast of a die." [Footnote 35] - - [Footnote 35: Washington's Writings, Vol. III p. 284.] - -He persisted in this course during nine years. Only when the -protracted nature of the contest and the general indifference -were occasioning a feeling of discouragement, akin to apathy, did -he determine to strike a blow, to encounter some brilliant -hazard, to make the country aware of the presence of his army, -and relieve the people's hearts of some of their apprehensions. -{73} -It was thus that, in 1777, he fought the battle of Germantown. -And when, in the midst of reverses, endured with heroic patience, -he was asked what he should do if the enemy continued to advance, -if Philadelphia, for instance, should be taken; he replied, "We -will retreat beyond the Susquehanna river, and thence, if -necessary, to the Alleghany mountains." [Footnote 36] - - [Footnote 36: Sparks's _Washington_, Vol. I. p. 221.] - -Besides this patriotic calmness and patience, he displayed the -same quality in another form, still more praiseworthy. He saw, -without chagrin and ill-humor, the successes of his inferiors in -command. Still more, when the public service rendered it -advisable, he supplied them largely with the means and -opportunity of gaining them. A disinterestedness worthy of all -praise, rarely found in the greatest minds; as wise as it was -noble, in the midst of the envious tendencies of a democratic -society; and which, perhaps, we may be permitted to hope, was in -his case attended with a deep and tranquil consciousness of his -superiority, and of the glory that would follow him. - -{74} - -When the horizon was dark, when repeated checks and a succession -of misfortunes seemed to throw a doubt upon the capacity of the -Commander-in-chief, and gave birth to disorders, intrigues, and -hostile insinuations, a powerful voice was quickly raised in his -behalf,--the voice of the army, which loaded Washington with -testimonials of affectionate respect, and placed him beyond the -reach of complaints and hostile attacks. - -In the winter of 1777 and 1778. while the army was encamped at -Valley Forge, exposed to the most severe hardships, some restless -and treacherous spirits organized against Washington a conspiracy -of considerable magnitude, which penetrated into the Congress -itself. He opposed himself to it with stern frankness, saying, -without reserve and without cautious insincerity, all he thought -of his adversaries, and leaving his conduct to speak for itself. -Such a course, at such a moment, was putting much at hazard. But -the public respect in which he was held was so profound, the -friends of Washington, Lord Stirling, Lafayette, Greene, Knox, -Patrick Henry, Henry Laurens, supported him so warmly, the -movement of opinion in the army was so decided, that he triumphed -almost without defending himself. -{75} -The principal framer of this conspiracy, an Irishman by the name -of Conway, after having sent in his resignation, continued to -spread against him the most injurious charges. General Cadwalader -resented this conduct; a duel was the consequence; and Conway, -severely wounded, and believing himself to be near his death, -wrote as follows, to Washington. - - "I find myself just able to hold the pen during a few minutes, - and take this opportunity of expressing my sincere grief for - having done, written, or said any thing disagreeable to your - Excellency. My career will soon be over; therefore justice and - truth prompt me to declare my last sentiments. You are, in my - eyes, the great and good man. May you long enjoy the love, - veneration, and esteem of these States, whose liberties you - have asserted by your virtues." [Footnote 37] - - [Footnote 37: Washington's Writings, Vol. V. p. 517. ] - -{76} - -In 1779, the officers of a New Jersey regiment, imperfectly paid, -burdened with debts contracted in the service, anxious about -their future prospects and those of their families, made an -official declaration to the legislature of that State, that they -would resign in a body, if they were not better treated. -Washington blamed them extremely, and required of them to -withdraw their declaration; but they persisted in their course. -"It was, and still is, our determination to march with our -regiment, and to do the duty of officers, until the legislature -should have a reasonable time to appoint others, but no longer. -We beg leave to assure your Excellency, that we have the highest -sense of your ability and virtues; that executing your orders has -ever given us pleasure; that we love the service, and love our -country; but when that country gets so lost to virtue and -justice, as to forget to support its servants, it then becomes -their duty to retire from its service." [Footnote 38] - - [Footnote 38: Marshall's _Life of Washington_, - Vol. IV. p. 47.] - -{77} - -Thus, respect for Washington appeared conspicuously, even in the -cabals formed against him, and was mingled with disobedience -itself. - -In the state of distress and disorganization into which the -American army was perpetually falling, the personal influence of -Washington, the affection which was felt for him, the desire of -imitating his example, the fear of losing his esteem, or even of -giving him pain, deserve to be enumerated among the principal -causes, which kept many men, both officers and soldiers, at their -posts, kindled anew their zeal, and formed among them that -military _esprit de corps_, that friendship of the camp, -which is a feeling of great strength, and a fine compensating -influence in so rough a profession. - -It is a privilege of great men, and often a corrupting one, to -inspire affection and devotedness, without feeling them in -return. This vice of greatness Washington was exempt from. He -loved his associates, his officers, his army. It was not merely -from a sense of justice and duty, that he sympathized in their -sufferings, and took their interests into his own hands with an -indefatigable zeal. -{78} -He regarded them with a truly tender feeling, marked by -compassion for the sufferings he had seen them endure, and by -gratitude for the attachment which they had shown to him. And -when, in 1783, at the close of the war, at Frances's tavern, in -New York, the principal officers, at the moment of their final -separation, passed in silence before him, each one pressing his -hand as he went by, he was himself moved and agitated, at heart -and in his countenance, to a degree that seemed hardly consistent -with the firm composure of his spirit. - -Nevertheless, he never showed to the army any weakness, or any -spirit of unworthy compliance. He never permitted it to be the -first object of consideration to itself, and never lost an -opportunity to inculcate upon it this truth, that subordination -and implicit submission, not only to its country, but to the -civil power, was its natural condition, and its first duty. - -Upon this subject, he gave it, on three important occasions, the -most admirable and the most effective of lessons, that of -example. In 1782, he rejected, "with great and painful surprise," -[Footnote 39] (these are his expressions), the crown and the -supreme power, which some discontented officers were offering to -him. - - [Footnote 39: Washington's Writings, Vol. VIII. p. 300.] - -{79} - -In 1783, on the eve of the disbanding of the troops, having been -informed that the draft of an address was circulating through the -army, and that a general meeting was about to be held to -deliberate upon the means of obtaining by force, that which -Congress, in spite of justice, had refused to grant, he -expressed, in the orders of the day, his strong disapprobation of -the measure, himself called together another meeting, attended in -person, recalled the officers to the consideration of their duty -and the public good, and then withdrew, before any discussion -took place, wishing to leave to the parties themselves the merit -of retracing their steps, which was done promptly and generally. -[Footnote 40] - - [Footnote 40: Washington's Writings, - Vol. VIII. pp. 392-400.] - -{80} - -Finally, in 1784 and 1787, when the officers in their retirement -attempted to form among themselves the Society of Cincinnati, in -order to preserve some bond of union in their dispersed -condition, and for the mutual aid of themselves and their -families, as soon as Washington saw that the uneasiness and -distrust of a jealous people were awakened by the mere name of a -military society, a military order, notwithstanding the personal -inclination which he felt towards the institution, he not only -caused a change to be made in its statutes, but publicly declined -being its president, and ceased to take any part in it. [Footnote -41] - - [Footnote 41: Washington's Writings, - Vol. IX. pp. 26, 127.] - -By a singular coincidence, about the same time, Gustavus the -Third, king of Sweden, forbade the Swedish officers who had -served in the French army during the American war, to wear the -order of the Cincinnati, "on the ground, that the institution had -a republican tendency not suited to his government." [Footnote -42] - - [Footnote 42: Ibid., Vol. IX. p. 56.] - -"If we cannot convince the people that their fears are -ill-founded, we should, at least, in a degree yield to them," -said Washington, upon this subject. [Footnote 43] - - [Footnote 43: Ibid., Vol. IX. p. 35.] - -He did not yield, even to the people, when the public interest -would have suffered from such a course; but he had too just a -sense of the relative importance of things to display the same -inflexibility, when merely personal interests or private -feelings, however reasonable, were in question. - -{81} - -When the object of the war was obtained, when he had taken leave -of his companions in arms, mingled with his affectionate regret, -and the joy which he felt in the prospect of repose after -victory, another feeling may be perceived in his mind, faint -indeed, and perhaps even unknown to himself, and this was, a -regret in leaving his military life, that noble profession to -which he had devoted his best years with so much distinction. It -was a highly congenial employment to Washington, whose genius was -methodical, and more firm than inventive; who was just, and full -of good-will to all men, but grave, somewhat cold, born for -command rather than struggle; in action, loving order, -discipline, and subordination of ranks; and preferring the simple -and vigorous exercise of power, in a good cause, to the -complicated intrigues and impassioned debates of politics. - -{82} - -"The scene is at last closed. ... On the eve of Christmas, I -entered these doors an older man by nine years than when I left -them. ... I am just beginning to experience that ease and freedom -from public cares, which, however desirable, takes some time to -realize. It was not till lately I could get the better of my -usual custom of ruminating, as soon as I waked in the morning, on -the business of the ensuing day; and of my surprise at finding, -after revolving many things in my mind, that I was no longer a -public man, nor had any thing to do with public transactions. ... -I hope to spend the remainder of my days in cultivating the -affections of good men, and in the practice of the domestic -virtues. ... The life of a husbandman, of all others, is the most -delightful. It is honorable, it is amusing, and, with judicious -management, it is profitable. ... I have not only retired from -all public employments, but I am retiring within myself, and -shall be able to view the solitary walk, and tread the paths of -private life, with a heartfelt satisfaction. Envious of none, I -am determined to be pleased with all; and this, my dear friend, -being the order for my march, I will move gently down the stream -of life, until I sleep with my fathers." [Footnote 44] - - [Footnote 44: Washington's Writings, - Vol. IX. pp. 1, 17, 18, 21, 323.] - -{83} - -Washington, in uttering such language, was not merely expressing -a momentary feeling, the enjoyment of repose, after -long-protracted toil, and of liberty, after a severe confinement. -The tranquil and active life of a great landed proprietor; those -employments, full of interest and free from anxiety; that -domestic authority, seldom disputed, and attended with little -responsibility; that admirable harmony between the intelligence -of man and the prolific power of nature; that sober and simple -hospitality; the high satisfaction which springs from -consideration and good-will obtained without effort,--these were -truly suited to his taste, and were the objects of constant -preference to his mind. He would probably have chosen this very -life. He enjoyed it; and he enjoyed, besides, all that could be -added to it by the public gratitude and his glory, which were -delightful in spite of their importunate claims upon him. - -{84} - -Always of a serious and practical turn of mind, he made -improvements in the cultivation of his estates, embellished his -mansion-house, occupied himself with the local interests of -Virginia, traced the outline of that great system of internal -navigation from east to west, which was destined, at a future -period, to put the United States in possession of one-half the -new world, established schools, put his papers in order, carried -on an extensive correspondence, and took great pleasure in -receiving, under his roof, and at his table, his attached -friends. "It is my wish," he wrote to one of them, a few days -after his return to Mount Vernon, "that the mutual friendship and -esteem, which have been planted and fostered in the tumult of -public life, may not wither and die in the serenity of -retirement. We should rather amuse the evening hours of life in -cultivating the tender plants, and bringing them to perfection -before they are transplanted to a happier clime." [Footnote 45] - - [Footnote 45: Washington's Writings, Vol. IX. p. 5.] - -{85} - -Towards the end of the year 1784, M. de Lafayette came to Mount -Vernon. Washington felt for him a truly paternal affection, the -tenderest, perhaps, of which his life presents any trace. Apart -from the services rendered by him, from the personal esteem he -inspired, and from the attractiveness of his character, apart -even from the enthusiastic devotion which M. de Lafayette -testified for him, this elegant and chivalrous young nobleman, -who had escaped from the court of Versailles to dedicate his -sword and his fortune to the yeomanry of America, was singularly -pleasing to the grave American general. It was, as it were, a -homage paid by the nobility of the old world to his cause and his -person; a sort of connecting tie between him and that French -society, which was so brilliant, so intellectual, and so -celebrated. In his modest elevation of mind, he was flattered as -well as touched by it, and his thoughts rested with an emotion -full of complacency upon this young friend, whose life was like -that of none other, and who had quitted every thing to serve by -his side. - -{86} - -"In the moment of our separation," he wrote to him, "upon the -road as I traveled, and every hour since, I have felt all that -love, respect, and attachment for you, with which length of -years, close connection, and your merits have inspired me. I -often asked myself, as our carriages separated, whether that was -the last sight I should ever have of you. And though I wished to -say No, my fears answered Yes. I called to mind the days of my -youth, and found they had long since fled to return no more; that -I was now descending the hill I had been fifty-two years -climbing, and that, though I was blest with a good constitution, -I was of a short-lived family, and might soon expect to be -entombed in the mansion of my fathers. These thoughts darkened -the shades, and gave a gloom to the picture, and consequently to -my prospect of seeing you again. But I will not repine; I have -had my day." [Footnote 46] - - [Footnote 46: Washington's Writings, Vol. IX. p. 77.] - -Notwithstanding this sad presentiment, and his sincere taste for -repose, his thoughts dwelt constantly upon the condition and -affairs of his country. No man can separate himself from the -place in which he has once held a distinguished position. -{87} -"Retired as I am from the world," he writes in 1786, "I frankly -acknowledge I cannot feel myself an unconcerned spectator." -[Footnote 47] - - [Footnote 47: Washington's Writings, Vol. IX. p. 189.] - -The spectacle deeply affected and disturbed him. The -Confederation was falling to pieces. Congress, its sole bond of -union, was without power, not even daring to make use of the -little that was intrusted to it. The moral weakness of men was -added to the political weakness of institutions. The States were -falling a prey to their hostilities, to their mutual distrust, to -their narrow and selfish views. The treaties, which had -sanctioned the national independence, were executed only in an -imperfect and a precarious manner. The debts contracted, both in -the old and new world, were unpaid. The taxes destined to -liquidate them never found their way into the public treasury. -Agriculture was languishing; commerce was declining; anarchy was -extending. In all parts of the country itself, whether -enlightened or ignorant, whether the blame was laid on the -government, or the want of government, the discontent was -general. -{88} -In Europe, the reputation of the United States was rapidly -sinking. It was asked if there would ever be any United States. -England encouraged this doubt, looking forward to the hour when -she might profit by it. - -The sorrow of Washington was extreme, and he was agitated and -humbled as if he had been still responsible for the course of -events. "What, gracious God!" he wrote, on learning the troubles -in Massachusetts, "is man, that there should be such -inconsistency and perfidiousness in his conduct? It was but the -other day, that we were shedding our blood to obtain the -constitutions under which we now live; constitutions of our own -choice and making; and now we are unsheathing the sword to -overturn them. The thing is so unaccountable, that I hardly know -how to realize it, or to persuade myself, that I am not under the -illusion of a dream." [Footnote 48] - - [Footnote 48: Washington's Writings, Vol. IX. p. 221.] - -{89} - -"We have probably had too good an opinion of human nature in -forming our confederation. Experience has taught us, that men -will not adopt and carry into execution measures the best -calculated for their own good, without the intervention of a -coercive power." [Footnote 49] - - [Footnote 49: Washington's Writings, Vol. IX. p. 187.] - -"From the high ground we stood upon, to be so fallen, so lost, is -really mortifying." [Footnote 50] "In regretting, which I have -often done with the keenest sorrow, the death of our much -lamented friend, General Greene, I have accompanied it of late -with a query, whether he would not have preferred such an exit to -the scenes which, it is more than probable, many of his -compatriots may live to bemoan." [Footnote 51] - - [Footnote 50: Ibid., Vol. IX. p. 167.] - - [Footnote 51: Ibid., Vol. IX. p. 226.] - -Nevertheless, the course of events, and the progress of general -good sense, were also mingling hope with this patriotic sorrow,-- -a hope full of anxiety and uneasiness, the only one which the -imperfection of human things permits elevated minds to form, but -which is sufficient to keep up their courage. Throughout the -whole Confederation, the evil was felt and a glimpse was caught -of the remedy. -{90} -The jealousies of the States, local interests, ancient habits, -democratic prejudices, were all strongly opposed to the -sacrifices which were requisite in order to form a government in -which the central power should be stronger and more prominent. -Still, the spirit of order and union; the love of America as -their country; regret at seeing it decline in the esteem of -mankind; the disgust created by the petty, interminable, and -profitless disturbances of anarchy; the obvious nature of its -evils, the perception of its dangers; all the just opinions and -noble sentiments which filled the mind of Washington, were -gradually extending themselves, gathering additional strength, -and preparing the way for a happier future. Four years had hardly -elapsed since the peace, which had sanctioned the acquisition of -independence, when a national Convention, brought together by a -general spontaneous feeling, assembled at Philadelphia, for the -purpose of reforming the federal government. Commencing its -session the 14th day of May, 1787, it made choice of Washington -for its president on the same day. -{91} -From the 14th of May to the 17th of September, it was occupied in -forming the Constitution, which has governed the United States of -America for fifty years; deliberating with closed doors, and -under influences the most intelligent and the most pure that ever -presided over such a work. On the 30th of April, 1789, at the -very moment when the Constituent Assembly was commencing its -session at Paris, Washington, having been chosen by a unanimous -vote, took an oath, as President of the Republic, to maintain and -put in force the new-born Constitution, in the presence of the -great functionaries and legislative bodies which had been created -by it. - -Never did a man ascend to the highest dignity by a more direct -path, nor in compliance with a more universal wish, nor with an -influence wider and more welcome. He hesitated much. In leaving -the command of the army, he had openly announced, and had -sincerely promised himself, that he should live in retirement, a -stranger to public affairs. To change his plans, to sacrifice his -tastes and his repose, for very uncertain success, perhaps to be -charged with inconsistency and ambition, this was to him an -immense effort. -{92} -The assembling of Congress was delayed; the election of -Washington to the presidency, though known, had not been -officially announced to him. "For myself," he wrote to his -friend, Gen Knox, "the delay may be compared to a reprieve; for, -in confidence I tell you, (with the _world_ it would obtain -little credit,) that my movements to the chair of government will -be accompanied by feelings not unlike those of a culprit, who is -going to the place of his execution; so unwilling am I, in the -evening of a life nearly consumed in public cares, to quit a -peaceful abode for an ocean of difficulties, without that -competency of political skill, abilities, and inclination, which -are necessary to manage the helm." [Footnote 52] - - [Footnote 52: Washington's Writings, Vol. IX. p. 488.] - -The message at length arrived, and he commenced his journey. In -his Diary, he writes; "About ten o'clock, I bade adieu to Mount -Vernon, to private life, and to domestic felicity; and, with a -mind oppressed with more anxious and painful sensations than I -have words to express, set out for New York, with the best -disposition to render service to my country, in obedience to its -call, but with less hope of answering its expectations." -[Footnote 53] - - [Footnote 53: Washington's Writings, Vol. X. p. 461.] - -{93} - -His journey was a triumphal procession; on the road, and in the -towns, the whole population came out to meet him, with shouts of -applause and prayers in his behalf. He entered New York, -conducted by a committee of Congress, in an elegantly decorated -barge, rowed by thirteen pilots, representing the thirteen -States, in the midst of an immense crowd in the harbor and upon -the shore. His own state of feeling remained the same. "The -display of boats," says he in his Diary, "which attended and -joined on this occasion, some with vocal and others with -instrumental music on board; the decorations of the ships, the -roar of cannon, and the loud acclamations of the people, which -rent the sky as I passed along the wharves, filled my mind with -sensations as painful (contemplating the reverse of this scene, -which may be the case, after all my labors to do good,) as they -were pleasing." [Footnote 54] - - [Footnote 54: Marshall's _Life of Washington_, - Vol. V. p. 159.] - -{94} - -About a century and a half before, on the banks of the Thames, a -similar crowd and like outward signs of feeling had attended -Cromwell to Westminster, when he was proclaimed Protector of the -Commonwealth of England. "What throngs! what acclamations!" said -his flatterers. Cromwell replied, "There would be still more, if -they were going to hang me." - -A singular resemblance, and also a noble difference between the -sentiments and the language of a corrupted great man and a -virtuous great man. - -Washington was, with reason, anxious about the task which he -undertook. The sagacity of a sage, united to the devotedness of a -hero, constitutes the highest glory of humanity. The nation, -which he had conducted to independence, and which required a -government at his hands, being hardly yet formed, was entering -upon one of those social changes which render the future so -uncertain, and power so perilous. - -It is a remark often made, and generally assented to, that in the -English colonies, before their separation from the mother -country, the state of society and feeling was essentially -republican, and that every thing was prepared for this form of -government. -{95} -But a republican form of government can govern, and, in point of -fact, has governed societies essentially different; and the same -society may undergo great changes without ceasing to be a -republic. All the English colonies showed themselves, nearly in -the same degree, in favor of the republican constitution. At the -North and at the South, in Virginia and the Carolinas, as well as -in Connecticut and Massachusetts, the public will was the same, -so far as the form of government was concerned. - -Still, (and the remark has been often made,) considered in their -social organization, in the condition and relative position of -their inhabitants, these colonies were very different. - -In the South, especially in Virginia and North Carolina, the soil -belonged, in general, to large proprietors, who were surrounded -by slaves or by cultivators on a small scale. Entails and the -right of primogeniture secured the perpetuity of families. There -was an established and endowed church. The civil legislation of -England, bearing strongly the impress of its feudal origin, had -been maintained almost without exception. The social state was -aristocratic. - -{96} - -In the North, especially in Massachusetts, Connecticut, New -Hampshire, Rhode Island, &c., the fugitive Puritans had brought -with them, and planted there, strict democracy with religious -enthusiasm. Here, there was no slavery; there were no large -proprietors in the midst of an inferior population, no entailment -of landed property; there was no church, with different degrees -of rank, and founded in the name of the State; no social -superiority, lawfully established and maintained. Man was here -left to his own efforts and to divine favor. The spirit of -independence and equality had passed from the church to the -state. - -Still, however, even in the northern colonies, and under the sway -of Puritan principles, other causes, not sufficiently noticed, -qualified this character of the social state, and modified its -development. There is a great, a very great difference between a -purely religious and a purely political democratic spirit. -{97} -However ardent, however impracticable the former may be, it -receives in its origin, and maintains in its action, a powerful -element of subordination and order, that is, reverence. In spite -of their spiritual pride, the Puritans, every day, bent before a -master, and submitted to him their thoughts, their heart, their -life: and on the shores of America, when they had no longer to -defend their liberties against human power, when they were -governing themselves in the presence of God, the sincerity of -their faith and the strictness of their manners, counteracted the -inclination of the spirit of democracy towards individual -lawlessness and general disorder. Those magistrates, so watched, -so constantly changed, had still a strong ground of support, -which rendered them firm, often even severe, in the exercise of -authority. In the bosom of those families, so jealous of their -rights, so opposed to all political display, to all conventional -greatness, the paternal authority was strong and much respected. -The law sanctioned rather than limited it. Entails and inequality -in inheritance were forbidden; but the father had the entire -disposition of his property, and divided it among his children -according to his own will. -{98} -In general, civil legislation was not controlled by political -maxims, and preserved the impress of ancient manners. In -consequence of this, the democratic spirit, though predominant, -was everywhere met by checks and balances. - -Besides, a circumstance of material importance, temporary, but of -decisive effect, served to conceal its presence and retarded its -sway. In the towns, there was no populace; in the country, the -population was settled around the principal planters, commonly -those who had received grants of the soil, and were invested with -the local magistracies. The social principles were democratic, -but the position of individuals was very little so. Instruments -were wanting to give effect to the principles. Influence still -dwelt with rank. And on the other hand, the number did not press -heavily enough to make the greater weight in the balance. - -But the Revolution, hastening the progress of events, gave to -American society a general and rapid movement in the direction of -democracy. In those States where the aristocratic principle was -still strong, as in Virginia, it was immediately assailed and -subdued. -{99} -Entails disappeared. The church lost not only its privileges, but -its official rank in the State. The elective principle prevailed -throughout the whole government. The right of suffrage was -greatly extended. Civil legislation, without undergoing a radical -change, inclined more and more towards equality. - -The progress of democracy was still more marked in events than in -laws. In the towns, the population increased rapidly, and with -it, the populace also. In the country towards the west, beyond -the Alleghany mountains, by a constant and accelerated movement -of emigration, new States were growing up or preparing to be -formed, inhabited by a scattered population, always in contest -with the rude powers of nature and the ferocious passions of -savages; half savage themselves; strangers to the forms and -proprieties of thickly settled communities; given up to the -selfishness of their own separated and solitary existence, and of -their passions; bold, proud, rude, and passionate. -{100} -Thus, in all parts of the country, along the sea-board as well as -in the interior of the continent, in the great centres of -population, and in the forests hardly yet explored, in the midst -of commercial activity and of rural life, numbers, the simple -individual, personal independence, primitive equality, all these -democratic elements were increasing, extending their influence, -and taking, in the State and its institutions, the place which -had been prepared for them, but which they had not previously -held. - -And, in the course of ideas, the same movement, even more rapid, -hurried along the minds of men and the progress of opinion, far -in advance of events. In the midst of the most civilized and -wisest States, the most radical theories obtained not only favor -but strength. "The property of the United States has been -protected from the confiscation of Britain, by the joint -exertions of all, and therefore ought to be the common property -of all; and he that attempts opposition to this creed, is an -enemy to equity and justice, and ought to be swept from the face -of the earth. ... -{101} -They are determined to annihilate all debts, public and private, -and have agrarian laws, which are easily effected by the means of -unfunded paper money, which shall be a tender in all cases -whatever." [Footnote 55] - - [Footnote 55: Washington's Writings, - Vol. IX. p. 207.] - -These disorganizing fancies were received in Massachusetts, -Connecticut, and New Hampshire, by a considerable portion of the -people; twelve or fifteen thousand men took up arms, in order to -reduce them to practice. And the evil appeared so serious, that -Madison, the most intimate friend of Jefferson, a man whom the -democratic party subsequently ranked among its leaders, regarded -American society as almost lost, and hardly ventured to entertain -any hope. [Footnote 56] - - [Footnote 56: Ibid., Vol. IX. p. 208.] - -Two powers act in concurrence to develope and maintain the life -of a people; its civil constitution and its political -organization, the general influences of society and the -authorities of the State; the latter were wanting to the infant -American commonwealth, still more than the former. In this -society, so disturbed, so slightly connected, the old government -had disappeared, and the new had not yet been formed. -{102} -I have spoken of the insignificance of Congress, the only bond of -union between the States, the only central power; a power without -rights and without strength; signing treaties, nominating -ambassadors, proclaiming that the public good required certain -laws, certain taxes, and a certain army; but not having itself -the power of making laws, or judges, or officers to administer -them; without taxes, with which to pay its ambassadors, officers, -and judges, or troops to enforce the payment of taxes and cause -its laws, judges, and officers to be respected. The political -state was still more weak and more wavering than the social -state. - -The Constitution was formed to remedy this evil, to give to the -Union a government. It accomplished two great results. The -central government became a real one, and was placed in its -proper position. The Constitution freed it from the control of -the States, gave it a direct action upon the citizens without the -intervention of the local authorities, and supplied it with the -instruments necessary to give effect to its will; with taxes, -judges, officers, and soldiers. -{103} -In its own interior organization, the central government was well -conceived and well balanced; the duties and relations of the -several powers were regulated with great good sense, and a clear -understanding of the conditions upon which order and political -vitality were to be had; at least for a republican form, and the -society for which it was intended. - -In comparing the Constitution of the United States with the -anarchy from which it sprang, we cannot too much admire the -wisdom of its framers, and of the generation which selected and -sustained them. But the Constitution, though adopted and -promulgated, was as yet a mere name. It supplied remedies against -the evil, but the evil was still there. The great powers, which -it had brought into existence, were confronted with the events -which had preceded it and rendered it so necessary, and with the -parties which were formed by these events, and were striving to -mould society, and the Constitution itself, according to their -own views. - -At the first glance, the names of these parties excite surprise. -Federal and democratic; between these two qualities, these two -tendencies, there is no real and essential difference. -{104} -In Holland, in the seventeenth century, in Switzerland even in -our time, it was the democratic party which aimed at -strengthening the federal union, the central government; it was -the aristocratic party which placed itself at the head of the -local governments, and defended their sovereignty. The Dutch -people supported William of Nassau and the Stadtholdership -against John de Witt and the leading citizens of the towns. The -patricians of Schweitz and Uri are the most obstinate enemies of -the federal diet and of its power. - -In the course of their struggle, the American parties often -received different designations. The democratic party arrogated -to itself the title of _republican_, and bestowed on the -other, that of _monarchists_ and _monocrats_. The -federalists called their opponents _anti-unionists_. They -mutually accused each other of tending, the one to monarchy, and -the other to separation; of wishing to destroy, the one the -republic, and the other the union. - -This was either a bigoted prejudice or a party trick. Both -parties were sincerely friendly to a republican form of -government and the union of the States. -{105} -The names, which they gave one another for the sake of mutual -disparagement, were still more false than their original -denominations were imperfect and improperly opposed to each -other. - -Practically, and so far as the immediate affairs of the country -were concerned, they differed less, than they either said or -thought, in their mutual hatred. But, in reality, there was a -permanent and essential difference between them in their -principles and their tendencies. The federal party was, at the -same time, aristocratic, favorable to the preponderance of the -higher classes, as well as to the power of the central -government. The democratic party was, also, the local party; -desiring at once the rule of the majority, and the almost entire -independence of the State governments. Thus there were points of -difference between them, respecting both social order and -political order; the constitution of society itself, as well as -of its government. Thus those paramount and eternal questions, -which have agitated and will continue to agitate the world, and -which are linked to the far higher problem of man's nature and -destiny, were all involved in the American parties, and were all -concealed under their names. - -{106} - -It was in the midst of this society; so agitated and disturbed, -that Washington, without ambition, without any false show, from a -sense of duty rather than inclination, and rather trusting in -truth than confident of success, undertook actually to found the -government which a new-born constitution had just decreed. He -rose to his high office, invested with an immense influence, -which was acknowledged and received even by his enemies. But he -himself has made the profound remark, that "influence is not -government." [Footnote 57] - - [Footnote 57: Washington's Writings, Vol. IX. p. 204.] - -In the struggle of the parties, all that had reference to the -mere organization of civil society, occupied his attention very -little. This involves abstruse and recondite questions, which are -clearly revealed only to the meditations of the philosopher, -after he has surveyed human societies in all periods and under -all their forms. Washington was little accustomed to -contemplation, or acquainted with science. -{107} -In 1787, before going to Philadelphia, he had undertaken, for the -purpose of getting clear views, to study the constitution of the -principal confederations, ancient and modern; and the abstract of -this labor, found among his papers, shows, that he had made a -collection of facts in support of the plain dictates of his good -sense, rather than penetrated into the essential nature of these -complicated associations. - -Moreover, Washington's natural inclination was rather to a -democratic social state, than to any other. Of a mind just, -rather than expansive, of a temper wise and calm; full of -dignity, but free from all selfish and arrogant pretensions; -coveting rather respect than power; the impartiality of -democratic principles, and the simplicity of democratic manners, -far from offending or annoying him, suited his tastes and -satisfied his judgment. He did not trouble himself with -inquiring, like the partisans of the aristocratic system, whether -more elaborate combinations, a division into ranks, privileges, -and artificial barriers, were necessary to the preservation of -society. He lived tranquilly in the midst of an equal and -sovereign people, finding its authority to be lawful, and -submitting to it without effort. - -{108} - -But when the question was one of political and not social order, -when the discussion turned upon the organization of the -government, he was strongly federal, opposed to local and popular -pretensions, and the declared advocate of the unity and force of -the central power. - -He placed himself under this standard, and did so in order to -insure its triumph. But still his elevation was not the victory -of a party, and awakened in no one either exultation or regret. -In the eyes, not only of the public, but of his enemies, he was -not included in any party, and was above them all; "the only man -in the United States," said Jefferson, "who possessed the -confidence of all; ... there was no other one, who was considered -as any thing more than a party leader." [Footnote 58] - - [Footnote 58: Jefferson's _Memoirs_, - Vol. IV. p. 481.] - -{109} - -It was his constant effort to maintain this honorable privilege. -"It is really my wish to have my mind and my actions, which are -the result of reflection, as free and independent as the air. -[Footnote 59] ... If it should be my inevitable fate to -administer the government, I will go to the chair under no -preëngagement of any kind or nature whatsoever. [Footnote 60] ... -Should any thing tending to give me anxiety present itself in -this or any other publication, I shall never undertake the -painful task of recrimination, nor do I know that I should even -enter upon my justification. [Footnote 61] ... All else is but -food for declamation. [Footnote 62] ... Men's minds are as -variant as their faces; and, where the motives of their actions -are pure, the operation of the former is no more to be imputed to -them as a crime, than the appearance of the latter. [Footnote 63] -... Differences in political opinions are as unavoidable, as, to -a certain point, they may perhaps be necessary." [Footnote 64] - - [Footnote 59: Washington's Writings, Vol. IX. p. 84.] - - [Footnote 60: Ibid., Vol. IX. p. 476.] - - [Footnote 61: Ibid., Vol. IX. p. 108.] - - [Footnote 62: Ibid., Vol. IX. p. 148.] - - [Footnote 63: Ibid., Vol. IX. p. 475.] - - [Footnote 64: Ibid., Vol. X. p. 283.] - -{110} - -A stranger also to all personal disputes, to the passions and -prejudices of his friends as well as his enemies, the purpose of -his whole policy was to maintain this position; and to this -policy he gave its true name; he called it "the just medium." -[Footnote 65] - - [Footnote 65: Washington's Writings, Vol. X. p. 236.] - -It is much to have the wish to preserve a just medium; but the -wish, though accompanied with firmness and ability, is not always -enough to secure it. Washington succeeded in this, as much by the -natural turn of his mind and character, as by making it his -peculiar aim; he was, indeed, really of no party, and his -country, in esteeming him so, did no more than pay homage to -truth. - -A man of experience and a man of action, he had an admirable -wisdom, and made no pretension to systematic theories. He took no -side beforehand; he made no show of the principles that were to -govern him. Thus, there was nothing like a logical harshness in -his conduct, no committal of self-love, no struggle of rival -talent. When he obtained the victory, his success was not to his -adversaries either a stake lost, or a sweeping sentence of -condemnation. It was not on the ground of the superiority of his -own mind, that he triumphed; but on the ground of the nature of -things, and of the inevitable necessity that accompanied them. -{111} -Still his success was not an event without a moral character, the -simple result of skill, strength, or fortune. Uninfluenced by any -theory, he had faith in truth, and adopted it as the guide of his -conduct. He did not pursue the victory of one opinion against the -partisans of another; neither did he act from interest in the -event alone, or merely for success. He did nothing which he did -not think to be reasonable and just; so that his conduct, which -had no systematic character, that might be humbling to his -adversaries, had still a moral character, which commanded -respect. - -Men had, moreover, the most thorough conviction of his -disinterestedness; that great light, to which men so willingly -trust their fate; that vast power, which draws after it their -hearts, while, at the same time, it gives them confidence that -their interests will not be surrendered, either as a sacrifice, -or as instruments to selfishness and ambition. - -{112} - -His first act, the formation of his cabinet, was the most -striking proof of his impartiality. Four persons were selected by -him; Hamilton and Knox, of the federal party; Jefferson and -Randolph, of the democratic. Knox was a soldier, of integrity, of -moderate abilities, and easily influenced; Randolph, a restless -spirit, of doubtful probity, and little good faith; Jefferson and -Hamilton were both sincere, honest, enthusiastic, and able,--the -real heads of the two parties. - -Hamilton deserves to be ranked among those men, who have best -understood the vital principles and essential conditions of -government; not merely of a nominal government, but of a -government worthy of its mission and of its name. In the -Constitution of the United States, there is not an element of -order, strength, and durability, to the introduction and adoption -of which he did not powerfully contribute. Perhaps he believed -the monarchical form preferable to the republican. Perhaps he -sometimes had doubts of the success of the experiment attempted -in his own country. Perhaps, also, carried away by his vivid -imagination and the logical vehemence of his mind, he was -sometimes exclusive in his views, and went too far in his -inferences. -{113} -But, of a character as lofty as his mind, he faithfully served -the republic, and labored to found and not to weaken it. His -superiority consisted in knowing, that, naturally, and by a law -inherent in the nature of things, power is above, at the head of -society; that government should be constituted according to this -law; and that every contrary system or effort brings, sooner or -later, trouble and weakness into the society itself. His error -consisted in adhering too closely, and with a somewhat arrogant -obstinacy, to the precedents of the English constitution, in -attributing sometimes in these precedents the same authority to -good and to evil, to principles and to the abuse of them, and in -not attaching due importance to, and reposing sufficient -confidence in, the variety of political forms and the flexibility -of human society. There are occasions, in which political genius -consists, in not fearing what is new, while what is eternal is -respected. - -The democratic party, not the turbulent and coarse democracy of -antiquity or of the middle ages, but the great modern democracy, -never had a more faithful or more distinguished representative -than Jefferson. -{114} -A warm friend of humanity, liberty, and science; trusting in -their goodness as well as their rights; deeply touched by the -injustice with which the mass of mankind have been treated, and -the sufferings they endure, and incessantly engaged, with an -admirable disinterestedness, in remedying them or preventing -their recurrence; accepting power as a dangerous necessity, -almost as one evil opposed to another, and exerting himself not -merely to restrain, but to lower it; distrusting all display, all -personal splendor, as a tendency to usurpation; of a temper open, -kind, indulgent, though ready to take up prejudices against, and -feel irritated with, the enemies of his party; of a mind bold, -active, ingenious, inquiring, with more penetration than -forecast, but with too much good sense to push things to the -extreme, and capable of employing, against a pressing danger or -evil, a prudence and firmness which would perhaps have prevented -it, had they been adopted earlier or more generally. - -{115} - -It was not an easy task to unite these two men, and make them act -in concert in the same cabinet. The critical state of affairs at -the first adoption of the Constitution, and the impartial -preponderance of Washington alone could accomplish it. He applied -himself to it with consummate perseverance and wisdom. At heart, -he felt a decided preference for Hamilton and his views. "By -some," said he, "he is considered an ambitious man, and therefore -a dangerous one. That he is ambitious, I shall readily grant; but -it is of that laudable kind, which prompts a man to excel in -whatever he takes in hand. He is enterprising, quick in his -perceptions, and his judgment intuitively great." [Footnote 66] - - [Footnote 66: Washington's Writings, Vol. XI. p. 312.] - -But it was only in 1798, in the freedom of his retirement, that -Washington spoke so explicitly. While in office, and between his -two secretaries, he maintained towards them a strict reserve, and -testified the same confidence in them both. He believed both of -them to be sincere and able; both of them necessary to the -country and to himself. Jefferson was to him, not only a -connecting tie, a means of influence, with the popular party, -which was not slow in becoming the opposition; but he made use of -him in the internal administration of his government, as a -counterpoise to the tendencies, and especially to the language, -sometimes extravagant and inconsiderate, of Hamilton and his -friends. -{116} -He had interviews and consultations with each of them separately, -upon the subjects which they were to discuss together, in order -to remove or to lessen beforehand their differences of opinion. -He knew how to turn the merit and the popularity of each with his -own party, to the general good of the government, even to their -own mutual advantage. He skillfully availed himself of every -opportunity to employ them in a common responsibility. And when a -disagreement too wide, and passions too impetuous, seemed to -threaten an immediate rupture, he interposed, used exhortation -and intreaty, and, by his personal influence, by a frank and -touching appeal to the patriotism and right-mindedness of the two -rivals, he at least postponed the breaking forth of the evil -which he could not eradicate. - -{117} - -He dealt with things with the same prudence and tact as with men; -careful of his personal position, starting no premature or -superfluous question; free from the restless desire to regulate -every thing and control every thing; leaving the grand bodies of -the State, the local governments, and the officers of his -administration, to act in their appropriate spheres, and never, -except in a case of clear and practical necessity, pledging his -own opinion or responsibility. And this policy, so impartial, so -cautions, so careful to embarrass neither affairs nor itself, was -by no means the policy of an inactive, uncertain, ill-compounded -administration, seeking and receiving its opinions and direction -from all quarters. On the contrary, there never was a government -more determined, more active, more decided in its views, and more -effective in its decisions. - -It had been formed against anarchy and to strengthen the federal -union, the central power. It was entirely faithful to its office. -At its very commencement, in the first session of the first -Congress, numerous great questions arose; it was necessary to put -the Constitution in vigorous action. -{118} -The relations of the two branches of the Legislature with the -President; the mode of communication between the President and -the Senate in regard to treaties and the nomination to high -offices; the organization of the judiciary; the creation of -ministerial departments; all these points were discussed and -regulated. A work of vast labor, in which the Constitution was, -to some extent, given over a second time to the strife of -parties. Without ostentation, without intrigue, without any -attempt at encroachment, but provident and firm in the cause of -the power which was intrusted to him, Washington, by his personal -influence, by an adherence openly given to sound principles, had -a powerful influence in causing the work to be carried on in the -same spirit which presided over its beginning, and to result in -the dignified and firm organization of the government. - -His practice corresponded with his principles. Once fairly -engaged with public business and parties, this man who, in the -formation of his cabinet, showed himself so tolerant, enjoined -and observed, in his administration, a strict unity of views and -conduct. -{119} -"I shall not, whilst I have the honor to administer the -government, bring a man into any office of consequence knowingly, -whose political tenets are adverse to the measures which the -general government are pursuing; for this, in my opinion, would -be a sort of political suicide." [Footnote 67] - - [Footnote 67: Washington's Writings, Vol. XI. p. 74.] - -"In a government as free as ours," he wrote to Gouverneur Morris, -at that time residing in London, "where the people are at -liberty, and will express their sentiments, (oftentimes -imprudently, and, for want of information, sometimes unjustly,) -allowances must be made for occasional effervescences; but, after -the declaration which I have made of my political creed, you can -run no hazard in asserting, that the executive branch of this -government never has suffered, nor will suffer, while I preside, -any improper conduct of its officers to escape with impunity, nor -give its sanction to any disorderly proceedings of its citizens." -[Footnote 68] - - [Footnote 68: Washington's Writings, Vol. XI. p. 103.] - -In matters, also, of mere form, and foreign to the usual habits -of his life, he was enlightened and directed by a wise tact, a -sure instinct as to what is suitable and proper, a regard to -which is itself one of the conditions of power. -{120} -The ceremonials to be observed towards the President became, -after his election, a grave party question. Many federalists, -passionately attached to the traditions and splendor of monarchy, -exulted when at a ball they had succeeded in causing a sofa to be -placed on an elevation two steps above the floor of the hall, -upon which only Washington and his wife could be seated. -[Footnote 69] Many of the democrats saw in these displays, and in -the public levees of the President, the premeditated return of -tyranny, and were indignant, that, receiving at a fixed hour, in -his house, all those who presented themselves, he made them only -a stiff and slight bow. [Footnote 70] - - [Footnote 69: Jefferson's _Memoirs_, Vol. IV. p. 487. ] - - [Footnote 70: Washington's Writings, Vol. X. p. 99.] - -Washington smiled at both the delight and the indignation, and -persisted in the regulations, surely very modest, which he had -adopted. "Were I to give indulgence to my inclinations, every -moment that I could withdraw from the fatigue of my station -should be spent in retirement. That it is not, proceeds from the -sense I entertain of the propriety of giving to every one as free -access as consists with that respect which is due to the chair of -government; and that respect, I conceive, is neither to be -acquired nor preserved but by observing a just medium between -much state and too great familiarity." [Footnote 71] - - [Footnote 71: Washington's Writings, Vol. X. p. 100.] - -{121} - -More serious embarrassments soon put his firmness to a more -severe test. After the establishment of the Constitution, the -finances formed a question of vast importance to the republic, -perhaps the principal one. They were in a state of extreme -confusion; there were debts of the Union, contracted at home and -abroad; debts of individual States, contracted in their own -names, but in behalf of the common cause; warrants for -requisitions; contracts for supplies; arrears of interest; also -other claims, different in their character and origin, -imperfectly known and not liquidated. And at the end of this -chaos, there were no settled revenues, sufficient to meet the -expenses which it imposed. - -Many persons, and, it must be acknowledged, the democratic party -in general, were unwilling that light should be thrown into this -chaos by assuming all these obligations, or even by funding them. -{122} -They would have imposed upon each State its debts, however -unequal the burden might have been. They would have made -distinctions between the creditors; classifications founded upon -the origin of their claims and the real amount of what they had -paid for them. In short, all those measures were proposed which, -under an appearance of scrupulous investigation and strict -justice, were in reality nothing but evasions to escape from or -reduce the engagements of the state. - -As Secretary of the Treasury, Hamilton proposed the opposite -system;--the funding and the entire payment, at the expense of -the Union, of all the debts actually contracted for the common -benefit, whether with foreigners or Americans, and whoever were -the contractors or the present holders, and whatever was the -origin of the claims;--the laying of taxes sufficient to secure -the redemption of the public debt;--the formation of a national -bank, capable of aiding the government in its financial -operations, and of sustaining its credit. - -{123} - -This system was the only moral and manly one; the only one in -conformity with honesty and truth. It strengthened the Union, by -uniting the States financially, as they were united politically. -It established American credit, by this striking example of -fidelity to public engagements, and by the guaranties which it -afforded for their fulfilment. It fortified the central -government by rallying around it the capitalists, and by giving -it powerful means of influence over them and through them. - -At the first movement, the opponents of Hamilton did not dare to -make any open objection; but they exerted themselves to lessen -the authority of the principle, by contesting the equal fairness -of the debts, by discussing the honesty of the creditors, and by -exclaiming against the taxes. Partisans of local independence, -they rejected, instead of viewing with satisfaction, the -political consequences of a financial union, and demanded, in -virtue of their general principles, that the States should be -left, as to the past as well as for the future, to the various -chances of their situation and their destiny. - -{124} - -American credit seemed to them to be bought at too dear a price. -They would obtain it, as necessity might require, by means less -burdensome and more simple. They found fault with the theories of -Hamilton respecting credit, the public debt and its redemption, -and banks, as difficult to be understood and fallacious. - -But the ultimate effect of the system especially excited their -wrath. The aristocracy of wealth is a perilous ally to power; for -it is that which inspires the least esteem and the most envy. -When the question was on the payment of the public debt, the -federal party had on their side the principles of morality and -honor. When the public debt, and the speculations founded upon -it, were becoming a means of sudden wealth, and perhaps of -unlawful influence, the severity of morals passed over to the -democratic party, and integrity lent its support to envy. - -Hamilton sustained the contest with his usual energy, as pure in -his motives as he was firm in his convictions; the head of a -party still more than a financier; and, in the administration of -the finances, always chiefly occupied with his political object, -the foundation of the state, and the strength of its government. - -{125} - -The perplexity of Washington was great. A stranger to financial -studies, he had not, upon the intrinsic merit of the proposed -questions, a personal conviction derived from knowledge. He felt -their justice and their political utility. He had confidence in -Hamilton, in his judgment and his virtue. Still, as the debate -was prolonged and objections were multiplied, some of them -disturbed his mind and others troubled his conscience; and he -asked himself with some embarrassment, whether all the reasons -were indeed on the side of the government. - -I know not which is the more worthy of admiration, the -impartiality which inspired these doubts, or the firmness with -which, in the final result and after every thing had been well -considered, he always sustained Hamilton and his measures. This -was a step of great political sagacity. Though it might have been -true, that some fallacies were mingled with the financial -measures of the Secretary of the Treasury, and some abuses with -their execution, a far higher truth predominated in them; by -laying the foundation of the public faith, and by closely -connecting the administration of the finances with the policy of -the State, he gave to the new government, from the first moment, -the consistence of an old and well-established authority. - -{126} - -The success surpassed the proudest expectations. Confidence -appeared in men's minds, activity in business, and order in the -administration. Agriculture and commerce flourished; credit rose -rapidly. Society prospered with a sense of security, feeling -itself free and well-governed. The country and the government -grew strong together, in that admirable harmony which is the -healthy condition of states. - -Washington beheld with his own eyes, upon every point of the -American territory, this spectacle so glorious and so delightful -to him. In three public journeys, he slowly traveled over the -whole Union, everywhere received with grateful and affectionate -admiration, the only recompense worthy to affect the heart of a -public man. -{127} -On his return, he thus wrote; "I am much pleased, that I have -taken this journey. ... The country appears to be in a very -improving state; and industry and frugality are becoming much -more fashionable than they have hitherto been. Tranquillity -reigns among the people, with that disposition towards the -general government, which is likely to preserve it. ... The -farmer finds a ready market for his produce, and the merchant -calculates with more certainty on his payments. ... Every day's -experience of the government of the United States seems to -confirm its establishment, and to render it more popular. A ready -acquiescence in the laws made under it shows, in a strong light, -the confidence, which the people have in their representatives -and in the upright views of those who administer the government." -[Footnote 72] - - [Footnote 72: Washington's Writings, Vol. X. p. 170.] - -And almost at the same time, as if Providence had provided that -the same testimony should go down to posterity from all parties, -Jefferson wrote; "New elections have taken place for the most -part, and very few changes made. This is one of many proofs, that -the proceedings of the new government have given general -satisfaction. ... Our affairs are proceeding in a train of -unparalleled prosperity. -{128} -This arises from the real improvements of our government; from -the unbounded confidence reposed in it by the people, their zeal -to support it, and their conviction, that a solid union is the -best rock of their safety." [Footnote 73] - - [Footnote 73: Jefferson's _Memoirs_, - Vol. III. pp. 93, 112.] - -Thus, when the close of Washington's presidency approached, when -the necessity of again selecting a chief magistrate for the -nation was near at hand, a general movement was directed towards -him, to entreat him to accept, a second time, the burden of -office. A movement with great diversity, in spite of its apparent -unanimity; the federal party wished to retain possession of the -power; the democratic opposition felt, that the time had not come -for them to aspire to it; and that the country could not dispense -with the policy, nor with the man, they nevertheless had a -distinct purpose of attacking. The public were fearful of seeing -an interruption of that order and prosperity, so highly valued -and so precarious. But, whether open or concealed, patriotic or -selfish, sincere or hypocritical, the sentiments and opinions of -all concurred to the same end. - -{129} - -Washington alone hesitated. His calm and penetrating mind found -in his own disinterestedness a freedom, which preserved him from -all illusion, both as to affairs and as to himself. The brilliant -aspect, the really prosperous condition, of public affairs, did -not conceal from his eyes the imminent perils of his situation. -From abroad, the intelligence of the French revolution was -already startling America. An unavoidable war, commenced with ill -success, against the Indians, was requiring considerable efforts. -In the cabinet, the disagreement between Hamilton and Jefferson -grew very violent; the most urgent intreaties of the President -failed to control it; it was almost officially displayed in two -newspapers, the _National Gazette_ and the _United States -Gazette_, fierce enemies under the name of rivals; the known -editor of the former was a clerk in Jefferson's department. -[Footnote 74] - - [Footnote 74: His name was Freneau.] - -Thus encouraged, the opposition press resorted to the most bitter -violence, and Washington suffered great uneasiness on account of -it. -{130} -He wrote to Mr. Randolph, the Attorney-General; "If government, -and the officers of it, are to be the constant theme for -newspaper abuse, and this too without condescending to -investigate the motives or the facts, it will be impossible, I -conceive, for any man living to manage the helm or keep the -machine together." [Footnote 75] - - [Footnote 75: Washington's Writings, Vol. X. p. 287. ] - -In some parts of the country, especially in Western Pennsylvania, -one of the taxes imposed for making provision for the public debt -had awakened the spirit of sedition; numerous meetings of the -people had declared that they would not pay it; and Washington -was compelled to declare in his turn, by an official -proclamation, that he would enforce the execution of the laws. In -Congress itself, the administration no longer received so -constant and powerful a support; Hamilton was, day after day, the -object of the most animated attacks; the opposition were -unsuccessful in the motions they made against him, but his own -plans were not always adopted. -{131} -Finally, towards Washington himself, the language of the House of -Representatives, always respectful and affectionate, was no -longer so full or so tender; on the twenty-second day of -February, 1793, the anniversary of his birth, a motion to adjourn -the session for half an hour in order to go and pay their -respects to him, after being warmly opposed, passed by only a -majority of twenty-three votes. - -None of these facts, none of these symptoms, escaped the vigilant -sagacity of Washington. His natural taste for private life and -the repose of Mount Vernon returned with double force. His past -success, far from inspiring confidence, made him more fearful for -the future. Modestly, but passionately attached to the -consideration in which he was held, and to his glory, he was -unwilling they should suffer the least abatement. The earnest -wish expressed by all would not have been sufficient to determine -him; his personal convictions, the public good, the obvious -urgency of affairs, the desire or rather the duty of carrying on -still further his work yet incomplete, were alone able to -overbalance in his mind the dictates of prudence and inclination. -{132} -He weighed and discussed within himself these different motives, -with a more anxious solicitude than seemed to be consistent with -his nature, and ended by saying, in the pious weariness of his -spirit, "As the all-wise Disposer of events has hitherto watched -over my steps, I trust, that, in the important one I may soon be -called upon to take, he will mark the course so plainly, as that -I cannot mistake the way." [Footnote 76] - - [Footnote 76: Washington's Writings, Vol. X. p. 286.] - -Unanimously reelected, he resumed his duties with the same -disinterestedness, the same courage, and, in spite of his -success, with less confidence, perhaps, than the first time. He -had a true presentiment of the trials which awaited him. - -There are some events which Providence does not permit those who -live at the time of their occurrence to understand; so vast, so -complicated, that they far surpass the comprehension of man, and, -even when they are exploding, still remain for a long time darkly -hidden in the depths, from which proceed those shocks, that -ultimately decide the destinies of the world. - -{133} - -Such was the French revolution. Who has measured it? whose -judgment and forecast have not been a thousand times deceived by -it, whether friends or foes, admirers or detractors? When the -spirit of society and the spirit of man are shaken and convulsed -to such a degree, results are produced which no imagination had -conceived, no forethought could grasp. - -That which experience has taught us, Washington caught sight of -from the first day. At the time when the French Revolution had -hardly begun, he was already suspending his judgment, and taking -his position aloof from all parties and all spectators; free from -the presumption of their predictions, from the blindness of their -hostility or their hope. "The whole business is so extraordinary -in its commencement, so wonderful in its progress, and maybe so -stupendous in its consequences, that I am almost lost in the -contemplation. ... Nobody is more anxious for the happy issue of -that business, than I am; as no one can wish more sincerely for -the prosperity of the French nation, than I do." [Footnote 77] - - [Footnote 77: Washington's Writings, Vol. X. p. 89.] - -{134} - -"If it ends as our last accounts, to the first of August, [1789,] -predict, that nation will be the most powerful and happy in -Europe; but I fear, though it has gone triumphantly through the -first paroxysm, it is not the last it has to encounter before, -matters are finally settled. ... The mortification of the king, -the intrigues of the queen, and the discontent of the princes and -noblesse, will foment divisions, if possible, in the National -Assembly; ... the licentiousness of the people on one hand, and -sanguinary punishments on the other, will alarm the best disposed -friends to the measure. ... To forbear running from one extreme -to another is no easy matter; and, should this be the case, rocks -and shelves, not visible at present, may wreck the vessel, and -give a higher-toned despotism than the one which existed before." -[Footnote 78] "It is a boundless ocean, whence no land is to be -seen." [Footnote 79] - - [Footnote 78: Washington's Writings, Vol. X. p. 40.] - - [Footnote 79: Ibid., Vol. X. p. 344.] - -{135} - -From that time, he maintained towards the nations and events of -Europe an extreme reserve; faithful to the principles which had -founded the independence and the liberties of America, animated -by a grateful good-will towards France, and seizing with -earnestness upon every occasion to manifest it, but silent and -self-restrained, as if under the presentiment of some grave -responsibility of which he should be obliged to sustain the -weight, and not wishing to pledge beforehand either his personal -opinion or the policy of his country. When the trying moment -arrived, when the declaration of war between France and England -caused the great revolutionary struggle to break out in Europe, -the resolution of Washington was decided and prompt. He -immediately made proclamation of the neutrality of the United -States. "My politics are plain and simple; ... to maintain -friendly terms with, but be independent of, all the nations of -the earth; to share in the broils of none; to fulfil our own -engagements; to supply the wants and be carriers for them all; -being thoroughly convinced, that it is our policy and interest to -do so." [Footnote 80] "I want an _American_ character, that -the powers of Europe may be convinced, we act for -_ourselves_, and not for others." [Footnote 81] - - [Footnote 80: Washington's Writings, - Vol. XI. pp. 382, 102.] - - [Footnote 81: Ibid., Vol. XI. p. 83.] - -{136} - -"Regarding the overthrow of Europe at large as a matter not -entirely chimerical, it will be our prudence to cultivate a -spirit of self-dependence, and to endeavor, by unanimity, -vigilance, and exertion, under the blessing of Providence, to -hold the scales of our destiny in our own hands. Standing, as it -were, in the midst of falling empires, it should be our aim to -assume a station and attitude, which will preserve us from being -overwhelmed in their ruins." [Footnote 82] "Nothing short of -self-respect, and that justice which is essential to a national -character, ought to involve us in war; for sure I am, if this -country is preserved in tranquillity twenty years longer, it may -bid defiance, in a just cause, to any power whatever; such, in -that time, will be its population, wealth, and resources." -[Footnote 83] - - [Footnote 82: Washington's Writings, Vol. XI. p 350.] - - [Footnote 83: Ibid., Vol. XI. p. 102.] - -At first, the approbation was general. The desire for peace, and -the reluctance to express any opinion which might endanger it, -were predominant in men's minds. Upon the principle of neutrality -the cabinet had been unanimous. -{137} -But intelligence from Europe was continually arriving, and was -spreading like wild-fire through the country. The coalition -formed against France assailed the guardian principles of -America, the independence and internal liberty of nations. -England was at its head, hated as a recent enemy, suspected as a -former master. Her decrees and measures in regard to neutral -commerce and the impressment of sailors wounded the United States -in their dignity and their interests. With the great question of -neutrality, particular questions arose, doubtful enough to serve -as a just reason or a pretext for diversity of opinions and -strong expressions of feeling. Upon some of them, as, for -instance, on the restitution of maritime prizes and the mode of -receiving the new minister expected from France, the cabinet was -no longer unanimous. This minister, M. Genêt, arrived; and his -journey from Charleston to Philadelphia was a popular triumph. -Everywhere, on his journey, numerous and enthusiastic democratic -associations assembled, invited him to meet them, and made -addresses to him; the newspapers rapidly circulated through the -country accounts of these rejoicings and the news from France. -{138} -The public feeling grew more and more inflamed. Of an -enthusiastic temperament himself, and blindly borne away by the -desire of engaging the United States in a war to aid his country, -M. Genêt believed himself to have the right and the ability to -dare every thing, and to succeed in every thing. He issued -letters of marque, enrolled American citizens, armed privateers, -adjudged prizes, and acted as a sovereign power in this foreign -territory, in the name of republican brotherhood. And when -Washington, at first astonished and motionless, but soon -determined, vindicated the rights of the general government. -Genêt entered into an avowed contest with him, supported his own -pretensions, broke out into violent abuse of him, encouraged the -spirit of sedition, and even threatened to appeal to the people -against a President who was unfaithful to his trust, and to the -general cause of liberty. No head of a state was ever more -reserved than Washington in the exercise of power; more cautious -in making engagements and taking new steps. -{139} -But, also, no one ever maintained more firmly his declarations, -his purposes, and his rights. He was President of the United -States of America. He had, in their name, and by virtue of their -constitution, proclaimed their neutrality. The neutrality was to -be real and respected as well as his power. At five successive -meetings, he laid before his cabinet the whole correspondence, -and all the documents, relating to this singular contest; and the -cabinet decided unanimously, that the recall of M. Genêt should -be immediately demanded of the French government. - -Genêt was recalled. In the opinion of America, as well as in his -demand upon France, Washington gained a triumph. The federalists -indignantly rallied around him. The pretensions and extravagant -conduct of Genêt had alienated many persons of the democratic -party. Jefferson had not hesitated to support the President -against him. A favorable reaction took place, and the contest -seemed at an end. - -{140} - -But in government, as well as in war, there are victories which -cost dear, and leave the danger still existing. The revolutionary -fever, once more kindled in the United States, did not depart -with a recalled minister. Instead of that harmony of feeling, -that calm after the storm of passions; instead of that course of -prosperity and general moderation, upon which the American -republic was lately congratulating itself, two parties were there -in a hostile attitude, more widely separated, more violently -irritated, than ever. The opposition no longer confined its -attacks to the administration alone, to the financial measures of -government, and to this or that doubtful application of legal -powers. It had, concealed within itself, in the democratic -associations, in the periodical press, and among the foreigners -who swarmed throughout the country, a true revolutionary faction, -eager to overturn society and its government, in order to -reconstruct them upon other foundations. "There exists in the -United States," writes Washington to Lafayette, "a party formed -by a combination of causes, which oppose the government in all -its measures, and are determined, as all their conduct evinces, -by clogging its wheels, indirectly to change the nature of it, -and to subvert the Constitution. -{141} -To effect this, no means which have a tendency to accomplish -their purposes are left unessayed. The friends of government, who -are anxious to maintain its neutrality, and to preserve the -country in peace, and adopt measures to secure these objects, are -charged by them as being monarchists, aristocrats, and infractors -of the Constitution, which, according to their interpretation of -it, would be a mere cipher. They arrogated to themselves the sole -merit of being the friends of France, when in fact they had no -more regard for that nation than for the Grand Turk, farther than -their own views were promoted by it; denouncing those who -differed in opinion, (whose principles are purely American, and -whose sole view was to observe a strict neutrality,) as acting -under British influence, and being directed by her counsels, or -as being her pensioners." [Footnote 84] - - [Footnote 84: Washington's Writings, - Vol. XI. p. 378,] - -{142} - -"If the conduct of these men is viewed with indifference; if -there are activity and misrepresentation on one side, and -supineness on the other, their numbers accumulated by intriguing -and discontented foreigners under proscription, who were at war -with their own governments, and the greater part of them with -_all_ governments, they will increase, and nothing short of -Omniscience can foretell the consequences." [Footnote 85] - - [Footnote 85: Washington's Writings, - Vol. XI. p. 390.] - -In the midst of this pressing danger, Jefferson, who was little -inclined to engage any further in the contest, and who had -announced his intention six months before, and had only delayed -putting it in execution at the solicitation of Washington -himself, peremptorily withdrew from the cabinet. - -The crisis was a formidable one. A general agitation spread -throughout the country. The western counties of Pennsylvania -resisted with violence the tax on distilled spirits. In Kentucky -and Georgia, warlike insurrections, perhaps excited from abroad, -threatened, on their own authority, to take forcible possession -of Louisiana and Florida, and to engage the nation, in spite of -itself, in a conflict with Spain. The war against the Indians -continued, always difficult and of doubtful issue. -{143} -A new Congress had just assembled, full of respect for -Washington; but yet the House of Representatives showed itself -more reserved in its approbation of his foreign policy, and chose -an opposition Speaker by a majority of ten votes. England desired -to maintain peace with the United States; but, whether she had -doubts of the success of Washington in this system, or acted in -obedience to the dictates of her general policy, or from an -insolent spirit of contempt, she continued and even aggravated -her measures against the commerce of the Americans, whose -irritation also increased in its turn. "It has not been the -smallest of these embarrassments," writes Washington, "that the -domineering spirit of Great Britain should revive again just at -this crisis, and the outrageous and insulting conduct of some of -her officers should combine therewith to play into the hands of -the discontented, and sour the minds of those who are friends to -peace. But this, by the bye." [Footnote 86] - - [Footnote 86: Washington's Writings, - Vol. XI. p. 63.] - -{144} - -It was indeed "by the bye," and without any purpose of taking -advantage of it in order to weaken his policy or to exalt his -merit, that he pointed out the obstacles scattered along his -path. As exempt from vanity as from indecision, he took pains to -surmount, but not to display them. At the time when the -ascendency of the democratic party seem to be assured, when the -federalists themselves were wavering, when severe measures -proposed in Congress against England were about, perhaps, to -render war inevitable, Washington suddenly announced to the -Senate, by a message, that he had just nominated one of the -principal leaders of the federal party, Mr. Jay, Envoy -Extraordinary to the Court of London, in order to attempt to -reconcile the differences between the two nations by the peaceful -instrument of negotiation. - -The Senate immediately confirmed his choice. The indignation of -the opposition was at its height. They desired war, and -especially, by means of war, a change of policy. The simple -continuance of the present state of affairs promised to lead to -that result. In so excited a state of feeling, in the midst of -the increasing irritation, a rumor from Europe, a new insult to -the American flag, the slightest circumstance, might cause -hostilities to break out. -{145} -Washington, by his sudden resolution, gave a new turn to events. -The negotiations might be successful; they made it the duty of -the government to await the result. If they failed, he remained -in a position to make war himself, and to control it, without his -policy's receiving a death-blow. - -In order to give to his negotiations the authority of a strong -and well-established power, at the same time that he was baffling -the hopes of his enemies as to matters abroad, Washington -resolved to repress their efforts at home. The resistance of some -counties in Pennsylvania to the tax on distilled spirits had -become an open rebellion. He announced, by a proclamation, his -firm purpose of enforcing the execution of the laws; assembled -the militia of Virginia, Maryland, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania -itself; formed them into an army; went in person to the places of -rendezvous, with a determination to take the command himself if -the contest became serious; and did not return to Philadelphia -till he had learned, with certainty, that the insurgents would -not venture to sustain it. -{146} -They dispersed, in point of fact, on the approach of the army, a -detachment of which took up winter quarters in the disaffected -country. - -Washington, on this occasion, felt that stern but deep joy, -sometimes granted, in free countries, to a virtuous man who bears -firmly the weight of power. Everywhere, especially in the States -which were near the scene of the insurrection, good citizens were -aware of the danger, and felt their obligation to contribute, by -their own efforts, to the support of the laws. The magistrates -were resolute, the militia zealous; a strong public opinion -silenced the hypocritical sophistries of the advocates of the -insurrection; and Washington did his duty with the approbation -and support of his country. A moderate compensation, indeed, for -the new and bitter trials that awaited him. - -At about the same period, his cabinet, which had shared his -labors and his glory, withdrew from him. Hamilton, who was the -object of a hostility always increasing, after having sustained -the contest as long as the success of his plans and his honor -required, compelled at length to think of himself and of his -family, resigned. -{147} -Knox followed his example. Thus Washington was surrounded by none -but new men, who, though devoted to his course of policy, had -much less weight of authority than their predecessors, when Mr. -Jay returned from London, bringing the result of those -negotiations, the mere announcement of which had excited so much -indignation. - -The treaty was far from accomplishing all that was to be desired. -It did not settle all the questions, nor secure all the interests -of the United States; but it put an end to the principal -differences of the two nations; it assured the full execution, -hitherto delayed by Great Britain, of the agreements entered into -with her when she had recognized the independence of the country; -it prepared the way for new and more favorable negotiations. In -short, it was peace; an assured peace; one which lessened even -those evils, which it did not remove. - -Washington did not hesitate. He had the rare courage to adhere -firmly to a leading principle, and to accept, without a murmur, -the imperfections and inconveniences which accompany success. -{148} -He immediately communicated the treaty to the Senate, who -approved it, with the exception of one article, in regard to -which a modification was to be required of England. The question -still remained in suspense. The opposition made their utmost -efforts. Addresses came from Boston, New York, Baltimore, -Georgetown, &c., expressing disapprobation of the treaty, and -requesting the President not to ratify it. The populace of -Philadelphia assembled in a riotous manner, marched through the -town, carrying the articles of the treaty at the end of a pole, -and formally burned them before the house of the British minister -and consul. Washington, who had gone to pass some days at Mount -Vernon, returned in haste to Philadelphia, and consulted his -cabinet on the question of immediately ratifying the treaty, -without awaiting the arrival from London of the modification -which even the Senate had declared necessary. This step was a -bold one. One member of the cabinet, Randolph, made objections. -Washington went on and ratified the treaty. The British -government agreed to the modification demanded, and in its turn -ratified it. -{149} -There still remained the duty of carrying it into effect, which -required legislative measures and the intervention of Congress. -The contest was renewed in the House of Representatives. Several -times the opposition gained a majority. Washington stood firm, in -the name of the Constitution, which his opponents also appealed -to against him. Finally, at the end of six months, that peace -might not be disturbed, in the general conviction that the -President would be inflexible, the opposition being rather -wearied out than overcome, the measures necessary for carrying -the treaty into effect were adopted by a majority of three votes. - -Throughout the country, in public meetings and in newspapers, the -fury of party exceeded all bounds. From all quarters, every day, -addresses full of censure, anonymous letters, invectives, -calumnies, threats, were poured out against Washington. Even his -integrity was scandalously assailed. - -He remained unmoved. He replied to the addresses; "My sense of -the treaty has been manifested by its ratification. The -principles on which my sanction was given, have been made public. -I regret the diversity of opinion. -{150} -But whatever qualities, manifested in a long and arduous public -life, have acquired for me the confidence of my fellow-citizens, -let them be assured that they remain unchanged; and that they -will continue to be exerted on every occasion, in which the -honor, the happiness, and welfare of our common country are -immediately involved." [Footnote 87] - - [Footnote 87: Washington's Writings, - Vol. XII. p. 212.] - -On the attacks of the press, he said; "I did not believe until -lately, that it was within the bounds of probability, hardly -within those of possibility, that while I was using my utmost -exertions to establish a national character of our own, -independent, as far as our obligations and justice would permit, -of every nation of the earth; and wished, by steering a steady -course, to preserve this country from the horrors of a desolating -war, I should be accused of being the enemy of one nation, and -subject to the influence of another; and, to prove it, that every -act of my administration would be tortured, and the grossest and -most insidious misrepresentations of them be made, by giving one -side only of a subject, and that, too, in such exaggerated and -indecent terms as could scarcely be applied to a Nero, a -notorious defaulter, or even to a common pickpocket. -{151} -But enough of this. I have already gone further in the expression -of my feelings than I intended." [Footnote 88] - - [Footnote 88: Washington's Writings, - Vol. XI. p. 139.] - -Good men, the friends of order and justice, at length perceived -that they were leaving their noble champion exposed, without -defence, to unworthy attacks. In free countries, falsehood stalks -with a bold front; vain would be the attempt to force it to keep -concealed; but it is the duty of truth, also, to lift up its -head; on these terms alone is liberty a blessing. In their turn, -numerous and cordial congratulations, encouraging and grateful -addresses, were presented to Washington. And when the close of -his second presidency approached, in all parts of the Union, even -those where the opposition seemed to prevail, a multitude of -voices were raised, to entreat him to accept a third time the -highest power which the suffrages of his fellow-citizens could -confer. - -{152} - -But his resolution was fixed. He did not permit even a discussion -of the question. That memorable Farewell Address, in which, as he -was returning into the midst of the people whom he had governed, -he dispensed to them the last teachings of his long-gathered -wisdom, is still, after more than forty years, cherished by them -as an object of remembrance, and almost of tenderness of feeling. - - "In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old - and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the - strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will - control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our - nation from running the course, which has hitherto marked the - destiny of nations. But, if I may even flatter myself, that - they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional - good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of - party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign - intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended - patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the - solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated." - [Footnote 89] ... - - [Footnote 89: Washington's Writings, - Vol. XII. p. 233.] - -{153} - - "Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am - unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too - sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have - committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently - beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which - they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope, that my - country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and - that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its - service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent - abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be - to the mansions of rest. - - "Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and - actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural - to a man, who views in it the native soil of himself and his - progenitors for several generations; I anticipate with pleasing - expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, - without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst - of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under - a free government, the ever favorite object of my heart, and - the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and - dangers." [Footnote 90] - - [Footnote 90: Washington's Writings, - Vol. XII. pp. 234, 235.] - -{154} - -What an incomparable example of dignity and modesty! How perfect -a model of that respect for the public and for one's self, which -gives to power its moral grandeur! - -Washington did well to withdraw from public business. He had -entered upon it at one of those moments, at once difficult and -favorable, when nations, surrounded by perils, summon all their -virtue and all their wisdom to surmount them. He was admirably -suited to this position. He held the sentiments and opinions of -his age without slavishness or fanaticism. The past, its -institutions, its interests, its manners, inspired him with -neither hatred nor regret. His thoughts and his ambition did not -impatiently reach forward into the future. The society, in the -midst of which he lived, suited his tastes and his judgment. He -had confidence in its principles and its destiny; but a -confidence enlightened and qualified by an accurate instinctive -perception of the eternal principles of social order. -{155} -He served it with heartiness and independence, with that -combination of faith and fear which is wisdom in the affairs of -the world, as well as before God. On this account, especially, he -was qualified to govern it; for democracy requires two things for -its tranquillity and its success; it must feel itself to be -trusted and yet restrained, and must believe alike in the genuine -devotedness and the moral superiority of its leaders. On these -conditions alone can it govern itself while in a process of -development, and hope to take a place among the durable and -glorious forms of human society. It is the honor of the American -people to have, at this period, understood and accepted these -conditions. It is the glory of Washington to have been their -interpreter and instrument. - -He did the two greatest things which, in politics, man can have -the privilege of attempting. He maintained, by peace, that -independence of his country, which he had acquired by war. He -founded a free government, in the name of the principles of -order, and by reestablishing their sway. - -{156} - -When he retired from public life, both tasks were accomplished, -and he could enjoy the result. For, in such high enterprises, the -labor which they have cost matters but little. The sweat of any -toil is dried at once on the brow where God places such laurels. - -He retired voluntarily, and a conqueror. To the very last, his -policy had prevailed. If he had wished, he could still have kept -the direction of it. His successor was one of his most attached -friends, one whom he had himself designated. - -Still the epoch was a critical one. He had governed successfully -for eight years, a long period in a democratic state, and that in -its infancy. For some time, a policy opposed to his own had been -gaining ground. American society seemed disposed to make a trial -of new paths, more in conformity, perhaps, with its bias. Perhaps -the hour had come for Washington to quit the arena. His successor -was there overcome. Mr. Adams was succeeded by Mr. Jefferson, the -leader of the opposition. Since that time, the democratic party -has governed the United States. - -{157} - -Is this a good or an evil? Could it be Otherwise? Had the -government continued in the hands of the federal party, would it -have done better? Was this possible? What have been the -consequences, to the United States, of the triumph of the -democratic party? Have they been carried out to the end, or have -they only begun? What changes have the society and constitution -of America undergone, what have they yet to undergo, under their -influence? - -These are great questions; difficult, if I mistake not, for -natives to solve, and certainly impossible for a foreigner. - -However it may be, one thing is certain; that which Washington -did,--the founding of a free government, by order and peace, at -the close of the Revolution,--no other policy than his could have -accomplished. He has had this true glory; of triumphing, so long -as he governed; and of rendering the triumph of his adversaries -possible, after him, without disturbance to the state. - -More than once, perhaps, this result presented itself to his -mind, without disturbing his composure. "With me, a predominant -motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle -and mature its yet recent institutions; and to progress without -interruption to that degree of strength and consistency, which is -necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own -fortunes." [Footnote 91] - - [Footnote 91: Washington's Writings, - Vol. XII. p 234.] - -{158} - -The people of the United States are virtually the arbiters of -their own fortunes. Washington had aimed at that high object. He -reached his mark. - -Who has succeeded like him? Who has seen his own success so near -and so soon? Who has enjoyed, to such a degree and to the last, -the confidence and gratitude of his country? - -Still, at the close of his life, in the delightful and honorable -retirement at Mount Vernon, which he had so longed for, this -great man, serene as he was, was inwardly conscious of a slight -feeling of lassitude and melancholy; a feeling very natural at -the close of a long life employed in the affairs of men. Power is -an oppressive burden; and mankind are hard to serve, when one is -struggling virtuously against their passions and their errors. -Even success does not efface the sad impressions which the -contest has given birth to; and the exhaustion, which succeeds -the struggle, is still felt in the quiet of repose. - -{159} - -The disposition of the most eminent men, and of the best among -the most eminent, to keep aloof from public affairs, in a free -democratic society, is a serious fact. Washington, Jefferson, -Madison, all ardently sighed for retirement. It would seem as if, -in this form of society, the task of government were too severe -for men who are capable of comprehending its extent, and desirous -of discharging the trust in a proper manner. - -Still, to such men alone this task is suited, and ought to be -intrusted. Government will be, always and everywhere, the -greatest exercise of the faculties of man, and consequently that -which requires minds of the highest order. It is for the honor, -as well as for the interest, of society, that such minds should -be drawn into the administration of its affairs, and retained -there; for no institutions, no securities, can supply their -place. - -{160} - -And, on the other hand, in men who are worthy of this destiny, -all weariness, all sadness of spirit, however it might be -permitted in others, is a weakness. Their vocation is labor. -Their reward is, indeed, the success of their efforts, but still -only in labor. Very often they die, bent under the burden, before -the day of recompense arrives. Washington lived to receive it. He -deserved and enjoyed both success and repose. Of all great men, -he was the most virtuous, and the most fortunate. 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You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Essay On The Character And Influence Of Washington in the Revolution Of The United States Of America - -Author: François Guizot - -Translator: George S. Hillard - -Release Date: November 11, 2019 [EBook #60668] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ESSAY ON CHARACTER OF WASHINGTON *** - - - - -Produced by Don Kostuch - - - - - -</pre> - - - -<p> -[Transcriber's note: This production is based on -https://archive.org/details/essayoncharacte00guiz/page/1] - - -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_i">{i}</a></span> - - <h1>Essay On The Character And Influence Of Washington<br> - In The Revolution Of The United States Of America.</h1> - - <h2>By M. Guizot.</h2> - - - - <h3>Translated From The French. -<br><br> - Third Edition. -<br><br> - New York -<br><br> - Published By James Miller, -<br><br> - (Successor To C. S. Francis & Co.,) -<br><br> - 522 Broadway. -<br><br> - 1868.</h3> -<br> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_ii">{ii}</a></span> -<br> - - - -<p> -Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year one thousand -eight hundred and forty, by James Munroe & Co., in the Clerk's -office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. -</p> -<br> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_iii">{iii}</a></span> -<br> - <h2>Translator's Preface.</h2> -<br> -<p> -The following Essay is a translation of the Introduction, by M. -Guizot, to a French version of Sparks's Life of Washington, and -of selected portions of Washington's Writings, which has recently -appeared in Paris, in six octavo volumes. M. Guizot is well -known, not only as the author of many valuable historical works, -but as a practical statesman himself, and therefore peculiarly -qualified to appreciate the character of Washington, and to -estimate his claims to the gratitude of his country, and the -admiration of mankind. The Essay can hardly fail to be read with -interest by every countryman of the illustrious man who forms its -subject. It is a performance remarkable for the knowledge which -it evinces of our own history, for its great political wisdom, -its elevated moral tone, and its just discrimination in regard to -the character of Washington. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_iv">{iv}</a></span> -Every American citizen must be highly gratified to find his own -veneration for the name of Washington confirmed by this unbiassed -tribute from a foreigner so distinguished in literature and -politics, as M. Guizot. Nothing has ever been written concerning -him in Europe, so accurate, so just, and so profound as this; and -it will serve to justify and strengthen that admiration, which -has been accorded to him in foreign countries, hardly less than -in his own. -<br> -<p class="cite"> - George S. Hillard. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_v">{v}</a></span> -<br> - <h2>Advertisement Of The French Publishers.</h2> -<br> -<p> -No foreign event occurring at a distance ever awakened so lively -a sympathy in France, as the Revolution of the United States of -America. No great man who was a foreigner has ever, in this -country, been the object of general admiration to such an extent -as Washington. He has had the applause of both the court and the -people, of the old <i>régime</i> and the new nation. During his -life, testimonials of respect were heaped upon him by Louis the -Sixteenth; and, at his death, Napoleon directed a public mourning -for him, and a funeral oration. [Footnote 1] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 1: "Bonaparte rendered unusual honors to the name - of Washington, not long after the event of his death was made - known in France. By what motives he was prompted, it is - needless to inquire. At any rate, both the act itself and his - manner of performing it are somewhat remarkable, when - regarded in connexion with his subsequent career. He was then - First Consul. On the 9th of February, he issued the following - order of the day to the army, "Washington is dead! This great - man fought against tyranny; he established the liberty of his - country. His memory will always be dear to the French people, - as it will be to all free men of the two worlds; and - especially to French soldiers, who like him and the American - soldiers, have combated for liberty and equality. The First - Consul likewise ordered, that during ten days, black crape - should be suspended from all the standards and flags - throughout the Republic. On the same day a splendid ceremony - took place in the Champ de Mars, and the trophies brought by - the army from Egypt were displayed with great pomp. - Immediately after this ceremony was over, a funeral oration, - in honor of Washington (<i>Eloge Funèbre de Washington</i>) - was pronounced by M. de Fontanes, in the Hotel des Invalides, - then called the Temple of Mars. The First Consul, and all the - civil and military authorities of the capital, were - present."—Sparks's <i>Life of Washington</i>, pp. 531, 532, - <i>note</i>.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_vi">{vi}</a></span> -<p> -It is now forty years since this great man has been reposing, to -use his own expression, "in the mansions of rest," at Mount -Vernon, by the side of his fathers. But his country has recently -reared to him the noblest of monuments, in the publication of his -<i>Works</i>, consisting of his Letters, Discourses, and -Messages, comprising what was written and spoken by him in the -midst of his active career, and forming indeed his lively image -and the true history of his life. -</p> -<p> -These are, in truth, his <i>Works</i>. Washington preserved with -scrupulous care, either a first draft or an exact copy of every -letter he wrote, whether as a public man or a private individual, -and whether they related to his own concerns, the management and -culture of his farms, or to the interests of the state. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_vii">{vii}</a></span> -<p> -During the period from 1783 to 1787, in his retirement at Mount -Vernon, he arranged the first part of this correspondence, -containing among other things, whatever had been written by him -during the war of independence; and, at his death, he bequeathed -all his papers, together with his estate at Mount Vernon, to his -nephew, Bushrod Washington, who was for thirty years one of the -justices of the Supreme Court of the United States. The entire -collection, comprising the letters written by Washington himself, -and those addressed to him, filled more than two hundred folio -volumes. -</p> -<p> -The Congress of the United States has recently purchased these -precious papers, and caused them to be deposited in the national -archives. An able editor, Mr. Sparks, already well known by his -important historical labors, and especially by editing the -"Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States during the War of -Independence," (printed at Boston in twelve octavo volumes), has -examined these papers and made selections and extracts from them. -The family of Washington, his surviving friends, and various -intelligent and distinguished persons favored his efforts in -executing this patriotic task. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_viii">{viii}</a></span> -Mr. Sparks has not remained content with the collection of -materials, already so ample, which was in his possession; he -traveled over America and Europe, and the public and private -collections of France and England were liberally opened to him. -He has sought out, and brought together from all quarters, the -documents necessary to illustrate and complete this authentic -biography of a great man, which is the history of the infant -years of a great people; and a work in twelve large octavo -volumes, adorned with portraits, plates, and <i>fac-similes</i>, -under the title of "The Writings of George Washington," has been -the result of this labor, which has been performed in all its -parts with scrupulous fidelity, patriotism, and a love of the -subject. -</p> -<p> -The work is divided into several parts. -</p> -<p> -The First Volume contains a Life of Washington, written by Mr. -Sparks. -</p> -<p> -The Second Volume, entitled Part First, contains the Official and -Private Letters of Washington, prior to the American Revolution, -(from the 9th of March, 1754, to the 31st of May, 1775). The -official letters relate to the war of 1754-1758, between France -and England, for the possession of the territories lying west of -the English colonies. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_ix">{ix}</a></span> -<p> -The Third, Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, Seventh, and Eighth Volumes -(being the Second Part) comprise the Correspondence and the -various papers relating to the American Revolution and the War of -Independence, (from the 16th of June, 1775, to the 23d of -December, 1783). -</p> -<p> -The Ninth Volume (being the Third Fart) is composed of the -Private Letters written by Washington from the end of 1783 to the -spring of 1789, in the interval between his return to Mount -Vernon, after the peace of Versailles, and his elevation to the -Presidency of the United States, (from the 28th of December, -1783, to the 14th of April, 1789). -</p> -<p> -The Tenth and Eleventh Volumes (being the Fourth Part) comprise -the Official and Private Correspondence of Washington from his -elevation to the Presidency to the close of his life, (from the -5th of May, 1789, to the 12th of December, 1799). -</p> -<p> -The Twelfth Volume (being the Fifth Part), contains the Documents -and Messages addressed by Washington to Congress, as President of -the United States, and also his Proclamations and Addresses to -the American people in general, or to particular classes of -citizens. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_x">{x}</a></span> -<p> -Each volume is terminated by an Appendix, in which the Editor has -collected a variety of historical documents of great interest, -and, generally speaking, hitherto unpublished, which illustrate -the principal events of the period, and the most important parts -of the life and character of Washington. -</p> -<p> -Finally, numerous and accurate Notes, scattered through the work, -give all the information necessary for the complete understanding -of the letters and incidents to which they relate. -</p> -<p> -Viewed as a whole and in its details, in its literary execution -and in its outward form, the edition is worthy of the great name -to which it is consecrated. -</p> -<p> -In 1838, when the work had been just completed, the American -Editor, desirous that Washington should be as well known in -France as in his own country, applied to M. Guizot, requesting -him to make a selection, from the voluminous correspondence, of -such portions as seemed most calculated to awaken an interest in -the French public, and to superintend their publication in the -French language. M. Guizot has made this selection; upon the -principle of taking, especially, First, the letters concerning -the relations of France and the United States at that period, and -the distinguished part which our country acted in that great -event; Secondly, those which develope the political views of -Washington in the formation of the constitution and the -organization of the government of the United States,—views full -of valuable instruction; Thirdly, those which exhibit in the -clearest light the character, the turn of mind, and the manners -of the great man from whom they proceeded. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xi">{xi}</a></span> -<p> -In order to accomplish fully the honorable task which he -undertook, M. Guizot was desirous of presenting his own views of -the character of Washington, and of his influence in the -revolution which founded the United States of America; and these -are contained in the Introduction, which is prefixed to our -edition. -</p> -<p> -We have spared no pains to make its external appearance worthy of -the intrinsic value of its contents. We are indebted to the -kindness of General Cass, the minister of the United States in -France, for most useful assistance and information; and he has -afforded them with a kindness, at once so enlightened and so -generous, that we feel it our duty to make a public -acknowledgment of our obligations to him. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xii">{xii}</a></span> -<br> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13">{13}</a></span> -<br> - <h1>Character And Influence of Washington.</h1> -<br> -<p> -Two difficult and important duties are assigned to man, and may -constitute his true glory: to support misfortune and resign -himself to it with firmness; to believe in goodness and trust -himself to it with unbroken confidence. -</p> -<p> -There is a spectacle not less noble or less improving, than that -of a virtuous man struggling with adversity; it is that of a -virtuous man at the head of a good cause, and giving assurance of -its triumph. -</p> -<p> -If there were ever a just cause, and one which deserved success, -it was that of the English colonies in their struggle to become -the United States of America. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14">{14}</a></span> -In their case, open insurrection had been preceded by resistance. -This resistance was founded upon historical right and upon facts, -upon natural right and upon opinions. -</p> -<p> -It is the honorable distinction of England to have given to her -colonies, in their infancy, the seminal principle of their -liberty. Almost all of them, either at the time of their being -planted or shortly after, received charters which conferred upon -the colonists the rights of the mother country. And these -charters were not a mere deceptive form, a dead letter, for they -either established or recognized those powerful institutions, -which impelled the colonists to defend their liberties and to -control power by dividing it; such as the laying of taxes by -vote, the election of the principal public bodies, trial by jury, -and the right to meet and deliberate upon affairs of general -interest. -</p> -<p> -Thus the history of these colonies is nothing else than the -practical and sedulous development of the spirit of liberty, -expanding under the protecting influence of the laws and -traditions of the country. Such, indeed, was the history of -England itself. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15">{15}</a></span> -<p> -A Still more striking resemblance is presented in the fact, that -the colonies of America, at least the greater part of them and -the most considerable among them, either were founded, or -received their principal increase, precisely at the period when -England was preparing to sustain, or was already sustaining, -those bold conflicts against the claims of absolute power, which -were to confer upon her the honorable distinction of giving to -the world the first example of a great nation, free and well -governed. -</p> -<p> -From 1578 to 1704, under Elizabeth, James the First, Charles the -First, the Long Parliament, Cromwell, Charles the Second, James -the Second, William the Third, and Queen Anne, the charters of -Virginia, of Massachusetts, of Maryland, of Carolina, and of New -York, were, one after another, recognized, contested, restrained, -enlarged, lost, regained; incessantly exposed to those struggles -and those vicissitudes, which are the condition, indeed the very -essence, of liberty; for it is victory, and not peace, that free -communities can lay claim to. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16">{16}</a></span> -<p> -At the same time with their legal rights, the colonists had also -religious faith. It was not only as Englishmen, but as -Christians, that they wished to be free; and their faith was more -dear to them than their charters. Indeed, these charters were, in -their eyes, nothing more than a manifestation and an image, -however imperfect, of the great law of God, the Gospel. Their -rights would not have been lost, even had they been deprived of -their charters. In their enthusiastic state of mind, supported by -divine favor, they would have traced these rights to a source -superior and inaccessible to all human power; for they cherished -sentiments more elevated than even the institutions themselves, -over which they were so sensitively watchful. -</p> -<p> -It is well known, that, in the eighteenth century, the human -understanding, impelled by the accumulation of wealth, the growth -of population, and the increase of every form of social power, as -well as by its own impetuous and self-derived activity, attempted -the conquest of the world. Political science, in all its forms, -woke into new and vigorous life; as did, to a still greater -degree, the spirit of philosophy, proud, unsatisfied, eager to -penetrate and to regulate all things. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17">{17}</a></span> -English America shared in this great movement, but serenely and -dispassionately; obeying its inherent tendency rather than -rushing into new and untried paths. Philosophical opinions were -there combined with religious belief, the triumphs of reason with -the heritage of faith, and the rights of man with those of the -Christian. -</p> -<p> -A noble spectacle is presented to us, when we see the union of -historical and rational right, of traditions and opinions. A -nation, in such a case, gains in prudence as well as in energy. -When time-honored and esteemed truths control man without -enslaving him, restrain at the same time that they support him, -he can move onward and upward, without danger of being carried -away by the impetuous flight of his own spirit, soon to be either -dashed in pieces against unknown obstacles, or to sink gradually -into a sluggish and paralyzing inactivity. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18">{18}</a></span> -And when, by a further union, still more beautiful and more -salutary, religious belief is indissolubly linked, in the very -mind of man, to the general progress of opinions, and liberty of -reason to the firm convictions of faith,--it is then that a -people may trust themselves to the boldest institutions. For -religious belief promotes, to an incalculable extent, the wise -management of human affairs. In order to discharge properly the -duty assigned to him in this life, man must contemplate it from a -higher point of view; if his mind be merely on the same level -with the task he is performing, he will soon fall below it, and -become incapable of accomplishing it in a worthy manner. -</p> -<p> -Such was the fortunate condition, both of man and of society, in -the English colonies, when, in a spirit of haughty aggression, -England undertook to control their fortunes and their destiny, -without their own consent. This aggression was not unprecedented, -nor altogether arbitrary; it also rested upon historical -foundations, and might claim to be supported by some right. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19">{19}</a></span> -<p> -It is the great problem of political science, to bring the -various powers of society into harmony, by assigning to each its -sphere and its degree of activity; a harmony never assured, and -always liable to be disturbed, but which, nevertheless, can be -produced, even from the elements of the struggle itself, to that -degree which the public safety imperatively demands. It is not -the privilege of states in their infancy to accomplish this -result. Not that any essential power is in them absolutely -disregarded and annihilated; on the contrary, all powers are -found in full activity; but they manifest themselves in a -confused manner, each one in its own behalf, without necessary -connexion or any just proportion, and in a way to bring on, not -the struggle which leads to harmony, but the disorder which -renders war inevitable. -</p> -<p> -In the infancy of the English colonies, three different powers -are found, side by side with their liberties, and consecrated by -the same charters,—the crown, the proprietary founders, whether -companies or individuals, and the mother country. The crown, by -virtue of the monarchical principle, and with its traditions, -derived from the Church and the Empire. The proprietary founders, -to whom the territory had been granted, by virtue of the feudal -principle, which attaches a considerable portion of sovereignty -to the proprietorship of the soil. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20">{20}</a></span> -The mother country, by virtue of the colonial principle, which, -at all periods and among all nations, by a natural connexion -between facts and opinions, has given to the mother country a -great influence over the population proceeding from its bosom. -</p> -<p> -From the very commencement, as well in the course of events as in -the charters, there was great confusion among these various -powers, by turns exalted or depressed, united or divided, -sometimes protecting, one against another, the colonists and -their franchises, and sometimes assailing them in concert. In the -course of these confused changes, all sorts of pretexts were -assumed, and facts of all kinds cited, in justification and -support either of their acts or their pretensions. -</p> -<p> -In the middle of the seventeenth century, when the monarchical -principle was overthrown in England in the person of Charles the -First, one might be led to suppose, for a moment, that the -colonies would take advantage of this to free themselves entirely -from its control. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_21">{21}</a></span> -In point of fact, some of them, Massachusetts especially, settled -by stern Puritans, showed themselves disposed, if not to break -every tie which bound them to the mother country, at least to -govern themselves, alone, and by their own laws. But the Long -Parliament, by force of the colonial principle, and in virtue of -the rights of the crown which it inherited, maintained, with -moderation, the supremacy of Great Britain. Cromwell, succeeding -to the power of the Long Parliament, exercised it in a more -striking manner, and, by a judicious and resolute principle of -protection, prevented or repressed, in the colonies, both -royalist and Puritan, every faint aspiration for independence. -</p> -<p> -This was to him an easy task. The colonies, at this period, were -feeble and divided. Virginia, in 1640, did not contain more than -three or four thousand inhabitants, and in 1660 hardly thirty -thousand. [Footnote 2] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 2: Marshall's <i>Life of Washington</i>, edition of - 1805, Vol. I. p. 76. Bancroft's <i>History of the United - States</i>, Vol. I. pp. 210, 232, 265.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_22">{22}</a></span> -<p> -Maryland had at most only twelve thousand. In these two provinces -the royalist party had the ascendency, and greeted with joy the -Restoration. In Massachusetts, on the other hand, the general -feeling was republican; the fugitive regicides, Goffe and -Whalley, found there favor and protection; and when the local -government were compelled to proclaim Charles the Second as king, -they forbade, at the same time, all tumultuous assemblies, all -kinds of merry-making, and even the drinking of the King's -health. There was, at that time, neither the moral unity, nor the -physical strength, necessary to the foundation of a state. -</p> -<p> -After 1688, when England was finally in possession of a free -government, the colonies felt but slightly its advantages. The -charters, which Charles the Second and James the Second had -either taken away or impaired, were but imperfectly and partially -restored to them. The same confusion prevailed, the same -struggles arose between the different powers. The greater part of -the governors, coming from Europe, temporarily invested with the -prerogatives and pretensions of royalty, displayed them with more -arrogance than power, in an administration, generally speaking, -inconsistent, irritating, seldom successful, frequently marked by -grasping selfishness, and a postponement of the interests of the -public to petty personal quarrels. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23">{23}</a></span> -<p> -Moreover, it was henceforth not the crown alone, but the crown -and the mother country united, with which the colonies had to -deal. Their real sovereign was no longer the king, but the king -and the people of Great Britain, represented and mingled together -in Parliament. And the Parliament regarded the colonies with -nearly the same eyes, and held, in respect to them, nearly the -same language, as had lately been used towards the Parliament -itself, by those kings whom it afterwards overcame. An -aristocratic senate is the most intractable of masters. Every -member of it possesses the supreme power, and no one is -responsible for its exercise. -</p> -<p> -In the mean time, the colonies were rapidly increasing in -population, in wealth, in strength internally, and in importance -externally. Instead of a few obscure establishments, solely -occupied with their own affairs, and hardly able to sustain their -own existence, a people was now forming itself, whose -agriculture, commerce, enterprising spirit, and relative position -to other states, were giving them a place and consideration among -men. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_24">{24}</a></span> -The mother country, unable to govern them well, had neither the -leisure nor the ill will to oppress them absolutely. She vexed -and annoyed them without checking their growth. -</p> -<p> -And the minds of men were expanded, and their hearts elevated, -with the growing fortunes of the country. By an admirable law of -Providence, there is a mysterious connexion between the general -condition of a country, and the state of feeling among the -citizens; a certain, though not obvious, bond of union, which -connects their growth and their destinies, and which makes the -farmer in his fields, the merchant in his counting-room, even the -mechanic in his workshop, grow more confident and high-spirited, -in proportion as the society, in whose bosom they dwell, is -enlarged and strengthened. As early as 1692, the General Court of -Massachusetts passed a resolution, "that no tax should be levied -upon his Majesty's subjects in the colonies, without the consent -of the Governor and Council, and the representatives in General -Court assembled." [Footnote 3] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 3: Story's <i>Commentaries on the Constitution</i>, - Vol. I. p. 62.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_25">{25}</a></span> -<p> -In 1704, the legislative assembly of New York made a similar -declaration. [Footnote 4] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 4: Marshall's <i>Life of Washington</i>, - Vol. II. p. 17.] -</p> -<p> -The government of Great Britain repelled them, sometimes by its -silence, and sometimes by its measures, which were always a -little indirect and reserved. The colonists were often silent in -their turn, and did not insist upon carrying out their principles -to their extreme consequences. But the principles themselves were -spreading among the colonial society, at the same time that the -resources were increasing, which were destined, at a future day -to be devoted to their service, and to insure their triumph. -</p> -<p> -Thus, when that day arrived, when George the Third and his -Parliament, rather in a spirit of pride, and to prevent the loss -of absolute power by long disuse, than to derive any advantage -from its exercise, undertook to tax the colonies without their -consent, a powerful, numerous, and enthusiastic party,—the -national party,—immediately sprang into being, ready to resist, -in the name of right and of national honor. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_26">{26}</a></span> -<p> -It was indeed a question of right and of honor, and not of -interest or physical well-being. The taxes were light, and -imposed no burden upon the colonists. But they belonged to that -class of men who feel most keenly the wrongs which affect the -mind alone, and who can find no repose while honor is -unsatisfied. "For, Sir, what is it we are contending against? Is -it against paying the duty of three pence per pound on tea, -because burdensome? No; it is the right only, that we have all -along disputed." [Footnote 5] Such was, at the commencement of -the quarrel, the language of Washington himself, and such was the -public sentiment—a sentiment founded in sound policy, as well -as moral sense, and manifesting as much judgment as virtue. -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 5: Washington to Bryan Fairfax. - <i>Washington's Writings</i>, Vol. II. p. 392.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_27">{27}</a></span> -<p> -An instructive spectacle is presented to our contemplation, in -the number of public associations, which at that time were formed -in the colonies;—associations, local or general, accidental or -permanent; chambers of burgesses and of representatives, -conventions, committees, and congresses. Men of very different -characters and dispositions there met together; some, full of -respect and attachment to the mother country, others, ardently -devoted to that American country which was growing up under their -eyes and by the labor of their own hands; the former, anxious and -dejected, the latter, confident and enthusiastic, but all moved -and united by the same elevated sentiment, and the same -resolution to resist; giving the freest utterance to their -various views and opinions, without its producing any deep or -permanent division; on the contrary, respecting in each other the -rights of freedom, discussing together the great question of the -country with that conscientious purpose, that spirit of justice -and discretion, which gave them assurance of success, and -diminished the cost of its purchase. In June 1775, the first -Congress, assembled at Philadelphia, took measures for the -publication of a solemn declaration, for the purpose of -justifying the taking up of arms. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_28">{28}</a></span> -Two members, one from Virginia, and one from Pennsylvania, were a -part of the committee charged with the duty of drawing it up. "I -prepared," relates Mr. Jefferson himself, "a draft of the -declaration committed to us. It was too strong for Mr. Dickinson. -He still retained the hope of reconciliation with the mother -country, and was unwilling it should be lessened by offensive -statements. He was so honest a man, and so able a one, that he -was greatly indulged, even by those who could not feel his -scruples. We therefore requested him to take the paper, and put -it into a form he could approve. He did so; preparing an entire -new statement, and preserving of the former only the last four -paragraphs, and half of the preceding one. We approved and -reported it to Congress, who accepted it. Congress gave a signal -proof of their indulgence to Mr. Dickinson, and of their great -desire not to go too fast for any respectable part of our body, -in permitting him to draw their second petition to the King -according to his own ideas, and passing it with scarcely an -amendment. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_29">{29}</a></span> -The disgust against its humility was general; and Mr. Dickinson's -delight at its passage was the only circumstance that reconciled -them to it. The vote being passed, although further observation -on it was out of order, he could not refrain from rising and -expressing his satisfaction, and concluded by saying, 'There is -but one word, Mr. President, in the paper, which I disapprove, -and that is the word <i>Congress;</i>' on which Benjamin Harrison -rose and said, 'There is but one word in the paper, Mr. -President, of which I approve, and that is the word -<i>Congress</i>.'" [Footnote 6] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 6: Jefferson's <i>Memoirs</i>, Vol. I. pp. 9, 10.] -</p> -<p> -Such a unanimity of feeling in the midst of so much liberty was -not a short-lived wisdom, the happy influence of the first burst -of enthusiasm. During the period of nearly ten years, which the -great contest occupied, men the most unlike, who were ranked -under the banners of the same national party, young and old, -enthusiastic and calm, continued to act thus in concert, one -portion being sufficiently wise, and the other sufficiently firm, -to prevent a rupture. And when, forty-six years afterwards, -[Footnote 7] after having taken part in the violent struggle -between the parties which American liberty gave birth to, himself -the head of the victorious party, Mr. Jefferson called up anew -the recollections of his youth, we may be sure, that it was not -without mingled emotions of pain and pleasure, that he recurred -to these noble examples of moderation and justice. -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 7: Mr. Jefferson wrote his <i>Memoirs</i> in 1821.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_30">{30}</a></span> -<p> -Insurrection, resistance to established authority, and the -enterprise of forming a new government, are matters of grave -importance to men like these, to all men of sense and virtue. -Those who have the most forecast, never calculate its whole -extent. The boldest would shudder in their hearts, could they -foresee all the dangers of the undertaking. Independence was not -the premeditated purpose, not even the wish, of the colonies. A -few bold and sagacious spirits either saw that it would come, or -expressed their desire for it, after the period of resistance -under the forms of law had passed. But the American people did -not aspire to it, and did not urge their leaders to make claim to -it. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_31">{31}</a></span> -"'For all what you Americans say of your loyalty,' observed the -illustrious Lord Camden, at that time Mr. Pratt, 'I know you will -one day throw off your dependence upon this country; and, -notwithstanding your boasted affection to it, will set up for -independence.' Franklin answered, 'No such idea is entertained in -the minds of the Americans; and no such idea will ever enter -their heads, unless you grossly abuse them.' 'Very true,' replied -Mr. Pratt, 'that is one of the main causes I see will happen, and -will produce the event.'" [Footnote 8] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 8: Washington's Writings, Vol. II. p. 496.] -</p> -<p> -Lord Camden was right in his conjectures. English America was -grossly abused; and yet, in 1774, and even in 1775, hardly a year -before the declaration of independence, and when it was becoming -inevitable, Washington and Jefferson thus wrote; "Although you -are taught, I say, to believe, that the people of Massachusetts -are rebellious, setting up for independency, and what not, give -me leave, my good friend, to tell you, that you are abused, -grossly abused. … -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_32">{32}</a></span> -I can announce it as a fact, that it is not the wish or interest -of that government, or any other upon this continent, separately -or collectively, to set up for independence; but this you may, at -the same lime, rely on, that none of them will ever submit to the -loss of those valuable rights and privileges, which are essential -to the happiness of every free state, and without which, life, -liberty, and property are rendered totally insecure." -[Footnote 9] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 9: Letter to Robert Mackenzie, 9 October, 1774; - Washington's Writings, Vol. II. p. 400.] -</p> -<p> -"Believe me, dear Sir, there is not in the British empire a man, -who more cordially loves a union with Great Britain than I do. -But, by the God that made me, I will cease to exist, before I -will yield to a connexion on such terms as the British Parliament -propose, and, in this, I think I speak the sentiments of America. -We want neither inducement nor power to declare and assert a -separation. It is will alone, which is wanting, and that is -growing apace, under the fostering hand of our King." [Footnote -10] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 10: Letter to Mr. Randolph, 29th November, 1775; - Jefferson's <i>Memoirs and Correspondence</i>, Vol. I. p. 153.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_33">{33}</a></span> -<p> -George the Third, in point of fact, pledged to the course he was -pursuing, and acting under the influence of passionate obstinacy, -animated and sustained his ministers and the Parliament in the -struggle. In vain were fresh petitions constantly presented to -him, always loyal and respectful without insincerity; in vain was -his name commended to the favor and protection of God, in the -services of religion, according to usual custom. He paid no -attention, either to the prayers which were made to him, or to -those which were offered to Heaven in his behalf; and by his -order the war continued, without ability, without vigorous and -well-combined efforts, but with that hard and haughty obstinacy, -which destroys in the heart all affection as well as hope. -</p> -<p> -Evidently the day had arrived, when power had forfeited its claim -to loyal obedience; and when the people were called upon to -protect themselves by force, no longer finding in the established -order of things either safety or shelter. Such a moment is a -fearful one, big with unknown events; one, which no human -sagacity can predict, and no human government can control, but -which, notwithstanding, does sometimes come, bearing an impress -stamped by the hand of God. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_34">{34}</a></span> -If the struggle, which begins at such a moment, were one -absolutely forbidden; if, at the mysterious point in which it -arises, this great social duty did not press even upon the heads -of those who deny its existence, the human race, long ago, wholly -fallen under the yoke, would have lost all dignity as well as all -happiness. -</p> -<p> -Nor was there wanting another condition, also essential, to the -legitimate character of the insurrection of the English colonies. -They had a reasonable chance of success. -</p> -<p> -No vigorous hand, at that time, had the management of public -affairs in England. The cabinet of Lord North was not remarkable -for talent or generosity of feeling. The only eminent man in the -country, Lord Chatham, was in the opposition. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_35">{35}</a></span> -<p> -The times of extreme tyranny had gone by. Proscriptions, judicial -and military cruelties, a general and systematic laying waste of -the country; all those terrible measures, those atrocious -sufferings, which a little while before in the heart of Europe, -in a cause equally just, had been inflicted upon the Hollanders, -would not have been tolerated in the eighteenth century, by the -spectators of the American contest, and, indeed, were never -thought of by those who were the most fiercely engaged in it. On -the contrary, a powerful party was formed, and eloquent voices -were constantly lifted up, in the British Parliament itself, in -support of the colonies and of their rights. This is the glory -and distinction of a representative government, that it insures -to every cause its champions, and brings even into the arena of -politics those defences, which were instituted for the sanctuary -of the laws. -</p> -<p> -Europe, moreover, could not be a passive spectator of such a -struggle. Two great powers, France and Spain, had serious losses -and recent injuries in America itself, to avenge upon England. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_36">{36}</a></span> -Two powers, whose greatness was of recent growth, Russia and -Prussia, displayed in favor of liberal opinions a sympathy which -was enlightened, though a little ostentatious, and showed -themselves disposed to seize the occasion of bringing discredit -upon England, or of injuring her, in the name of liberty itself. -A republic, formerly glorious and formidable, still rich and -honored, Holland, could not fail to assist America, against her -ancient rival, with her capital, and her credit. Finally, among -the powers of an inferior rank, all those whose situation -rendered the maritime supremacy of England odious or injurious to -them, could not but feel in favor of the new state a good will; -timid, perhaps, and without immediate effect, but still useful -and encouraging. -</p> -<p> -By the rarest good fortune, at that time every thing united and -acted in concert in favor of the insurgent colonies. Their cause -was just, their strength already great, and their characters -marked by prudence and morality. Upon their own soil, laws and -manners, old facts and modern opinions, united in sustaining and -animating them in their purpose. Great alliances were preparing -for them in Europe. Even in the councils of the hostile mother -country, they had powerful support. Never, in the history of -human societies, had any new and contested right received so much -favor, and engaged in the strife with so many chances of success. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_37">{37}</a></span> -<p> -Still by how many obstacles was this undertaking opposed! What -efforts and sacrifices did it cost to the generation which was -charged with the duty of accomplishing it! How many times did it -appear to be, and indeed really was, on the point of being -utterly defeated! -</p> -<p> -In the country itself, among the people in appearance and -sometimes in reality so unanimous, independence, when once -declared, soon met numerous and active adversaries. In 1775, -hardly had the first guns been fired at Lexington, when, in the -midst of the general enthusiasm, a company of Connecticut troops -was requisite in New York to sustain the republican party against -the Tories or Loyalists, a name which the partisans of the mother -country had proudly adopted. [Footnote 11] In 1775, New York sent -important supplies to the English army under the orders of -General Gage. [Footnote 12] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 11: Marshall's <i>Life of Washington</i>, - Vol. II. p. 187.] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 12: Marshall's <i>Life of Washington</i>, - Vol. II. p. 229.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_38">{38}</a></span> -<p> -In 1776, when General Howe arrived upon the shores of the same -province, a crowd of inhabitants manifested their joy, renewed -the oath of fidelity to the crown, and took up arms in its -behalf. [Footnote 13] The feeling was the same in New Jersey, and -the Loyalist corps, levied in these two provinces, equalled in -numbers the contingents furnished by them to the republican -armies.[Footnote 14] In the midst of this population, Washington -himself was not in safety; a conspiracy was formed to deliver him -up to the English, and some members of his own guard were found -to be engaged in it. [Footnote 15] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 13: Ibid., Vol. II. p. 381.] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 14: Ibid., Vol. III. p. 47. - Spark's <i>Life of Washington</i>, Vol. I. p 261.] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 15: Marshall's <i>Life of Washington</i>, - Vol. II. p. 364.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_39">{39}</a></span> -<p> -Maryland and Georgia were divided. In North and South Carolina, -in 1776 and 1779, two Loyalist regiments, one of fifteen hundred, -and the other of seven hundred men, were formed in a few days. -Against these domestic hostilities, Congress and the local -governments used, at first, extreme moderation; rallying the -friends of independence without troubling themselves with its -opponents; demanding nothing from those who would have refused; -everywhere exerting themselves by means of writings, -correspondence, associations, and the sending of commissioners -into the doubtful counties, to confirm their minds, to remove -their scruples, and to demonstrate to them the justice of their -cause, and the necessity there was for the steps they had taken. -For, generally, the Loyalist party was founded upon sincere and -honorable sentiments; fidelity, affection, gratitude, respect for -tradition, and a love of established order; and from such -sentiments it derived its strength. For some time the government -contented itself with watching over this party and keeping it -under restraint; in some districts, they even entered into treaty -with it, to secure its neutrality. But the course of events, the -imminence of the danger, the urgent need of assistance, and the -irritation of the passions, soon led to a more rigorous course. -Arrests and banishment became frequent. The prisons were filled. -Confiscations of property commenced. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_40">{40}</a></span> -Local committees of public safety disposed of the liberty of -their fellow-citizens, on the evidence of general notoriety. -Popular violence, in more than one instance, was added to the -arbitrary severities of the magistrates. A printer in New York -was devoted to the cause of the Loyalists; a troop of horsemen, -who had come from Connecticut for that purpose, broke his presses -and carried off his types. [Footnote 16] The spirit of hatred and -vengeance was awakened. In Georgia and South Carolina, on the -western frontier of Connecticut and of Pennsylvania, the struggle -between the two parties was marked with cruelty. Notwithstanding -the legitimate character of the cause, notwithstanding the -virtuous wisdom of its leaders, the infant republic was -experiencing the horrors of a civil war. -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 16: Marshall's <i>Life of Washington</i>, - Vol. II. p. 240.] -</p> -<p> -Evils and dangers, still more serious, were every day springing -from the national party itself. The motives which led to the -insurrection were pure; too pure to consist for any length of -time, among the mass at least, with the imperfections of -humanity. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_41">{41}</a></span> -When the people were appealed to in the name of rights, to be -maintained, and honor to be saved, the first impulse was a -general one. But, however great may be the favor of Providence in -such great enterprises, the toil is severe, success is slow, and -the generality of men soon become exhausted through weariness or -impatience. The colonists had not taken up arms to escape from -any atrocious tyranny; they had not, like their ancestors in -fleeing from England, the first privileges of life to regain, -personal security and religious toleration. They were no longer -stimulated by any urgent personal motive; there were no social -spoils to be divided, no old and deep-seated passions to gratify. -The contest was prolonged without creating in thousands of -retired families those powerful interests, those coarse but -strong ties, which, in our old and violent Europe, have so often -given to revolutions their force and their misery. Every day, -almost every step towards success, on the contrary, called for -new efforts and new sacrifices. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_42">{42}</a></span> -"I believe, or at least I hope," wrote Washington, "that there is -public virtue enough left among us to deny ourselves every thing -but the bare necessaries of life, to accomplish this end." -[Footnote 17] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 17: Letter to Bryan Fairfax; - <i>Washington's Writings</i>, Vol. II. p. 395.] -</p> -<p> -A sublime hope, one which deserved to be rewarded as it was, by -the triumph of the cause, but which could not raise to its own -lofty elevation all that population, whose free and concurring -support was the condition, and indeed the only means, of success. -Depression, lukewarmness, inactivity, the desire to escape from -labors and expenses, soon became the essential evil, the pressing -danger, against which the leaders had constantly to struggle. In -point of fact, it was among the leaders, in the front ranks of -the party, that enthusiasm and devotedness were maintained. In -other instances of similar events, the impulse of perseverance -and self-sacrifice has come from the people. In America, it was -the independent and enlightened classes, who were obliged to -animate and sustain the people in the great contest in which they -were engaged for their country's sake. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_43">{43}</a></span> -In the ranks of civil life, the magistrates, the rich planters, -the leading merchants, and, in the army, the officers, always -showed themselves the most ardent and the most firm; from them, -example as well as counsel proceeded, and the people at large -followed them with difficulty, instead of urging them on. "Take -none for officers but <i>gentlemen</i>," was the recommendation -of Washington, after the war had lasted three years.[Footnote 18] -So fully had he been taught by experience, that these were -everywhere devoted to the cause of independence, and ready to -risk every thing and suffer every thing to insure its success. -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 18: In his instructions to Colonel George Baylor, - 9th of January, 1777; <i>Washington's Writings</i>, Vol. IV. - p. 269.] -</p> -<p> -These, too, were the only persons who, at least on their own -account, could sustain the expenses of the war, for the State -made no provision for them. Perhaps no army ever lived in a more -miserable condition than the American army. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_44">{44}</a></span> -Almost constantly inferior in numbers to the enemy; exposed to a -periodical and, in some sort, legalized desertion; called upon to -march, encamp, and fight, in a country of immense extent, thinly -peopled, in parts uncultivated, through vast swamps and savage -forests, without magazines of provisions, often without money to -purchase them, and without the power to make requisitions of -them; obliged, in carrying on war, to treat the inhabitants, and -to respect them and their property, as if it had consisted of -troops in garrison in a time of peace, this army was exposed to -great exigencies, and a prey to unheard-of sufferings. "For some -days," writes Washington, in 1777, "there has been little less -than a famine in camp. A part of the army have been a week -without any kind of flesh, and the rest three or four days. The -soldiers are naked and starving." ... "We find gentlemen -reprobating the measure of going into winter quarters; as much as -if they thought the soldiers were made of stocks or stones, and -equally insensible of frost and snow; and, moreover, as if they -conceived it easily practicable, for an inferior army, under the -disadvantages I have described ours to be, to confine a superior -one, in all respects well-appointed and provided for a winter's -campaign, within the city of Philadelphia, and to cover from -depredation and waste the States of Pennsylvania and Jersey." -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_45">{45}</a></span> -<p> -"I can assure those gentlemen, that it is a much easier and less -distressing thing to draw remonstrances in a comfortable room by -a good fireside, than to occupy a cold, bleak hill, and sleep -under frost and snow, without clothes or blankets. I feel -super-abundantly for the poor soldiers, and, from my soul, I pity -those miseries which it is neither in my power to relieve nor -prevent." [Footnote 19] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 19: <i>Washington's Writings</i>, - Vol. V. pp. 199, 200.] -</p> -<p> -Congress, to whom he applied, could do hardly more than he -himself. Without the strength necessary to enforce the execution -of its orders; without the power of passing any laws upon the -subject of taxes; obliged to point out the necessities of the -country, and to solicit the thirteen confederated States to -provide for them, in the face of an exhausted people, a ruined -commerce, and a depreciated paper currency; this assembly, though -firm and prudent, was often able to do nothing more than address -new entreaties to the States, and clothe Washington with new -powers; instructing him to obtain from the local governments, -reinforcements, money, provisions, and every thing requisite to -carry on the war. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_46">{46}</a></span> -<p> -Washington accepted this difficult trust: and he soon found a new -obstacle to surmount, a new danger to remove. No bond of union, -no central power, had hitherto united the colonies. Each one -having been founded and governed separately, each, on its own -account, providing for its own safety, for its public works, for -its most trifling as well as most important affairs, they had -contracted habits of isolation and almost of rivalship, which the -distrustful mother country had taken pains to foster. In their -relations to each other, even ambition and the desire of conquest -insinuated themselves, as if the States had been foreign to each -other; the most powerful ones sometimes attempted to absorb the -neighboring establishments, or to deprive them of their -authority; and in their most important interest, the defence of -their frontiers against the savages, they often followed a -selfish course of policy, and mutually abandoned one another. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_47">{47}</a></span> -<p> -It was a most arduous task to combine at once, into one system, -elements which had hitherto been separated, without holding them -together by violence, and, while leaving them free, to induce -them to act in concert under the guidance of one and the same -power. The feelings of individuals no less than public -institutions, passions as well as laws, were opposed to this -result. The colonies wanted confidence in each other. All of them -were jealous of the power of Congress, the new and untried rival -of the local assemblies; they were still more jealous of the -army, which they regarded as being, at the same time, dangerous -to the independence of the States and to the liberty of the -citizens. Upon this point, new and enlightened opinions were in -unison with popular feeling. The danger of standing armies, and -the necessity, in free countries, of perpetually resisting and -diminishing their power, their influence, and the contagion of -their morals, was one of the favorite maxims of the eighteenth -century. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_48">{48}</a></span> -Nowhere, perhaps, was this maxim more generally or more warmly -received than in the colonies of America. In the bosom of the -national party, those who were the most ardent, the most firmly -resolved to carry on the contest with vigor and to the end, were -also the most sensitive friends of civil liberty; that is to say, -these were the men, who looked upon the army, a military spirit, -military discipline, with the most hostile and suspicious eye. -Thus it happened, that obstacles were met with precisely in that -quarter in which it was natural to look for, and to expect to -find, the means of success. -</p> -<p> -And in this army itself, the object of so much distrust, there -prevailed the most independent and democratic spirit. All orders -were submitted to discussion. Each company claimed the privilege -of acting on its own account and for its own convenience. The -troops of the different States were unwilling to obey any other -than their own generals; and the soldiers, any other than -officers, sometimes directly chosen, and always at least -approved, by themselves. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_49">{49}</a></span> -And the day after a defeat which it was necessary to retrieve, or -a victory which was to be followed up, whole regiments would -break up and go home, it being impossible to prevail upon them to -wait even a few days for the arrival of their successors. -</p> -<p> -A painful doubt, mingled with apprehension, arises in the mind at -the contemplation of the many and severe sufferings with which -the course of the most just revolution is attended, and of the -many and perilous chances to which a revolution, the best -prepared for success, is exposed. But this doubt is rash and -unjust. Man, through pride, is blind in his confident -expectation, and, through weakness, is no less blind in his -despair. The most just and successful revolution brings into -light the evil, physical and moral, always great, which lies -hidden in every human society. But the good does not perish in -this trial, nor in the unholy connexion which it is thus led to -form; however imperfect and alloyed, it preserves its power as -well as its rights; if it be the leading principle in men, it -prevails, sooner or later, in events also, and instruments are -never wanting to accomplish its victory. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_50">{50}</a></span> -<p> -Let the people of the United States for ever hold in respectful -and grateful remembrance, the leading men of that generation -which achieved their independence, and founded their government! -Franklin, Adams, Hamilton, Jefferson, Madison, Jay, Henry Mason, -Greene, Knox, Morris, Pinckney, Clinton, Trumbull, Rutledge; it -would be impossible to enumerate them all; for, at the time the -contest began, there were in each colony, and in almost every -county in each colony, some men already honored by their fellow -citizens, already well known in the defence of public liberty, -influential by their property, talent, or character; faithful to -ancient virtues, yet friendly to modern improvement; sensible to -the splendid advantages of civilization, and yet attached to -simplicity of manners; high-toned in their feelings, but of -modest minds, at the same time ambitious and prudent in their -patriotic impulses; men of rare endowments, who expected much -from humanity, without presuming too much upon themselves, and -who risked for their country far more than they could receive -from her, even after her triumph. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_51">{51}</a></span> -<p> -It was to these men, aided by God and seconded by the people, -that the success of the cause was due. Among them, Washington was -the chief. -</p> -<p> -While yet young, indeed very young, he had become an object of -great expectation. Employed as an officer of militia in some -expeditions to the western frontier of Virginia against the -French and Indians, he had made an equal impression on his -superiors and his companions, the English governors and the -American people. The former wrote to London to recommend him to -the favor of the King. [Footnote 20] The latter, assembled in -their churches, to invoke the blessing of God upon their arms, -listened with enthusiasm to an eloquent preacher, Samuel Davies, -who, in praising the courage of the Virginians, exclaimed, "As a -remarkable instance of this, I many point out to the public that -heroic youth, Colonel Washington, whom I cannot but hope -Providence has hitherto preserved in so signal a manner for some -important service to his country." [Footnote 21] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 20: Washington's Writings, Vol. II. p. 97.] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 21: August 17th, 1755. Washington's Writings. - Vol. II. p. 89.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_52">{52}</a></span> -<p> -It is also related, that fifteen years afterwards, in a journey -which Washington made to the West, when on the banks of the Ohio, -an old Indian at the head of his tribe requested to see him, and -told him that, at the battle of Monongahela, he had several times -discharged his rifle at him, and directed his warriors to do the -same; but, to their great surprise, their balls had no effect. -Convinced that Washington was under the protection of the Great -Spirit, he had ceased to fire at him, and had now come to pay his -respects to a man who, by the peculiar favor of Heaven, could -never die in battle. -</p> -<p> -Men are fond of thinking that Providence has permitted them to -penetrate its secret purposes. The anecdote of the old chief -became current in America, and formed the subject of a drama, -called <i>The Indian Prophecy</i>. [Footnote 22] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 22: Washington's Writings, Vol. II. p. 475.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_53">{53}</a></span> -<p> -Never, perhaps, was this vague expectation, this premature -confidence in the destiny, I hardly venture to say the -predestination, of any individual more natural, than in the case -of Washington; for there never was a man who appeared to be, and -who really was, from his youth, and in his early actions, more -consistent with his future career, and more adapted to the cause, -upon which he was destined to bestow success. -</p> -<p> -He was a planter by inheritance and inclination, and devoted to -those agricultural interests, habits, and modes of life, which -constituted the chief strength of American society. Fifty years -later, Jefferson, in order to justify his confidence in the -purely democratic organization of this society, said, "It cannot -deceive us as long as we remain virtuous, and I think we shall, -as long as agriculture is our principal object." [Footnote 23] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 23: <i>Edinburgh Review</i>, July, 1830, p. 498.] -</p> -<p> -From the age of twenty years, Washington considered agriculture -as his principal employment, making himself well acquainted with -the prevalent tone of feeling, and sympathizing with the virtuous -and simple habits of his country. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_54">{54}</a></span> -Traveling, field-sports, the survey of distant tracts of land, -intercourse, friendly or hostile, with the Indians on the -frontier, these formed the amusements of his youth. He was of -that bold and hardy temperament, which takes pleasure in those -adventures and perils, which, in a vast and wild country, man has -to encounter. He had that strength of body, perseverance, and -presence of mind, which insure success. -</p> -<p> -In this respect, at his entrance into life, he felt a slightly -presumptuous degree of self-confidence. He writes to Governor -Dinwiddie; "For my own part I can answer, that I have a -constitution hardy enough to encounter and undergo the most -severe trials, and, I flatter myself, resolution to face what any -man dares." [Footnote 24] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 24: Washington's Writings, Vol. II. p. 29.] -</p> -<p> -To a spirit like this, war was a more congenial employment than -field-sports or traveling. As soon as an opportunity offered, he -embraced the employment with that ardor, which, in the early -period of life, does not reveal a man's capacity so certainly as -his taste. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_55">{55}</a></span> -In 1754, it is said, when George the Second was hearing a -despatch read, which had been transmitted by the Governor of -Virginia, and in which Washington, than a young major, ended the -narrative of his first battle with the words, "I heard the -bullets whistle, and, believe me, there is something charming in -the sound;" the King observed, "He would not say so, if he had -been used to hear many." Washington was of the King's opinion; -for, when the major of the Virginia militia had become the -Commander-in-chief of the United States, some one having asked -him if it were true, that he had ever expressed such a sentiment, -he replied, "If I said so, it was when I was young." [Footnote -25] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 25: Washington's Writings, Vol. II. p. 39.] -</p> -<p> -But his youthful ardor, which was at the same time serious and -calm, had the authority which belongs to a riper age. From the -first moment in which he embraced the military profession, he -took pleasure, far more than in the excitement of battle, in that -noble exercise of the understanding and the will, armed with -power in order to accomplish a worthy purpose, that powerful -combination of human action and good fortune, which kindles and -inspires the most elevated as well as the most simple minds. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_56">{56}</a></span> -Born in the first rank of colonial society, trained in the public -schools in the midst of his countrymen, he took his place -naturally at their head; for he was at once their superior and -their equal; formed to the same habits, skilled in the same -exercises; a stranger, like them, to all elegant learning, -without any pretensions to scientific knowledge, claiming nothing -for himself, and exerting only in the public service that -ascendency, which always attends a judicious and penetrating -understanding, and a calm and energetic character, in a -disinterested position. -</p> -<p> -In 1754, he was just appearing in society, and entering upon his -military career. It is a young officer of two-and-twenty, who -commands battalions of militia, and corresponds with the -representative of the king of England. In neither of these -relations does he feel any embarrassment. He loves his -associates; he respects the king and the governor; but neither -affection nor respect alters the independence of his judgment or -of his conduct. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_57">{57}</a></span> -By an admirable, instinctive power of action and command, he sees -and apprehends, by what means and upon what terms success is to -be obtained in the enterprise he has undertaken on behalf of his -king and his country. And these terms he imposes, these means he -insists upon; from the soldiers he exacts all that can be -accomplished by discipline, promptness, and activity in the -service; from the governor, that he shall discharge his duty in -respect to the pay of the soldiers, the furnishing of supplies, -and the choice of officers. In every case, whether his words or -opinions are sent up to the superior to whom he is rendering his -account, or pass down to the subordinates under his command, they -are equally precise, practical, and decided, equally marked by -that authority which truth and necessity bestow upon the man who -appears in their name. From this moment, Washington is the -leading American of his time, the faithful and conspicuous -representative of his country, the man who will best understand -and best serve her, whether he be called upon to fight or -negotiate for her, to defend or to govern her. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_58">{58}</a></span> -<p> -It is not the issue alone which has revealed this. His -contemporaries foresaw it. Colonel Fairfax, his first patron, -wrote to him, in 1756, "Your good health and fortune are the -toast at every table." [Footnote 26] In 1759, chosen, for the -first time, to the House of Burgesses in Virginia, at the moment -when he was taking his seat in the House, the Speaker, Mr. -Robinson, presented to him, in warm and animated terms, the -thanks of the House for the services which he had rendered to his -country. Washington rose to make his acknowledgments for so -distinguished an honor; but such was his embarrassment, that he -could not speak a single word; he blushed, hesitated, and -trembled. The Speaker at once came to his aid, and said, "Sit -down, Mr. Washington; your modesty equals your valor, and that -surpasses the power of any language that I possess." [Footnote -27] -</p> -<p class="footnote">n - [Footnote 26: Washington's Writings, Vol. II. p. 145.] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 27: Spark's <i>Life of Washington</i>, - Vol. I. p. 107.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_59">{59}</a></span> -<p> -Finally, in 1774, on the eve of the great struggle, after the -separation of the first Congress held for the purpose of making -preparations to meet it, Patrick Henry replied to those that -inquired of him, who was the first man in Congress, "If you speak -of eloquence, Mr. Rutledge, of South Carolina, is the greatest -orator; but, if you speak of solid information and sound -judgment, Colonel Washington is unquestionably the greatest man -on that floor." [Footnote 28] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 28: Spark's <i>Life of Washington</i>, - Vol. I., p. 107.] -</p> -<p> -However, to say nothing of eloquence, Washington had not those -brilliant and extraordinary qualities, which strike the -imagination of men at the first glance. He did not belong to the -class of men of vivid genius, who pant for an opportunity of -display, are impelled by great thoughts or great passions, and -diffuse around them the wealth of their own natures, before any -outward occasion or necessity calls for its employment. Free from -all internal restlessness and the promptings and pride of -ambition, Washington did not seek opportunities to distinguish -himself, and never aspired to the admiration of the world. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_60">{60}</a></span> -This spirit so resolute, this heart so lofty, was profoundly calm -and modest. Capable of rising to a level with the highest -destiny, he might have lived in ignorance of his real power -without suffering from it, and have found, in the cultivation of -his estates, a satisfactory employment for those energetic -faculties, which were to be proved equal to the task of -commanding armies and founding a government. -</p> -<p> -But, when the opportunity presented itself, when the exigence -occurred, without effort on his part, without any surprise on the -part of others, indeed rather, as we have just seen, in -conformity with their expectations, the prudent planter stood -forth a great man. He had, in a remarkable degree, those two -qualities which, in active life, make men capable of great -things. He could confide strongly in his own views, and act -resolutely in conformity with them, without fearing to assume the -responsibility. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_61">{61}</a></span> -<p> -It is always a weakness of conviction, that leads to weakness of -conduct; for man derives his motives from his own thoughts, more -than from any other source. From the moment that the quarrel -began, Washington was convinced, that the cause of his country -was just, and that success must necessarily follow so just a -cause, in a country already so powerful. Nine years were to be -spent in war to obtain independence, and ten years in political -discussion to form a system of government. Obstacles, reverses, -enmities, treachery, mistakes, public indifference, personal -antipathies, all these incumbered the progress of Washington, -during this long period. But his faith and hope were never shaken -for a moment. In the darkest hours, when he was obliged to -contend against the sadness which hung upon his own spirits, he -says, "I cannot but hope and believe, that the good sense of the -people will ultimately get the better of their prejudices. … I -do not believe, that Providence has done so much for nothing. … -The great Governor of the universe has led us too long and too -far on the road to happiness and glory to forsake us in the midst -of it. By folly and improper conduct, proceeding from a variety -of causes, we may now and then get bewildered; but I hope and -trust, that there is good sense and virtue enough left to recover -the right path before we shall be entirely lost." [Footnote 29] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 29: Washington's Writings, - Vol. IX. pp. 5, 383, 392.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_62">{62}</a></span> -<p> -And at a later period, when that very France which had so well -sustained him daring the war, brought upon him embarrassments and -perils more formidable than war; when Europe, upheaved from its -foundations, was pressing heavily upon his thoughts, and -perplexing his mind, no less than America, he still continued to -hope and to trust. "The rapidity of national revolutions appears -no less astonishing than their magnitude. In what they will -terminate is known only to the Great Ruler of events; and, -confiding in his wisdom and goodness, we may safely trust the -issue to him, without perplexing ourselves to seek for that, -which is beyond human ken; only taking care to perform the parts -assigned to us, in a way that reason and our own consciences -approve." [Footnote 30] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 30: Ibid., Vol. X. p. 331.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_63">{63}</a></span> -<p> -The same strength of conviction, the same fidelity to his own -judgment, which he manifested in his estimate of things -generally, attended him in his practical management of business. -Possessing a mind of admirable freedom, rather in virtue of the -soundness of its views, than of its fertility; and variety, he -never received his opinions at second hand, nor adopted them from -any prejudice; but, on every occasion, he formed them himself, by -the simple observation or attentive study of facts, unswayed by -any bias or prepossession, always acquainting himself personally -with the actual truth. -</p> -<p> -Thus, when he had examined, reflected, and made up his mind, -nothing disturbed him; he did not permit himself to be thrown -into, and kept in, a state of perpetual doubt and irresolution, -either by the opinions of others, or by love of applause, or by -fear of opposition. He trusted in God and in himself. "If any -power on earth could, or the Great Power above would, erect the -standard of infallibility in political opinions, there is no -being that inhabits the terrestrial globe, that would resort to -it with more eagerness than myself, so long as I remain a servant -of the public. But as I have found no better guide hitherto, than -upright intentions, and close investigation, I shall adhere to -those maxims, while I keep the watch." [Footnote 31] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 31: Washington's Writings, Vol. XI. p. 71.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_64">{64}</a></span> -<p> -To this strong and independent understanding, he joined a great -courage, always ready to act upon conviction, and fearless of -consequences. "What I admire in Christopher Columbus," said -Turgot, "is, not his having discovered the new world, but his -having gone to search for it on the faith of an opinion." Whether -the occasion was of great or little moment, whether the -consequences were near at hand or remote, Washington, when once -convinced never hesitated to move onward upon the faith of his -conviction. One would have inferred, from his firm and quiet -resolution, that it was natural to him to act with decision, and -assume responsibility;—a certain sign of a genius born to -command; an admirable power, when united to a conscientious -disinterestedness. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_65">{65}</a></span> -<p> -On the list of great men, if there be some who have shone with a -more dazzling lustre, there are none who have been exposed to a -more complete test, in war and in civil government; resisting the -king, in the cause of liberty, and the people, in the cause of -legitimate authority; commencing a revolution and ending it. From -the first moment, his task was clearly manifest in all its extent -and all its difficulty. To carry on the war, he had not merely to -create an army. To this work, always so difficult, the creating -power itself was wanting. The United States had neither a -government nor an army. Congress, a mere phantom, whose unity was -only in name, had neither authority, nor power, nor courage, and -did nothing. Washington was obliged, from his camp, not only to -make constant solicitations, but to suggest measures for -adoption, to point out to Congress what course they should -pursue, if they would prevent both themselves and the army from -becoming an idle name. His letters were read while they were in -session, and supplied the subject of their debates; debates, -characterized by inexperience, timidity, and distrust. They -rested satisfied with appearances and promises. They sent -messages to the local governments. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_66">{66}</a></span> -They expressed apprehensions of military power. Washington -replied respectfully, obeyed, and then insisted; demonstrated the -deceptiveness of appearances, and the necessity of a real force -to give him the substance of the power, of which he had the name, -and to insure to the army the success which they expected of it. -Brave and intelligent men, devoted to the cause, were not wanting -in this assembly, so little experienced in the art of government. -Some of them went to the camp, examined for themselves, had -interviews with Washington, and brought with them, on their -return, the weight of their own observations and of his advice. -The assembly gradually grew wiser and bolder, and gained -confidence in themselves and in their general. They adopted the -measures, and conferred upon him the powers, which were -necessary. He then entered into correspondence and negotiations -with local governments, legislatures, committees, magistrates, -and private citizens; placing facts before their eyes; appealing -to their good sense and their patriotism; availing himself, for -the public service, of his personal friendships; dealing -prudently with democratic scruples and the sensitiveness of -vanity; maintaining his own dignity; speaking as became his high -station, but without giving offence, and with persuasive -moderation; though wisely heedful of human weakness, being -endowed with the power, to an extraordinary degree, of -influencing men by honorable sentiments and by truth. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_67">{67}</a></span> -<p> -And when he had succeeded, when Congress first, and afterwards -the different States, had granted him the necessary means of -making an army, his task was not finished; the business of the -war had not yet commenced; the army did not exist. Here, too, he -was obstructed by a complete inexperience, the same want of -unity, the same passion for individual independence, the same -conflict between patriotic purposes and disorganizing impulses. -Here, too, he was obliged to bring discordant elements into -harmony; to keep together those which were constantly ready to -separate; to enlighten, to persuade, to induce; to use personal -influence; and, without endangering his dignity or his power, to -obtain the moral fidelity, the full and free support, both of the -officers and soldiers. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_68">{68}</a></span> -Then only could Washington act as a general, and turn his -attention to the war. Or, rather, it was during the war, in the -midst of its scenes, its perils, and its hazards, that he was -constantly obliged to recommence, both in the country and the -army itself, this work of organization and government. -</p> -<p> -His military capacity has been called in question. He did not -manifest, it is true, those striking displays of it which, in -Europe, have given renown to great captains. Operating with a -small army over an immense space, great manoeuvres and great -battles were necessarily unknown to him. But his superiority, -acknowledged and declared by his companions, the continuance of -the war during nine years, and its final success, are also to be -taken as proofs of his merit, and may well justify his -reputation. His personal bravery was chivalrous even to rashness, -and he more than once abandoned himself to this impulse in a -manner painful to contemplate. More than once, the American -militia, seized with terror, took to flight, and brave officers -sacrificed their lives to infuse courage into their soldiers. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_69">{69}</a></span> -In 1776, on a similar occasion, Washington indignantly persisted -in remaining on the field of battle, exerting himself to arrest -the fugitives by his example and even by his hand. "We made," -wrote General Greene the next day, "a miserable, disorderly -retreat from New York, owing to the disorderly conduct of the -militia. Fellows's and Parsons's brigades ran away from about -fifty men, and left his Excellency on the ground within eighty -yards of the enemy, so vexed at the infamous conduct of the -troops, that he sought death rather than life." [Footnote 32] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 32: Washington's Writings, Vol. IV. p. 94.] -</p> -<p> -On more than one occasion, also, when the opportunity appeared -favorable, he displayed the boldness of the general as well as -the intrepidity of the man. He has been called the <i>American -Fabius</i>, it being said that the art of avoiding battle, of -baffling the enemy, and of temporizing, was his talent as well as -his taste. In 1775, before Boston, at the opening of the war, -this Fabius wished to bring it to a close by a sudden attack upon -the English army, which he flattered himself he should be able to -destroy. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_70">{70}</a></span> -Three successive councils of war, forced him to abandon his -design, but without shaking his conviction, and he expressed -bitter regret at the result. [Footnote 33] In 1776, in the State -of New York, when the weather was extremely cold, in the midst of -a retreat, with troops half disbanded, the greater part of whom -were preparing to leave him and return to their own homes, -Washington suddenly assumed an offensive position, attacked, one -after another, at Trenton and Princeton, the different corps of -the English army, and gained two battles in eight hours. -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 33: Washington's Writings, Vol. III. - pp. 82, 127, 259, 287, 290, 291, 292, 297.] -</p> -<p> -Moreover, he understood what was even a much higher and much more -difficult art, than that of making war; he knew how to control -and direct it. War was to him only a means, always kept -subordinate to the main and final object,—the success of the -cause, the independence of the country. When, in 1798, the -prospect of a possible war between the United States and France -occurred to disturb the repose of Mount Vernon, though already -approaching to old age and fond of his retirement, he thus wrote -to Mr. Adams, his successor in the administration of the -republic. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_71">{71}</a></span> -<p class="cite"> - "It was not difficult for me to perceive that, if we entered - into a serious contest with France, the character of the war - would differ materially from the last we were engaged in. In - the latter, time, caution, and worrying the enemy, until we - could be better provided with arms and other means, and had - better disciplined troops to carry it on, was the plan for us. - But if we should be engaged with the former, they ought to be - attacked every step." [Footnote 34] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 34: Washington's Writings, Vol. XI. p. 309.] -</p> -<p> -This system of active and aggressive war, which, at the age of -sixty-six, he proposed to adopt, was one which, twenty-two years -before, in the vigor of life, neither the advice of some of the -generals, his friends, nor the slanders of some others, his -enemies, nor the complaints of the States which were laid waste -by the enemy, nor popular clamor, nor the desire of glory, nor -the recommendations of Congress itself, had been able to induce -him to follow. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_72">{72}</a></span> -<p class="cite"> - "I know the unhappy predicament I stand in; I know that much is - expected of me; I know, that without men, without arms, without - ammunition, without any thing fit for the accommodation of a - soldier, little is to be done; and, what is mortifying, I know - that I cannot stand justified to the world without exposing my - own weakness, and injuring the cause, which I am determined not - to do. … My own situation is so irksome to me at times, that, - if I did not consult the public good more than my own - tranquillity, I should, long ere this, have put every thing on - the cast of a die." [Footnote 35] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 35: Washington's Writings, Vol. III p. 284.] -</p> -<p> -He persisted in this course during nine years. Only when the -protracted nature of the contest and the general indifference -were occasioning a feeling of discouragement, akin to apathy, did -he determine to strike a blow, to encounter some brilliant -hazard, to make the country aware of the presence of his army, -and relieve the people's hearts of some of their apprehensions. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_73">{73}</a></span> -It was thus that, in 1777, he fought the battle of Germantown. -And when, in the midst of reverses, endured with heroic patience, -he was asked what he should do if the enemy continued to advance, -if Philadelphia, for instance, should be taken; he replied, "We -will retreat beyond the Susquehanna river, and thence, if -necessary, to the Alleghany mountains." [Footnote 36] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 36: Sparks's <i>Washington</i>, Vol. I. p. 221.] -</p> -<p> -Besides this patriotic calmness and patience, he displayed the -same quality in another form, still more praiseworthy. He saw, -without chagrin and ill-humor, the successes of his inferiors in -command. Still more, when the public service rendered it -advisable, he supplied them largely with the means and -opportunity of gaining them. A disinterestedness worthy of all -praise, rarely found in the greatest minds; as wise as it was -noble, in the midst of the envious tendencies of a democratic -society; and which, perhaps, we may be permitted to hope, was in -his case attended with a deep and tranquil consciousness of his -superiority, and of the glory that would follow him. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_74">{74}</a></span> -<p> -When the horizon was dark, when repeated checks and a succession -of misfortunes seemed to throw a doubt upon the capacity of the -Commander-in-chief, and gave birth to disorders, intrigues, and -hostile insinuations, a powerful voice was quickly raised in his -behalf,—the voice of the army, which loaded Washington with -testimonials of affectionate respect, and placed him beyond the -reach of complaints and hostile attacks. -</p> -<p> -In the winter of 1777 and 1778. while the army was encamped at -Valley Forge, exposed to the most severe hardships, some restless -and treacherous spirits organized against Washington a conspiracy -of considerable magnitude, which penetrated into the Congress -itself. He opposed himself to it with stern frankness, saying, -without reserve and without cautious insincerity, all he thought -of his adversaries, and leaving his conduct to speak for itself. -Such a course, at such a moment, was putting much at hazard. But -the public respect in which he was held was so profound, the -friends of Washington, Lord Stirling, Lafayette, Greene, Knox, -Patrick Henry, Henry Laurens, supported him so warmly, the -movement of opinion in the army was so decided, that he triumphed -almost without defending himself. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_75">{75}</a></span> -The principal framer of this conspiracy, an Irishman by the name -of Conway, after having sent in his resignation, continued to -spread against him the most injurious charges. General Cadwalader -resented this conduct; a duel was the consequence; and Conway, -severely wounded, and believing himself to be near his death, -wrote as follows, to Washington. -</p> -<p class="cite"> - "I find myself just able to hold the pen during a few minutes, - and take this opportunity of expressing my sincere grief for - having done, written, or said any thing disagreeable to your - Excellency. My career will soon be over; therefore justice and - truth prompt me to declare my last sentiments. You are, in my - eyes, the great and good man. May you long enjoy the love, - veneration, and esteem of these States, whose liberties you - have asserted by your virtues." [Footnote 37] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 37: Washington's Writings, Vol. V. p. 517. ] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_76">{76}</a></span> -<p> -In 1779, the officers of a New Jersey regiment, imperfectly paid, -burdened with debts contracted in the service, anxious about -their future prospects and those of their families, made an -official declaration to the legislature of that State, that they -would resign in a body, if they were not better treated. -Washington blamed them extremely, and required of them to -withdraw their declaration; but they persisted in their course. -"It was, and still is, our determination to march with our -regiment, and to do the duty of officers, until the legislature -should have a reasonable time to appoint others, but no longer. -We beg leave to assure your Excellency, that we have the highest -sense of your ability and virtues; that executing your orders has -ever given us pleasure; that we love the service, and love our -country; but when that country gets so lost to virtue and -justice, as to forget to support its servants, it then becomes -their duty to retire from its service." [Footnote 38] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 38: Marshall's <i>Life of Washington</i>, - Vol. IV. p. 47.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_77">{77}</a></span> -<p> -Thus, respect for Washington appeared conspicuously, even in the -cabals formed against him, and was mingled with disobedience -itself. -</p> -<p> -In the state of distress and disorganization into which the -American army was perpetually falling, the personal influence of -Washington, the affection which was felt for him, the desire of -imitating his example, the fear of losing his esteem, or even of -giving him pain, deserve to be enumerated among the principal -causes, which kept many men, both officers and soldiers, at their -posts, kindled anew their zeal, and formed among them that -military <i>esprit de corps</i>, that friendship of the camp, -which is a feeling of great strength, and a fine compensating -influence in so rough a profession. -</p> -<p> -It is a privilege of great men, and often a corrupting one, to -inspire affection and devotedness, without feeling them in -return. This vice of greatness Washington was exempt from. He -loved his associates, his officers, his army. It was not merely -from a sense of justice and duty, that he sympathized in their -sufferings, and took their interests into his own hands with an -indefatigable zeal. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_78">{78}</a></span> -He regarded them with a truly tender feeling, marked by -compassion for the sufferings he had seen them endure, and by -gratitude for the attachment which they had shown to him. And -when, in 1783, at the close of the war, at Frances's tavern, in -New York, the principal officers, at the moment of their final -separation, passed in silence before him, each one pressing his -hand as he went by, he was himself moved and agitated, at heart -and in his countenance, to a degree that seemed hardly consistent -with the firm composure of his spirit. -</p> -<p> -Nevertheless, he never showed to the army any weakness, or any -spirit of unworthy compliance. He never permitted it to be the -first object of consideration to itself, and never lost an -opportunity to inculcate upon it this truth, that subordination -and implicit submission, not only to its country, but to the -civil power, was its natural condition, and its first duty. -</p> -<p> -Upon this subject, he gave it, on three important occasions, the -most admirable and the most effective of lessons, that of -example. In 1782, he rejected, "with great and painful surprise," -[Footnote 39] (these are his expressions), the crown and the -supreme power, which some discontented officers were offering to -him. -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 39: Washington's Writings, Vol. VIII. p. 300.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_79">{79}</a></span> -<p> -In 1783, on the eve of the disbanding of the troops, having been -informed that the draft of an address was circulating through the -army, and that a general meeting was about to be held to -deliberate upon the means of obtaining by force, that which -Congress, in spite of justice, had refused to grant, he -expressed, in the orders of the day, his strong disapprobation of -the measure, himself called together another meeting, attended in -person, recalled the officers to the consideration of their duty -and the public good, and then withdrew, before any discussion -took place, wishing to leave to the parties themselves the merit -of retracing their steps, which was done promptly and generally. -[Footnote 40] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 40: Washington's Writings, - Vol. VIII. pp. 392-400.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_80">{80}</a></span> -<p> -Finally, in 1784 and 1787, when the officers in their retirement -attempted to form among themselves the Society of Cincinnati, in -order to preserve some bond of union in their dispersed -condition, and for the mutual aid of themselves and their -families, as soon as Washington saw that the uneasiness and -distrust of a jealous people were awakened by the mere name of a -military society, a military order, notwithstanding the personal -inclination which he felt towards the institution, he not only -caused a change to be made in its statutes, but publicly declined -being its president, and ceased to take any part in it. [Footnote -41] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 41: Washington's Writings, - Vol. IX. pp. 26, 127.] -</p> -<p> -By a singular coincidence, about the same time, Gustavus the -Third, king of Sweden, forbade the Swedish officers who had -served in the French army during the American war, to wear the -order of the Cincinnati, "on the ground, that the institution had -a republican tendency not suited to his government." [Footnote -42] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 42: Ibid., Vol. IX. p. 56.] -</p> -<p> -"If we cannot convince the people that their fears are -ill-founded, we should, at least, in a degree yield to them," -said Washington, upon this subject. [Footnote 43] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 43: Ibid., Vol. IX. p. 35.] -</p> -<p> -He did not yield, even to the people, when the public interest -would have suffered from such a course; but he had too just a -sense of the relative importance of things to display the same -inflexibility, when merely personal interests or private -feelings, however reasonable, were in question. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_81">{81}</a></span> -<p> -When the object of the war was obtained, when he had taken leave -of his companions in arms, mingled with his affectionate regret, -and the joy which he felt in the prospect of repose after -victory, another feeling may be perceived in his mind, faint -indeed, and perhaps even unknown to himself, and this was, a -regret in leaving his military life, that noble profession to -which he had devoted his best years with so much distinction. It -was a highly congenial employment to Washington, whose genius was -methodical, and more firm than inventive; who was just, and full -of good-will to all men, but grave, somewhat cold, born for -command rather than struggle; in action, loving order, -discipline, and subordination of ranks; and preferring the simple -and vigorous exercise of power, in a good cause, to the -complicated intrigues and impassioned debates of politics. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_82">{82}</a></span> -<p> -"The scene is at last closed. … On the eve of Christmas, I -entered these doors an older man by nine years than when I left -them. … I am just beginning to experience that ease and freedom -from public cares, which, however desirable, takes some time to -realize. It was not till lately I could get the better of my -usual custom of ruminating, as soon as I waked in the morning, on -the business of the ensuing day; and of my surprise at finding, -after revolving many things in my mind, that I was no longer a -public man, nor had any thing to do with public transactions. … -I hope to spend the remainder of my days in cultivating the -affections of good men, and in the practice of the domestic -virtues. … The life of a husbandman, of all others, is the most -delightful. It is honorable, it is amusing, and, with judicious -management, it is profitable. … I have not only retired from -all public employments, but I am retiring within myself, and -shall be able to view the solitary walk, and tread the paths of -private life, with a heartfelt satisfaction. Envious of none, I -am determined to be pleased with all; and this, my dear friend, -being the order for my march, I will move gently down the stream -of life, until I sleep with my fathers." [Footnote 44] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 44: Washington's Writings, - Vol. IX. pp. 1, 17, 18, 21, 323.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_83">{83}</a></span> -<p> -Washington, in uttering such language, was not merely expressing -a momentary feeling, the enjoyment of repose, after -long-protracted toil, and of liberty, after a severe confinement. -The tranquil and active life of a great landed proprietor; those -employments, full of interest and free from anxiety; that -domestic authority, seldom disputed, and attended with little -responsibility; that admirable harmony between the intelligence -of man and the prolific power of nature; that sober and simple -hospitality; the high satisfaction which springs from -consideration and good-will obtained without effort,—these were -truly suited to his taste, and were the objects of constant -preference to his mind. He would probably have chosen this very -life. He enjoyed it; and he enjoyed, besides, all that could be -added to it by the public gratitude and his glory, which were -delightful in spite of their importunate claims upon him. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_84">{84}</a></span> -<p> -Always of a serious and practical turn of mind, he made -improvements in the cultivation of his estates, embellished his -mansion-house, occupied himself with the local interests of -Virginia, traced the outline of that great system of internal -navigation from east to west, which was destined, at a future -period, to put the United States in possession of one-half the -new world, established schools, put his papers in order, carried -on an extensive correspondence, and took great pleasure in -receiving, under his roof, and at his table, his attached -friends. "It is my wish," he wrote to one of them, a few days -after his return to Mount Vernon, "that the mutual friendship and -esteem, which have been planted and fostered in the tumult of -public life, may not wither and die in the serenity of -retirement. We should rather amuse the evening hours of life in -cultivating the tender plants, and bringing them to perfection -before they are transplanted to a happier clime." [Footnote 45] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 45: Washington's Writings, Vol. IX. p. 5.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_85">{85}</a></span> -<p> -Towards the end of the year 1784, M. de Lafayette came to Mount -Vernon. Washington felt for him a truly paternal affection, the -tenderest, perhaps, of which his life presents any trace. Apart -from the services rendered by him, from the personal esteem he -inspired, and from the attractiveness of his character, apart -even from the enthusiastic devotion which M. de Lafayette -testified for him, this elegant and chivalrous young nobleman, -who had escaped from the court of Versailles to dedicate his -sword and his fortune to the yeomanry of America, was singularly -pleasing to the grave American general. It was, as it were, a -homage paid by the nobility of the old world to his cause and his -person; a sort of connecting tie between him and that French -society, which was so brilliant, so intellectual, and so -celebrated. In his modest elevation of mind, he was flattered as -well as touched by it, and his thoughts rested with an emotion -full of complacency upon this young friend, whose life was like -that of none other, and who had quitted every thing to serve by -his side. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_86">{86}</a></span> -<p> -"In the moment of our separation," he wrote to him, "upon the -road as I traveled, and every hour since, I have felt all that -love, respect, and attachment for you, with which length of -years, close connection, and your merits have inspired me. I -often asked myself, as our carriages separated, whether that was -the last sight I should ever have of you. And though I wished to -say No, my fears answered Yes. I called to mind the days of my -youth, and found they had long since fled to return no more; that -I was now descending the hill I had been fifty-two years -climbing, and that, though I was blest with a good constitution, -I was of a short-lived family, and might soon expect to be -entombed in the mansion of my fathers. These thoughts darkened -the shades, and gave a gloom to the picture, and consequently to -my prospect of seeing you again. But I will not repine; I have -had my day." [Footnote 46] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 46: Washington's Writings, Vol. IX. p. 77.] -</p> -<p> -Notwithstanding this sad presentiment, and his sincere taste for -repose, his thoughts dwelt constantly upon the condition and -affairs of his country. No man can separate himself from the -place in which he has once held a distinguished position. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_87">{87}</a></span> -"Retired as I am from the world," he writes in 1786, "I frankly -acknowledge I cannot feel myself an unconcerned spectator." -[Footnote 47] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 47: Washington's Writings, Vol. IX. p. 189.] -</p> -<p> -The spectacle deeply affected and disturbed him. The -Confederation was falling to pieces. Congress, its sole bond of -union, was without power, not even daring to make use of the -little that was intrusted to it. The moral weakness of men was -added to the political weakness of institutions. The States were -falling a prey to their hostilities, to their mutual distrust, to -their narrow and selfish views. The treaties, which had -sanctioned the national independence, were executed only in an -imperfect and a precarious manner. The debts contracted, both in -the old and new world, were unpaid. The taxes destined to -liquidate them never found their way into the public treasury. -Agriculture was languishing; commerce was declining; anarchy was -extending. In all parts of the country itself, whether -enlightened or ignorant, whether the blame was laid on the -government, or the want of government, the discontent was -general. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_88">{88}</a></span> -In Europe, the reputation of the United States was rapidly -sinking. It was asked if there would ever be any United States. -England encouraged this doubt, looking forward to the hour when -she might profit by it. -</p> -<p> -The sorrow of Washington was extreme, and he was agitated and -humbled as if he had been still responsible for the course of -events. "What, gracious God!" he wrote, on learning the troubles -in Massachusetts, "is man, that there should be such -inconsistency and perfidiousness in his conduct? It was but the -other day, that we were shedding our blood to obtain the -constitutions under which we now live; constitutions of our own -choice and making; and now we are unsheathing the sword to -overturn them. The thing is so unaccountable, that I hardly know -how to realize it, or to persuade myself, that I am not under the -illusion of a dream." [Footnote 48] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 48: Washington's Writings, Vol. IX. p. 221.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_89">{89}</a></span> -<p> -"We have probably had too good an opinion of human nature in -forming our confederation. Experience has taught us, that men -will not adopt and carry into execution measures the best -calculated for their own good, without the intervention of a -coercive power." [Footnote 49] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 49: Washington's Writings, Vol. IX. p. 187.] -</p> -<p> -"From the high ground we stood upon, to be so fallen, so lost, is -really mortifying." [Footnote 50] "In regretting, which I have -often done with the keenest sorrow, the death of our much -lamented friend, General Greene, I have accompanied it of late -with a query, whether he would not have preferred such an exit to -the scenes which, it is more than probable, many of his -compatriots may live to bemoan." [Footnote 51] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 50: Ibid., Vol. IX. p. 167.] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 51: Ibid., Vol. IX. p. 226.] -</p> -<p> -Nevertheless, the course of events, and the progress of general -good sense, were also mingling hope with this patriotic sorrow,— -a hope full of anxiety and uneasiness, the only one which the -imperfection of human things permits elevated minds to form, but -which is sufficient to keep up their courage. Throughout the -whole Confederation, the evil was felt and a glimpse was caught -of the remedy. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_90">{90}</a></span> -The jealousies of the States, local interests, ancient habits, -democratic prejudices, were all strongly opposed to the -sacrifices which were requisite in order to form a government in -which the central power should be stronger and more prominent. -Still, the spirit of order and union; the love of America as -their country; regret at seeing it decline in the esteem of -mankind; the disgust created by the petty, interminable, and -profitless disturbances of anarchy; the obvious nature of its -evils, the perception of its dangers; all the just opinions and -noble sentiments which filled the mind of Washington, were -gradually extending themselves, gathering additional strength, -and preparing the way for a happier future. Four years had hardly -elapsed since the peace, which had sanctioned the acquisition of -independence, when a national Convention, brought together by a -general spontaneous feeling, assembled at Philadelphia, for the -purpose of reforming the federal government. Commencing its -session the 14th day of May, 1787, it made choice of Washington -for its president on the same day. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_91">{91}</a></span> -From the 14th of May to the 17th of September, it was occupied in -forming the Constitution, which has governed the United States of -America for fifty years; deliberating with closed doors, and -under influences the most intelligent and the most pure that ever -presided over such a work. On the 30th of April, 1789, at the -very moment when the Constituent Assembly was commencing its -session at Paris, Washington, having been chosen by a unanimous -vote, took an oath, as President of the Republic, to maintain and -put in force the new-born Constitution, in the presence of the -great functionaries and legislative bodies which had been created -by it. -</p> -<p> -Never did a man ascend to the highest dignity by a more direct -path, nor in compliance with a more universal wish, nor with an -influence wider and more welcome. He hesitated much. In leaving -the command of the army, he had openly announced, and had -sincerely promised himself, that he should live in retirement, a -stranger to public affairs. To change his plans, to sacrifice his -tastes and his repose, for very uncertain success, perhaps to be -charged with inconsistency and ambition, this was to him an -immense effort. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_92">{92}</a></span> -The assembling of Congress was delayed; the election of -Washington to the presidency, though known, had not been -officially announced to him. "For myself," he wrote to his -friend, Gen Knox, "the delay may be compared to a reprieve; for, -in confidence I tell you, (with the <i>world</i> it would obtain -little credit,) that my movements to the chair of government will -be accompanied by feelings not unlike those of a culprit, who is -going to the place of his execution; so unwilling am I, in the -evening of a life nearly consumed in public cares, to quit a -peaceful abode for an ocean of difficulties, without that -competency of political skill, abilities, and inclination, which -are necessary to manage the helm." [Footnote 52] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 52: Washington's Writings, Vol. IX. p. 488.] -</p> -<p> -The message at length arrived, and he commenced his journey. In -his Diary, he writes; "About ten o'clock, I bade adieu to Mount -Vernon, to private life, and to domestic felicity; and, with a -mind oppressed with more anxious and painful sensations than I -have words to express, set out for New York, with the best -disposition to render service to my country, in obedience to its -call, but with less hope of answering its expectations." -[Footnote 53] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 53: Washington's Writings, Vol. X. p. 461.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_93">{93}</a></span> -<p> -His journey was a triumphal procession; on the road, and in the -towns, the whole population came out to meet him, with shouts of -applause and prayers in his behalf. He entered New York, -conducted by a committee of Congress, in an elegantly decorated -barge, rowed by thirteen pilots, representing the thirteen -States, in the midst of an immense crowd in the harbor and upon -the shore. His own state of feeling remained the same. "The -display of boats," says he in his Diary, "which attended and -joined on this occasion, some with vocal and others with -instrumental music on board; the decorations of the ships, the -roar of cannon, and the loud acclamations of the people, which -rent the sky as I passed along the wharves, filled my mind with -sensations as painful (contemplating the reverse of this scene, -which may be the case, after all my labors to do good,) as they -were pleasing." [Footnote 54] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 54: Marshall's <i>Life of Washington</i>, - Vol. V. p. 159.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_94">{94}</a></span> -<p> -About a century and a half before, on the banks of the Thames, a -similar crowd and like outward signs of feeling had attended -Cromwell to Westminster, when he was proclaimed Protector of the -Commonwealth of England. "What throngs! what acclamations!" said -his flatterers. Cromwell replied, "There would be still more, if -they were going to hang me." -</p> -<p> -A singular resemblance, and also a noble difference between the -sentiments and the language of a corrupted great man and a -virtuous great man. -</p> -<p> -Washington was, with reason, anxious about the task which he -undertook. The sagacity of a sage, united to the devotedness of a -hero, constitutes the highest glory of humanity. The nation, -which he had conducted to independence, and which required a -government at his hands, being hardly yet formed, was entering -upon one of those social changes which render the future so -uncertain, and power so perilous. -</p> -<p> -It is a remark often made, and generally assented to, that in the -English colonies, before their separation from the mother -country, the state of society and feeling was essentially -republican, and that every thing was prepared for this form of -government. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_95">{95}</a></span> -But a republican form of government can govern, and, in point of -fact, has governed societies essentially different; and the same -society may undergo great changes without ceasing to be a -republic. All the English colonies showed themselves, nearly in -the same degree, in favor of the republican constitution. At the -North and at the South, in Virginia and the Carolinas, as well as -in Connecticut and Massachusetts, the public will was the same, -so far as the form of government was concerned. -</p> -<p> -Still, (and the remark has been often made,) considered in their -social organization, in the condition and relative position of -their inhabitants, these colonies were very different. -</p> -<p> -In the South, especially in Virginia and North Carolina, the soil -belonged, in general, to large proprietors, who were surrounded -by slaves or by cultivators on a small scale. Entails and the -right of primogeniture secured the perpetuity of families. There -was an established and endowed church. The civil legislation of -England, bearing strongly the impress of its feudal origin, had -been maintained almost without exception. The social state was -aristocratic. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_96">{96}</a></span> -<p> -In the North, especially in Massachusetts, Connecticut, New -Hampshire, Rhode Island, &c., the fugitive Puritans had brought -with them, and planted there, strict democracy with religious -enthusiasm. Here, there was no slavery; there were no large -proprietors in the midst of an inferior population, no entailment -of landed property; there was no church, with different degrees -of rank, and founded in the name of the State; no social -superiority, lawfully established and maintained. Man was here -left to his own efforts and to divine favor. The spirit of -independence and equality had passed from the church to the -state. -</p> -<p> -Still, however, even in the northern colonies, and under the sway -of Puritan principles, other causes, not sufficiently noticed, -qualified this character of the social state, and modified its -development. There is a great, a very great difference between a -purely religious and a purely political democratic spirit. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_97">{97}</a></span> -However ardent, however impracticable the former may be, it -receives in its origin, and maintains in its action, a powerful -element of subordination and order, that is, reverence. In spite -of their spiritual pride, the Puritans, every day, bent before a -master, and submitted to him their thoughts, their heart, their -life: and on the shores of America, when they had no longer to -defend their liberties against human power, when they were -governing themselves in the presence of God, the sincerity of -their faith and the strictness of their manners, counteracted the -inclination of the spirit of democracy towards individual -lawlessness and general disorder. Those magistrates, so watched, -so constantly changed, had still a strong ground of support, -which rendered them firm, often even severe, in the exercise of -authority. In the bosom of those families, so jealous of their -rights, so opposed to all political display, to all conventional -greatness, the paternal authority was strong and much respected. -The law sanctioned rather than limited it. Entails and inequality -in inheritance were forbidden; but the father had the entire -disposition of his property, and divided it among his children -according to his own will. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_98">{98}</a></span> -In general, civil legislation was not controlled by political -maxims, and preserved the impress of ancient manners. In -consequence of this, the democratic spirit, though predominant, -was everywhere met by checks and balances. -</p> -<p> -Besides, a circumstance of material importance, temporary, but of -decisive effect, served to conceal its presence and retarded its -sway. In the towns, there was no populace; in the country, the -population was settled around the principal planters, commonly -those who had received grants of the soil, and were invested with -the local magistracies. The social principles were democratic, -but the position of individuals was very little so. Instruments -were wanting to give effect to the principles. Influence still -dwelt with rank. And on the other hand, the number did not press -heavily enough to make the greater weight in the balance. -</p> -<p> -But the Revolution, hastening the progress of events, gave to -American society a general and rapid movement in the direction of -democracy. In those States where the aristocratic principle was -still strong, as in Virginia, it was immediately assailed and -subdued. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_99">{99}</a></span> -Entails disappeared. The church lost not only its privileges, but -its official rank in the State. The elective principle prevailed -throughout the whole government. The right of suffrage was -greatly extended. Civil legislation, without undergoing a radical -change, inclined more and more towards equality. -</p> -<p> -The progress of democracy was still more marked in events than in -laws. In the towns, the population increased rapidly, and with -it, the populace also. In the country towards the west, beyond -the Alleghany mountains, by a constant and accelerated movement -of emigration, new States were growing up or preparing to be -formed, inhabited by a scattered population, always in contest -with the rude powers of nature and the ferocious passions of -savages; half savage themselves; strangers to the forms and -proprieties of thickly settled communities; given up to the -selfishness of their own separated and solitary existence, and of -their passions; bold, proud, rude, and passionate. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_100">{100}</a></span> -Thus, in all parts of the country, along the sea-board as well as -in the interior of the continent, in the great centres of -population, and in the forests hardly yet explored, in the midst -of commercial activity and of rural life, numbers, the simple -individual, personal independence, primitive equality, all these -democratic elements were increasing, extending their influence, -and taking, in the State and its institutions, the place which -had been prepared for them, but which they had not previously -held. -</p> -<p> -And, in the course of ideas, the same movement, even more rapid, -hurried along the minds of men and the progress of opinion, far -in advance of events. In the midst of the most civilized and -wisest States, the most radical theories obtained not only favor -but strength. "The property of the United States has been -protected from the confiscation of Britain, by the joint -exertions of all, and therefore ought to be the common property -of all; and he that attempts opposition to this creed, is an -enemy to equity and justice, and ought to be swept from the face -of the earth. … -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_101">{101}</a></span> -They are determined to annihilate all debts, public and private, -and have agrarian laws, which are easily effected by the means of -unfunded paper money, which shall be a tender in all cases -whatever." [Footnote 55] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 55: Washington's Writings, - Vol. IX. p. 207.] -</p> -<p> -These disorganizing fancies were received in Massachusetts, -Connecticut, and New Hampshire, by a considerable portion of the -people; twelve or fifteen thousand men took up arms, in order to -reduce them to practice. And the evil appeared so serious, that -Madison, the most intimate friend of Jefferson, a man whom the -democratic party subsequently ranked among its leaders, regarded -American society as almost lost, and hardly ventured to entertain -any hope. [Footnote 56] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 56: Ibid., Vol. IX. p. 208.] -</p> -<p> -Two powers act in concurrence to develope and maintain the life -of a people; its civil constitution and its political -organization, the general influences of society and the -authorities of the State; the latter were wanting to the infant -American commonwealth, still more than the former. In this -society, so disturbed, so slightly connected, the old government -had disappeared, and the new had not yet been formed. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_102">{102}</a></span> -I have spoken of the insignificance of Congress, the only bond of -union between the States, the only central power; a power without -rights and without strength; signing treaties, nominating -ambassadors, proclaiming that the public good required certain -laws, certain taxes, and a certain army; but not having itself -the power of making laws, or judges, or officers to administer -them; without taxes, with which to pay its ambassadors, officers, -and judges, or troops to enforce the payment of taxes and cause -its laws, judges, and officers to be respected. The political -state was still more weak and more wavering than the social -state. -</p> -<p> -The Constitution was formed to remedy this evil, to give to the -Union a government. It accomplished two great results. The -central government became a real one, and was placed in its -proper position. The Constitution freed it from the control of -the States, gave it a direct action upon the citizens without the -intervention of the local authorities, and supplied it with the -instruments necessary to give effect to its will; with taxes, -judges, officers, and soldiers. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_103">{103}</a></span> -In its own interior organization, the central government was well -conceived and well balanced; the duties and relations of the -several powers were regulated with great good sense, and a clear -understanding of the conditions upon which order and political -vitality were to be had; at least for a republican form, and the -society for which it was intended. -</p> -<p> -In comparing the Constitution of the United States with the -anarchy from which it sprang, we cannot too much admire the -wisdom of its framers, and of the generation which selected and -sustained them. But the Constitution, though adopted and -promulgated, was as yet a mere name. It supplied remedies against -the evil, but the evil was still there. The great powers, which -it had brought into existence, were confronted with the events -which had preceded it and rendered it so necessary, and with the -parties which were formed by these events, and were striving to -mould society, and the Constitution itself, according to their -own views. -</p> -<p> -At the first glance, the names of these parties excite surprise. -Federal and democratic; between these two qualities, these two -tendencies, there is no real and essential difference. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_104">{104}</a></span> -In Holland, in the seventeenth century, in Switzerland even in -our time, it was the democratic party which aimed at -strengthening the federal union, the central government; it was -the aristocratic party which placed itself at the head of the -local governments, and defended their sovereignty. The Dutch -people supported William of Nassau and the Stadtholdership -against John de Witt and the leading citizens of the towns. The -patricians of Schweitz and Uri are the most obstinate enemies of -the federal diet and of its power. -</p> -<p> -In the course of their struggle, the American parties often -received different designations. The democratic party arrogated -to itself the title of <i>republican</i>, and bestowed on the -other, that of <i>monarchists</i> and <i>monocrats</i>. The -federalists called their opponents <i>anti-unionists</i>. They -mutually accused each other of tending, the one to monarchy, and -the other to separation; of wishing to destroy, the one the -republic, and the other the union. -</p> -<p> -This was either a bigoted prejudice or a party trick. Both -parties were sincerely friendly to a republican form of -government and the union of the States. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_105">{105}</a></span> -The names, which they gave one another for the sake of mutual -disparagement, were still more false than their original -denominations were imperfect and improperly opposed to each -other. -</p> -<p> -Practically, and so far as the immediate affairs of the country -were concerned, they differed less, than they either said or -thought, in their mutual hatred. But, in reality, there was a -permanent and essential difference between them in their -principles and their tendencies. The federal party was, at the -same time, aristocratic, favorable to the preponderance of the -higher classes, as well as to the power of the central -government. The democratic party was, also, the local party; -desiring at once the rule of the majority, and the almost entire -independence of the State governments. Thus there were points of -difference between them, respecting both social order and -political order; the constitution of society itself, as well as -of its government. Thus those paramount and eternal questions, -which have agitated and will continue to agitate the world, and -which are linked to the far higher problem of man's nature and -destiny, were all involved in the American parties, and were all -concealed under their names. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_106">{106}</a></span> -<p> -It was in the midst of this society; so agitated and disturbed, -that Washington, without ambition, without any false show, from a -sense of duty rather than inclination, and rather trusting in -truth than confident of success, undertook actually to found the -government which a new-born constitution had just decreed. He -rose to his high office, invested with an immense influence, -which was acknowledged and received even by his enemies. But he -himself has made the profound remark, that "influence is not -government." [Footnote 57] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 57: Washington's Writings, Vol. IX. p. 204.] -</p> -<p> -In the struggle of the parties, all that had reference to the -mere organization of civil society, occupied his attention very -little. This involves abstruse and recondite questions, which are -clearly revealed only to the meditations of the philosopher, -after he has surveyed human societies in all periods and under -all their forms. Washington was little accustomed to -contemplation, or acquainted with science. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_107">{107}</a></span> -In 1787, before going to Philadelphia, he had undertaken, for the -purpose of getting clear views, to study the constitution of the -principal confederations, ancient and modern; and the abstract of -this labor, found among his papers, shows, that he had made a -collection of facts in support of the plain dictates of his good -sense, rather than penetrated into the essential nature of these -complicated associations. -</p> -<p> -Moreover, Washington's natural inclination was rather to a -democratic social state, than to any other. Of a mind just, -rather than expansive, of a temper wise and calm; full of -dignity, but free from all selfish and arrogant pretensions; -coveting rather respect than power; the impartiality of -democratic principles, and the simplicity of democratic manners, -far from offending or annoying him, suited his tastes and -satisfied his judgment. He did not trouble himself with -inquiring, like the partisans of the aristocratic system, whether -more elaborate combinations, a division into ranks, privileges, -and artificial barriers, were necessary to the preservation of -society. He lived tranquilly in the midst of an equal and -sovereign people, finding its authority to be lawful, and -submitting to it without effort. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_108">{108}</a></span> -<p> -But when the question was one of political and not social order, -when the discussion turned upon the organization of the -government, he was strongly federal, opposed to local and popular -pretensions, and the declared advocate of the unity and force of -the central power. -</p> -<p> -He placed himself under this standard, and did so in order to -insure its triumph. But still his elevation was not the victory -of a party, and awakened in no one either exultation or regret. -In the eyes, not only of the public, but of his enemies, he was -not included in any party, and was above them all; "the only man -in the United States," said Jefferson, "who possessed the -confidence of all; … there was no other one, who was considered -as any thing more than a party leader." [Footnote 58] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 58: Jefferson's <i>Memoirs</i>, - Vol. IV. p. 481.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_109">{109}</a></span> -<p> -It was his constant effort to maintain this honorable privilege. -"It is really my wish to have my mind and my actions, which are -the result of reflection, as free and independent as the air. -[Footnote 59] … If it should be my inevitable fate to -administer the government, I will go to the chair under no -preëngagement of any kind or nature whatsoever. [Footnote 60] … -Should any thing tending to give me anxiety present itself in -this or any other publication, I shall never undertake the -painful task of recrimination, nor do I know that I should even -enter upon my justification. [Footnote 61] … All else is but -food for declamation. [Footnote 62] … Men's minds are as -variant as their faces; and, where the motives of their actions -are pure, the operation of the former is no more to be imputed to -them as a crime, than the appearance of the latter. [Footnote 63] -… Differences in political opinions are as unavoidable, as, to -a certain point, they may perhaps be necessary." [Footnote 64] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 59: Washington's Writings, Vol. IX. p. 84.] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 60: Ibid., Vol. IX. p. 476.] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 61: Ibid., Vol. IX. p. 108.] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 62: Ibid., Vol. IX. p. 148.] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 63: Ibid., Vol. IX. p. 475.] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 64: Ibid., Vol. X. p. 283.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_110">{110}</a></span> -<p> -A stranger also to all personal disputes, to the passions and -prejudices of his friends as well as his enemies, the purpose of -his whole policy was to maintain this position; and to this -policy he gave its true name; he called it "the just medium." -[Footnote 65] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 65: Washington's Writings, Vol. X. p. 236.] -</p> -<p> -It is much to have the wish to preserve a just medium; but the -wish, though accompanied with firmness and ability, is not always -enough to secure it. Washington succeeded in this, as much by the -natural turn of his mind and character, as by making it his -peculiar aim; he was, indeed, really of no party, and his -country, in esteeming him so, did no more than pay homage to -truth. -</p> -<p> -A man of experience and a man of action, he had an admirable -wisdom, and made no pretension to systematic theories. He took no -side beforehand; he made no show of the principles that were to -govern him. Thus, there was nothing like a logical harshness in -his conduct, no committal of self-love, no struggle of rival -talent. When he obtained the victory, his success was not to his -adversaries either a stake lost, or a sweeping sentence of -condemnation. It was not on the ground of the superiority of his -own mind, that he triumphed; but on the ground of the nature of -things, and of the inevitable necessity that accompanied them. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_111">{111}</a></span> -Still his success was not an event without a moral character, the -simple result of skill, strength, or fortune. Uninfluenced by any -theory, he had faith in truth, and adopted it as the guide of his -conduct. He did not pursue the victory of one opinion against the -partisans of another; neither did he act from interest in the -event alone, or merely for success. He did nothing which he did -not think to be reasonable and just; so that his conduct, which -had no systematic character, that might be humbling to his -adversaries, had still a moral character, which commanded -respect. -</p> -<p> -Men had, moreover, the most thorough conviction of his -disinterestedness; that great light, to which men so willingly -trust their fate; that vast power, which draws after it their -hearts, while, at the same time, it gives them confidence that -their interests will not be surrendered, either as a sacrifice, -or as instruments to selfishness and ambition. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_112">{112}</a></span> -<p> -His first act, the formation of his cabinet, was the most -striking proof of his impartiality. Four persons were selected by -him; Hamilton and Knox, of the federal party; Jefferson and -Randolph, of the democratic. Knox was a soldier, of integrity, of -moderate abilities, and easily influenced; Randolph, a restless -spirit, of doubtful probity, and little good faith; Jefferson and -Hamilton were both sincere, honest, enthusiastic, and able,—the -real heads of the two parties. -</p> -<p> -Hamilton deserves to be ranked among those men, who have best -understood the vital principles and essential conditions of -government; not merely of a nominal government, but of a -government worthy of its mission and of its name. In the -Constitution of the United States, there is not an element of -order, strength, and durability, to the introduction and adoption -of which he did not powerfully contribute. Perhaps he believed -the monarchical form preferable to the republican. Perhaps he -sometimes had doubts of the success of the experiment attempted -in his own country. Perhaps, also, carried away by his vivid -imagination and the logical vehemence of his mind, he was -sometimes exclusive in his views, and went too far in his -inferences. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_113">{113}</a></span> -But, of a character as lofty as his mind, he faithfully served -the republic, and labored to found and not to weaken it. His -superiority consisted in knowing, that, naturally, and by a law -inherent in the nature of things, power is above, at the head of -society; that government should be constituted according to this -law; and that every contrary system or effort brings, sooner or -later, trouble and weakness into the society itself. His error -consisted in adhering too closely, and with a somewhat arrogant -obstinacy, to the precedents of the English constitution, in -attributing sometimes in these precedents the same authority to -good and to evil, to principles and to the abuse of them, and in -not attaching due importance to, and reposing sufficient -confidence in, the variety of political forms and the flexibility -of human society. There are occasions, in which political genius -consists, in not fearing what is new, while what is eternal is -respected. -</p> -<p> -The democratic party, not the turbulent and coarse democracy of -antiquity or of the middle ages, but the great modern democracy, -never had a more faithful or more distinguished representative -than Jefferson. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_114">{114}</a></span> -A warm friend of humanity, liberty, and science; trusting in -their goodness as well as their rights; deeply touched by the -injustice with which the mass of mankind have been treated, and -the sufferings they endure, and incessantly engaged, with an -admirable disinterestedness, in remedying them or preventing -their recurrence; accepting power as a dangerous necessity, -almost as one evil opposed to another, and exerting himself not -merely to restrain, but to lower it; distrusting all display, all -personal splendor, as a tendency to usurpation; of a temper open, -kind, indulgent, though ready to take up prejudices against, and -feel irritated with, the enemies of his party; of a mind bold, -active, ingenious, inquiring, with more penetration than -forecast, but with too much good sense to push things to the -extreme, and capable of employing, against a pressing danger or -evil, a prudence and firmness which would perhaps have prevented -it, had they been adopted earlier or more generally. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_115">{115}</a></span> -<p> -It was not an easy task to unite these two men, and make them act -in concert in the same cabinet. The critical state of affairs at -the first adoption of the Constitution, and the impartial -preponderance of Washington alone could accomplish it. He applied -himself to it with consummate perseverance and wisdom. At heart, -he felt a decided preference for Hamilton and his views. "By -some," said he, "he is considered an ambitious man, and therefore -a dangerous one. That he is ambitious, I shall readily grant; but -it is of that laudable kind, which prompts a man to excel in -whatever he takes in hand. He is enterprising, quick in his -perceptions, and his judgment intuitively great." [Footnote 66] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 66: Washington's Writings, Vol. XI. p. 312.] -</p> -<p> -But it was only in 1798, in the freedom of his retirement, that -Washington spoke so explicitly. While in office, and between his -two secretaries, he maintained towards them a strict reserve, and -testified the same confidence in them both. He believed both of -them to be sincere and able; both of them necessary to the -country and to himself. Jefferson was to him, not only a -connecting tie, a means of influence, with the popular party, -which was not slow in becoming the opposition; but he made use of -him in the internal administration of his government, as a -counterpoise to the tendencies, and especially to the language, -sometimes extravagant and inconsiderate, of Hamilton and his -friends. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_116">{116}</a></span> -He had interviews and consultations with each of them separately, -upon the subjects which they were to discuss together, in order -to remove or to lessen beforehand their differences of opinion. -He knew how to turn the merit and the popularity of each with his -own party, to the general good of the government, even to their -own mutual advantage. He skillfully availed himself of every -opportunity to employ them in a common responsibility. And when a -disagreement too wide, and passions too impetuous, seemed to -threaten an immediate rupture, he interposed, used exhortation -and intreaty, and, by his personal influence, by a frank and -touching appeal to the patriotism and right-mindedness of the two -rivals, he at least postponed the breaking forth of the evil -which he could not eradicate. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_117">{117}</a></span> -<p> -He dealt with things with the same prudence and tact as with men; -careful of his personal position, starting no premature or -superfluous question; free from the restless desire to regulate -every thing and control every thing; leaving the grand bodies of -the State, the local governments, and the officers of his -administration, to act in their appropriate spheres, and never, -except in a case of clear and practical necessity, pledging his -own opinion or responsibility. And this policy, so impartial, so -cautions, so careful to embarrass neither affairs nor itself, was -by no means the policy of an inactive, uncertain, ill-compounded -administration, seeking and receiving its opinions and direction -from all quarters. On the contrary, there never was a government -more determined, more active, more decided in its views, and more -effective in its decisions. -</p> -<p> -It had been formed against anarchy and to strengthen the federal -union, the central power. It was entirely faithful to its office. -At its very commencement, in the first session of the first -Congress, numerous great questions arose; it was necessary to put -the Constitution in vigorous action. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_118">{118}</a></span> -The relations of the two branches of the Legislature with the -President; the mode of communication between the President and -the Senate in regard to treaties and the nomination to high -offices; the organization of the judiciary; the creation of -ministerial departments; all these points were discussed and -regulated. A work of vast labor, in which the Constitution was, -to some extent, given over a second time to the strife of -parties. Without ostentation, without intrigue, without any -attempt at encroachment, but provident and firm in the cause of -the power which was intrusted to him, Washington, by his personal -influence, by an adherence openly given to sound principles, had -a powerful influence in causing the work to be carried on in the -same spirit which presided over its beginning, and to result in -the dignified and firm organization of the government. -</p> -<p> -His practice corresponded with his principles. Once fairly -engaged with public business and parties, this man who, in the -formation of his cabinet, showed himself so tolerant, enjoined -and observed, in his administration, a strict unity of views and -conduct. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_119">{119}</a></span> -"I shall not, whilst I have the honor to administer the -government, bring a man into any office of consequence knowingly, -whose political tenets are adverse to the measures which the -general government are pursuing; for this, in my opinion, would -be a sort of political suicide." [Footnote 67] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 67: Washington's Writings, Vol. XI. p. 74.] -</p> -<p> -"In a government as free as ours," he wrote to Gouverneur Morris, -at that time residing in London, "where the people are at -liberty, and will express their sentiments, (oftentimes -imprudently, and, for want of information, sometimes unjustly,) -allowances must be made for occasional effervescences; but, after -the declaration which I have made of my political creed, you can -run no hazard in asserting, that the executive branch of this -government never has suffered, nor will suffer, while I preside, -any improper conduct of its officers to escape with impunity, nor -give its sanction to any disorderly proceedings of its citizens." -[Footnote 68] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 68: Washington's Writings, Vol. XI. p. 103.] -</p> -<p> -In matters, also, of mere form, and foreign to the usual habits -of his life, he was enlightened and directed by a wise tact, a -sure instinct as to what is suitable and proper, a regard to -which is itself one of the conditions of power. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_120">{120}</a></span> -The ceremonials to be observed towards the President became, -after his election, a grave party question. Many federalists, -passionately attached to the traditions and splendor of monarchy, -exulted when at a ball they had succeeded in causing a sofa to be -placed on an elevation two steps above the floor of the hall, -upon which only Washington and his wife could be seated. -[Footnote 69] Many of the democrats saw in these displays, and in -the public levees of the President, the premeditated return of -tyranny, and were indignant, that, receiving at a fixed hour, in -his house, all those who presented themselves, he made them only -a stiff and slight bow. [Footnote 70] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 69: Jefferson's <i>Memoirs</i>, Vol. IV. p. 487. ] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 70: Washington's Writings, Vol. X. p. 99.] -</p> -<p> -Washington smiled at both the delight and the indignation, and -persisted in the regulations, surely very modest, which he had -adopted. "Were I to give indulgence to my inclinations, every -moment that I could withdraw from the fatigue of my station -should be spent in retirement. That it is not, proceeds from the -sense I entertain of the propriety of giving to every one as free -access as consists with that respect which is due to the chair of -government; and that respect, I conceive, is neither to be -acquired nor preserved but by observing a just medium between -much state and too great familiarity." [Footnote 71] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 71: Washington's Writings, Vol. X. p. 100.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_121">{121}</a></span> -<p> -More serious embarrassments soon put his firmness to a more -severe test. After the establishment of the Constitution, the -finances formed a question of vast importance to the republic, -perhaps the principal one. They were in a state of extreme -confusion; there were debts of the Union, contracted at home and -abroad; debts of individual States, contracted in their own -names, but in behalf of the common cause; warrants for -requisitions; contracts for supplies; arrears of interest; also -other claims, different in their character and origin, -imperfectly known and not liquidated. And at the end of this -chaos, there were no settled revenues, sufficient to meet the -expenses which it imposed. -</p> -<p> -Many persons, and, it must be acknowledged, the democratic party -in general, were unwilling that light should be thrown into this -chaos by assuming all these obligations, or even by funding them. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_122">{122}</a></span> -They would have imposed upon each State its debts, however -unequal the burden might have been. They would have made -distinctions between the creditors; classifications founded upon -the origin of their claims and the real amount of what they had -paid for them. In short, all those measures were proposed which, -under an appearance of scrupulous investigation and strict -justice, were in reality nothing but evasions to escape from or -reduce the engagements of the state. -</p> -<p> -As Secretary of the Treasury, Hamilton proposed the opposite -system;—the funding and the entire payment, at the expense of -the Union, of all the debts actually contracted for the common -benefit, whether with foreigners or Americans, and whoever were -the contractors or the present holders, and whatever was the -origin of the claims;—the laying of taxes sufficient to secure -the redemption of the public debt;—the formation of a national -bank, capable of aiding the government in its financial -operations, and of sustaining its credit. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_123">{123}</a></span> -<p> -This system was the only moral and manly one; the only one in -conformity with honesty and truth. It strengthened the Union, by -uniting the States financially, as they were united politically. -It established American credit, by this striking example of -fidelity to public engagements, and by the guaranties which it -afforded for their fulfilment. It fortified the central -government by rallying around it the capitalists, and by giving -it powerful means of influence over them and through them. -</p> -<p> -At the first movement, the opponents of Hamilton did not dare to -make any open objection; but they exerted themselves to lessen -the authority of the principle, by contesting the equal fairness -of the debts, by discussing the honesty of the creditors, and by -exclaiming against the taxes. Partisans of local independence, -they rejected, instead of viewing with satisfaction, the -political consequences of a financial union, and demanded, in -virtue of their general principles, that the States should be -left, as to the past as well as for the future, to the various -chances of their situation and their destiny. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_124">{124}</a></span> -<p> -American credit seemed to them to be bought at too dear a price. -They would obtain it, as necessity might require, by means less -burdensome and more simple. They found fault with the theories of -Hamilton respecting credit, the public debt and its redemption, -and banks, as difficult to be understood and fallacious. -</p> -<p> -But the ultimate effect of the system especially excited their -wrath. The aristocracy of wealth is a perilous ally to power; for -it is that which inspires the least esteem and the most envy. -When the question was on the payment of the public debt, the -federal party had on their side the principles of morality and -honor. When the public debt, and the speculations founded upon -it, were becoming a means of sudden wealth, and perhaps of -unlawful influence, the severity of morals passed over to the -democratic party, and integrity lent its support to envy. -</p> -<p> -Hamilton sustained the contest with his usual energy, as pure in -his motives as he was firm in his convictions; the head of a -party still more than a financier; and, in the administration of -the finances, always chiefly occupied with his political object, -the foundation of the state, and the strength of its government. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_125">{125}</a></span> -<p> -The perplexity of Washington was great. A stranger to financial -studies, he had not, upon the intrinsic merit of the proposed -questions, a personal conviction derived from knowledge. He felt -their justice and their political utility. He had confidence in -Hamilton, in his judgment and his virtue. Still, as the debate -was prolonged and objections were multiplied, some of them -disturbed his mind and others troubled his conscience; and he -asked himself with some embarrassment, whether all the reasons -were indeed on the side of the government. -</p> -<p> -I know not which is the more worthy of admiration, the -impartiality which inspired these doubts, or the firmness with -which, in the final result and after every thing had been well -considered, he always sustained Hamilton and his measures. This -was a step of great political sagacity. Though it might have been -true, that some fallacies were mingled with the financial -measures of the Secretary of the Treasury, and some abuses with -their execution, a far higher truth predominated in them; by -laying the foundation of the public faith, and by closely -connecting the administration of the finances with the policy of -the State, he gave to the new government, from the first moment, -the consistence of an old and well-established authority. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_126">{126}</a></span> -<p> -The success surpassed the proudest expectations. Confidence -appeared in men's minds, activity in business, and order in the -administration. Agriculture and commerce flourished; credit rose -rapidly. Society prospered with a sense of security, feeling -itself free and well-governed. The country and the government -grew strong together, in that admirable harmony which is the -healthy condition of states. -</p> -<p> -Washington beheld with his own eyes, upon every point of the -American territory, this spectacle so glorious and so delightful -to him. In three public journeys, he slowly traveled over the -whole Union, everywhere received with grateful and affectionate -admiration, the only recompense worthy to affect the heart of a -public man. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_127">{127}</a></span> -On his return, he thus wrote; "I am much pleased, that I have -taken this journey. … The country appears to be in a very -improving state; and industry and frugality are becoming much -more fashionable than they have hitherto been. Tranquillity -reigns among the people, with that disposition towards the -general government, which is likely to preserve it. … The -farmer finds a ready market for his produce, and the merchant -calculates with more certainty on his payments. … Every day's -experience of the government of the United States seems to -confirm its establishment, and to render it more popular. A ready -acquiescence in the laws made under it shows, in a strong light, -the confidence, which the people have in their representatives -and in the upright views of those who administer the government." -[Footnote 72] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 72: Washington's Writings, Vol. X. p. 170.] -</p> -<p> -And almost at the same time, as if Providence had provided that -the same testimony should go down to posterity from all parties, -Jefferson wrote; "New elections have taken place for the most -part, and very few changes made. This is one of many proofs, that -the proceedings of the new government have given general -satisfaction. … Our affairs are proceeding in a train of -unparalleled prosperity. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_128">{128}</a></span> -This arises from the real improvements of our government; from -the unbounded confidence reposed in it by the people, their zeal -to support it, and their conviction, that a solid union is the -best rock of their safety." [Footnote 73] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 73: Jefferson's <i>Memoirs</i>,<br> - Vol. III. pp. 93, 112.] -</p> -<p> -Thus, when the close of Washington's presidency approached, when -the necessity of again selecting a chief magistrate for the -nation was near at hand, a general movement was directed towards -him, to entreat him to accept, a second time, the burden of -office. A movement with great diversity, in spite of its apparent -unanimity; the federal party wished to retain possession of the -power; the democratic opposition felt, that the time had not come -for them to aspire to it; and that the country could not dispense -with the policy, nor with the man, they nevertheless had a -distinct purpose of attacking. The public were fearful of seeing -an interruption of that order and prosperity, so highly valued -and so precarious. But, whether open or concealed, patriotic or -selfish, sincere or hypocritical, the sentiments and opinions of -all concurred to the same end. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_129">{129}</a></span> -<p> -Washington alone hesitated. His calm and penetrating mind found -in his own disinterestedness a freedom, which preserved him from -all illusion, both as to affairs and as to himself. The brilliant -aspect, the really prosperous condition, of public affairs, did -not conceal from his eyes the imminent perils of his situation. -From abroad, the intelligence of the French revolution was -already startling America. An unavoidable war, commenced with ill -success, against the Indians, was requiring considerable efforts. -In the cabinet, the disagreement between Hamilton and Jefferson -grew very violent; the most urgent intreaties of the President -failed to control it; it was almost officially displayed in two -newspapers, the <i>National Gazette</i> and the <i>United States -Gazette</i>, fierce enemies under the name of rivals; the known -editor of the former was a clerk in Jefferson's department. -[Footnote 74] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 74: His name was Freneau.] -</p> -<p> -Thus encouraged, the opposition press resorted to the most bitter -violence, and Washington suffered great uneasiness on account of -it. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_130">{130}</a></span> -He wrote to Mr. Randolph, the Attorney-General; "If government, -and the officers of it, are to be the constant theme for -newspaper abuse, and this too without condescending to -investigate the motives or the facts, it will be impossible, I -conceive, for any man living to manage the helm or keep the -machine together." [Footnote 75] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 75: Washington's Writings, Vol. X. p. 287. ] -</p> -<p> -In some parts of the country, especially in Western Pennsylvania, -one of the taxes imposed for making provision for the public debt -had awakened the spirit of sedition; numerous meetings of the -people had declared that they would not pay it; and Washington -was compelled to declare in his turn, by an official -proclamation, that he would enforce the execution of the laws. In -Congress itself, the administration no longer received so -constant and powerful a support; Hamilton was, day after day, the -object of the most animated attacks; the opposition were -unsuccessful in the motions they made against him, but his own -plans were not always adopted. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_131">{131}</a></span> -Finally, towards Washington himself, the language of the House of -Representatives, always respectful and affectionate, was no -longer so full or so tender; on the twenty-second day of -February, 1793, the anniversary of his birth, a motion to adjourn -the session for half an hour in order to go and pay their -respects to him, after being warmly opposed, passed by only a -majority of twenty-three votes. -</p> -<p> -None of these facts, none of these symptoms, escaped the vigilant -sagacity of Washington. His natural taste for private life and -the repose of Mount Vernon returned with double force. His past -success, far from inspiring confidence, made him more fearful for -the future. Modestly, but passionately attached to the -consideration in which he was held, and to his glory, he was -unwilling they should suffer the least abatement. The earnest -wish expressed by all would not have been sufficient to determine -him; his personal convictions, the public good, the obvious -urgency of affairs, the desire or rather the duty of carrying on -still further his work yet incomplete, were alone able to -overbalance in his mind the dictates of prudence and inclination. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_132">{132}</a></span> -He weighed and discussed within himself these different motives, -with a more anxious solicitude than seemed to be consistent with -his nature, and ended by saying, in the pious weariness of his -spirit, "As the all-wise Disposer of events has hitherto watched -over my steps, I trust, that, in the important one I may soon be -called upon to take, he will mark the course so plainly, as that -I cannot mistake the way." [Footnote 76] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 76: Washington's Writings, Vol. X. p. 286.] -</p> -<p> -Unanimously reelected, he resumed his duties with the same -disinterestedness, the same courage, and, in spite of his -success, with less confidence, perhaps, than the first time. He -had a true presentiment of the trials which awaited him. -</p> -<p> -There are some events which Providence does not permit those who -live at the time of their occurrence to understand; so vast, so -complicated, that they far surpass the comprehension of man, and, -even when they are exploding, still remain for a long time darkly -hidden in the depths, from which proceed those shocks, that -ultimately decide the destinies of the world. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_133">{133}</a></span> -<p> -Such was the French revolution. Who has measured it? whose -judgment and forecast have not been a thousand times deceived by -it, whether friends or foes, admirers or detractors? When the -spirit of society and the spirit of man are shaken and convulsed -to such a degree, results are produced which no imagination had -conceived, no forethought could grasp. -</p> -<p> -That which experience has taught us, Washington caught sight of -from the first day. At the time when the French Revolution had -hardly begun, he was already suspending his judgment, and taking -his position aloof from all parties and all spectators; free from -the presumption of their predictions, from the blindness of their -hostility or their hope. "The whole business is so extraordinary -in its commencement, so wonderful in its progress, and maybe so -stupendous in its consequences, that I am almost lost in the -contemplation. … Nobody is more anxious for the happy issue of -that business, than I am; as no one can wish more sincerely for -the prosperity of the French nation, than I do." [Footnote 77] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 77: Washington's Writings, Vol. X. p. 89.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_134">{134}</a></span> -<p> -"If it ends as our last accounts, to the first of August, [1789,] -predict, that nation will be the most powerful and happy in -Europe; but I fear, though it has gone triumphantly through the -first paroxysm, it is not the last it has to encounter before, -matters are finally settled. … The mortification of the king, -the intrigues of the queen, and the discontent of the princes and -noblesse, will foment divisions, if possible, in the National -Assembly; … the licentiousness of the people on one hand, and -sanguinary punishments on the other, will alarm the best disposed -friends to the measure. … To forbear running from one extreme -to another is no easy matter; and, should this be the case, rocks -and shelves, not visible at present, may wreck the vessel, and -give a higher-toned despotism than the one which existed before." -[Footnote 78] "It is a boundless ocean, whence no land is to be -seen." [Footnote 79] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 78: Washington's Writings, Vol. X. p. 40.] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 79: Ibid., Vol. X. p. 344.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_135">{135}</a></span> -<p> -From that time, he maintained towards the nations and events of -Europe an extreme reserve; faithful to the principles which had -founded the independence and the liberties of America, animated -by a grateful good-will towards France, and seizing with -earnestness upon every occasion to manifest it, but silent and -self-restrained, as if under the presentiment of some grave -responsibility of which he should be obliged to sustain the -weight, and not wishing to pledge beforehand either his personal -opinion or the policy of his country. When the trying moment -arrived, when the declaration of war between France and England -caused the great revolutionary struggle to break out in Europe, -the resolution of Washington was decided and prompt. He -immediately made proclamation of the neutrality of the United -States. "My politics are plain and simple; … to maintain -friendly terms with, but be independent of, all the nations of -the earth; to share in the broils of none; to fulfil our own -engagements; to supply the wants and be carriers for them all; -being thoroughly convinced, that it is our policy and interest to -do so." [Footnote 80] "I want an <i>American</i> character, that -the powers of Europe may be convinced, we act for -<i>ourselves</i>, and not for others." [Footnote 81] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 80: Washington's Writings,<br> - Vol. XI. pp. 382, 102.] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 81: Ibid., Vol. XI. p. 83.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_136">{136}</a></span> -<p> -"Regarding the overthrow of Europe at large as a matter not -entirely chimerical, it will be our prudence to cultivate a -spirit of self-dependence, and to endeavor, by unanimity, -vigilance, and exertion, under the blessing of Providence, to -hold the scales of our destiny in our own hands. Standing, as it -were, in the midst of falling empires, it should be our aim to -assume a station and attitude, which will preserve us from being -overwhelmed in their ruins." [Footnote 82] "Nothing short of -self-respect, and that justice which is essential to a national -character, ought to involve us in war; for sure I am, if this -country is preserved in tranquillity twenty years longer, it may -bid defiance, in a just cause, to any power whatever; such, in -that time, will be its population, wealth, and resources." -[Footnote 83] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 82: Washington's Writings, Vol. XI. p 350.] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 83: Ibid., Vol. XI. p. 102.] -</p> -<p> -At first, the approbation was general. The desire for peace, and -the reluctance to express any opinion which might endanger it, -were predominant in men's minds. Upon the principle of neutrality -the cabinet had been unanimous. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_137">{137}</a></span> -But intelligence from Europe was continually arriving, and was -spreading like wild-fire through the country. The coalition -formed against France assailed the guardian principles of -America, the independence and internal liberty of nations. -England was at its head, hated as a recent enemy, suspected as a -former master. Her decrees and measures in regard to neutral -commerce and the impressment of sailors wounded the United States -in their dignity and their interests. With the great question of -neutrality, particular questions arose, doubtful enough to serve -as a just reason or a pretext for diversity of opinions and -strong expressions of feeling. Upon some of them, as, for -instance, on the restitution of maritime prizes and the mode of -receiving the new minister expected from France, the cabinet was -no longer unanimous. This minister, M. Genêt, arrived; and his -journey from Charleston to Philadelphia was a popular triumph. -Everywhere, on his journey, numerous and enthusiastic democratic -associations assembled, invited him to meet them, and made -addresses to him; the newspapers rapidly circulated through the -country accounts of these rejoicings and the news from France. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_138">{138}</a></span> -The public feeling grew more and more inflamed. Of an -enthusiastic temperament himself, and blindly borne away by the -desire of engaging the United States in a war to aid his country, -M. Genêt believed himself to have the right and the ability to -dare every thing, and to succeed in every thing. He issued -letters of marque, enrolled American citizens, armed privateers, -adjudged prizes, and acted as a sovereign power in this foreign -territory, in the name of republican brotherhood. And when -Washington, at first astonished and motionless, but soon -determined, vindicated the rights of the general government. -Genêt entered into an avowed contest with him, supported his own -pretensions, broke out into violent abuse of him, encouraged the -spirit of sedition, and even threatened to appeal to the people -against a President who was unfaithful to his trust, and to the -general cause of liberty. No head of a state was ever more -reserved than Washington in the exercise of power; more cautious -in making engagements and taking new steps. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_139">{139}</a></span> -But, also, no one ever maintained more firmly his declarations, -his purposes, and his rights. He was President of the United -States of America. He had, in their name, and by virtue of their -constitution, proclaimed their neutrality. The neutrality was to -be real and respected as well as his power. At five successive -meetings, he laid before his cabinet the whole correspondence, -and all the documents, relating to this singular contest; and the -cabinet decided unanimously, that the recall of M. Genêt should -be immediately demanded of the French government. -</p> -<p> -Genêt was recalled. In the opinion of America, as well as in his -demand upon France, Washington gained a triumph. The federalists -indignantly rallied around him. The pretensions and extravagant -conduct of Genêt had alienated many persons of the democratic -party. Jefferson had not hesitated to support the President -against him. A favorable reaction took place, and the contest -seemed at an end. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_140">{140}</a></span> -<p> -But in government, as well as in war, there are victories which -cost dear, and leave the danger still existing. The revolutionary -fever, once more kindled in the United States, did not depart -with a recalled minister. Instead of that harmony of feeling, -that calm after the storm of passions; instead of that course of -prosperity and general moderation, upon which the American -republic was lately congratulating itself, two parties were there -in a hostile attitude, more widely separated, more violently -irritated, than ever. The opposition no longer confined its -attacks to the administration alone, to the financial measures of -government, and to this or that doubtful application of legal -powers. It had, concealed within itself, in the democratic -associations, in the periodical press, and among the foreigners -who swarmed throughout the country, a true revolutionary faction, -eager to overturn society and its government, in order to -reconstruct them upon other foundations. "There exists in the -United States," writes Washington to Lafayette, "a party formed -by a combination of causes, which oppose the government in all -its measures, and are determined, as all their conduct evinces, -by clogging its wheels, indirectly to change the nature of it, -and to subvert the Constitution. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_141">{141}</a></span> -To effect this, no means which have a tendency to accomplish -their purposes are left unessayed. The friends of government, who -are anxious to maintain its neutrality, and to preserve the -country in peace, and adopt measures to secure these objects, are -charged by them as being monarchists, aristocrats, and infractors -of the Constitution, which, according to their interpretation of -it, would be a mere cipher. They arrogated to themselves the sole -merit of being the friends of France, when in fact they had no -more regard for that nation than for the Grand Turk, farther than -their own views were promoted by it; denouncing those who -differed in opinion, (whose principles are purely American, and -whose sole view was to observe a strict neutrality,) as acting -under British influence, and being directed by her counsels, or -as being her pensioners." [Footnote 84] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 84: Washington's Writings, - Vol. XI. p. 378,] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_142">{142}</a></span> -<p> -"If the conduct of these men is viewed with indifference; if -there are activity and misrepresentation on one side, and -supineness on the other, their numbers accumulated by intriguing -and discontented foreigners under proscription, who were at war -with their own governments, and the greater part of them with -<i>all</i> governments, they will increase, and nothing short of -Omniscience can foretell the consequences." [Footnote 85] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 85: Washington's Writings,<br> - Vol. XI. p. 390.] -</p> -<p> -In the midst of this pressing danger, Jefferson, who was little -inclined to engage any further in the contest, and who had -announced his intention six months before, and had only delayed -putting it in execution at the solicitation of Washington -himself, peremptorily withdrew from the cabinet. -</p> -<p> -The crisis was a formidable one. A general agitation spread -throughout the country. The western counties of Pennsylvania -resisted with violence the tax on distilled spirits. In Kentucky -and Georgia, warlike insurrections, perhaps excited from abroad, -threatened, on their own authority, to take forcible possession -of Louisiana and Florida, and to engage the nation, in spite of -itself, in a conflict with Spain. The war against the Indians -continued, always difficult and of doubtful issue. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_143">{143}</a></span> -A new Congress had just assembled, full of respect for -Washington; but yet the House of Representatives showed itself -more reserved in its approbation of his foreign policy, and chose -an opposition Speaker by a majority of ten votes. England desired -to maintain peace with the United States; but, whether she had -doubts of the success of Washington in this system, or acted in -obedience to the dictates of her general policy, or from an -insolent spirit of contempt, she continued and even aggravated -her measures against the commerce of the Americans, whose -irritation also increased in its turn. "It has not been the -smallest of these embarrassments," writes Washington, "that the -domineering spirit of Great Britain should revive again just at -this crisis, and the outrageous and insulting conduct of some of -her officers should combine therewith to play into the hands of -the discontented, and sour the minds of those who are friends to -peace. But this, by the bye." [Footnote 86] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 86: Washington's Writings,<br> - Vol. XI. p. 63.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_144">{144}</a></span> -<p> -It was indeed "by the bye," and without any purpose of taking -advantage of it in order to weaken his policy or to exalt his -merit, that he pointed out the obstacles scattered along his -path. As exempt from vanity as from indecision, he took pains to -surmount, but not to display them. At the time when the -ascendency of the democratic party seem to be assured, when the -federalists themselves were wavering, when severe measures -proposed in Congress against England were about, perhaps, to -render war inevitable, Washington suddenly announced to the -Senate, by a message, that he had just nominated one of the -principal leaders of the federal party, Mr. Jay, Envoy -Extraordinary to the Court of London, in order to attempt to -reconcile the differences between the two nations by the peaceful -instrument of negotiation. -</p> -<p> -The Senate immediately confirmed his choice. The indignation of -the opposition was at its height. They desired war, and -especially, by means of war, a change of policy. The simple -continuance of the present state of affairs promised to lead to -that result. In so excited a state of feeling, in the midst of -the increasing irritation, a rumor from Europe, a new insult to -the American flag, the slightest circumstance, might cause -hostilities to break out. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_145">{145}</a></span> -Washington, by his sudden resolution, gave a new turn to events. -The negotiations might be successful; they made it the duty of -the government to await the result. If they failed, he remained -in a position to make war himself, and to control it, without his -policy's receiving a death-blow. -</p> -<p> -In order to give to his negotiations the authority of a strong -and well-established power, at the same time that he was baffling -the hopes of his enemies as to matters abroad, Washington -resolved to repress their efforts at home. The resistance of some -counties in Pennsylvania to the tax on distilled spirits had -become an open rebellion. He announced, by a proclamation, his -firm purpose of enforcing the execution of the laws; assembled -the militia of Virginia, Maryland, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania -itself; formed them into an army; went in person to the places of -rendezvous, with a determination to take the command himself if -the contest became serious; and did not return to Philadelphia -till he had learned, with certainty, that the insurgents would -not venture to sustain it. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_146">{146}</a></span> -They dispersed, in point of fact, on the approach of the army, a -detachment of which took up winter quarters in the disaffected -country. -</p> -<p> -Washington, on this occasion, felt that stern but deep joy, -sometimes granted, in free countries, to a virtuous man who bears -firmly the weight of power. Everywhere, especially in the States -which were near the scene of the insurrection, good citizens were -aware of the danger, and felt their obligation to contribute, by -their own efforts, to the support of the laws. The magistrates -were resolute, the militia zealous; a strong public opinion -silenced the hypocritical sophistries of the advocates of the -insurrection; and Washington did his duty with the approbation -and support of his country. A moderate compensation, indeed, for -the new and bitter trials that awaited him. -</p> -<p> -At about the same period, his cabinet, which had shared his -labors and his glory, withdrew from him. Hamilton, who was the -object of a hostility always increasing, after having sustained -the contest as long as the success of his plans and his honor -required, compelled at length to think of himself and of his -family, resigned. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_147">{147}</a></span> -Knox followed his example. Thus Washington was surrounded by none -but new men, who, though devoted to his course of policy, had -much less weight of authority than their predecessors, when Mr. -Jay returned from London, bringing the result of those -negotiations, the mere announcement of which had excited so much -indignation. -</p> -<p> -The treaty was far from accomplishing all that was to be desired. -It did not settle all the questions, nor secure all the interests -of the United States; but it put an end to the principal -differences of the two nations; it assured the full execution, -hitherto delayed by Great Britain, of the agreements entered into -with her when she had recognized the independence of the country; -it prepared the way for new and more favorable negotiations. In -short, it was peace; an assured peace; one which lessened even -those evils, which it did not remove. -</p> -<p> -Washington did not hesitate. He had the rare courage to adhere -firmly to a leading principle, and to accept, without a murmur, -the imperfections and inconveniences which accompany success. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_148">{148}</a></span> -He immediately communicated the treaty to the Senate, who -approved it, with the exception of one article, in regard to -which a modification was to be required of England. The question -still remained in suspense. The opposition made their utmost -efforts. Addresses came from Boston, New York, Baltimore, -Georgetown, &c., expressing disapprobation of the treaty, and -requesting the President not to ratify it. The populace of -Philadelphia assembled in a riotous manner, marched through the -town, carrying the articles of the treaty at the end of a pole, -and formally burned them before the house of the British minister -and consul. Washington, who had gone to pass some days at Mount -Vernon, returned in haste to Philadelphia, and consulted his -cabinet on the question of immediately ratifying the treaty, -without awaiting the arrival from London of the modification -which even the Senate had declared necessary. This step was a -bold one. One member of the cabinet, Randolph, made objections. -Washington went on and ratified the treaty. The British -government agreed to the modification demanded, and in its turn -ratified it. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_149">{149}</a></span> -There still remained the duty of carrying it into effect, which -required legislative measures and the intervention of Congress. -The contest was renewed in the House of Representatives. Several -times the opposition gained a majority. Washington stood firm, in -the name of the Constitution, which his opponents also appealed -to against him. Finally, at the end of six months, that peace -might not be disturbed, in the general conviction that the -President would be inflexible, the opposition being rather -wearied out than overcome, the measures necessary for carrying -the treaty into effect were adopted by a majority of three votes. -</p> -<p> -Throughout the country, in public meetings and in newspapers, the -fury of party exceeded all bounds. From all quarters, every day, -addresses full of censure, anonymous letters, invectives, -calumnies, threats, were poured out against Washington. Even his -integrity was scandalously assailed. -</p> -<p> -He remained unmoved. He replied to the addresses; "My sense of -the treaty has been manifested by its ratification. The -principles on which my sanction was given, have been made public. -I regret the diversity of opinion. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_150">{150}</a></span> -But whatever qualities, manifested in a long and arduous public -life, have acquired for me the confidence of my fellow-citizens, -let them be assured that they remain unchanged; and that they -will continue to be exerted on every occasion, in which the -honor, the happiness, and welfare of our common country are -immediately involved." [Footnote 87] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 87: Washington's Writings,<br> - Vol. XII. p. 212.] -</p> -<p> -On the attacks of the press, he said; "I did not believe until -lately, that it was within the bounds of probability, hardly -within those of possibility, that while I was using my utmost -exertions to establish a national character of our own, -independent, as far as our obligations and justice would permit, -of every nation of the earth; and wished, by steering a steady -course, to preserve this country from the horrors of a desolating -war, I should be accused of being the enemy of one nation, and -subject to the influence of another; and, to prove it, that every -act of my administration would be tortured, and the grossest and -most insidious misrepresentations of them be made, by giving one -side only of a subject, and that, too, in such exaggerated and -indecent terms as could scarcely be applied to a Nero, a -notorious defaulter, or even to a common pickpocket. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_151">{151}</a></span> -But enough of this. I have already gone further in the expression -of my feelings than I intended." [Footnote 88] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 88: Washington's Writings,<br> - Vol. XI. p. 139.] -</p> -<p> -Good men, the friends of order and justice, at length perceived -that they were leaving their noble champion exposed, without -defence, to unworthy attacks. In free countries, falsehood stalks -with a bold front; vain would be the attempt to force it to keep -concealed; but it is the duty of truth, also, to lift up its -head; on these terms alone is liberty a blessing. In their turn, -numerous and cordial congratulations, encouraging and grateful -addresses, were presented to Washington. And when the close of -his second presidency approached, in all parts of the Union, even -those where the opposition seemed to prevail, a multitude of -voices were raised, to entreat him to accept a third time the -highest power which the suffrages of his fellow-citizens could -confer. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_152">{152}</a></span> -<p> -But his resolution was fixed. He did not permit even a discussion -of the question. That memorable Farewell Address, in which, as he -was returning into the midst of the people whom he had governed, -he dispensed to them the last teachings of his long-gathered -wisdom, is still, after more than forty years, cherished by them -as an object of remembrance, and almost of tenderness of feeling. -</p> -<p class="cite"> - "In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old - and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the - strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will - control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our - nation from running the course, which has hitherto marked the - destiny of nations. But, if I may even flatter myself, that - they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional - good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of - party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign - intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended - patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the - solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated." - [Footnote 89] … -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 89: Washington's Writings, - Vol. XII. p. 233.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_153">{153}</a></span> -<p class="cite"> - "Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am - unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too - sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have - committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently - beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which - they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope, that my - country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and - that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its - service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent - abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be - to the mansions of rest. -<br><br> - "Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and - actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural - to a man, who views in it the native soil of himself and his - progenitors for several generations; I anticipate with pleasing - expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, - without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst - of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under - a free government, the ever favorite object of my heart, and - the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and - dangers." [Footnote 90] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 90: Washington's Writings, - Vol. XII. pp. 234, 235.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_154">{154}</a></span> -<p> -What an incomparable example of dignity and modesty! How perfect -a model of that respect for the public and for one's self, which -gives to power its moral grandeur! -</p> -<p> -Washington did well to withdraw from public business. He had -entered upon it at one of those moments, at once difficult and -favorable, when nations, surrounded by perils, summon all their -virtue and all their wisdom to surmount them. He was admirably -suited to this position. He held the sentiments and opinions of -his age without slavishness or fanaticism. The past, its -institutions, its interests, its manners, inspired him with -neither hatred nor regret. His thoughts and his ambition did not -impatiently reach forward into the future. The society, in the -midst of which he lived, suited his tastes and his judgment. He -had confidence in its principles and its destiny; but a -confidence enlightened and qualified by an accurate instinctive -perception of the eternal principles of social order. -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_155">{155}</a></span> -He served it with heartiness and independence, with that -combination of faith and fear which is wisdom in the affairs of -the world, as well as before God. On this account, especially, he -was qualified to govern it; for democracy requires two things for -its tranquillity and its success; it must feel itself to be -trusted and yet restrained, and must believe alike in the genuine -devotedness and the moral superiority of its leaders. On these -conditions alone can it govern itself while in a process of -development, and hope to take a place among the durable and -glorious forms of human society. It is the honor of the American -people to have, at this period, understood and accepted these -conditions. It is the glory of Washington to have been their -interpreter and instrument. -</p> -<p> -He did the two greatest things which, in politics, man can have -the privilege of attempting. He maintained, by peace, that -independence of his country, which he had acquired by war. He -founded a free government, in the name of the principles of -order, and by reestablishing their sway. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_156">{156}</a></span> -<p> -When he retired from public life, both tasks were accomplished, -and he could enjoy the result. For, in such high enterprises, the -labor which they have cost matters but little. The sweat of any -toil is dried at once on the brow where God places such laurels. -</p> -<p> -He retired voluntarily, and a conqueror. To the very last, his -policy had prevailed. If he had wished, he could still have kept -the direction of it. His successor was one of his most attached -friends, one whom he had himself designated. -</p> -<p> -Still the epoch was a critical one. He had governed successfully -for eight years, a long period in a democratic state, and that in -its infancy. For some time, a policy opposed to his own had been -gaining ground. American society seemed disposed to make a trial -of new paths, more in conformity, perhaps, with its bias. Perhaps -the hour had come for Washington to quit the arena. His successor -was there overcome. Mr. Adams was succeeded by Mr. Jefferson, the -leader of the opposition. Since that time, the democratic party -has governed the United States. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_157">{157}</a></span> -<p> -Is this a good or an evil? Could it be Otherwise? Had the -government continued in the hands of the federal party, would it -have done better? Was this possible? What have been the -consequences, to the United States, of the triumph of the -democratic party? Have they been carried out to the end, or have -they only begun? What changes have the society and constitution -of America undergone, what have they yet to undergo, under their -influence? -</p> -<p> -These are great questions; difficult, if I mistake not, for -natives to solve, and certainly impossible for a foreigner. -</p> -<p> -However it may be, one thing is certain; that which Washington -did,—the founding of a free government, by order and peace, at -the close of the Revolution,—no other policy than his could have -accomplished. He has had this true glory; of triumphing, so long -as he governed; and of rendering the triumph of his adversaries -possible, after him, without disturbance to the state. -</p> -<p> -More than once, perhaps, this result presented itself to his -mind, without disturbing his composure. "With me, a predominant -motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle -and mature its yet recent institutions; and to progress without -interruption to that degree of strength and consistency, which is -necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own -fortunes." [Footnote 91] -</p> -<p class="footnote"> - [Footnote 91: Washington's Writings, - Vol. XII. p 234.] -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_158">{158}</a></span> -<p> -The people of the United States are virtually the arbiters of -their own fortunes. Washington had aimed at that high object. He -reached his mark. -</p> -<p> -Who has succeeded like him? Who has seen his own success so near -and so soon? Who has enjoyed, to such a degree and to the last, -the confidence and gratitude of his country? -</p> -<p> -Still, at the close of his life, in the delightful and honorable -retirement at Mount Vernon, which he had so longed for, this -great man, serene as he was, was inwardly conscious of a slight -feeling of lassitude and melancholy; a feeling very natural at -the close of a long life employed in the affairs of men. Power is -an oppressive burden; and mankind are hard to serve, when one is -struggling virtuously against their passions and their errors. -Even success does not efface the sad impressions which the -contest has given birth to; and the exhaustion, which succeeds -the struggle, is still felt in the quiet of repose. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_159">{159}</a></span> -<p> -The disposition of the most eminent men, and of the best among -the most eminent, to keep aloof from public affairs, in a free -democratic society, is a serious fact. Washington, Jefferson, -Madison, all ardently sighed for retirement. It would seem as if, -in this form of society, the task of government were too severe -for men who are capable of comprehending its extent, and desirous -of discharging the trust in a proper manner. -</p> -<p> -Still, to such men alone this task is suited, and ought to be -intrusted. Government will be, always and everywhere, the -greatest exercise of the faculties of man, and consequently that -which requires minds of the highest order. It is for the honor, -as well as for the interest, of society, that such minds should -be drawn into the administration of its affairs, and retained -there; for no institutions, no securities, can supply their -place. -</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_160">{160}</a></span> -<p> -And, on the other hand, in men who are worthy of this destiny, -all weariness, all sadness of spirit, however it might be -permitted in others, is a weakness. Their vocation is labor. -Their reward is, indeed, the success of their efforts, but still -only in labor. Very often they die, bent under the burden, before -the day of recompense arrives. Washington lived to receive it. He -deserved and enjoyed both success and repose. Of all great men, -he was the most virtuous, and the most fortunate. In this world, -God has no higher favors to bestow. -</p> -<br> - <h2>The End.</h2> - - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Essay On The Character And Influence -Of Washington in the Revolution Of The United States Of America, by François Guizot - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ESSAY ON CHARACTER OF WASHINGTON *** - -***** This file should be named 60668-h.htm or 60668-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/6/0/6/6/60668/ - -Produced by Don Kostuch -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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