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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..40bf9bf --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #56083 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/56083) diff --git a/old/56083-0.txt b/old/56083-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 5e30366..0000000 --- a/old/56083-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,3997 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of De Soto, Coronado, Cabrillo, by David Lavender - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: De Soto, Coronado, Cabrillo - Explorers of the Northern Mystery - -Author: David Lavender - -Release Date: November 30, 2017 [EBook #56083] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DE SOTO, CORONADO, CABRILLO *** - - - - -Produced by Stephen Hutcheson, Dave Morgan and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net - - - - - - - - - - Handbook 144 - - - - - De Soto, Coronado, Cabrillo - Explorers of the _Northern Mystery_ - - - By David Lavender - Produced by the - Division of Publications - National Park Service - - U.S. Department of the Interior - Washington, D.C. - - - _About this book_ - -American history begins not with the English at Jamestown or the -Pilgrims at Plymouth but with Spanish exploration of the border country -from Florida to California in the 16th century. This handbook describes -the expeditions of three intrepid explorers—De Soto, Coronado, and -Cabrillo—their adventures, their encounters with native inhabitants, and -the consequences, good and ill, of their journeys. This little-known -story is related by David Lavender, author of many books on the American -West. His work gives perspective to the several national parks that -commemorate the first Spanish explorations. - -National Park Handbooks, compact introductions to the natural and -historical places administered by the National Park Service, are -designed to promote public understanding and enjoyment of the parks. -These handbooks are intended to be informative reading and useful -guides. More than 100 titles are in print. They are sold at parks and by -mail from the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing -Office, Washington, D.C. 20402. - - - _Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data_ - Lavender, David Sievert, 1910- - De Soto, Coronado, Cabrillo: explorers of the northern mystery/by - David Lavender. - p. cm.—(Handbook; 144) - 1. United States—Discovery and exploration—Spanish. - 2. Soto, Hernando, de, ca. 1500-1542. - 3. Coronado, Francisco Vásques de, 1510-1554. - 4. Cabrillo, Juan Rodrígues, d. 1543. - 5. Explorers—United States—History—16th century. - I. Title. - II. Series: Handbook (United States. National Park Service. - Division of Publications); 144 - E123.L24 1992 973.1—dc20 91-47633 - CIP 1992 - - - Prologue 5 - The Spanish Entradas 10 - _David Lavender_ - The Ways of the Conquerors 13 - The Wanderers 21 - Journey into Darkness 37 - Where the Fables Ended 55 - The Seafarers 85 - Epilogue 97 - A Guide to Sites 98 - De Soto National Memorial 102 - Coronado National Memorial 104 - Pecos National Historical Park 106 - Cabrillo National Monument 108 - - [Illustration: This 16th-century woodcut, the product of an artist - with a fertile imagination but little information, epitomizes the - contemporary view that European discoverers were bringing - civilization to the grateful natives of the New World.] - - - - - Prologue - - -A magic date: 1492. The year began with Christopher Columbus watching -the Moors surrender the city of Granada, their last stronghold in Spain, -to the joint monarchs Ferdinand and Isabella. He reminded them of the -triumph in a summation he wrote later of what he too had accomplished -that year. “I saw the banners of your Highnesses raised on the towers of -the Alhambra in the city of Granada, and I saw the Moorish king go out -of the gate of the city and kiss the hands of your Highnesses and of my -lord the Prince.” Shortly after the victory, he added, “your Highnesses -... determined to send me, Christopher Columbus to the countries of -India, so that I might see what they were like, the lands and the -people, and might seek out and know the nature of everything that is -there....” - -This remarkable coincidence—the expulsion of the Moors from Spain and -Columbus’s almost simultaneous discovery of the “Indies”—resulted in a -burst of explosive expansionism. The following year, 1493, Columbus -established Spain’s first colony in the New World on the island of -Hispaniola, occupied now by Haiti and the Dominican Republic. By 1515 -Cuba had been conquered and its cities of Santiago and Havana -established as bases for further exploration. In 1519 Hernán Cortés -swept out of Cuba into Mexico and found a new source of wealth for his -country, his followers, and himself by looting the Aztec empire of -stores of gold and silver the Indians had been accumulating for -centuries. A decade later Francisco Pizarro began his dogged and even -more lucrative conquest of the Incas of Peru. - -Meanwhile, what of the Northern Mystery, as historian Herbert E. Bolton -aptly named the unknown lands above Mexico? Was it not logical that -similar treasures awaited discovery there? And so the fever for -adventure and riches drew three more distance-defying explorers—Hernando -de Soto, Francisco Vásquez de Coronado, and Juan Rodríguez Cabrillo—into -three different parts of what is now the United States. Each reached as -far as he did because inside him burned the awesome, often -contradictory, but always steel-bright fires of medieval Spain. - -Our tangible connection to this age of pathfinding and discovery is a -scattering of historic places stretching from Florida to California. -They are evidence of Spanish life and color in the old borderlands. This -book draws into a whole the stories of several such places. Here are the -beginnings of Spanish North America. - - - Routes of the Explorers - - [Illustration: Routes of the Explorers] - - The first Spanish expeditions into the northern borderlands of New - Spain sampled the continent’s wondrous diversity. De Soto made his - great march across a luxuriant country so stunning and productive that - the expedition’s journals are full of admiring description. He - encountered complex native societies, which were often organized into - powerful chiefdoms—generous in peace but formidable in war. Centuries - of settlement has greatly altered this landscape. Not so Coronado’s - country. A traveler to the Southwest can still see places evocative of - the first Spanish encounters with Indians of the pueblos and Plains. A - sailor retracing Cabrillo’s route up the California coast runs past - mountains that, in the words of the chronicler, “seem to reach the - heavens ... [and are] covered with snow”—mountains he called the - Sierra Nevada. They are today’s Santa Lucia range. Cabrillo’s voyage - is now best followed in the imagination. - - - Timeline - - 1440-60 The Portuguese explore coast of Africa - 1492 Moors defeated in Spain; Columbus lands in New World - 1497 Vasco da Gama sails to India by way of Africa - 1513 Ponce de León claims Florida for Spain - 1519-21 Magellan’s fleet sails around the world - 1521 Cortés conquers the Aztecs - 1528 Narváez attempts a colony in Florida - 1529-36 The wanderings of Cabeza de Vaca - 1532 Pizarro overthrows the Incas of Peru - 1539-43 De Soto expedition - 1540-42 Coronado expedition - 1542-43 Cabrillo’s voyage - 1562 French Huguenots settle in Florida - 1565 Menendez establishes St. Augustine - 1584 Ralegh plants colony on North Carolina coast - 1598 Oñate expedition into Southwest - 1607 English settle at Jamestown - 1620 Pilgrims settle at Plymouth - - - First Expeditions North - - De Soto Coronado Cabrillo - - 1539 Lands in Florida in - late May; marches - through upper Florida; - major battle at - Napituca; guerilla war - with Apalachees; - winter camp at Anhaica - (Tallahassee) - 1540 Following Indian Departs from Accompanies an - trails, expedition Compostela with an exploring expedition - swings in a wide arc army of 300 cavalry up the northwest coast - through Georgia, South and infantry, several as _almirante_ (second - Carolina, North hundred Indian allies, in command). - Carolina, and Alabama, friars, and a long Expedition abandoned - encountering major pack train. Alarcón after its leader is - chiefdoms. Bloody sails up the Gulf of killed fighting - battle at Mabila California with three Indians. - (central Alabama) in vessels. Expedition - October penetrates American - Southwest, reaches - Háwikuh in July; - engages the Zuñi in - battle; Coronado - wounded. - Tovar explores Hopi - villages in Arizona. - Alarcón reaches mouth - of Colorado River. - Cárdenas sights the - Grand Canyon. - Alvarado marches to - Acoma, Pecos, and - beyond. - 1541 Winters among Journeys to Quivira Gathers a new - ancestral Chickasaw (Kansas). Winters at exploring fleet for - Indians of Mississippi Tiguex; puts down an Mendoza. - and suffers attack by Indian revolt. - them; crosses - Mississippi in May; - travels in great loop - through Arkansas; - discovers buffalo - hunters and a people - who live in scattered - houses and not in - villages; endures - severe winter at - Autiamque - 1542 Reaches the rich The army departs for Dispatched by Mendoza - chiefdom of Anilco; at home in April, arrives to continue - nearby Guachoya, De in Mexico City in exploration of the - Soto sends out scout mid-summer. Coronado northwest. - parties who find reports to Viceroy _June:_ Sails from - nothing but Antonio de Mendoza on Navidad, near Colima, - wilderness; De Soto expedition, resumes Mexico. - dies, is succeeded by his governorship of _September 28:_ Sights - Moscoso. After Nueva Galicia. Months “a sheltered port and - fruitless wandering in later Coronado is a very good one.” This - east Texas, Moscoso tried for is San Diego Bay, - retraces route to mismanagement of which he names San - Anilco expedition but Miguel. - acquitted. _October:_ Sails - through the Channel - Islands, suffers fall - and injury. - _November:_ Reaches - the northernmost point - of the voyage, perhaps - Point Reyes, - California, but turns - back. - 1543 Winter camp at Aminoya _January 3:_ Dies on - on Mississippi; San Miguel Island - survivors—half the (Channel Islands). - original number—build _February:_ The fleet - boats to float sails north again, - downriver; in perhaps as far as - September, they reach Oregon before turning - Pánuco River, in Mexico back. - _April:_ Fleet arrives - back at Navidad, nine - months after embarking. - - - - - The Spanish _Entradas_ - - - [Illustration: Globe] - - [Illustration: In 1493 on his second voyage Columbus stopped at St. - Croix, one of the U.S. Virgin Islands. It was then “a very beautiful - and fertile” island cultivated by Carib Indians. A boat he sent - ashore met with a canoe full of Caribs. In an ensuing fight, one - Indian was killed and several captured—the first serious hostilities - with New World natives. Salt River Bay National Historical Park - preserves the scene of this fateful encounter.] - - - The Ways of the Conquerors - -An estimated 3,000 battles wracked the Iberian Peninsula between AD 711, -when Moors from Africa invaded what became Spain, and 1492, when they -were finally expelled. Nor were battles against the Moors the only ones. -The Christian leaders of the peninsula’s several principalities fought -each other and their recalcitrant nobles in a constant quest for power, -until finally Ferdinand and Isabella welded together, by marriage, all -the units except Portugal. - -Centralization of power in the hands of national governments was one of -the characteristics that marked the slow emergence in Europe of what -history calls the modern world. The reasons are manifold. A central -government supported by a rising middle class of merchants and bankers -was able to create big armies of professional soldiers and equip them -with newly introduced gunpowder, a capability quite beyond the reach of -the old feudal nobles. Concurrently, the new governments consolidated -economic power, partly through nationwide taxation. New industries were -encouraged. Feelings of nationalism swelled; people took pride in -considering themselves Spaniards rather than just Castillians. - -International trade assumed new importance, especially trade with the -Orient, whose extraordinary wealth had been revealed by the adventures -of the Venetian family of Polo as recounted by Marco, the youngest of -the group. Land caravans to the fabled East were difficult, however, and -limited by interruptions and tributes imposed by Moslem middlemen. So -why not travel to the Orient by water, either by circling the southern -tip of Africa or sailing due west across the Atlantic? - -The most logical place in Europe for starting the endeavor was the -Iberian Peninsula, which dipped down toward Africa and all but closed -off the western end of the Mediterranean Sea. The exploration of Africa -was launched during the middle of the 15th century by Prince Henry the -Navigator of tiny Portugal. His success and that of the Portuguese -rulers who followed him was so astounding that Ferdinand and Isabella at -last agreed to support Columbus in a competitive transatlantic attempt. -The point is vital. Spain’s feudal nobles probably could not have -financed the expedition; the central government of newly unified Spain -did. - - [Illustration: Prince Henry of Portugal (1394-1460). His attempts at - reaching the Indies by outflanking Africa earned for him the title - of Navigator, though he himself never went on exploring voyages. His - headquarter at Sagres on the western-most promontory of Portugal was - a gathering place for cosmographers, astronomers, chartmakers, and - ship-builders. Their work inaugurated in the 15th century the great - age of discovery that Spain continued in the next century.] - -Columbus took the risk because he believed, as had the ancient Greeks, -that the circumference of the world was much smaller than it actually -was. He also believed, as had Marco Polo, that Asia extended farther -east than it does. When he found land at approximately the longitude -that he expected to, he assumed joyfully that he was close to Cathay -(China) and the islands of India. From that misapprehension comes, of -course, the name West Indies for the islands of the Caribbean and -Indians for their inhabitants, a term that quickly spread throughout the -hemisphere. - -The islands and the eastern coasts of Central America and the -northwestern part of South America that he and Amerigo Vespucci (hence -the name America) skirted on separate expeditions during the following -decade were disappointing—no teeming cities crowned with exotic -architecture, no kings and queens dressed in flowing silk and laden with -precious gems, no warehouses bulging with expensive spices. To a less -energetic nation than Spain, the failure of expectations might have -ended further activity. But emerging Spain saw opportunities in the -wilderness. Some gold could be taken from the placer mines on the island -of Hispaniola. Plantations worked by enslaved Indians could be developed -on Cuba and Puerto Rico. Those Indians—all Indians—had a greater -attraction than just as laborers, however. Alone of all European -nations, Spain was committed to incorporating the native Americans into -the empire as loyal, taxpaying subjects. Priests accompanied exploring -expeditions. After the _entradas_ were completed, missionaries settled -among the tribes and began the civilizing process, as civilization was -defined by the conquerors. - -The Spaniards saw themselves as particularly fitted for carrying out -this God-given program. Eight centuries of war against the Moors had -brought a strong sense of unity to the peninsula’s extraordinary mix of -bloodlines—descendants of ancient Greeks, Romans, Carthegenians, and -Celts as well as indigenous Iberians. Contests with Muslims and attacks -on Jews through the Inquisition (Jews were also expelled from Spain in -1492) had spread a crusading religious fervor throughout the nation. -Many a Spaniard felt in his bones what was in fact the truth: Spain was -poised in the 16th century for a great leap forward that would, for a -time, make her the dominant power in Europe. Supreme confidence -generated in many Spaniards a pride that unfriendly nations such as -England regarded as arrogance. - -One side effect of all this was the creation of a large class of -professional soldiers who scorned all other callings. Success in battle -brought them a living of sorts; victors, for example, could force -Muslims to work patches of ground for them. A man could become an -_hidalgo_, entitled to use the word _Don_ in front of his name and pass -it on, generation after generation, to his sons. The first-born of these -families picked up the nation’s plums. They were appointed to -prestigious places in the army, the church, or the royal bureaucracy. -For the rest there was little but their swords and a readiness for -adventure. - -The New World opened new opportunities for these younger sons and their -followers. They could join small private armies that went, with the -monarch’s permission, into the Americas to spread the gospel among the -“heathens” while simultaneously looting the defeated Indians’ -storehouses of treasure and taking their lands. Prime examples of this -grasping for treasure are furnished by some of the _conquistadores_ who -hailed from the harsh, barren lands of the Extremadura region of -Castile—names that still ring triumphantly throughout most of the New -World: Hernán Cortés, Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, the brothers Pizarro, and -Hernando de Soto. - - [Illustration: Christopher Columbus, whose 1492 voyage opened a new - world to Europeans. Though many artists have attempted portraits of - Columbus, none were from life. This portrait is a copy of a painting - done in 1525.] - - [Illustration: After the First Voyage, the Spanish monarchs granted - to Columbus and his descendents this coat of arms. It signified his - new place in the nobility. The gold castle and purple lion linked - him to the sovereigns. The golden islands in the sea proclaimed his - discoveries. The anchors were emblems of his rank as admiral.] - -The crown gave little except permission and titles—_adelantado_ (“he who -leads the way”) and governor—to men such as these. But if the risks were -great, so too at times were the rewards. As already indicated, there -might be riches to divide after the king had taken his 20 percent share. -There were plantations to be founded and tended by Indians who gave -their labor, however willingly, in exchange for being taught the ways of -Christians. The size of each man’s share in these gains depended partly -on his initial investment in the expedition. Money wasn’t all. The -contribution could be—and this was a crucial point—energy, ability, -intense patriotism, religious zeal, and often ruthlessness. - -Each man took with him to the New World what he had. Apparently there -were few full suits of armor, though Francisco Vásquez de Coronado did -possess one that was handsomely gilded to look like the gold he was -searching for. - -Partial suits—coats of mail made of small, interlinked rings of metal or -cuirasses of plate armor that protected the wearer’s front and -sides—were more numerous. Most cuirasses were made with a ridge running -down the front and curved in such a way that a lance point striking the -metal would, it was hoped, glance off without penetrating. It was hoped, -too, that arrows would be similarly deflected. The chronicles tell, -however, of Indian bows driving arrows entirely through plate armor and -of cane arrows splintering on striking chain mail. The needle-sharp -pieces then passed through the metal rings, inflicting puncture wounds -that festered. Jackets made of quilted padding or even of tough bullhide -were probably as effective against arrows as metal. - - [Illustration: Priests accompanied most expeditions of discovery. - Like their countrymen, most clergy were poorly equipped to - understand and tolerate the new societies they encountered in - America. One clergyman who rose far above his time and place was - Bartolomé de las Casas, who spoke out against abuse of the Indians - but met with great opposition from vested interests.] - -Footmen, who constituted the greater part of every New World expedition, -carried pikes or halberds, crossbows or arquebuses, and sometimes maces -or battle axes. A crossbow, whose string was pulled tight by a crank, -propelled iron darts with great force and accuracy from grooves in the -weapon’s stock. An arquebus was a primitive musket about 3 feet in -length but lacked accuracy at distances greater than 75 yards or so. -Indians, it turned out, could shoot several arrows in the time the -handler of a crossbow or arquebus could fire once. - -Cavalrymen, the elite of the force, were armed with lances, swords for -slashing, and daggers. Long lances were generally couched against the -rider’s body, as in tournaments or charges against similarly equipped -European adversaries. A lance driven through an Indian’s body, however, -would sometimes hang up and pull the rider from his saddle. Accordingly, -shorter weapons held in an upraised hand were preferred in the New -World. They could be hurled or held and directed at the enemy’s face—an -enemy on foot, for the native Americans did not yet have horses. - -The _conquistadores_ were as superb horsemen as the world has seen. -Their animals were loved and pampered. During the early years in the -Americas they were relatively rare and expensive (few survived the -tempestuous sea journey from Europe to become breeding stock), and just -the sight of them terrified Indians. The fearful impact of a cavalry -charge, lances flying or thrusting, swords slashing, and wardogs -sometimes racing beside the horses, goes far to explain how small groups -of Spaniards were able to triumph over great numerical odds. Pedro de -Casteñada, one of the historians of the Coronado expedition, put it -thus: “after God, we owed the victory to the horses.” - -Desperation also played a part. The adventurers often found themselves -hundreds of miles from any possibility of help. Stamina in the face of -hunger and hardship, courage and energy in opposition to attack and fear -were the basic elements of salvation. Of necessity the men adopted -whatever methods promised to carry them to their goals. Religious -fanaticism was another motive. To Cortés’s men, the Aztecs, who -regularly offered human sacrifices to a heathen god, were an abomination -and deserved to be annihilated, or at least enslaved, if they did not -accept the Christian salvation held out to them. This attitude carried -over, in somewhat lesser degree, to all Indians, even though Spain’s -rulers constantly exhorted gentleness, and missionaries went with every -major group to offer heaven to souls lost in darkness. That is, if -Indians had souls, which many Europeans of the time sincerely doubted. - -Finally, every _conquistador_ was stirred to action by his own -credulity. The Church had brought him up to believe implicitly in -miracles. A large part of his education consisted of peopling the -unknown world with marvels and monsters. A favorite tale, though by no -means the only one, dealt with seven Catholic bishops and their -congregations who fled from the invading Moors to the island of Antilia. -There they burned their ships and diligently built seven glorious -cities, for naturally Christian settlements would be more dazzling than -pagan ones. _Mas allá_: there is more beyond. A wondrous dream, -Spanish-style. It carried, in succession, Pánfilo Narváez, Hernando de -Soto, Francisco Vásquez de Coronado, and Juan Rodríguez Cabrillo into -what became the United States. There reality at last took command. - - - Los Conquistadores - - [Illustration: Spanish Soldiers] - - - _Cavalryman in armor_ - _Pikeman_ - _Arquebusier, c. 1540_ - _Crossbowman arming his weapon_ - _Wardogs_ - _Swordsman_ - - -With a few thousand soldiers Spain conquered the Americas. Most of the -soldiers were unemployed veterans of an army tempered by long campaigns -against the Moors in Iberia and the French in North Italy. They came to -America, wrote an eyewitness, “to serve God and His Majesty, to give -light to those who were in darkness, and to grow rich, as all men desire -to do.” - -_Los conquistadores_ were tough, disciplined, and as ruthless as -circumstances required. Their weapons—evolved in the formal battle of -Europe—were the matchlock musket (sometimes called an arquebus), the -crossbow, pikes, lances (carried by cavalry), swords, cannon, and above -all the horse, which Indians universally regarded as a supernatural -being. This weaponry served well against organized armies in Central -America and Peru that fought in formations mostly with clubs, spears, -and slings. But in North America, the Spaniards faced skilled and -elusive archers who could drive an arrow through armor. The crossbow and -musket soon proved useless. Far more effective were sword-wielding -cavalry and infantry and (for De Soto) wardogs. In the one battle -Southeast Indians had a chance of winning (Mabila, 18 October 1540), De -Soto against great odds slaughtered his antagonists. Thousands died -against only 18 or so Spaniards. Foreshadowing things to come, this -battle demonstrated that Indians fighting with Stone Age weapons were no -match against European arms and tactics. - - [Illustration: An infantryman armed his crossbow by pushing the - bowspring back with a lever, engaging the trigger catch, and - inserting a metal-tipped dart. This weapon was effective in Europe - against formations and armor but less useful against a foe who quite - sensibly soon learned to fight by stealth and avoid open combat.] - - - _Lever for arming the bow_ - _Stock_ - _Trigger_ - _Bowstring_ - - - [Illustration: The Spanish sword at its best was a superb piece of - craftsmanship. About 41 inches long, it was double-edged, razor - sharp, and flexible. A fine Toledo blade could be bent into a - semi-circle and withstand a hard strike against steel. At - hand-to-hand combat, Spanish swordsmen were unexcelled in either - Europe or the New World.] - - [Illustration: Temple of the Sun, religious center of the Aztec city - of Teotihuacán. A priest ascending this immense pyramid seemingly - disappeared into the sky.] - - - The Wanderers - -Redheaded Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca—Cabeza de Vaca translates as Cow’s -Head—was a man of considerable pride and, apparently, some wry humor. In -1483, about three years after his birth, its exact date unknown, his -paternal grandfather, Pedro de Vera, conquered the Grand Canary Island -off the northwest coast of Africa for Spain, a feat that brought a glow, -in court circles, to the name de Vera. And then there was his mother’s -name, Teresa Cabeza de Vaca. Legend avers that back in 1212 her -ancestor, a shepherd, had used the skull of a cow to mark a mountain -pass that let a Christian army surprise and defeat its Mohammedan enemy. -The shepherd’s sovereign thereupon bestowed the name Cabeza de Vaca on -the family. Young Alvar Nuñez must have enjoyed the story, for he -adopted his mother’s surname rather than his father’s, a not unusual -custom in Spain. - -He fought in several battles for Ferdinand and Isabella and for their -grandson, Charles V, and was severely wounded at least once. In 1526, -when he was about 46, Charles appointed him royal treasurer of a large -expedition Pánfilo de Narváez proposed to lead into Florida, a name that -then covered a huge region stretching from the peninsula around the -dimly known north Gulf Coast to the Rio de las Palmas in northeastern -Mexico.[1] If treasure was found—and treasure was Narváez’s goal—it -would be up to Cabeza de Vaca to make sure the king received his 20 -percent share. Other financial duties were involved, so that altogether -it seemed a promising appointment for a middle-aged ex-soldier and able -administrator. As events turned out, Vaca could hardly have suffered a -greater misfortune. - -The problem, which merits a digression, was Pánfilo de Narváez, the -expedition’s leader. About the same age as Cabeza de Vaca, he was tall, -courtly, and deep voiced, qualities that helped marvelously in advancing -his career. He had prospered as a pioneer settler in Jamaica, and -between 1511 and 1515 had aided Diego Velásquez in the conquest of Cuba, -a feat which had elevated Velásquez to the governorship of the island. -Both men added to their riches by using enforced Indian labor to exploit -the island’s shallow placer mines and embryonic plantations. And -although both could easily have retired to comfortable estates, each -wanted more money, a common itch. - - [Illustration: Charles, King of Spain, 1516-56, and Emperor of the - Holy Roman Empire, 1519-58. Under his rule, Spain carved out a new - empire in the Americas to go with its dominions in Europe.] - -As chief administrator of Cuba, Velásquez was allowed by the government -in Spain to authorize explorations of the Caribbean. In 1517 and 1518 he -exercised this right by licensing seafarers to explore and trade along -the coasts of Yucatan and Mexico, capture Indian slaves, and scout out -the country for booty. In return for the licenses, Velásquez would share -in whatever gains resulted. - -Of his searchers for new wealth, the one whose name would ring down -through history was Hernán Cortés. Cocky, crafty, reckless, and adept -with the ladies, Cortés had come to Cuba as Velásquez’s private -secretary at the same time Narváez had. He, too, had prospered, but -unlike Narváez he had quarreled sharply with his former boss. Though a -reconciliation had been effected, it was touchy. Still, Cortés had money -and was willing to spend it on risky adventures, and so, in 1518, he was -authorized to explore Mexico’s eastern coast. He assembled a fleet of 11 -ships, 16 precious horses, and prodigious stores of armaments. People -grew so excited about his prospects that he easily recruited 500 or so -soldiers and 100 sailors—nearly half of Cuba’s male population. - -While he was preparing his expedition, some of Velásquez’s other scouts -returned with rumors of a fabulous empire of Aztec Indians and their -capital city, Tenochtitlán, built on an island in a shallow lake that -filled most of a high mountain valley in Mexico. Growing suddenly -nervous about Cortés—how loyal would he be with treasure in front of him -and an army at his back?—Velásquez in February 1519 revoked Cortés’s -commission. Defying him, Cortés slipped away and disappeared. - -One of the world’s most fabulous adventures followed. Landing on the -Yucatan coast, Cortés rescued a survivor of one of Velásquez’s earlier -expeditions—a man who in his captivity had learned the Mayan language. -Employing the one-time prisoner as an interpreter, Cortés turned his -fleet northward, probing the coast. Such resistance as developed among -the Indians was quickly crushed by the terrifying aspect of the -expedition’s few horses. During one of those aborted battles, Cortés -rescued yet another captive, a woman named Malinche whom the priest with -the expedition baptized and named Marina. - - [Illustration: Hernán Cortés with 600 men and 16 horses overthrew - the Aztec empire. This illustration of the conquistador was made - from life.] - - [Illustration: The map traces his route from the coast to - Tenochtitlán in 1519.] - -Marina was a Nahua, or Aztec. While in captivity she too had learned the -Mayan tongue and could converse with the rescued Spaniard. Through this -linguistic conduit, the _conquistadores_ received exciting information -about Tenochtitlán, the glittering city of the Aztecs, predecessor of -today’s Mexico City. A dazzling prize! And why, Cortés surely wondered, -should he share any of it with Diego Velásquez, sitting safely at home -in Cuba? - -On April 21, 1519, the fleet dropped anchor at the sea end of a trail -leading to the city. There Cortés laid the foundations of a port that he -named Vera Cruz (today Veracruz). Calling his men together—they, too, -were excited about prospects—he prevailed on the majority to elect him -captain-general of the expedition, a move that in Cortés’s mind freed -him of his obligations to Velásquez and made him answerable only to King -Charles V. Simultaneously, he sent emissaries to Moctezuma, emperor of -the Aztecs, asking for an audience. - -The timing could hardly have been more propitious. The Aztec rule was -harsh; subject nations seethed with discontent; Tenochtitlán itself was -torn with dissensions. Fearful that the strangers might be able to -capitalize on the undercurrents of the rebellion—and fearful, too, that -the newcomers might somehow be descendants of the ancient serpent-god, -Quetzalcoatl—Moctezuma tried to buy off the Spaniards. Down to Veracruz -went five noble diplomats accompanied by 100 porters laden with -treasure. All of it was breathtaking, but what really dumbfounded the -Spaniards were two metal disks the size of cartwheels. One, representing -the Sun God, was of solid gold. The other, dedicated to the Moon, was of -silver. - -Cortés declined to respond as expected. He loaded the treasure onto one -of his ships and ordered the captain to sail directly to Spain, where he -would use the booty to win the approval of Charles V. The rest of the -ships he burned so that none of the men in the command who were still -loyal to Velásquez could return to Cuba and stir up trouble there. As -for his own men, they too would fight harder if they knew that no ships -were waiting to evacuate them if they were defeated. - - [Illustration: Xipe Totec, Aztec god of fertility, one of many gods - in the Aztec pantheon, redrawn from the original codex. He wears the - flayed skin of a sacrificial victim. Ritual killing horrified - Spaniards and in their eyes justified the conquest. But to Aztecs - the gods and their extravagant costumes were an important part of - everyday life, condensations of vital social truths.] - -In November 1519, Tenochtitlán capitulated after a short, hard fight. -Cortés took Moctezuma hostage and then paused to contemplate his -enormous prize. - -Unknown to the victors, the captain of the ship bound for Spain did -pause in Cuba to check on some land he owned there. It was a short stay -but long enough for the sailors to talk. Astounded couriers sped the -word to Velásquez. The governor was outraged. He was already at work -gathering a strong force of 900 men equipped with 80 horses and 13 ships -to pursue Cortés and arrest him for defying orders. Doubly furious at -what seemed to him Cortés’s latest treachery, he put Pánfilo de Narváez -in charge of a punitive force to bring the disloyal _conquistador_ back -to Cuba in chains! - -Warnings from Veracruz reached Cortés at the Aztec capital. He reacted -with characteristic boldness. Leaving two hundred men at Tenochtitlán, -he marched the rest swiftly to the coast. No one there anticipated him -so soon. Late at night, when most of his would-be captors were asleep, -he waded his men across a swollen stream and attacked without warning. -During the chaos that followed, a lance point put out one of Narváez’s -eyes. By dawn the field was in Cortés’s hands. Most of Narváez’s men, -hearing of the riches of Tenochtitlán, deserted their commander and -swore fealty to the victor. - -While Narváez remained under guard at Veracruz, nursing his wound, -Cortés marched back to rejoin the rest of his men at Tenochtitlán. The -Aztecs let the returning soldiers reach the palace compound and then -attacked in waves of thousands. The hostage emperor, Moctezuma, was -stoned to death by his own people while pleading for peace. Trying once -again to use the night as cover, Cortés on June 30, 1520, led hundreds -of Spaniards and several thousand Indian allies onto one of the -stone-and-earth causeways that connected the island city to the -mainland. Aztecs swarmed after them in canoes. On that famed _noche -triste_—night of sorrows—850 Spaniards and upwards of 4,000 of their -allies died. - -Fortune shifted quickly, however. Wheeling around on the plains outside -the city and making adroit use of his few horses and guns, Cortés -defeated the army pursuing him. Doggedly then he put together a fresh -army of Indians who hated the Aztecs and of whites who were dribbling -into Mexico to see what was going on. The next year, on August 13, 1521, -he recaptured Tenochtitlán, again at heavy cost. By twisting logic only -a little, he could have blamed all these troubles on Narváez’s inept -interference. He did not. He treated the man kindly and then sent him -home to Spain with, so it is said, a bagful of golden artifacts. - - “I saw the things which have been brought to the King from the new - land of gold, a sun all of gold a whole fathom broad, and a moon all - of silver of the same size, also two rooms full of the armour of the - people there, and all manner of wondrous weapons of [the Aztecs], - harnesses and darts, very strange clothing, beds and all kinds of - wonderful objects of human use, much better worth of seeing than - prodigies. These things are so precious that they are valued at a - hundred thousand florins. All the days of my life I have seen - nothing that rejoiced my heart so much as these things, for I saw - among them wonderful works of art, and I marvelled at the subtle - ingenia of people in foreign lands. Indeed, I cannot express all - that I thought there.”—_Albrecht Dürer upon seeing the Aztec objects - Cortés sent Charles V in 1519._ - -In Spain Narváez intrigued against the nation’s hero, as Cortés then -was, as best he could. He also yearned for a conquest in which he could -redeem himself. When the governorship of Florida fell open, he applied -for the position and won. His plan was to establish his first colony at -Río de las Palmas, north of Pánuco, on Mexico’s northeast coast, where -Cortés had already placed a defensive outpost. From there he could put -pressure on his enemy, who many of the king’s council thought was -growing too big for his boots. He could also search for the treasure -that he was sure lay somewhere in the north, in the land from which he -supposed the Aztecs had originally come—land where the fabled Seven -Cities might lie. - -Six hundred soldiers, sailors, and would-be settlers, a few of whom had -their wives with them, left Spain aboard five ships in June 1527. One of -the adventurers was Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca, making his first trip to -the New World. It was a hard journey—desertions, groundings, a deadly -hurricane, and finally a series of adverse storms that drove the little -fleet off its intended course for the Río de las Palmas to a landing on -the west coast of the Florida peninsula, probably opposite the head of -Tampa Bay. - -In view of the peninsula’s nearness to Cuba, remarkably little was known -about it. Beginning with Alonso Alvarez de Pineda in 1519, a few sea -explorers had groped along its western coast on their way to Mexico. -Occasional traders and slave hunters had poked into some of its lovely -bays—and had often taken severe trouncings from the Indians for their -pains. Juan Ponce de León, the only man to try to establish a colony -there, was mortally wounded during the attempt. - - - Tenochtitlán, Capital of the Aztec Empire - - [Illustration: Tenochtitlán] - - Tenochtitlán, predecessor of today’s Mexico City, was one of the most - magnificent cities in the world when Cortés and his small army arrived - in 1519. The sight of the radiant city in the center of a large lake - astonished the Spaniards. “We did not know what to say, or whether - what appeared before us was real,” wrote a soldier, “for there were - great cities along the shore and many others in the lake, all filled - with canoes, and at intervals along the causeways there were many - bridges....” - - About 250,000 persons lived here and in its sister city Tlatelolco - (left). The market place was huge. “Some of the soldiers with us had - been in many parts of the world, in Constantinople and all over Italy - and Rome, and they said they had never seen a public square so - perfectly laid out, so large, so orderly, and so full of people.” - - At the center of the city—and the Aztec religion—was the _Templo - Major_, a complex of temples and shrines to the gods of fertility and - war—the sources of Aztec power. The surfaces of the temples were - richly ornamented in symbols and myths that expressed their complete - vision of life. It was this city, which governed a vast empire in - central Mexico, that the intrepid Cortés and his band overthrew in - 1521. Within a few years a splendid and original civilization lay in - ruins. - -Narváez must have known of the dangers, but when he saw a yellow object -among some fish nets in a village from which the Indians had fled on his -approach, he jumped to the conclusion that it was gold. Hopefully, he -showed the object to some Indians he lured into camp, they pointed north -and said vehemently, “Apalachee! Apalachee!” Straightway Narváez decided -to march there overland with the main part of his force, 40 of them -mounted on the skin-and-bone horses that had survived the sea journey. -The rest of the group, including its women, were directed to sail along -the coast to a harbor supposedly known to the expedition’s pilot. There -the two groups would come together again. - - [Illustration: The Aztecs and kindred people were wonderful artists - in gold. The lifesize breastplate is Mixtecan, perhaps the - representation of the god of death.] - - [Illustration: The gold plug is an Aztecan facial ornament. Nobles - and military leaders routinely wore plugs as a sign of rank. The - plugs were inserted through a hole below the lip or in the cheek.] - -Cabeza de Vaca protested. They couldn’t be sure they understood the -Indians properly. Would the two parties be able to find each other again -on the intricate coast? They did not have food enough for exploring. -First they should locate their colony in an area suitable for farming -and send the ships to Cuba for supplies. Time enough then to search for -gold. - -Narváez waved him aside. The ships sailed on and the land party headed -north, each man carrying two pounds of biscuits and half a pound of -bacon. After 15 days of hunger they luckily seized some Indians who led -them to a field of maize ripe enough for harvesting. Strengthened -somewhat but beset by clouds of insects, they waded on through bogs, -built rafts for crossing rivers—a drowned horse fed some of them one -night—and then entered a region of enormous trees where piles of fallen -timber created an almost impassable maze. - -Apalachee, located close to the site of modern Tallahassee, turned out -to be a village of 40 small houses roofed with thatch. No gold. -Disgruntled, Narváez imprisoned an Apalachee chief and appropriated some -of the houses for shelter. The villagers retaliated by setting fire to -the buildings, a tactic that became common during later years. - -The invaders stayed 25 days, scouting the surrounding country and -resting as best they could under constant sniping by displaced -inhabitants. They then headed west toward another town of reputed -richness, Aute, near present-day St. Marks, on Apalachee Bay. Indians -shadowed them, killing or wounding several men with hard-pointed arrows -capable of piercing armor. Cabeza de Vaca was one of those nicked. - -On the Spaniards’ approach, the inhabitants of Aute burned their huts -and fled. There was no gold in the ruins. No silver. No jewels. And no -sign of Spanish ships in the bay. As a mysterious fever began felling -the men one by one, Narváez said that Pánuco could not be far away. If -they could build boats.... - -How? The men knew nothing about the art of shipbuilding. The only -materials they had were what they and their horses wore. Total -helplessness—until God’s will, Cabeza de Vaca wrote years later, -prompted one anonymous fellow to say he thought he could make a bellows -out of deerskin and wooden pipes. With the bellows they could produce -heat enough to transform spurs, bridle-bits, crossbow darts, and iron -stirrups into nails. Excited by that proposal, a Greek spoke up, saying -he knew how to manufacture waterproofing pitch from the resin in the -pine trees surrounding them. - -Working with the energy of desperation, the men put together, between -August 5 and September 20 five crude boats, each about 33 feet long. -They made sails out of their clothing, rope out of horse hair and -palmetto fibre, anchors out of stone. Those not involved in the -construction used the surviving horses—a diminishing number since they -killed one every third day for food—to bring in 640 bushels of corn from -the fields at Aute. Several men died from fever or wounds received from -the Indians—not altogether an ill wind, since the five boats could not -have carried more than the 250 or so persons who overloaded them at -sailing time. Narváez, exercising a leader’s prerogative, picked out the -best boat and strongest crew for himself. - -They crawled along close to the shore, sat out storms behind islands, -lost more men to Indian attack, and suffered so terribly from thirst—the -water bottles they had made from horsehide soon rotted—that four of them -drank salt water in their misery and perished. A more historic moment -than any of them would ever realize came toward the end of October 1528, -when, as they were edging out past some marshy islands, a powerful -current of fresh water swept them far out to sea. They had discovered -the mouth of a great river—the Mississippi. - -As they worked back toward the coast on the far side of the river mouth, -winds and sea currents quickened their pace. Despite strenuous efforts -the crews could not keep the boats together. The men with Cabeza de Vaca -grew so exhausted that they shouted to Narváez to toss them a rope and -help pull them along. Narváez refused. “When the sun sank,” the -treasurer recalled later, “all who were in my boat were fallen one on -another, so near to death that there were few of them in a state of -sensibility.” They lay inert throughout the night. At dawn—it was -November 6, 1528—Cabeza de Vaca heard the tumult of breakers but could -take no measures to meet the threat. A giant wave lifted the boat out of -the water and dropped it with a crash on what was either Galveston -Island off the coast of Texas or a nearby stub of a peninsula. - - [Illustration: The “hunch-backed cows” that Vaca and his companions - saw were the wide-ranging American bison. “They have small horns - like the cows of Morocco,” he wrote. “The hair is very long and - wooly like a rug. Some are tawny, others are black. In my judgment - the flesh is finer and fatter than cows from [Spain].”] - -Karankawa Indians who had gathered at the spot to dig roots succored -them. A little later they joined the crew of another capsized boat that -had been commanded by captains Alonso de Castillo and Andrés Dorantes, -whose black slave Estéban was with him. The combined group numbered -about 80, most of them infirm and next to naked. Numbly, they tried to -repair Cabeza de Vaca’s boat so the strongest could sail to Pánuco for -help. It sank. Four volunteers then agreed to try to reach Mexico by -land. They never returned. - -A winter of intense cold, starvation, and fever left only 15 alive, -Cabeza de Vaca barely so. In the spring, 13 of the survivors moved off -with the greater part of the Indians in search of food, leaving Cabeza -de Vaca and a second invalid, Lope de Oviedo, behind with a small band. -As soon as Cabeza de Vaca was able to work, the Indians set him to -digging roots and carrying firewood. To escape the drudgery he became a -trader, traveling far inland with a pack of shells, flints, cane for -arrow shafts, sinews and so on for barter. During the wanderings he -became the first European known to have seen bison. - -His great desire was to walk southwest along the coast until he reached -other men of his own kind, and he urged Oviedo to join him. The fellow -kept promising he would as soon as he was better. Not wishing to desert -a fellow Spaniard, Cabeza de Vaca wasted four years through one -postponement after another. At last they started, but then Oviedo caved -in with fear and turned back, preferring familiar miseries to the -unknown. - -Shortly thereafter, in 1532, in the bottomlands of the Colorado River of -Texas, where several bands were harvesting walnuts, Cabeza de Vaca -stumbled joyously across Castillo, Dorantes, and the vigorous black -Estéban. The trio were also ready to strike for Mexico if they could -escape from their masters, but they warned against fierce tribes to the -southwest. They should try a route farther north. - -After two years of interruption and frustrations they made the break. -The incredible journey, broken by long stays at various Indian camps, -lasted two years. At times they traveled alone. More often they were -accompanied by Indians. After they had chanced to pray over an ailing -man, who thereupon leaped up and declared himself cured, they became -revered as supernatural medicinemen, children of the sun. Their marches, -often scouted out for them by Estéban, who also served as interpreter—he -learned six languages during those arduous years—became triumphal -processions. Sometimes, says Cabeza de Vaca, as many as 4,000 Indians -would accompany them from one village to the next, a figure that, as -Bernard DeVoto has pointed out, should be taken as a way of saying -“quite a few.” Those who escorted them would often loot the first -village they reached, whereupon its inhabitants, moving on with the -quartet to another village, would recoup their losses by plundering it. - -What route did they follow? No one knows. Cabeza de Vaca’s descriptions -of Indian customs, rivers, mountains, vegetation, and so on have led -some students to suggest that the wanderers may have gone as far north -as southern New Mexico and Arizona. Others think they traveled out of -west Texas into Chihuahua. But whatever the way, it eventually merged -with one of the trade trails that ran between the Pueblo Indian towns of -the Southwest and those in the heavily populated, southward trending -valleys of Sonora. They reached the Sonora area in the spring of 1536. - -What had they seen along the way? Not much, according to a report that -the survivors sent to the _audiencia_ in Hispaniola in 1537. Just -buffalo robes that had originated in the country of the plains Indians -and beautifully woven cotton mantas that their native hosts had obtained -by trade with Indians somewhere in the north (probably the Pueblos of -the Rio Grande). Bits of coral and turquoise. And miles and miles of -desolation, thinly populated by primitive tribes. Writing a memoir of -the trip six years later, Cabeza de Vaca improved only slightly on the -tales. In Sonora, he related, he was given five emeralds shaped like -arrowheads; the donors said the “jewels” had been purchased in the north -with parrot feathers and plumes. Sadly, he lost the five artifacts -before anyone else saw them. He also told of handling a small bell made -of copper and of hearing stories about large cities filled with big -houses and surrounded by boundless fields of maize. - -Such reports were too vague and understated to create much popular -excitement—at first. But as Antonio de Mendoza, New Spain’s first and -recently arrived Viceroy, realized, the calm might not last. For a -similar story told a few years earlier to the infamous Nuño de Guzmán by -an Indian slave named Tejo had stirred up a violent reaction. - -At the time Guzmán had been governor of Pánuco on Mexico’s northeast -coast and was making a fortune selling slaves to plantations throughout -the West Indies. But that wasn’t enough, and his ears pricked up when he -listened to Tejo telling about a trip with his father to seven marvelous -cities far to the northwest—cities whose streets were lined with the -shops of goldsmiths and silversmiths. - -The story may well have had an element of truth in it. If a trader kept -traveling northwest from Pánuco—and some of Mexico’s early Indian -traders were far-ranging—he would eventually reach the impressive pueblo -towns of today’s New Mexico. Where the notion of goldsmiths came from is -something else, but Guzman believed it because he wanted to. - -Instead of taking a direct line to his goal, he put together a strong -force, fought his way across the mountains to the west coast, and hewed -out, as a base of operations for a thrust along the trade trails leading -north, the all-but-independent province of Nueva Galicia. (It embraced -the better part of the present-day Mexican states of Nayarit and -Sinaloa.) Illness and then his arrest for his slave-dealings put a stop -to the northern plans, but the appearance of the Vaca party out of the -wilderness might, Mendoza feared, lead the great Cortés to appropriate -the idea for himself. - -Cortés was ripe for trouble. Because of his insubordination to Diego -Velásquez of Cuba, the king had refused to name him Viceroy of New -Spain, but then had tried to compensate for the injustice, as Cortés -considered it, by naming him the Marquís of the Valley of Oaxaca and -giving him the right to explore the South Seas (south of Asia) for new -principalities. On their quests some of his ship captains stirred -Guzmán’s jealousy by sailing north along the coast of Nueva Galicia. -When Guzmán seized one of those ships in the port of Chiametla, the -Marquís rushed up with a small army and took it back. He then used that -ship to cross what he called the Sea of Cortés (today’s Gulf of -California) and claim possession, in the name of the king, of pearl -fisheries his mariners had discovered at La Paz in what we call Baja -California. The fisheries were not proving lucrative, however, and the -least sign that something better existed farther north might tempt him -to push on. - -It behooved Mendoza, as the king’s representative, to move first, before -New Spain’s legitimate northward expansion was halted by one of these -semi-autonomous _conquistadores_. Dutifully reporting each of his moves -to Charles V—caution was part of his nature—he asked, in turn, Castillo, -Dorantes, and Cabeza de Vaca to lead a small exploring party into the -north and learn what was really there. Not surprisingly, in view of -their experiences, each refused. - -In 1537, Cabeza de Vaca returned to Spain. Skeptics say he wanted to -persuade the king to appoint him _adelantado_ of Florida so that he -could move independently into the north from that direction. On reaching -Madrid, however, he found that Charles had already given the post to -Hernando de Soto. - -Years later one of De Soto’s Portuguese officers from the town of -Elvas—he identified himself only as a _hidalgo_ (gentleman) of -Spain—wrote that De Soto offered to take Cabeza de Vaca along as second -in command for the sake of his guidance. Again the wanderer declined. -But, said the _hidalgo_, whose accuracy cannot be checked, Vaca did drop -hints to his friends and relatives that led them to sell everything they -had in order to buy enough equipment to join the expedition. Possibly. -But all we really know is that Cabeza de Vaca, the only man to brush -against both of the _entradas_ that gave the world its first views of -what became the United States, never returned there himself. He was sent -to South America instead. - -Mendoza of course learned by ship of De Soto’s appointment and of -necessity had to assume that one of the new _adelantado_’s goals would -be the Seven Cities. So now he had twin worries, Cortés in the west, De -Soto in the east. But before considering the steps he took to checkmate -them, it is well to look at De Soto’s adventure, for he is the one who, -through sheer luck, had the head start. - - - The Odyssey of Cabeza de Vaca - - [Illustration: Routes of Narváez and de Vaca] - - - NARVÁEZ EXPEDITION - Santiago, Cuba - {west Florida coast}: Narváez Expedition lands April 1526 - Apalachee - Aute: Expedition builds boats - CABEZA DE VACA - {Texas coast}: Expedition wrecks; Cabeza de Vaca continues overland - Colorado River - Pecos River - Gila River - Rio Sonora - Corazones - Culiacán: Cabeza de Vaca arrives 1536 - - - [Illustration: Desert vista] - -Cabeza de Vaca and three companions, sole survivors of the ill-fated -Narváez expedition (1527), were the first Europeans to cross the North -American continent. They spent 8 years traveling 6,000 miles through the -interior of Florida, Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, and northern Mexico. -The journey itself was an incredible feat of human stamina and pluck. -Equally remarkable is Cabeza de Vaca’s account of his adventure. _La -Relación_, first published In 1542, revised Spanish conceptions about -the size and nature of the continent north of Mexico. The book is also -the first detailed description of native Americans. In his wanderings -Cabeza de Vaca came to admire Indians, whom he came to see as fellow -humans who could be won over only by kindness. His book—which can be -considered the beginning of American literature—is a record of both a -physical and a spiritual journey. - - [Illustration: Mangrove near De Soto National Memorial. Thickets of - this plant once formed great barriers along the Florida shore.] - - - Journey into Darkness - -When Hernando de Soto returned to Spain from two decades of adventure in -the New World, he must have seemed to those who encountered him, or even -heard of him, the embodiment of what a _conquistador_ should be. He -carried his tall, hard, handsome body with the unmistakable air of -triumph that comes from having won by his own efforts wealth, fame, and -a noble bride—all before he was 35 years old. The exact date of his -birth is unknown, but it may have coincided with the last year of the -15th century. His birthplace was in the austere province of Extremadura. -His father was a Méndez, his mother a de Soto; his elder brother Juan -followed the Spanish custom of using both names: Juan Méndez de Soto. -Hernando, the second son, chose to be different. According to his -biographer, Miguel Albornoz, he was his mother’s favorite. He therefore -dropped Méndez from his name and became known to history only as De -Soto—an appellation he carried far. - -Another native of Extremadura and a neighbor of the De Soto family was -Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, the fabled conqueror of Darién (Panama) and -discoverer of the Pacific Ocean. Determined to emulate Balboa, who was -still alive somewhere in the New World, young Hernando de Soto made his -way, aged 14 or so, to Seville. There he found employment as a page in -the household of the notorious schemer, 75-year-old Pedro Arias Dávila, -better known as Pedrárias. When Pedrárias sailed to Central America in -1514 as a colonial administrator, De Soto went along. - -He witnessed the quarrel that sprang up between his patron and Balboa, a -quarrel that ended in 1519 when Balboa was convicted of treason through -the intrigues of Pedrárias and beheaded. Grieving, De Soto retrieved the -headless corpse and with the help of an Indian girl gave it a Christian -burial. Yet he remained loyal to Pedrárias and followed him to -Nicaragua, where he developed the ice-hard maturity that marked his -later career. He mastered the arts of dealing in Indian slaves, looting -temples, and ransacking Indian graves for valuable mortuary offerings. -By such means he prospered so well that when Pizarro, also a native of -Extremadura, needed help on his expedition to Peru, De Soto was able to -respond with two ships and 200 men. - - [Illustration: De Soto was a leader of experience and resolve. The - expedition’s chronicler characterized him as “an inflexible man, and - dry of word, who, although he liked to know what the others all - thought and had to say, after he once said a thing he did not like - to be opposed, and as he ever acted as he thought best, all bent to - his will.” This likeness was published in Antonio Herrera y - Tordesillas’s _Historia General_, 1728. No authentic portrait is - known to exist.] - -In the final assault on the Incas, De Soto was generally the one chosen -to lead reconnoitering or vanguard parties over the difficult trails of -the Andes. After the first great victory was achieved, he saw a sight -that ever afterwards burned in his memory. The conquered emperor, -Atahualpa (actually one of two brothers contending for the throne), -offered, as his ransom, to pile a room 17 feet wide, 22 feet long, and 9 -high with golden ornaments, vases, goblets, statuettes. In addition he -said, he would fill a somewhat smaller adjoining chamber twice over with -silver. In spite of that tremendous gesture, he was then tricked into -ordering the death of his brother, for which he himself was executed. -The treachery drew angry protests from De Soto. - -The next conquest was of mountain-perched Cuzco, less rewarding than -anticipated because it had been stripped of treasure during the filling -of the rooms. Though De Soto was named lieutenant-governor, the quarrels -that broke out between the generals led him to give up the position and -return to Spain with his share of the booty. Various estimates of its -size have been given, but since there is no satisfactory way of -comparing purchasing power then and now, the figures are elusive. Still, -it must have been the equivalent of several million of today’s dollars. - -He made a point of cutting a fine figure in Spain. Everywhere he went he -was accompanied by a dazzling entourage composed mostly of officers who -had ridden with him in Panama and Peru. He became a favorite of the -King, to whom he loaned money; and he married a daughter of his old -patron, Pedrárias. A plush life. But as the lazy days drifted by, De -Soto grew restless. He needed activity and he wanted gold. Roomfuls of -gold. And fame. - -Yielding to his importunities, Charles V made him governor of Cuba and -_adelantado_ of Florida, which then stretched from the Atlantic as far -north as the Carolinas and on around the Gulf of Mexico to the Río de -las Palmas. The usual stipulations about the division of treasure were -spelled out in the license. The King was to have one-fifth of all spoils -of battle, one-fifth of any revenue derived from mining precious metals, -and one-tenth of all loot taken from graves, sepulchres, Indian temples. -Once the region had been explored, De Soto was to become the governor of -whatever 200 leagues of coastal area he picked out. There he was to -found colonies and build three fortified harbors. He was to pacify the -Indians and provide the necessary number of priests and friars to -convert them. He was to bear the entire costs of the expedition. When it -was over, he would receive, in addition to his share of any booty and a -grant of land 12 leagues square (about 50,000 acres), a salary of 2,000 -ducats a year, roughly $60,000 today. - -The expedition, its quota of men more than filled with volunteers who -supplied their own armor and arms, landed in Cuba in June 1538 and spent -nearly a year there while De Soto attended to administrative duties and -organized the _entrada_. He used far more care than Narváez had. While -scouts searched for a good harbor on Florida’s west coast, the -commissary department rustled up many loads of hard ship biscuit, 5,000 -bushels of maize, quantities of bacon, and a herd of rangy hogs. They -also brought with them long, clanking strands of iron chains and -collars, portents of things to come. - -The chronicles of the expedition give different figures about the -numbers involved, but this is a reasonable approximation: close to 700 -men, perhaps a hundred camp followers, including a few women, many -slaves, eight ecclesiastical persons, and 240 or so horses. Having -learned from Cabeza de Vaca about some of Narváez’s mistakes, De Soto -included among the soldiers several artisans capable of working with -their hands. People, horses, hogs, and big dogs that could be used for -attacking Indians, and a confusion of supplies and equipment were loaded -aboard five low-waisted, high-pooped, square-rigged ships ranging from -500 to 800 tons burden. Overflow was accommodated, uncomfortably, in two -caravels and two small pinnaces. - -The fleet spent a week in late May 1539, reaching the southernmost part -of what is generally believed to have been Tampa Bay.[2] While the ships -were groping over the shoals so that unloading could begin, patrols of -both horsemen and footmen, happy to be free of the cramped quarters, -dashed off through the undergrowth to learn what lay ahead. They soon -discovered that the countryside, though sweet-smelling with flowers, was -a maze of bogs, meandering streams, and thick stands of mangroves and -oaks. Another tax on travel were small groups of tall, naked Indians, -probably Timucuans. The Indians eluded the horsemen by dodging nimbly -through swamps and behind trees, now and then letting an arrow flash out -from one of their bows. Fortunately one of the few captives the patrols -seized was Juan Ortiz, a former member of the ill-fated Narváez -expedition. - -Ortiz had returned to Cuba with the explorer’s ships after they had -failed to make contact with the land party and then had been hired by -Narváez’s distraught wife to search for her husband in a pinnace she -provided. On visiting Narváez’s initial landing place at Tampa Bay, -Ortiz had been captured and had lived ever since with a group that -controlled part of the region around the bay. He knew the Timucuans’ -language and could speak through interpreters to other Indian groups. -But in all that time he had never been far afield and could report only -rumors about distant places. Gold? There was none near at hand, but far -to the north was a powerful kingdom abounding in maize. Its inhabitants -might know of minerals. - -A scouting party dispatched to investigate returned with a tantalizing -message that would be repeated over and over during the long trek: the -gold was somewhere else, this time at a place called Cale, where the -warriors wore golden helmets. De Soto nodded complacently. In a region -as vast as Florida, he told the Gentleman of Elvas, there were bound to -be riches. - -Mindful still of the colony he was supposed to found, he left Pedro -Calderón near Tampa Bay with three small ships, their sailors, and a -hundred soldiers. They had two years’ supply of food and seed for -planting. If he found a better place to settle, he would let them know. -Meanwhile the other caravel and the five big ships were to return to -Havana for fresh supplies and new recruits. - -Moving inland farther than Narváez had and marching in divisions, the -army moved north. Tough going. Rains were heavy that year. Bogs oozed; -lakes and streams rose. The wayfarers waded some streams and bridged -others. The men herded the pigs through the mud—the sows had farrowed -and there were about 300 now—grooming horses, setting up wet camps and -then, tired out, pulverizing, in curved log mortars, the grain they had -taken from Indian fields and storage cribs so they could boil it into -gruel. Discontent boiled up. There’d better be gold somewhere in this -hellhole. - -There was none at Cale, but a little farther on.... They straggled -through the vicinity of today’s Gainesville and, inclining a little west -of north, reached a village called Aguacaliquen. There an advance party -captured several women, one of whom was the daughter of the cacique, or -chief. The father was told he could not get her back until he had guided -the Spaniards into the territory of the next tribe to the west. This he -did while several of his villagers followed, playing on bone flutes as a -sign of peace and begging that father and daughter be released. - -When pleas produced nothing—De Soto feared being left in the wilderness -with no guides—the Indians decided to ambush the Spaniards at “a very -pleasant village” called Napituca, near today’s Live Oak, Florida. De -Soto’s interpreter, Juan Ortiz, discovered the plot and gave warning. -Spirits leaped. After two months of being harassed by Indian guerrillas, -the Spaniards could at last vent their frustration on a massed -army—about 400 Indians, as it turned out. Giving thanks to God, the -cavalry charged, lances thrusting, swords slashing. Bellow of -arquebuses, zings of crossbow darts, yells of “Santiago!” from -pike-wielding foot soldiers. Scores of Indians died; hundreds were -captured, including a remnant that fled into two nearby lakes and, by -hiding in the cold, night-shrouded waters, evaded capture until -morning—a brave stand that won both admiration and kind treatment from -the Spanish force. - -Not all the captives were handled that generously. Their services were -needed. During marches males were linked by chains and iron collars and -forced to serve as porters for the army. Women, historian Garcilaso de -la Vega wrote after talking to participants in the adventure, served as -“domestics,” grinding the rations of maize, cooking the meals, and so -on. Rodrigo Ranjel, De Soto’s private secretary, was more specific: the -soldiers desired women for “foul use and lewdness.” Whenever the -conquerors seized a new village, its cacique was impressed as a hostage -and guide and released only after his subjects had served as bearers -over the next stretch of the journey. Rebels against the enslavement -received punishments designed to warn other recalcitrants. Some had a -hand or nose cut off, a few were tied to stakes and burned or shot to -death with arrows fired by Indian auxiliaries. Now and then one was torn -to pieces by the Spaniard’s war dogs. They accepted the ordeals with a -stoicism that won the grudging approval of the expedition’s chroniclers. - -In October 1539, De Soto’s army entered the land of the Apalachees. -According to Ranjel, they found “much maize and beans and squash and -diverse fruits and many deer and a great diversity of birds and fish.” -Like Narváez before them, they decided to winter at the fruitful spot, -site of today’s Tallahassee. - -They evicted the Indians of the main town, Anhaica, and settled down in -the log and straw houses. Taking advantage of a high wind, the Indians -burned most of the place. Later, the intense cold killed almost all of -the despondent Indian slaves captured at the battle of Napituca. In -spite of the misfortunes, De Soto decided to use Apalachee as a center -for future explorations. He sent Juan de Añasco and 30 cavalrymen south -through bogs and sniping Indians to Tampa Bay to bring up Calderón’s -hundred soldiers and the three small ships. When the vessels arrived at -the very harbor from which Narváez had sailed (as revealed by the -remnants of the forge and the grisly piles of horse bones) De Soto -dispatched the ships west under Francisco Maldonado to find a protected -bay to which the reinforcements waiting in Havana could be brought the -following summer. - -Meanwhile another distraction arose. Working through a chain of -interpreters, Juan Ortiz learned from an Indian captive that a truly -rich country, Cofitachequi, lay to the northeast, in the vicinity of -what is now Camden, South Carolina. Promptly, De Soto decided to take -his regrouped army there. - -They left on March 3, 1540. Because most of their captives had died, the -men again had to carry their own rations and prepare their own meals. -Spring-swollen streams blocked the way; one was so wide the men built a -ferry and hauled it back and forth with hawsers. The cacique of -Cofitachequi turned out to be a woman. Bedecked in furs, feathers, and -the freshwater pearls that were common in the mussels of the southeast, -she greeted them warmly. “Be this coming to these shores most happy,” -she said according to one chronicler. “My ability can in no way equal my -wishes, nor my services [equal] the merits of so great a prince; -nevertheless, good wishes are to be valued more than the treasures of -the earth without them. With sincerest and purest good will, I tender -you my person, my lands, my people, and make you these small gifts.” - - - Anhaica: De Soto’s First Winter Camp, 1539-40 - - The only site linked with certainty to De Soto is _Anhaica_, once the - principal town of the Apalachee Indians. - - This numerous and powerful people resisted the Spaniards’ intrusion - into their country in autumn 1539, harassing the march and burning - villages to deny food to the army. At _Anhaica_ De Soto found an - abandoned town of “250 large and good houses.” The Spaniards settled - in and spent five months here. They scoured the countryside for - provisions, seizing quantities of maize, pumpkins, beans, and dried - persimmons. The Indians raided the town twice and set fires. When the - army departed in spring, they carried enough maize to last them across - 200 miles of wilderness. - - [Illustration: Artifacts from the Tallahassee site: bits of chain - mail (top), an arrow point (above); a copper coin minted in Spain - between 1505-17; the metal tip of a cross bow dart.] - - [Illustration: Digging also turned up fragments of olive jars of the - type shown at left. The chain mail shirt at right above shows the - type of body armor worn by Spaniards in the first decades of the New - World conquest. The jar and shirt were not found at the site.] - -The exact site of _Anhaica_ lay unknown for 450 years. It was discovered -by accident in 1987 by archeologist Calvin Jones while searching in -downtown Tallahassee, Florida, for a 17th-century Spanish mission. -Digging on land planned for development, he and others recovered many -16th-century Spanish artifacts (iron, coins, olive jar fragments, beads, -the mandible of a pig) in context with Apalachee pottery. Analysis left -no doubt that this was the site of De Soto’s first winter camp. - - [Illustration: The female cacique of Cofitachequi, apparently a - woman of considerable authority, greeted De Soto’s army with - ceremony and gifts of food and clothing. Though she had befriended - the expedition, she was seized as a hostage and guide but eventually - escaped. Artist Louis S. Glanzman illustrates the cacique as she may - have appeared at the time of the encounter.] - -She gave De Soto strands of freshwater pearls and let the men take more -from tombs located in mounds raised above the ground. They were not very -good pearls and had been discolored by being bored with redhot copper -spindles. But they were the closest things to treasure the men had found -so far, and De Soto filled a cane chest with 350 pounds of them. - -Won by the pearls, the lush countryside, and the navigability of the -Wateree-Santee Rivers, which drained southeast into the Atlantic, the -men wanted to found a colony there. De Soto refused. There was not -enough food at Cofitachequi for the army. Moreover, he was still hoping, -in the words of the Gentleman of Elvas, for another windfall “like that -of Atabalipa [Atahualpa] of Peru.” - -The place to investigate, he heard, was off across the Appalachian -Mountains to the northwest. Seizing the cacique who had befriended him, -he forced her to enlist a portion of her subjects as porters and -domestics for the disgruntled men. They moved rapidly through South -Carolina into western North Carolina. By trails that had never before -seen a horse, let alone a herd of pigs, they crossed the mountains into -the tumbled region of the French Broad and Pigeon Rivers. There the -cacique of the pearls managed to escape. As usual, there was no gold. - -Hoping, presumably, to meet the ships coming from Havana with supplies -and reinforcements, De Soto at last turned south through the land that -Creek Indians later occupied in northern Alabama. As they traveled down -the Coosa River, they entered a new chiefdom and there laid hold of a -tall, disdainful leader named Tascaluza. De Soto demanded women and -slaves. With pretended meekness Tascaluza provided the army with a -hundred porters and then secretly sent word ahead to his warriors in the -stockaded town of Mabila, from which today’s Mobile takes its name, to -prepare an ambush. When the town came into sight, De Soto carelessly let -the main part of the hungry army disperse to forage. Leaving the -fettered bearers outside the entrance, the general and a handful of -aides entered the village with Tascaluza. Hot words soon broke out, and -the Indians hurled themselves at the enemy. The Spaniards clustered -around their leader. Although five were killed and De Soto was knocked -down a time or two, they managed to fight their way back outside. During -the uproar the porters picked up the food, armaments, and other baggage -they had been carrying and rushed inside the stockade with it, to join -Tascaluza’s people. - -Assembling his soldiers, De Soto launched attacks against all sides of -the barricaded town. With axes and fire the yelling Spaniards smashed -through the palisades. While the battle raged from house to house, the -tinder-box town went up in flames. Realizing they were being defeated, -some of the Indians threw themselves into the fire rather than -surrender. The last survivor hanged himself with his bowstring. Reports -of Spanish losses range from 18 to 22 killed and 148 wounded, including -De Soto. Somewhere between 7 and 12 irreplaceable horses perished and 28 -were injured. Indian losses were estimated by a chronicler at 2,500. - -Since landing at Tampa Bay, the Spaniards had lost 102 men from all -causes. The chest of pearls De Soto had hoped to send to Cuba as a lure -for replacements had disappeared in the fire, along with most of the -army’s spare clothing, weapons, and food. Yet when the interpreter, Juan -Ortiz, told De Soto of Indian reports of ships in Mobile Bay a few days -away, he ordered him to stay silent. He knew the men would desert if -they thought they could reach the ships, and his pride could not -tolerate that. Go home empty-handed, beaten, and disgraced? Never. - -He rallied the army. For 28 days the healthy doctored the wounded with, -said Garcilaso de la Vega, unguents made from the fat of dead Indians. -Their commander moved among them, bolstering their spirits, so that when -he ordered them to face north again, they obeyed, though they all knew -that ships from Havana had been scheduled to meet them somewhere. - -They followed the Tombigbee River into northeastern Mississippi to -Chicaza, where they wintered (1540-41) among the Chickasaw Indians. When -they made their usual request for porters, women, clothing, and food for -the spring march, the Chickasaws responded one day at dawn by setting -fire to the section of the town in which the invaders were bivouacked. -The confusion was total—and perhaps a salvation for the Spaniards. -Several terrified horses broke loose and stampeded wildly. Their squeals -and the pounding of their hooves, and the sight of De Soto and a few -others who had managed to get mounted bearing down on them with lances -(before De Soto’s saddle turned and he fell heavily) frightened the -Indians into flight. - - - De Soto in La Florida - - De Soto was seeking another Peru in Florida. But after three years and - thousands of miles, his futile quest ended in a watery grave in the - Mississippi. For natives of the Southeast, the _entrada_ was also - tragic. The warfare weakened chiefdoms, and Old World diseases ravaged - populations. By the time the English and French began their invasions - in the a 17th century, the complex mound-building chiefdoms of the - region had vanished. They were replaced by the historic tribes whose - diminished numbers were no match for westward-expanding Americans. - - [Illustration: Route of De Soto] - - In his swing across the Southeast, De Soto’s men traveled over - Indian trails and were sustained by Indian supplies. Without native - help it is unlikely the expedition could have progressed much beyond - the Florida interior. The encounters with native - societies—chronicled by several participants—give the expedition - significance beyond its own time. The journals combined with - archeological and ethnographic data have enabled scholars to map - much of the route and to rediscover the lost world of the once - mighty chiefdoms of the Apalachee, Ichisi, Ocute, Coosa, Pacaha, and - other groups. - -This version of the route is based on the work of Professor Charles -Hudson and others who have attempted to reconstruct the entire route. -There is good scholarly consensus for some segments, but other parts of -the route will remain in dispute unless new archeological evidence is -forthcoming. - - - De Soto Expedition. Dashed line indicates uncertain route. - *Known site, possibly visited by De Soto - ·Uncertain Site - From Havana, Cuba - De Soto National Monument - *Ucita - ·Cale - *Aguacaliquen - ·Napituca 15 Sept 1539 - Spaniards route Timacua Indians, take 200 prisoners - *Auta - *Anhaica - Winter camp 1539-40 - ·Toa - *Ichisi - Ocmulgee National Monument - *Cofitachequl - May 1540 Encounter with female ruler - ·Xuala - *Chiaha - *Coosa - Political center of an important Indian chiefdom - ·Itaba - Etowah Indian Mounds State Historic Site - *Piachi - ·Mabila? - 19 Oct 1540 Major battle with Chief Tasculuza and his allies - *Apafalaya - Mound State Monument - ·Chicaza - Winter camp 1540-41 - Spaniards beat off Indian attack in spring - ·Alibamu - *Quizquiz - *Aquixo - *Casqui - Parkin Archeological State Park - *Pacaha - Scouting parties - *Coligua - *Calpista - *Tanico - ·Tula - ·Autiempque - Winter camp 1541-42 - *Anilco - ·Amihoya - Winter camp 1542-43 - Spaniards build boats to take them down the Mississippi - ·Guachoya - 21 May 1542 Death of De Soto - Scouting parties - Expedition continues under Moscoso after De Soto’s death - *Chaguate - *Naguatex - ·Nondacao - ·Aays - ·Guasco - Scouting parties - - -It was a disaster, nevertheless. Twelve soldiers and a white woman still -with the army—she was pregnant—were dead as were several score pigs and -57 horses, the latter mourned as deeply as the men, for they were the -army’s true strength. But once again, they rallied, improvised forges -for retempering their weapons, replaced the shafts of their lances, and -learned to patch their clothing with woven grasses, pounded bark, and -pieces of Indian blankets. - -On May 9 or so, 1541, after more battles, they reached the Mississippi -at—no one knows, but it seems to have been south of Memphis. While they -were marveling at the river’s size (this is from Elvas), 200 dugout -canoes approached in perfect order. In each canoe warriors, painted with -ochre and bedecked with plumes of many colors, stood erect, protecting -the oarsmen with feathered shields and bows and arrows. The chief man of -the fleet sat in his canoe underneath an awning and likewise each lesser -chief in his canoe. The Spaniards had seen panoply before—bearers -carrying their caciques on feathered litters while flute players marched -beside—but nothing like this. Misunderstood stories of such spectacles, -as we will see later, caused considerable trouble for the expedition -Mendoza sent north under Coronado during this same period. - - [Illustration: The Indians valued the brass bells and brightly - colored glass beads given them by the Spaniards. Where found, they - help authenticate Spanish presence in the 16th century. These - examples were excavated in Florida.] - -A brief parley between the cacique and De Soto ended when nervous -crossbowmen, misreading what was going on, shot five or six of the -Indians. At once the fleet withdrew, still in perfect order, “like a -famous armada of galleys,” wrote Elvas. What follows passes -understanding. In spite of clear warnings not to proceed, De Soto -decided to go ahead. During the next hot, humid month, the men felled -trees, sawed them into planks, and constructed barges. To avoid -detection, they crossed the river, with the horses aboard, in the -pre-dawn darkness of June 18 and moved northwest. - -They spent most of the summer and fall wandering around western -Arkansas. Many scholars believe they may have traveled up the Arkansas -River almost to eastern Oklahoma before going into their 1541-42 winter -quarters in a town (Autiamque) once again commandeered from the Indians. -Though the weather was severe, the men stayed fairly snug. Their slaves -built a strong stockade around the camp and dragged in ample supplies of -firewood. Local Indians provided them with buffalo robes to use as -overcoats and to sleep on, and showed them how to snare the rabbits that -frequented the nearby cornfields. - -During the long days inside the stockade, De Soto at last faced up to -his situation. He had lost half his force. Not all had died in battle. A -few, despairing of seeing the end of the quest, had deserted to live -with the Indians, and the number would increase if he persisted in -wandering as he had been doing. Of the original 223 horses, only 40 -remained, most of them lame for want of shoes. The death of Juan Ortiz -that winter deprived him of his best, if very uncertain, means of -communication with the Indians. Reluctantly he decided to turn back to -Mississippi. There he intended to build two brigantines and, manning -them with his most trustworthy men, send one to Havana and one to Pánuco -in hope that one would be able to lead reinforcements back to those who -would wait for them at the river. - -They reached the roily Mississippi somewhere near the mouth of the -Arkansas River. By that time a deadly fever, perhaps malaria, was -gnawing at De Soto. Knowing death was near and bitterly resenting the -arrogant hostility of the Indians with whom he tried to treat in his -extremity, he ordered two of his captains to go out with lancers and -infantry and make an example of the nearby town of Anilco. Not expecting -an attack, for they had not been among those taking the lead in defying -the Spaniards, the unarmed townspeople clustered about in curiosity. A -wanton butchery followed. “About one hundred men were slain,” wrote -Elvas. “Many were allowed to get away badly wounded, that they might -strike terror into those who were absent.” Eighty women and children -were taken prisoner. - - [Illustration: This effigy from a gourd-shaped ceramic vessel was - discovered in a burial at Ocmulgee National Monument in central - Georgia. De Soto’s expedition passed near this site.] - -By the time the bloodletting was over, De Soto could not rise from his -bed. After confessing his sins and making his will, he named Luis de -Moscoso as his successor. On May 21, 1542, he died. - -To keep the Indians from knowing the fate of the great Child of the Sun, -as he had been describing himself to them, his followers buried him near -the entrance to the town and rode horses back and forth to destroy signs -of the digging. The Indians were suspicious, however, and so Moscoso had -the corpse disinterred, lest the Indians dig it up and mutilate it. A -handful of men then stealthily wrapped the body in a shroud, weighted -the burden with sand, and in the darkness of the night rowed out onto -the river and dumped it overboard. - -De Soto’s plan to build boats for bringing in reinforcements died with -him. The men’s one desire now was to leave this country that had brought -them only misery. But how? Remembering Narváez’s fate, they were -reluctant to try to build enough boats to carry them home by sea. -Instead they decided to march overland to Pánuco in northern Mexico. -They clung to the decision for four months, fighting off Indians when -they had to and living off the country as they had been doing ever since -the landing at Tampa Bay. Then, as the subtropical growth began to give -way to the desert scrub of south central Texas, they encountered, in a -village of poor huts, a woman who said, or they thought she said, that -she had seen Christians at a place nine days’ travel away and that “she -had been in their hands, but had escaped.” Moscoso sent a squad of -cavalrymen with her in the direction she indicated, but when she -contradicted herself, or they thought she did, they abandoned the quest. - -The Spaniards were losing heart. They could not live off this land of -semi-nomadic Indians where little maize grew. As winter approached, the -idea of travel by sea no longer seemed so forbidding. Wheeling around, -they regained the Mississippi in two months of hard travel over the same -trails they had come and in December seized, for use as their fourth -winter quarters (1542-43), an Indian town (Aminoya) a little upstream of -the one which they had destroyed seven months before. - - [Illustration: Mississippian culture in the Southeast (AD 1000-1600) - evolved a rich artistic tradition. The items on these pages come - from the area De Soto marched through. The effigy vessel (7.5 inches - high) and the stone axe (13 inches long) are representative of this - culture in Arkansas. The axe, which is carved from a single piece of - stone, was probably a badge of office.] - - [Illustration: Stone Axe] - -Good timber surrounded the village, and the few artisans still alive had -clung to their tools. They made more nails out of their meager supply of -horseshoes and other iron, contrived ropes out of bark, and sails out of -shawls collected from the Indians. To escape a flood that sent the river -out of its banks, they put their horses on anchored rafts and saved -themselves by climbing to the tops of their huts. Indians kept paddling -around their refuge in canoes. Suspicious of their intent, Moscoso had -one of his men seize a native. Under torture the fellow said that 20 -chiefs of the surrounding tribes were conspiring to attack the invaders. -A sign would be the approach of Indians bearing gifts of fish to lull -the camp into relaxing its guard. When the native chiefs showed up with -fish as predicted, the Spanish laid hold of them, cut off each man’s -right hand, and sent the victims back to their villages to report that -their scheme was known. Although some of the chiefs persisted in their -intrigues, Moscoso, very much on guard now, was able to outwit them, -force submission, and acquire through it all more heaps of shawls out of -which to make sails. - -By July the fleet was ready—seven brigantines and several Indian-style -war canoes lashed side by side. They loaded the vessels with casks of -fresh water and several hundred bushels of corn scoured from a -countryside that could ill afford the loss. During the last days of work -they killed and ate the poorest of the horses. The soundest, 22 all -told, were put aboard, as were a hundred slaves. The rest of the Indians -they had dragged along with them were turned loose in this country where -the tribes were hostile to them. - -The river journey was a series of violent, if intermittent, battles. -Indians from towns they passed swarmed after them in canoes, raining -arrows on them. Ten Spaniards and an unknown number of slaves died, and -because the horses were slowing their flight, Moscoso at last put ashore -at a defensible spot, killed them, and dried the meat. - -After 17 days they reached the Gulf, turned west, and on September 10, -1543, after weeks of combatting fretful seas, contrary winds, thirst and -hunger, 311 survivors (again not counting captive Indians) reached the -Pánuco River. Said Elvas: “Many, leaping ashore, kissed the ground; and -all, on bended knees, with hands raised above them and their eyes to -Heaven, remained untiring in giving thanks to God.” - - [Illustration: The artist’s stone palette (12.5 inches in diameter) - was found at Etowah Mounds State Historic Site, Georgia. The - engraving has been interpreted as snake emissaries of the sun god, - which is represented by the eye.] - -One of the most extraordinary marches in the annals of the New—or -Old—World had come to a profitless end. - - - Piachi, Village in the Coosa Chiefdom - - [Illustration: Piachi] - - After crossing the Great Smokies, De Soto in August 1540 entered the - territory of a rich chiefdom called Coosa. It dominated an area from - the French Broad River in North Carolina into central Alabama. De - Soto’s chronicler described this country as “Thickly settled in - numerous and large towns, with fields between, extending from one to - another, [it] was pleasant and had a rich soil and fair river - margins.” - - One of the subject towns was _Piachi_ (the King Site to - archeologists), on the banks of the Coosa River in northwest Georgia. - De Soto and his expedition spent a day here in early September 1540. - The chronicles are silent on the visit, but from the archeological - work of David Hally and others, as interpreted by artist L. Kenneth - Townsend, we have a good idea of life here. - - _Piachi_ was about 5 acres in extent, protected by a palisade and - ditch. Inside were about 50 domestic structures and a central plaza - with several larger buildings perhaps used for ceremony. Nearby were - several tall poles, from which scalps or war trophies probably hung. - About 350 persons lived here, less than half the number of the main - town of Coosa or the substantial village of Itaba (Etowah Indian - Mounds State Historic Site to the north). A good part of the - villagers’ living came from growing corn, which they stored in cribs. - As the Spaniards traveled from village to village, they expected the - Indians to yield up food, guides, porters, and women. Without this - sustenance, the expedition could not have covered the territory that - it did. - - [Illustration: Acoma Pueblo, New Mexico, visited by the Coronado - expedition in 1540. It is one of the oldest continuously inhabited - communities in the United States.] - - - Where the Fables Ended - -Like De Soto, Francisco Vásquez de Coronado[3] was a younger son who -improved his minimal prospects for worldly success by attaching himself -to a patron—in this case it was the king’s fabulously wealthy viceroy, -Antonio de Mendoza—and going with him to the New World. They arrived in -1535, when Coronado was 25. - -Because of Mendoza’s position and character, Coronado’s rise was faster -and more genteel than De Soto’s. Two years after settling in Mexico City -(originally Tenochtitlán), he married Beatriz de Estrada, an heiress -whose father had been the illegitimate son of Spain’s first king, -Ferdinand. About the same time Mendoza arranged for his appointment to -Mexico City’s governing council and shortly thereafter named him -governor of the far northern province of Nueva Galicia. (The position -was open because Nuño de Guzmán had been arrested for slave-hunting, and -his successor had been killed while fighting Indians.) The only battling -Coronado did during those years was putting down a revolt of black -slaves in the mining district of Amatepeque. Though he had the rebel -leaders drawn and quartered, a standard punishment of the times, he -seems to have been more humane than many of his contemporaries. - -Even before Coronado’s appointment was officially announced, De Soto’s -agents in Mexico notified him that their employer had become -_adelantado_ of Florida. In other words, hands off ... a bluff, since -the limits of De Soto’s jurisdiction had not been established. But the -very fact of the warning shows that De Soto and his people were -suspicious of how the winds might be blowing in Mexico. - -They had reason to be. Mendoza had finally put together a reconnoitering -party whose early entrance into the desirable area would give him a -prior claim over either De Soto or Cortés. Take-off point for the group -was to be Culiacán, an outpost on the western fringe of Nueva Galicia, -800 miles from Mexico City, that Guzmán had founded a few years earlier. -The explorers were hurried across those rough miles by Nueva Galicia’s -new governor, Francisco de Coronado, and a retinue of restless young -blades looking for something to do. From Culiacán on, the scouts were -guided by the black, Estéban, who had traversed part of the country with -his owner, Andrés de Dorantes, and Cabeza de Vaca. (Mendoza had -purchased Estéban from Dorantes after the three whites of the party had -turned down the viceroy’s request that they take over the work.) Indians -of the north—some of them had come to Mexico City with Cabeza de -Vaca—acted as porters. Leader of this belatedly assembled group was a -Franciscan friar, Marcos of Niza, assisted by a friend, Fray Onorato. - -Fray Marcos, a native of Nice, France, spoke Spanish clumsily, even -though he had spent time with Pedro de Alvarado’s forces in Guatemala -and Pizarro’s in Peru, where he had become familiar with the astonishing -wealth of the Incas. He is said to have been a good cartographer and to -have written learned papers about the Indians, none of which has come to -light. He penned such an entrancing letter about Peru to Mexico’s -Archbishop, Juan de Zumárraga, that the prelate invited him to visit -Mexico City and housed him after his arrival early in 1537. The -impression he made led the archbishop to arrange his appointment to an -important office in the Franciscan order in New Spain, and the Viceroy -to make him leader of the search for the cities of the north. - -Coronado and his escort covered the 800 miles to Culiacán on horseback, -as befitted grandees. Marcos’s party walked, the friars in loose gray -robes and sandaled feet. After bidding farewell to the governor at the -outpost, the explorers and their Indian porters forged ahead on March 7, -1539. (In two more months De Soto would leave Cuba for Florida.) Fray -Onorato soon fell ill and turned back. Undeterred, Marcos continued on -to a settlement called Vacapa, close to the boundary between the -present-day states of Sinaloa and Sonora. There he decided to pause -while messengers summoned Indians from the coast, for part of his errand -was to learn whether a big expedition could be supplied by ships. - -Estéban refused to wait. Away from the friar’s restraints, he ceased -being a slave and became a king. During his wanderings across the -continent he had learned how to get along with Indians, speak their -languages, win their gifts, and (we can suppose) entice their young -women. But he dared not simply run away. So he said that as he advanced, -accompanied by two huge hounds and part of the Indian bearers, he would -keep Marcos informed of his gleanings. Unable to write, he devised a -symbol that could be delivered by messengers. A small cross would -signify that he had heard of a northern city that sounded moderately -important. A medium-sized cross would proclaim a significant city, and a -big one something truly superlative. - -Presumably this tactic was devised to corroborate what the messengers -told Marcos to his face. Told him—this man who knew none of the local -Indian tongues and whose Spanish was not of the best? How? - -Actually, it would have been easy, except for Marcos’s dangerous -preconceptions. A long trade trail linked the jungles of Mexico to the -merchandising town of Háwikuh in the Zuñi country of today’s New Mexico. -Háwikuh’s middlemen trans-shipped along the trail tanned buffalo hides -from the plains, turquoise from New Mexico, cotton mantas from the Hopi -villages in Arizona, and bits of clear green olivine called peridot (the -source perhaps of Cabeza de Vaca’s lost arrowheads). They received in -exchange brightly colored parrot and macaw feathers and sometimes the -birds themselves, plus coral and raw carved seashells from the Gulf. -Flowing with the goods was a traders’ _lingua franca_, a melange of the -principal languages the merchants encountered along the way—their own -native tongue, bits of that spoken by the Pimas and Opatas of northern -Mexico, Nahuatl, the tongue of the Aztecs, and bits of Spanish. So there -was a medium by which Estéban’s messengers, especially the one who -brought a cross as big as a man, could talk to the eager friar. - -From the cross’s bearers and from other informants along the way, Marcos -heard of, and sent back reports to Mendoza, about the rich kingdom -called Cíbola and its seven cities, one of which, he understood, was -also named Cíbola. Terraced houses of stone rose three and four stories -high. Doors were decorated with turquoise: clothing and ornaments were -lavish. Near to this magnificent kingdom were others, equally rich. - - [Illustration: Antonio de Mendoza, first viceroy of New Spain. A - capable administrator, he laid the foundations for three centuries - of Spanish rule in the Americas. He encouraged industry, education, - and the work of the church. Firm but just, he tried to protect the - Indians from the worst abuses but was not able to bring about - emancipation.] - - [Illustration: Coronado saw country like this south of Santa Fe, New - Mexico, as he marched toward the Great Plains.] - -Mere travelers’ yarns? Not necessarily. Consider who Estéban’s -messengers were. They resided in small, trailside settlements made up of -_jacals_ built of mud-daubed sticks. In comparison, the terraced pueblos -of Arizona and New Mexico, inhabited by hundreds of people who had -sufficient leisure to attend to other pursuits than just getting enough -to eat—such places, which most of them had only heard about from -boastful peddlers, were bound to seem impressive. Talking through -interpreters in signs and their _lingua franca_ jumble, they tried to -convey their wonder to Marcos—as did one person who said he was a native -of Cíbola and apparently enjoyed bragging about it. While listening, -moreover, Marcos was remembering the Incas and Aztecs and the legends of -the Seven Cities of Antilia. Seven in Cíbola as well! Whose imagination -would not be fired? - -He never overtook Estéban. According to his report to Mendoza, he and -his retinue of Indians had been toiling for 12 days across a -_despoblado_ (uninhabited region) and were within three days’ march of -the city of Cíbola when one of the black’s erstwhile companions met them -and said, weeping, that the Cíbolans had slain Estéban out of fear that -he had come as a spy for would-be conquerors—as, in fact, he had. Two -days later, the tale was confirmed by other Indians who had fled from -Cíbola “covered with blood and many wounds.” - -Convinced they were walking to their deaths, all but a handful of -Marcos’s followers deserted him. With those few, he wrote later, he went -cautiously forward until he glimpsed the city. It rose before his eyes -more magnificent “than the city of Mexico.” And equally wealthy kingdoms -lay beyond. - -Deciding to rename Cíbola St. Francis after the patron saint of his -order, Marcos erected a heap of stones, placed a cross atop it, and -announced to the air that he was taking possession for Spain. Then back -he hastened, “more satiated with fear than food.” So he said. - -Skeptics have long argued that Fray Marcos never got anywhere near -Cíbola. They point to the vagueness of his report, which nowhere -describes topographical features, vegetation, or soil types, although -his instructions had directed him to study all those things. They also -insist that he could not have tarried in Indian towns and have made side -trips searching for the coast, as he claimed he did, and still have -reached and returned from Cíbola in the time known to have elapsed. And -how could he have mistaken a relatively small, mud-plastered pueblo for -a metropolis grander than Mexico City? - -Supporters of the friar, unwilling to believe a man of the cloth could -be an out-and-out liar, juggle time figures their own way and suggest -that his impression of the pueblo was an optical illusion produced by -slanting rays of morning sunlight and made more vivid by the mixture of -weariness, excitement, hope, and fear with which he regarded his goal. -They also point out that when a full-scale expedition marched north to -take possession of the country, he went along. Would he have done that -if his statements were lies that would inevitably be exposed? - -It seems likely that he did turn back immediately after learning, at -some distance from Cíbola, of Estéban’s death. But vanity and fear of -consequences would not let him admit the truth to the Viceroy and the -governor. So he concocted a tale out of the descriptions he had heard -from Indians along the way—descriptions he believed, reasonably enough, -were accurate and would bear scrutiny later on. - -His temporal superiors accepted his statements partly out of an eager -credulity of their own and partly because they were in a hurry to -complete their claims to the Seven Cities. (De Soto was already in -Florida; three ships outfitted by Cortés and commanded by Francisco de -Ulloa were tacking north along the coast looking for sea approaches to -the new kingdoms.) It has even been charged that the Viceroy, Mendoza, -may have suggested some of the glowing details that were incorporated -into Marcos’s report. Most certainly he rewarded the friar by pressuring -the Order of St. Francis to make him, rather than candidates who had -been around much longer, the father-provincial of the Franciscans in -Mexico. As a result, pulpits began resounding with homilies on the work -that awaited the pious—and, by implication, the enterprising—in the -north. This of course stimulated recruiting, not only of idle _hidalgos_ -but of solid men with money enough to equip themselves and their -followers for an extensive journey. - -Mendoza reputedly put 60,000 ducats into the venture. Coronado added -50,000 that he raised by mortgaging his wife’s property. But they were -not completely reckless. They ordered Melchior Díaz, mayor of Culiacán, -to go north with soldiers and Indians and gather specifics about -geography that Marcos had neglected to describe (not having seen it) but -that an army on the march would find useful. - -By February 22, 1540, less than seven months after Marcos’s return, -Mendoza and Coronado had gathered the bulk of their army at Nueva -Galicia’s drab capital, Compostela, some 525 miles west of Mexico City. -For the place and times it was a brave show: about 225 cavalrymen, 62 -foot soldiers, an unrecorded number of black slaves, and upwards of 700 -variously painted Indians. The group’s equipment, like that of De Soto’s -army, was a melange. There were a few suits of armor, including -Coronado’s gilded one, some cuirasses, coats of mail, and plumed helmets -but far more jackets of buckskin and padded cotton, high boots, and -leather shields. - -The Indians were camptenders, stockherders, and warriors, but not -bearers, for unlike De Soto, Mendoza and Coronado meant to enforce royal -orders that forbade turning natives into beasts of burden. Some of the -Indians had wives and children along, as did three Spaniards, in spite -of edicts against camp followers. Hardly noticeable in the throng were -five gray-robed friars, including Marcos, who probably should not have -left his new job as Father Superior so soon. Yet he, too, had a big -stake in this trip. - -Some 1,500 saddle and pack animals, both horses and mules, had been -gathered to provide transportation. Many of the cavalrymen had more than -one mount; Coronado took along 23. Each soldier was responsible for his -personal gear, and since few _hidalgos_ had the least idea of how to -pack a horse, many impromptu rodeos occurred. But “in the end,” wrote -chronicler Pedro de Castañeda, “necessity, which is all-powerful, made -them skillful ... and anybody who despised this work was not considered -a man.” In addition to the horse herd, there was a movable larder of -about a thousand cattle, sheep, and goats. - -Though Mendoza had planned to lead the expedition, the demands of his -office prevented it, and he turned command over to Coronado, then aged -30. The next day the confused, dusty march began, over high hills and -through vales full of thickets. Trouble awaited at Chiametla, where once -Cortés and Guzmán had confronted each other over a ship. Resentful -Indians attacked a foraging party led by Coronado’s second-in-command, -killed him, and wounded five or six others. On top of that, in came -Melchoir Díaz with discouraging reports of what he had learned during -his scouting trip. Though heavy snow had kept him from entering the -mountains north of Arizona’s Gila River, he had interviewed several -Indian traders who supposedly knew Cíbola, and they had led him to -believe there was little, if any, silver or gold in the area. And the -road there, which Marcos had said was good, was very bad. - -Rumors of the report leaked out and upset the soldiers. Marcos quieted -them during one of his sermons: Díaz hadn’t gone far enough. A -preacher’s word against that of a frontier roughneck. Coronado, at -least, was placated: why let go of either his credulity or his -investment this early in the game? But he was worried about dragging the -whole cumbersome army over a bad trail into a _despoblado_ lacking in -supplies. So he decided to go ahead with a vanguard of 80 horsemen, 30 -or so footmen, an unknown number of Indians, some livestock, and the -expedition’s five friars. He placed the main army under; Tristan de -Arellano, told him to stay in Culiacán for 20 more days and then advance -to the Indian town of Corazones in the heart of Sonora, where further -instructions would be sent him. - -It took Coronado’s vanguard from April 22 to July 7, 1540—eleven weeks, -counting rest stops—to cover the thousand miles that separated Culiacán -from Cíbola. (During those same weeks De Soto’s hungry men were marching -through Georgia into the city of pearls and on across the Appalachians -into Alabama.) Hard weeks on rough trails. Contrary to what Marcos had -said, they were veering farther and farther from the coast. Yet at that -very time, Hernando de Alarcón was sailing northward with three ships -loaded with supplies for him. How were they to make contact? - -As events developed, they never did, and the vanguard crossed the -shimmering San Pedro plains into what was to be the United States with -an increasing apprehension that all gates were shutting behind them. -They followed the tree-shaded San Pedro River north to the vicinity of -Benson, Arizona, and then, with Melchior Díaz pointing the way, left it -and worked on through a series of broad-bottomed, mountain-bracketed -valleys to the Gila River, reaching it where Mt. Turnbull bulks huge -against the sky. An enormity of space and remoteness. One can still feel -it, for unlike the southeastern United States, where De Soto marched, -this land has been but little scarred by man’s devouring technologies. - - - First Blood at Cíbola - - [Illustration: Coronado's March Through Puebloland] - - At Cíbola, Coronado had his first encounter with the Pueblo world. His - army was six months into the expedition and worn down from crossing a - wilderness. Food was short, his porters (blacks) and Indians were - deserting, horses were dying of exhaustion. - - The first sight of Cíbola—the legendary kingdom of the north—dismayed - the Spaniards. They found not a shining city of gold but only mud huts - stacked one atop another and a crowd of armed warriors. This was - Háwikuh, western-most of a cluster of Zuñi towns, now a ruin a few - miles south of the present pueblo of the same name. - - Wanting food, Coronado sent forward a party with an interpreter, - friars, and cavalry. This is the moment illustrated by artist Louis S. - Glanzman. The interpreter tells Háwikuh’s war leaders that the - Spaniards have come to claim the country for King and Savior and wish - them no harm. The Indians pay this no attention. An elder draws a line - of sacred corn meal in the sand. The Spaniards hesitate. Arrows fly. - The army storms the village. Soon a dozen Indians lie dead while the - rest flee. The famished soldiers break into the stores. Peace follows - and this pueblo becomes Coronado’s base camp for the next few months. - -They climbed the rough Gila Mountains, found relief in high, open -meadows, but then had to scramble over the Natanes Plateau and pitch -down a steep Indian trail into the Black River gorge. On beyond that -they came to a more difficult crossing of the _barranca_, as they called -the canyon, of the White River. The water was so deep they had to build -rafts to get across. Then on through more pines and meadows whose beauty -they scarcely noticed. They were so hungry that at one camp they ate -lush-looking plants—perhaps wild parsnip, perhaps water hemlocks—that -twisted them with cramps; one Spaniard and two blacks perished. - -Two days later, amidst bare, rolling hills, they passed the Little -Colorado and started up Zuñi Creek. Knowing that Cíbola and its food -supplies were near, the men wanted to hurry, but Coronado, ever -cautious, sent out scouts under tough Garcia López de Cárdenas, and kept -the main force moving slowly behind. Near midnight, Indians attacked the -reconnoitering group and stampeded some of its horses. Quelling a brief -panic, the invaders swept the Indians aside, but the portent was clear. -The Cíbolans were going to defend their homes. - -As the Spaniards emerged from a scattering of junipers onto a flat -plain, they saw, hardly half a mile away, a low spur protruding from a -line of hills. On top of the spur was a city of sorts. Blank tan walls -rose three and, in places, four stories high. Clusters of people on top. -Cornfields and squat houses at the base of the spur. “There are,” -Casteñada wrote in disgust, “haciendas in New Spain which make a better -appearance at a distance.” And he added, “Such were the curses that some -hurled at Fray Marcos that I pray God may protect him from them.” - -Points of view. Modern archeologists have discovered data about the -Pueblo (Anasazi) Indians that were unknown to the Spaniards. For one -thing, population in general was declining in the 16th century, but -towns were growing because survivors were congregating in them, perhaps -as a defense against raiding nomads. One major population center was the -six, not seven, pueblos of the area now known as the Zuñi reservation, -then called Cíbola. (No single “city” had that name; that was just -another misunderstanding of Marcos.) The town of Háwikuh lay farthest to -the southwest and hence dominated the ancient trade trails leading from -the entire Pueblo country to Mexico, the Gulf Coast, and those parts of -Southern California bordering on the Pacific. Háwikuh, accordingly—and -all Cíbola—seemed important to the inhabitants of a considerable area, a -notion Marcos had picked up and relayed to his superiors, as we have -seen. - -The Spaniards, however, had not come looking for dealers in hides, -feathers, and imported sea shells. In spite of doubts and warnings that -must have troubled them along the way, it was still impossible for them -to adjust in one stunning moment to this thunderclap of reality. They -went on doing what they probably would have done if the army of the -Grand Khan had advanced to meet them. Cavalrymen made sure their saddle -girths were tight, footmen readied their weapons, which had not been -well cared for during the march, and together they moved toward the -Indians, whose leaders drew magic lines of corn-meal on the ground and -blew angrily on conch shell trumpets. With bows and war clubs they -gestured for the invaders to leave. No women or children were in sight, -and the numbers of warriors indicated that the neighboring towns had -sent reinforcements. None seemed awed by the sight of horses. - -Dutifully the Spaniards went through the ritual of the _requerimiento_. -Cárdenas, a few cavalrymen, a notary, an interpreter, and two priests -approached the Indians. The interpreter read a proclamation stating that -God’s representative, the Pope, had awarded this part of the world to -the monarchs of Spain. All who submitted to his majesty’s authority and -also accepted Christianity with its promises of salvation would be -embraced as friends. Those who did not would be treated as enemies. - -The answer was a shower of arrows that did no harm. Coronado next went -forward, holding out gifts as a sign of peace. Mistaking the offering -for timidity, the Indians rushed forward. The invaders countered with a -charge. Evidently the horses did inspire terror then, for the Indians -broke and fled. Some were downed on the plain, but most gained the town -and climbed onto the flat roofs, where they continued their gestures of -defiance. - - - To Pecos and Beyond - - [Illustration: Map: Coronado's March Through Puebloland] - -Marching from Cíbola to Pecos, Alvarado’s soldiers saw Puebloland in the -morningtide of its history, a time of prosperity and relative peace. -Village after village welcomed the Spaniards. At Acoma, built on a mesa, -“the natives ... came down to meet us peacefully” and gave the Spaniards -supplies for their journey. In Tiguex province, they met Indians “more -devoted to agriculture than to war” who gave them food, cloth, and -skins. At the huge pueblo of Braba (present Taos), more hospitality. -Cicuyé (Pecos), their destination, greeted Alvarado with drums and -flutes and plied the soldiers with clothing and turquoise (but the women -kept hidden). The record is clear that when the intruders came -peacefully, first encounters were not always hostile. - - [Illustration: Coronado’s army on the march] - -Perhaps there was no gold in the town, but there was food and the -Spaniards were half-starved. Coronado deployed horsemen entirely around -the town to prevent anyone’s escaping while he himself dismounted and -led an attack on foot up the slope toward the pueblo’s single narrow, -twisting entry. Clad in gilded armor that attracted attention (and must -have been clumsy to run in), he was straightway knocked senseless by a -huge stone. Two officers shielded his body while he was dragged to -safety. - -Advantage of position was with the defenders, and the Spaniards, we are -told, were in bad shape. The strings of the crossbows, rotted by the -sun, snapped when cranked tight. The arquebusers were too weak from -hunger and heat to join the onslaught. Yet no one was killed and only a -dozen were hurt. Within less than an hour the town surrendered, an -outcome difficult to understand unless the defenders hurled their -missiles so wildly that none took effect, whereupon they gave up, -terrified by the enemy’s relentless momentum and flashing swords, a -weapon they had never before encountered. - -After Coronado had recovered from his concussion and his men had sated -their hunger on Háwikuh’s corn, beans, and turkeys (which the Indians -raised for feathers rather than food), he began assessing his situation. -Couriers brought in delegations from the neighboring towns, and he put -what he learned from them into a long letter he wrote Mendoza and dated -August 3, 1540. It is a prized ethnographical document now because of -its generally accurate descriptions of the Pueblos. Mendoza must have -found it discouraging. No gold. But Coronado was determined, he wrote, -to keep pressing the search. To strengthen his forces he sent orders, -via the letter-bearers, for the bulk of the main army to advance to -Háwikuh. The remainder were to establish a halfway station beside the -long trail. This station was entrusted to Melchior Díaz. As soon as Díaz -had put things in shape there, he was to ride to the Gulf in search of -Alarcón’s supply ships. Fray Marcos, ill, disgraced, and fearing for his -safety, went home with the messengers. - - _On Cíbola: “Although [the Seven Cities] are not decorated with - turquoises, nor made of lime or good bricks, nevertheless they are - very good houses, three, four, and five storeys high, and they have - very ... good rooms with corridors, and some quite good apartments - underground and paved, which are built for winter and are something - like hot-houses [kivas].... In [Háwikuh] are perhaps 200 houses, all - surrounded by a wall.... The people of these towns are fairly large - and seem to me to be quite intelligent ... most of them are entirely - naked except for the covering required for decency ... they wear the - hair on their heads like the Mexicans, and are well formed and - comely ... the food they eat in this country consists of maize, of - which they have a great abundance, beans, and game.... They make the - best tortillas I have ever seen anywhere, and this is what everybody - ordinarily eats.”_ - -—_Coronado to Mendoza, 3 August 1540_ - -Meanwhile exploring parties had gone northwest from Háwikuh to lay claim -to the “kingdom of Tusayan,” or, as we would say, the Hopi villages. -Nothing the Spaniards wanted was there, either—except for ill-understood -talk about a big river farther to the west. It could be crucial. It must -flow into the sea and might furnish a route inland for Alarcón. Promptly -Coronado ordered Garcia López de Cárdenas to investigate. - -The result was the first sighting, by Europeans, of the Grand Canyon at -a point generally believed to have been Desert View. Awed by the chasm, -the party explored along the rim until thirst turned them back. Clearly -such a stream could not serve as a supply route. - -A few weeks later and many hundreds of miles farther downstream Melchior -Díaz at last unearthed (literally) the first clues about Hernando de -Alarcón’s whereabouts. After straightening out affairs at the halfway -station named San Gerónimo, he led 25 cavalrymen and some Indians west -to the Gulf’s torrid coast, driving a herd of sheep along for food. A -swing north along the desolate beaches brought him to the banks of a -river. He continued along it for perhaps 90 miles, until encountering -Indians who showed him where another bearded man like himself had hidden -some letters. The documents he dug up have since disappeared, but from -other sources it is possible to guess what they said. - -Alarcón had reached the river mouth about August 25, 1540. He had been -preceded there by Cortés’s man, Francisco de Ulloa, who a year earlier -had been trying to find an inlet that would enable his commander to beat -Mendoza to the Seven Cities. Because Ulloa believed that Baja California -was an island, he had been surprised to find himself pinched into the -head of a gulf. A most disconcerting place—shoals, seemingly bottomless -mudbanks, and a terrifying tidal bore, raging tumults of water caused -when the inflowing tide rushed in a great wave upriver against the -current. - -The sight had turned Ulloa back, but Alarcón was more persistent. He -worked a tortuous way through the shoals and, with waves dashing over -the deck of his flagship, rode the bore into the channel on August 26. -Unable to sail upward against the current, he anchored his three vessels -behind a protecting point. Lowering two ship’s launches, he ticked off -20 men, some to work the oars, the others to walk along the bank, -pulling two ropes. Eventually Cócopa Indians appeared, highly excited. -None of them understood the _lingua franca_ of his interpreter, but by -signs and a passing out of trinkets, Alarcón in time prevailed on them -to bring food and to help with the cordelling. - -On September 6, two months after the battle at Háwikuh, the slow-moving -boats reached, it is believed, a point near the junction of the Colorado -and Gila rivers, the site of today’s Yuma, Arizona. Nearby, Alarcón’s -interpreter found Indians with whom he could converse. Their news was -startling. Far inland, white men were causing trouble among the native -inhabitants. Coronado’s army, surely, which Alarcón had been directed to -supply. But how? - -When none of his own men and none of the Indians would agree to carry a -message to Háwikuh, Alarcón decided to return to the ships, take on -fresh supplies, and go to Cíbola himself. During the attempt he advanced -one day’s journey farther upstream than he had gone before, but then -physical difficulties and the growing hostility of the Indians forced -him to halt. After burying the letter Díaz found, he returned to Mendoza -with valuable information about the new land—but, again, no gold. - -Having found the letter, Díaz continued upstream for another five or six -days, perhaps to learn whether this was indeed the lower end of the big -river about which the Hopis had spoken. Evidently satisfied that it was, -he sent the Indian footmen of his party and the sheep across the stream -on rafts made of reeds. Riders swam over on their horses, and the whole -party turned back downstream. At some point in those grisly deserts, -Díaz’s greyhound began tormenting a sheep. Díaz ran at the dog with his -lance. The point stuck in the ground. Before he could stop his horse, -the butt pierced his groin. His distraught men put him on a litter, -recrossed the river (it is very low in the fall of the year), and -hurried toward San Gerónimo, to no avail. He died and was buried no one -knows where. - -Of the Coronado party’s far-flung explorations, the one that had the -greatest impact on its future was Hernando de Alvarado’s trip to the -Great Plains. It was touched off by the appearance at Háwikuh, late in -August, of a still undefined party of Indians—traders probably, but -perhaps a group who felt they should learn more about what was going on -in Cíbola. - -They hailed from the pueblo of Cicuyé, located near a river we call -Pecos in north-central New Mexico. (Cicuyé was the inhabitants’ name for -their town; Pecos, now applied to both the river and the pueblo ruins, -derives from _Pekush_, a word other Pueblo Indians used in speaking of -the settlement.) The travelers were led by an elder whom the Spaniards -called _Cacique_, as if it were a name. (Actually, it was an Arawak word -meaning “chief.” The _conquistadores_ had picked it up first in the West -Indies and later had applied it to Indian leaders throughout Latin -America.) Accompanying Cacique was a husky, talkative young man adorned -with drooping mustaches, unusual in an Indian. Coronado’s people named -him _Bigotes_, or, in English, Whiskers. Bigotes apparently spoke some -Nahuatl, which meant he could converse after a fashion with a few of the -explorers, notably Father Juan de Padilla, who seems to have been going -slowly mad. Another attention-catcher among the visitors was an Indian -from the Great Plains who had a painted picture of a buffalo on his bare -chest. - -Coronado considered the newcomers a peace delegation. He gave them glass -trinkets, beads, and little bells that entranced them. They responded -with head dresses, shields, and a wooly hide that, they signified, had -been taken from an animal like the one pictured on the chest of one of -their number. As the concept became clearer, pulses jumped, for here was -a firm tie-in with Cabeza de Vaca’s story about the huge “cows” of the -new land and of multistoried cities nearby. - -Eager to learn more, Coronado prevailed on the amiable group to lead a -party of his own men eastward to see Cicuyé and its surrounding lands—24 -riders, four crossbowmen, Fray Juan de Padilla, and a lay brother, Luís -de Ubeda. In high spirits they struck off through a malpais of -congealed, jumbled, sharp-edged boulders of black lava that made the -riders dismount and lead their suffering animals. This short-cut brought -them to the amazing town of Acucu (today’s Acoma), perched on the summit -of a butte approachable (as far as the Spaniards saw) only by a stairway -carved into the pink sandstone. After an uneasy confrontation at the -base of the cliffs, the Indians of Acucu invited them to climb arduously -to the top, where they were heaped with presents of hides, cotton cloth, -turkeys and other foods. - - [Illustration: The immense headland of El Morro, also known as - Inscription Rock, was a landmark for western travelers. Lured by the - shaded pool at the base, they camped nearby and often left a record - of their passage in the rock’s soft sandstone face. The party that - Coronado dispatched to Acoma in August 1540 passed well south of the - mesa and probably never saw it. The main army that ascended the Zuñi - Valley several months later may have stopped at El Morro, but if so, - they left no inscriptions. The headland is now the centerpiece of El - Morro National Monument.] - - - Acoma: Ancient Village in the Sky - - [Illustration: Acoma] - - Acoma embodies a thousand years of Pueblo life. According to an origin - belief, the first dwellers were guided here by _Iatiku_, “mother of - all Indians.” Archeologists trace occupation to at least late - Basketmaker times (AD 700). A few centuries later, ancestral Pueblos - are living on top in houses of stone and adobe. - - The native word for Acoma is _ʔá-·k′u_, a word of ancient root that - means “place of preparedness.” In September 1540, Alvarado’s men - arrived at the great rock and marveled at the sight of the village and - its people (about 200) on top. “The village was very strong,” said a - Spaniard, so difficult of access that no army could assault it. - - The Acomans came down to the plain ready to fight the Spaniards. But - when they saw that the intruders could not be frightened off, they - offered peace and gave them food and deerskins. - - This illustration is artist L. Kenneth Townsend’s interpretation of - the village about 1540—a world outside time. - -Pleasant encounters characterized the rest of the journey east. Alvarado -sent a cross ahead of his party to the “province” of Tiguex (rendered -Tiwa today), a concentration of 12 pueblos located on both sides of the -Rio Grande in a broad valley at the foot of the abrupt Sandía Mountains. -Thus prepared, retinues of important elders greeted them, decked out in -ceremonial regalia and marching to the shrill piping of bone flutes. -Presumably either Alvarado or Fray Padilla read them the _requerimiento_ -that made each town subject to the King of Spain. To this they added the -Church’s authority by erecting in the villages they visited, as far -north as Braba (Taos), large crosses made by Brother Luis de Ubeda with -an adze and chisel he had brought along for this purpose. Reactions were -surprising, perhaps because the Indians also used varieties of the cross -pattern in some of their ceremonies. They eagerly bedecked Brother -Luis’s Christian symbols with prayer feathers and rosettes made of plant -fiber, sometimes climbing on each other’s shoulders to reach the tops of -the cruciforms. - -Impressed by Tiguex’s friendly people and stores of food, Alvarado sent -Coronado a message suggesting that the recombined army winter there -rather than in the high, cold lands of Cíbola. Then on he went across -what is now called Glorieta Pass into the valley of the Pecos River. - -There on a flat-topped ridge between a tributary stream and the main -river was the finest pueblo the Spaniards had seen. The pattern was -familiar: terraced houses rising four stories high around several -plazas. Additional storage was provided in extensions running out from -some of the corners of the main square. Balconies that provided walkways -for the people on the upper floors served also to shade those beneath. -Ladders running through holes in the walks served in the place of -stairs. A constant need for firewood and building material had -eliminated the forests for a mile or more around the pueblo, opening -fine vistas of the high peaks of the Sangre de Cristo Mountains to the -north, the red cliffs of Glorieta Mesa to the west, and the lower -Tecolote foothills to the east. - -By dominating the main trail linking the Plains Indians and the Pueblos -of the Southwest, Cicuyé had become an even more powerful trade center -than Háwikuh, and its people boasted that no enemy had been able to -conquer them. But what of these bearded strangers who, with their swords -and horses, had overrun Háwikuh in a single rush? Acting perhaps on the -advice of Bigotes and Cacique, the people of Cicuyé decided to be -friendly. An unarmed delegation marched out beating drums, playing on -bone whistles, and carrying gifts. They listened blankly to the reading -of the _requerimiento_, which demanded their submission to the King of -Spain, then let the strangers rest among them for a few days (meanwhile -keeping their young women out of sight), and gladly furnished guides -when Alvarado announced he wished to continue far enough east to see the -“cows” and the people who lived among them. - -The guides were Plains Indians. Though they have been called “slaves” of -Bigotes and Cacique, it seems more likely they were traders who, having -been stranded in Cicuyé after bartering their goods, earned their keep -by performing menial tasks while waiting for an opportunity to return -home. One was named Ysopete, and may have been—accounts vary—the youth -whose chest bore the tattoo of a buffalo. A Wichita Indian from central -Kansas, Ysopete designated his homeland as Quivira: thus a new word in -American mythology. With him was El Turco, the Turk, so-called by the -Spaniards “because,” wrote Pedro de Castañeda, “he looked like one.” The -resemblance probably arose from his turban, a headdress used by the -Pawnees of eastern Kansas, or, in the Turk’s language, Harahey. - -Shortly after reaching the plains east of the Pecos River, Alvarado’s -explorers found themselves in the middle of a vast herd of buffalo. -Lancing the huge beasts from a running horse and afterwards dining on -the tender, roasted meat of their humps made for high living, but the -sport was soon forgotten in a greater excitement. The Turk said he knew -where there was gold. In Quivira. And even more in Harahey. - - [Illustration: This ancient pueblo kiva at Pecos is one of two - restored kivas in the park. At center is the firepit and stone draft - deflector.] - -Did the Pawnee (if he was a Pawnee) really say that? Some -anthropologists, Carroll Riley and Mildred Mott Wedell among them, have -wondered. As a trader, the Turk knew a smattering of Nahuatl, as did the -missionary friar, Juan de Padilla, one of his chief interrogators. To -this stumbling _lingua franca_, El Turco added the fluent sign language -of the Plains Indians, bits of which the Spaniards were beginning to -pick up, though not as skillfully as they thought. Moreover, the talkers -on both sides were discussing ideas and objects the others know nothing -about. These opportunities for misunderstanding were immeasurably -increased by the determination of Juan de Padilla to find the legendary -Seven Cities of Antilia. - -A word about Padilla. He had served as a soldier under Cortés in Mexico -until deciding to enter the Franciscan order. He was hot-tempered, -obstinate, and consumed with the hope of bringing the lost citizens—the -wealthy, Christian citizens—of Antilia back into the mainstream of -Catholicism. He believed implicitly that their gorgeous metropolises lay -somewhere in the north. Meager Háwikuh and the Hopi villages had shocked -him profoundly, but word of true urban centers farther -east—Quivira!—reinvigorated his faith. He talked earnestly to the Turk -about the kind of places he wanted to discover and listened with intense -preconceptions to the trader’s answers. - -Out yonder, the Turk told him, was a wide river full of fish as big as -horses. The canoes on the river held 20 or more rowers to a side, and -their lords sat in the sterns under brilliant awnings. This tale -corresponds with what the Gentleman of Elvas said about the canoes De -Soto saw on reaching the Mississippi half a year later. So maybe El -Turco had witnessed, during his wanderings, the Indian flotillas of the -lower Mississippi and the fish as well—gar can reach 10 feet in length. -The chiefs of the canoe tribes, he went on, were lulled to sleep by -little bells of gold (_acochis_) tinkling in the breeze. They ate (a -standard fantasy) from dishes molded out of _acochis_. But _acochis_, it -developed years later, was a Spanish rendering of _hawichis_, a generic -Pawnee term for any metal. Copper, perhaps? It was rare on the Plains -and in the Southwest, but there was some and it was displayed -conspicuously by important men. - -That may be all the Turk said at first. But it was not all that Padilla -and the rest of Alvarado’s explorers heard. They harassed the Indian for -proof that he was telling the truth. Frightened, eager to get them off -his back, and desirous, possibly, of causing trouble for Bigotes, whom -he may not have liked, El Turco said he had once owned a bit of -_acochis_, but that Whiskers had taken it from him. The Spaniards -understood that the object was a bracelet. - -By then the autumn days were growing cold, and it was time for Alvarado -to rejoin the army assembling in the Rio Grande Valley. On his way back -through Cicuyé, he confronted Bigotes and Cacique with El Turco’s -charge. They said they know nothing about the matter. Reluctant to set -himself up as judge without Coronado’s authorization, Alvarado seized -the pair, put them in chains—as he later did the Turk and Ysopete when -the one-time guides sought to disappear—and hurried out of the pueblo -through a shower of curses and arrows hurled after him by the outraged -inhabitants. - -In Tiguex, too, affability had vanished. To provide shelter for the main -army, which was moving eastward in sections, an advance group under -hard-fisted Garcia López de Cárdenas had turned the people of Alcanfor -pueblo out of their homes to find whatever refuge they could in -neighboring towns. Coronado, who had taken a portion of the troops on a -swing through the pueblos northwest of Tiguex, had just moved into the -new quarters when Alvarado appeared with his captives. Immeasurably -relieved by the thought that the costly expedition still might succeed, -the general told Padilla, aflame with visions of the Seven Cities, and -Alvarado to get the truth from Bigotes however they could. The -inquisitors took him into a snowy field and set a war dog on him. Partly -it was bluff; the victim was scarred but not disabled. Cacique, too, was -attacked by a dog but less severely because of his age. Throughout the -ordeal, which created deep resentment along the Rio Grande, both men -persistently denied all knowledge of gold. - -No dogs were set on the Turk. Though he, along with Ysopete, was also -kept in chains so that he would be on hand when needed in the spring, -his veracity was not questioned. For if the Turk was not believed, the -expedition lost its meaning. - -Until spring did arrive, survival was the goal. At first the Spaniards -paid for the blankets, warm clothing, and food they requisitioned. -Later, when the Indians, who had little surplus, held back, foraging -parties roamed far and wide, taking what they desired without -recompense, including in at least one case, a Puebloan’s wife. - - [Illustration: Restored kiva of Kuaua pueblo, now preserved at - Coronado State Park, Bernillilo, N.M. This village was long thought - to be the Alcanfor pueblo that Cárdenas occupied. Though excavations - in the 1930s failed to prove the speculation, the diggers did find - these extraordinary kiva murals.] - -Sensing correctly that the horses were the Spaniards’ main strength, the -Indians struck at one part of the herd, killing two dozen or so animals -and stampeding many others. Such attacks could portend disaster. With -Coronado’s blessing, Cárdenas stormed Arenal, the center of resistance. -After breaching the walls with battering rams, the Europeans lighted -smudge fires around the houses. As the gasping Indians fled into the -open, making signs of peace, mounted horsemen struck down many. Others -were tied to stakes and burned alive—a scene the Turk, Ysopete, and -Bigotes were forced to watch so that they could tell the people of their -villages what happened to rebels. - -The episode occurred in December 1540. Shortly afterwards, the main part -of the army appeared, worn out by forced marches through heavy -snowstorms, but excited by rumors of gold, for the Turk, who by then -knew more about the lusts of the invaders than they knew about him, was -elaborating on his tales. With little to talk about but warm weather and -wealth, the force lost its hold on reality and, like De Soto’s, -disintegrated into a kind of insensate organism responding only to the -dynamics of survival. When a new center of resistance developed at a -pueblo called Moho, the Spaniards burned the town after a long siege, -killed many of the men who tried to flee, and made captives (as the -_requerimiento_ threatened) of more than a hundred women and children. - -Some ambiguity surrounds Coronado’s part in these and other suppressions -of “revolt.” Though he was the army’s commanding general, he apparently -was never in the field during the moments of greatest carnage. He later -testified he never authorized the burning of settlements or the use of -dogs in battle. He personally took old Cacique back to Cicuyé and handed -him over to his people, promising to release Bigotes as well when the -army went through on its way to golden Quivira. - -There was a practical side to the generosity, of course. He did not want -a hostile fort astride his back trail when he made his final advance. -Emphasize _final_. He badly needed a triumph to save himself from -bankruptcy and to make the king’s _audiencia_ understand that what -seemed atrocities had been necessary steps on the way to treasure for -the empire. - - [Illustration: Coronado’s search for Quivira took him as far east as - central Kansas. Fragments of chain mail armor found at several sites - point to a Spanish presence in the 16th century. Coronado’s men very - likely saw country like this near Lindsborg, Kansas.] - -The eastern advance began April 23, 1541. (Fifteen days later De Soto, -heading west, sighted the Mississippi.) Bedlam marked much of the -Spaniards’ travel, especially during the daily making and breaking of -camp. There were about 300 white soldiers, other hundreds of Mexican -Indian allies, some with women and children, a herd of a thousand -horses, 500 beef cattle, and 5,000 sheep—or so says Castañeda, possibly -with exaggeration. The people of Cicuyé, seeing the mass advancing under -a shroud of dust and remembering the fate of Arenal and Moho, became -friendly again. They received Bigotes with rejoicing and heaped supplies -on his one-time captors—anything to get the invaders moving on. - -For many miles the Turk led the army east toward the Canadian River, -along the path he had shown Alvarado. They saw so many buffalo—charging -bulls killed a few horses—that Coronado would not venture guessing at -the numbers. They fell in with a meticulously described, to the joy of -future anthropologists, band of nomad Querechos, perhaps forerunners of -the Apaches. As spring waned, they found themselves in the Texas -Panhandle, atop the featureless immensity of the Llano Estacado, the -Staked Plains. - -At that point, the Turk, who the previous fall had told Alvarado that -Quivira lay northeast, turned southeast. Why? Was he heading toward the -lower Mississippi and the kind of civilization he thought the Spanish -wanted? Or had he, during the pause in Cicuyé, agreed with the people -there to lead the invaders into a trackless part of the plains where -they would become lost and, deprived of maize, would starve. - -Ysopete, who seems to have developed an acute antipathy for the Turk and -who was anxious to reach his home in Kansas, warned Coronado he was -being misled. Alvarado voiced suspicions. Coronado, however, clung to -his necessary faith in the Turk until they reached a point where the -abrupt eastern escarpment of the Staked Plains drops into almost -impassable badlands. There at last he put the Turk in irons and turned -the piloting over to Ysopete, assisted by some local Teyas Indians. - -All this had taken precious time. To speed things along and to make food -easier to procure, Coronado ordered the main army to return to Tiguex -while he and 30 picked riders, 6 foot soldiers, Juan de Padilla, and a -few mule packers scouted out Quivira.[4] - -Traveling light and sparing their mounts, Coronado’s group rode -northeast for a month. They reached the River of Quivira (now the -Arkansas) not far below present-day Dodge City, Kansas, and followed it, -still northeast, to its Great Bend, where they left it. A little farther -on they found the first Quivira (Wichita) village, a cluster of domed -huts built of stout frameworks of logs overlaid with grass, so that they -looked like haystacks. The surrounding land, rolling and fertile, -produced fine corn, pumpkins, and tobacco. But no gold. - -There were another 24 or so similar villages in the kingdom of Quivira. -The Spaniards spent nearly a month riding disconsolately among them, -gradually absorbing the truth that riches of the kind they wanted lay -neither here nor, as far as they could learn, further east. (During the -same period., De Soto was arriving at the same opinion while wandering -through parts of Arkansas.) Angry questions were inevitable. Why had the -Turk sought to mislead them both with his tales and his guidance? Under -pressure he said the people of Cicuyé had put him up to it on the -supposition he could lure the invaders to their doom. Perhaps they had. -Or perhaps El Turco was simply trying, in his extremity, to shift blame. - -The last straw came when Ysopete, El Turco’s enemy, said the Pawnee was -trying to stir up the Quivirans against the Spaniards. Acting on -Coronado’s orders, a party of executioners strangled and buried him, -secretly at night lest the Quivirans be aroused. - -There were no repercussions. Guided by several young Quivirans, the -scouts returned by a direct route to the Rio Grande Valley, arriving in -mid-September. In Coronado’s mind, the absence of treasure was -conclusive, but among those who had not gone to Quivira were many who -believed that if the scouts had continued eastward, they would have -found the Seven Cities. Coronado agreed half-heartedly to make another -attempt the following spring, but fate intervened. During a horse race -with a friend, his saddle girth broke and he was thrown under the hooves -of his opponent’s mount. Though his body gradually recovered, his -spirits did not. After another miserable winter in Alcanfor, he ordered -the army to start home. He was carried much of the way in a litter swung -between two mules hitched in tandem. - - [Illustration: On the great plains Coronado encountered a nomadic - people he variously called “Teyas” and “Querechos.” They were the - buffalo-hunting Apaches, who followed the migrating herds, packing - their goods from place to place on _travois_ hauled by dogs. They - impressed the Spaniards more than any Indians they had met. “They - are a gentle people, not cruel,” wrote the expedition’s chronicler - of the Apaches, “faithful in their friendship, and skilled in their - use of sign.”] - -By dying, De Soto escaped being tried for failure. Not Coronado. He was -investigated for derelictions in connection with an Indian rebellion -that swept his province immediately after his departure, for mistreating -the Indians of Tiguex, and for failing to press on beyond Quivira. Every -enemy he had and a pack of opportunists and publicity hunters in quest -of an audience took the stand against him, often blurting out scandalous -rumors that had nothing to do with the case. Ill, his mind cloudy, he -testified poorly in his own defense. But he had supporters, too, and in -the end, largely through the help of Viceroy Mendoza, he was cleared of -all legal charges. Though he lost the governorship of Nueva Galicia and -some of his property there, he retained his seat on Mexico City’s -council until his health, poor since his return, broke completely. He -died on September 22, 1554, aged 44. - -There is a footnote. A few Mexican Indians stayed in Háwikuh and Cicuyé -and a survivor or two were found in those towns when Spanish exploration -of the Pueblo country resumed four decades later. Some religious people -also stayed. One, old Fray Luís de Ubeda, the builder of crosses, -settled at Cicuyé, hoping to spread Christianity by baptizing children. -His fate is unknown. - -Fray Juan de Padilla’s tale is more dramatic. Obsessed with saving -Indian souls by bringing them to the Church and dreaming still of the -Seven Cities, he accompanied the young Quiviran guides back to their -homes from the Rio Grande. Helping him drive along some pack mules, a -horse, and a flock of sheep were two Indian _donados_ of Mexico named -Lucas and Sebastián, Andrés do Campo, a Portuguese, a black -“interpreter,” and a handful of servants. (Indians were not allowed to -become full-fledged friars, but if they were “donated” to the Church by -their parents, they could, as _donados_, serve as assistants.) - -The missionary adventure was short-lived. While attempting to press on -east of Quivira, the group was attacked by unidentified assailants. -Padilla died, bristling with arrows. Do Campo, the two _donados_, and -perhaps some others escaped. Separated, the _donados_ and do Campo -traveled along different routes from tribe to tribe for at least four -years until at last they reached Pánuco, Mexico—trips as astonishing but -far less famed than the odyssey of Cabeza de Vaca, whose -cross-continental traverse had put all these ill-fated land expeditions -into motion. And so, except for the salt-water adventures of Juan -Rodríguez Cabrillo, the epics had reached full circle. - - [Illustration: Cabrillo’s voyage of discovery carried him past - California’s Big Sur. In four centuries, this coast has lost none of - its enchantment.] - - - The Seafarers - -History has preserved only dim outlines of the remarkable career of Juan -Rodríguez Cabrillo, who died in 1543 while attempting to complete the -first exploration of California’s coastline. Though he is generally -supposed to have been Portuguese, the evidence is too scanty to be -sure.[5] There is no firm agreement about the cause or place of his -death. He is variously reported to have used two, three, and even four -vessels on his great exploration. Even his name has invited speculation. -It appears on the few surviving documents he signed in the abbreviated -form _Juan Rodz_. (The Portuguese spelling would normally end in “s,” -the Spanish in “z.”) What then of _Cabrillo_, which means “little goat”? -Was it an affectionate nickname that he liked and used informally to -distinguish himself from numerous other Juan Rodríguezes, a name as -common in Hispanic countries as John Smith is in English-speaking -regions? In any event he should be known formally as Juan Rodríguez. The -name Cabrillo is, however, so firmly fixed in California history that it -will be used in this account. - -Whatever his name and origin, Juan Rodríguez Cabrillo learned seafaring -in his youth. He arrived in Cuba in the second decade of the 1500s, -perhaps as a sailor or, because of his age, as a page. Yet he apparently -joined the Narváez expedition that was dispatched from Cuba to arrest -Cortés as a crossbowman. Like most of his companions, he deserted -Narváez and joined Cortés at Vera Cruz and afterwards survived the -grisly _noche triste_ when the Aztecs drove the Spaniards from their -capital at Tenochtitlán. Immediately thereafter his chance came to -display his nautical skills. - -Cortés knew that if he were to recapture lake-bound Tenochtitlán, he -would have to control the causeways that linked the city to the -mainland. That meant building enough small brigantines to overpower the -Aztec war canoes that had harried the retreating Spaniards so -mercilessly during the _noche triste_. According to the -soldier-historian Bernal Díaz del Castillo, Cortés put Cabrillo in -charge of four “men of the sea” who understood how to make pine tar for -caulking ships. But was that all the younger warrior did? Seamen were -needed in all phases of the operation, beginning with the prefabrication -of thirteen brigantines 50 miles from the capital and then transporting -the pieces on the backs of at least 8,000 porters to the shores of the -lake, where they were reassembled. - -Each brigantine was manned by a dozen oarsmen, who also handled the -sails. Each carried several crossbowmen and arquebus marksmen. The -little fleet was important enough that Cortés took charge in person. A -fortuitous wind enabled the brigantines to hoist sails and smash with -devastating effect into a massed gathering of Aztec canoes. Afterwards -they fought a dozen fierce skirmishes while protecting the footmen on -the causeway—opportunity enough for a good sailor and fighter to catch -the general’s eye, if indeed Cabrillo was in the fleet, as he well may -have been. - -Tenochtitlán regained, the actual conquest of Mexico began. Small bands -of Spaniards, reinforced by numerous Indian allies, radiated out in all -directions. It is known that Cabrillo participated as an officer of -crossbowmen in the conquest of Oaxaca. Later he joined red-bearded Pedro -de Alvarado, cousin of Coronado’s officer, Hernando de Alvarado, in -seizing Guatemala and El Salvador. During those long, sanguinary -campaigns Cabrillo performed well enough that he was rewarded with -_encomiendas_ in both Guatemala and Honduras. - -An _encomienda_ was a grant of land embracing one or more Indian -villages. In exchange for protecting the village and teaching the -inhabitants to become Christian subjects of the king, the _encomendero_ -was entitled to exact taxes and labor from them. Most grant holders -ignored duties while concentrating on the privileges. What kind of -master Cabrillo was does not appear. Anyway, for the next 15 years his -Indian laborers grew food for slaves he had put to work in placer mines -on his lands and in the shipyards he supervised on Guatemala’s Pacific -coast. He traded profitably with Peru and meanwhile enriched his -personal life by taking an Indian woman as his consort. With her he -fathered several children. Later he brought a Spanish wife—Beatriz -Sánchez de Ortega—into his extensive and, for the time and place, -luxurious household. - -Successful shipbuilding helped keep the excitement of the conquistadors -high, for if the world was as small as generally believed, China, the -islands of Indonesia, and the Philippines, discovered by Magellan in -1521, could not be far away. There might be other islands as well, ruled -by potentates as rich as Moctezuma or inhabited by gorgeous black -Amazons who allowed men to visit them only on certain occasions and -afterwards slew them. There was that mythical “terrestrial paradise” -called California in a popular romance of the time, _Las Sergas de -Esplandián_. According to the author, seductive California was ruled by -dazzling queen Calafia, whose female warriors wielded swords of gold, -there being no other metal in the land, and used man-eating griffins as -beasts of burden. What a spot to find! - -The ships charged with searching for these places were built of -materials hauled overland (except for timber) from the Atlantic to the -Pacific by Indian bearers. The vessels were small, ill-designed, cranky, -and often did not have decks. Nevertheless, ships sent out into the -unknown by Cortés during the early 1530s discovered a strip of coast the -sailors believed was part of an island. They were the first, probably, -to refer to it as California, perhaps in derision since the desolate -area was so totally different from the paradise described in the -romance. The notion of nearby Gardens of Eden persisted, however, and -interest soared again when Cabeza de Vaca’s party reached Mexico in 1536 -with tales of great cities in the north. - -Cortés, who considered himself the legitimate _adelantado_ of the north, -tried to cut in on Mendoza’s plans to exploit the Vaca discoveries. -Rebuffed, he defied the Viceroy by dispatching three ships under a -kinsman, Francisco de Ulloa—one of the vessels soon foundered—to search -for a sea opening to the lands of Cíbola. Finding himself locked in a -gulf, Ulloa retreated along the eastern edge of the 800-mile-long -peninsula that we call Baja California, rounded its tip and continued -north to within 130 miles or so of the present U.S.-Mexico border. No -inlets. His ships battered by adverse winds and his men wracked by -scurvy, he returned to Mexico, only to be murdered, it is said, by one -of his sailors. - -The only man remaining who could have saved Cortés’s dimming star was -his old captain, Pedro de Alvarado, then governor of Guatemala. Dreaming -of still more wealth in the sea, Alvarado, too, had built a pair of -shipyards on the Pacific coast and had put Juan Rodríguez Cabrillo in -charge of creating vessels out of materials dragged overland by Indians -from the Atlantic. In 1538 Alvarado went to Spain and returned with 300 -volunteers and a license to conquer any islands he found in the South -Seas. By then he commanded 13 vessels, several of which had been built -by Cabrillo. In the fleet were three galleons of 200 tons each, one of -which, the _San Salvador_ was owned and piloted by Cabrillo; seven ships -of 100 tons, and three lesser brigantines. If Alvarado had thrown in -with Cortés ... but prudence dictated that he consult first with -Mendoza, who had already invested some money in the building of the -armada. So he took the fleet north to the port of Colima, due west of -Mexico City and left it at anchor there, under Cabrillo’s watchful eye, -while he went inland to dicker with the Viceroy. - -In the end Mendoza and Alvarado agreed to share equally in the expenses -and profits of a double venture: they would send some ships west to the -Philippines and some north to Cíbola and then on to a strait called -Anian, which supposedly sliced through the upper latitudes of the -continent. The arrangements, which ignored Cortés’s claims, sent the -aging conquistador hurrying to Spain in 1540 in search of justice, as he -defined justice. He never returned. - -Alvarado had no opportunity to exploit the newly opened field. When an -Indian revolt broke out in provinces of Jalisco and Michacán, the -viceroy called on Alvarado to bring in his volunteers as reinforcements. -During an engagement in the summer of 1541, a horse lost its footing on -a steep hillside, rolled down and crushed Alvarado to death. - - [Illustration: Navigation was still in its infancy in Cabrillo’s - day. Mariners sailed by “dead” reckoning, a method of figuring - location by multiplying time by estimated speed over a given course. - The main instruments were the compass, the hourglass, and the - astrolabe. None of these devices was exact, and charts and - mathematical tables were often inaccurate. Hence mariners sailed as - much by instinct as by science. Skill often meant the difference - between a successful voyage and wreck.] - -Onerous problems followed. Alvarado’s estate had to be put in order; -ships had to be refitted; the chaos of an earthquake at Santiago, -Guatemala, headquarters of Cabrillo’s holdings, had to be confronted. In -due time Mendoza acquired control of the fleet, including the use of -Cabrillo’s _San Salvador_, and in 1542 launched the major explorations -previously agreed on. Ruy Lopéz de Villalobos took ships to the -Philippines. On June 27 of that same year Cabrillo headed north with -three vessels: _San Salvador_, which he captained; _Victoria_, commanded -by pilot Bartolomé Ferrer (a pilot ranked just below a captain and was -far more than a mere guide); and _San Miguel_, a small brigantine used -as a launch and service vessel. It was commanded by Antonio Correa, an -experienced shipmaster. More than 200 persons were crowded aboard the -three vessels.[6] - - [Illustration: Compass and astrolabe] - -Because both Ulloa and Alarcón had reported that the Sea of Cortés was a -gulf, Cabrillo made no effort to follow the mainland north, but led his -ships directly toward the tip of the peninsula, calling it California -without comment, as though the name was already in current use. For -nearly three months they sailed along Baja’s outer coast, bordered much -of the way by “high, naked, and rugged mountains.” Because they were -looking for a river entrance to the interior and for a strait leading to -the Atlantic, they sailed as close to land as they dared, constantly -tacking in order to defeat the contrary winds and the Pacific’s erratic -currents. - -About August 20 they passed the most northerly point (Punta del Engaño) -reached by Ulloa. A little farther on, where the land was flat, they -beached the vessels to make some necessary repairs and, while exploring -the neighborhood, found a camp of Indian fishermen. The native leaders, -their bodies decorated with slashes of white paint, came on board, -looked over the sailors and soldiers and indicated “they had seen other -men like them who had beards and had brought dogs, _ballestas_ -[crossbows] and swords.” Since there was no mention of horses, the -strangers probably had come from ships. Ulloa’s men of 1539? Hernando de -Alarcón’s of 1540? Or a later party, for there had been talk of -Alarcón’s returning for another venture inland. Mystified, Cabrillo -entrusted the Indians with a letter for the bearded ones. - -They relaunched the ships and another month dragged by—crosswinds, -headwinds, calms. Cabrillo took constant sightings of sun and stars with -his massive astrolabe, no small task for he had to stand with his back -braced against a mast for steadiness on the heaving deck while he called -out the readings that were to be recorded in the log. Speed was computed -by throwing a wooden float over the stern and counting the marks -flashing by as the line holding it unwound from its reel. Compasses were -used, but magnetic declinations were not well understood. All of -Cabrillo’s longitudes and latitudes were wide of the mark, but the fault -was not entirely his or his instruments. He began his reckonings at a -point inaccurately observed by others. Even the precise location of -Mexico City was unknown in 1542. - - - _San Salvador_, Cabrillo’s Flagship - - [Illustration: The San Salvador] - - Cabrillo himself built the ship he sailed up the California coast. It - was constructed between 1536 and 1540 at Iztapa on the west coast of - Guatemala. This region was something of a shipbuilding center, with a - reputation for better quality than the yards of Seville, Spain. Much - of the labor was furnished by Indians and black slaves, whole villages - of whom were conscripted to portage supplies, raise food, cut lumber, - trim timbers, and make pitch, rope, and charcoal. - - _San Salvador_ was a full-rigged galleon, with an approximate length - of 100 feet, a beam of 25 feet, and a draft of 10 feet. The crew - numbered about 60: 4 officers, 25 to 30 seamen, and 2 or 3 - apprentices, and two dozen or so slaves, blacks and Indians. On the - voyage to California, _San Salvador_ also carried about 25 soldiers - and at least one priest. The ship was armed with several cannon. - - Ship’s fare was wine, hard bread, beans, salt meat, fish, and anything - fresh picked up along the way, all washed down by mugs of wine. - Officers, who probably brought along food of their own and servants to - prepare it, ate better. Slaves lived off rations of soup and bread and - scraps left by others. - - [Illustration: The ship’s cannon probably resembled this Lombardo of - the period. It fired a stone ball about 3½ inches in diameter. - -This illustration by John Batchelor is based on the research of -Melbourne Smith.] - -On September 28, three months after leaving Mexico, the ships crossed -the future international border and put into a “very good enclosed port, -to which they gave the name San Miguel.” It was our San Diego. - -The Indians there were afraid. That evening they wounded, with arrows, -three men of a fishing party. Instead of marching forth in retaliation, -Cabrillo sailed slowly on into the harbor, caught two boys, gave them -presents, and let them go. The kindness worked. The next day three large -men partly dressed in furs (the “Summary” says) came to the ship and -galloped around to illustrate horsemen killing Indians far inland. -Melchior Díaz, fighting Yumans during his crossing of the Colorado in -the fall of 1540? Or had word of Coronado’s battles at Háwikuh and on -the Rio Grande trickled this far west along the trade trails? In any -event, Europeans were no longer a mystery. On three more occasions -Cabrillo picked up rumors of Spaniards in the interior. - -After easily riding out the first storm of the season in the harbor, the -ships sailed on, pausing at Avalon on Santa Catalina Island and later at -the island we call San Clemente. Along the way they remarked on the many -flat-lying streamers of smoke from Indian villages near San Pedro and, -later, Santa Monica Bays (warnings, unrecognizable then, of temperature -inversions and smog). Somewhere near modern Oxnard, they spent a few -pleasant days with Chumash Indians, admiring their big, conical huts and -their marvelous plank canoes. Tantalized by a fresh rumor of Spaniards -near a large river (the Colorado?), Cabrillo sent out a letter in care -of some Indians “on a chance.” But where the river reached the coast, if -it did, he could not learn. - - [Illustration: A deadeye and a triple-purchase block of the type - used on _San Salvador_. Deadeyes and lanyards were employed in fixed - rigging, frequently to secure shrouds that supported the mast; on - the right is a typical setup, by which lines were tightened and - secured to the vessel’s frame. A block and tackle were essential for - hoisting heavy yards. Drawings by John Batchelor.] - -The coast from Oxnard to Cabo de Galera (our Point Conception) runs -roughly east and west for nearly a hundred miles before bending sharply -north. This stretch was heavily populated. Many canoes traveled -alongside the ships, and there was a great deal of calling back and -forth and exchanges of gifts. A string of islands, also populated, -paralleled the shore, forming what is now called the Santa Barbara -Channel. On October 18 the Spanish ships endeavored to round Cabo de -Galera but were blown by strong winds out to the westernmost of the -Channel Islands, one the mariners had not yet explored. They named it -Posesión (it is now San Miguel) and remained in the shelter of Cuyler’s -Harbor for about a week. - -The idyllic days were over—and so, in many critical ways, is agreement -between Juan Páez’s “Summary” of Cabrillo’s log and the testimony about -the trip given in 1560 to the _audiencia_ of Guatemala by Lázaro de -Cárdenas and Francisco de Vargas, both of whom told the court they had -been on the trip. - -During the stay on Posesión, according to the “Summary,” Cabrillo fell -and broke his arm near the shoulder. In spite of that, he resumed the -journey, rounded Point Conception, was again driven back, tried once -more, and in mid-November succeeded. The fleet soon reached the rugged -Santa Lucia Range, in which William Randolph Hearst four centuries later -built fabulous San Simeon. For the mariners it was a heart-stopping -area—“mountains which seem to reach the heavens.... Sailing close to the -land, it appears as though they would fall on the ships. They are -covered with snow.” - -They may have sailed as far as the vicinity of Point Reyes, a little -north of San Francisco Bay, or they may have gone no farther than -Monterey Bay, where they almost certainly anchored on November 16. -Whatever their northernmost point, they turned back, probably because of -bad weather, possibly because of Cabrillo’s sufferings. On November 23 -they once again landed on San Miguel Island. There, sensing he was about -to die, Cabrillo made the pilot, Bartolomé Ferrer (or Ferrelo in some -accounts) swear to continue the explorations. On January 3, 1543, he -perished and was buried on the island. - -Or was he? In 1901, an amateur archeologist, Philip M. Jones, found on -Santa Rosa Island, just east of San Miguel, an old Indian _mano_, or -grinding stone, into one of whose sides a cross and the fused initials -JR had been incised. The stone was stored in a basement at the -University of California, Berkeley, until 1972, when Berkeley’s noted -anthropologist, Dr. Robert Heizer, began wondering whether the curiosity -might have once marked Juan Rodríguez’s grave. So far extensive -examinations have determined nothing about this additional mystery. - - - The Chumash: Village Dwellers - - The Indians that Cabrillo encountered along the Santa Barbara coast - were the village-dwelling Chumash. Their villages were groupings of - houses, according to a later traveler, with a sweat-house, - store-rooms, a ceremonial plaza, a gaming area, and a cemetery some - distance off. The houses were cone-shaped, spacious and comfortable. A - hole in the roof admitted light and vented smoke from cook fires. - Apart from the brief skirmish at San Diego Bay, Cabrillo found the - California Indians a gentle, friendly people. - - Two views of the Chumash: - - [Illustration: An early illustration of two fishermen, from George - Shelvocke’s _Voyage Around the World_, 1726.] - - [Illustration: Artist Louis S. Glanzman’s drawing of a woman with a - garment. “They were dressed in skins,” said Cabrillo’s diarist, “and - wore their hair very long and tied up with long strings interwoven - with the hair ... attached to the strings were many gewgaws of - flint, bone, and wood.”] - - [Illustration: This stone found on Santa Rosa Island may have once - marked the burial place of Cabrillo.] - -And then there is the testimony of Cárdenas and Vargas in 1560. They -said, without giving dates, that Cabrillo decided to winter on Posesión, -which the witnesses called La Capitana, and that on stepping ashore from -the ship’s boats he fell between some rocks, broke his shin bone, and -died 12 days later. Vargas adds that the fall resulted from Cabrillo’s -hurry to help some of his men, who were battling Indians. A splintered -shin bone with its possibilities for gangrene sounds more deadly than a -broken arm. - -On February 18, 1543, after beating around the Santa Barbara Channel for -more than a month, exploring and taking on wood and water, Ferrer -resumed the trip, as Cabrillo had asked. Standing well out to sea, he -scudded north until on March 1 he was opposite—who knows? Cape -Mendocino? The California-Oregon border? The mouth of the Rogue River? -Wherever they were, the sea, breaking over the little ships with -terrifying fury, was driving them irresistibly toward the -rock-punctuated shore. They prayed fervently, and suddenly the wind -shifted, driving them south “with a sea so high they became crazed.” The -storm separated the ships, _San Salvador_ ran out of food, and the -sailors were in dire straits until they were able to land at Ventura and -later San Diego, where, in addition to food, they also picked up a half -a dozen Indian boys to train as interpreters in case of a repeat -journey. - -Miraculously, the ships rejoined at Cedros Island off Baja California, -and on April 14, 1543, they reached Navidad, nine and a half months -after their departure. There was no repeat journey. Like De Soto and -Coronado, they had located neither treasure nor shortcuts to the Orient. -After that, no one else wanted to try, and Spain’s first great era of -exploration of the United States came to an end. - - [Illustration: Mission churches were the vanguard of Spanish - civilization in the Southwest. They softened the imperatives of the - state and eased inexorable cultural transitions. San Jose Mission - was established along the San Antonio River in 1720. Still an active - parish, the mission today is a unit of San Antonio National - Historical Park, Texas.] - - - - - Epilogue - - -Judged on the basis of what they set out to do, De Soto, Coronado, and -Cabrillo failed. Yet great consequences flowed from their efforts. -Without intending it, they found truth. They exploded myths and gave a -solid anchor to the Spanish imagination. Undistracted, the people of New -Spain could settle down to developing the resources—the mines, -plantations, and ranches—that lay close at hand. It was the perceived -need to protect this new wealth from potential enemies in the -north—France, England, and Russia—and not the frenetic hope of riches -that eventually brought about the extension of the Spanish empire into -what became the southern United States, from St. Augustine, Florida, to -the Franciscan missions of California. - -Another discovery was the tremendous size and geographical diversity of -America north of Mexico. After the truth had trickled out about the -forests and savannahs of the semi-tropical southeast, the vast deserts -and striking headlands of the southwest, the spreading central plains -with their immeasurable herds of buffalo, and the coastal mountains and -misty valleys of California, no one would ever again think of the upper -part of the continent as a mere bulb perched on the thin stem of Central -America and Mexico. These vast stretches, moreover, were peopled by a -race never before known. By bringing back the first sound -anthropological descriptions of these people, the Spanish explorers—and -the French and English after them—gave the philosophers of Europe new -food for speculation concerning the human condition. - -Most important, they, along with the explorers of other nations, brought -a sense of release and fresh possibilities to the Old World. Their -reports arrived at a time when custom-bound Europe was struggling to -shake off the constraints of ancient traditions, outworn feudal -institutions, and an almost total lack of specie for implementing the -quickening trade of the Renaissance—an average of less than $2 in -currency for each of the continent’s 100 million people. In the Americas -there were no mossy customs, but there were precious minerals and raw -materials beyond imagination awaiting development. Development by anyone -with daring and ingenuity. The great _conquistadores_ had all arrived -poor and unknown and then had discovered within themselves explosive -energies for meeting unprecedented physical challenges. Such strengths, -once they were turned from brigandage into constructive endeavors, -became the hallmark of the new continent. Pointing the way were Cabeza -de Vaca, De Soto, Coronado, and Cabrillo, all doing their great work -within a decade. It is indeed an era to remember. - - - - - A Guide To Sites - - - [Illustration: Repaired olla] - - [Illustration: Pueblo entrance] - - - Following the Explorers - -Though nothing spectacular survives, travelers can find many rewarding -historical places that conjure up the Spanish _conquistadores_ and the -natives they encountered. The four principal NPS sites are described -briefly in the following pages. Many other parks and several Indian -communities also preserve landscapes directly associated with the -explorations. They are listed below. All these places are well worth a -visit and several are worth a journey to anyone interested in the -beginnings of North American history. - - Ocmulgee National Monument Ancient mounds built by people of - Macon, GA 31201 the Mississippian culture. De Soto - passed through this region in 1540. - Etowah Indian Mounds State De Soto visited this town (called - Historic Site Itaba) in August 1540. - Cartersville, GA 30120 - Mound State Monument A farming town which flourished AD - Moundville, AL 35474 1000-1500; representative of the - powerful chiefdoms found by De Soto. - Parkin Archeological State Park Believed to be a center of an - Parkin, AR 72373 important chiefdom (Casqui) visited - by De Soto in 1541. - Coronado State Monument A Pueblo village visited by the - P.O. Box 95 Coronado expedition in 1540. - Bernalillo, NM 87004 Polychrome murals in the kiva are a - prize exhibit. - Pueblo of Acoma A fortress town inhabited by - P.O. Box 309 descendents of the Pueblo people - New Mexico 87034 who befriended the Alvarado party - in 1540. - Zuni Pueblo The original Cibola of Spanish - Box 339 legend. Háwikuh, the place of - Zuni, NM 87327 Coronado’s first encounter with - Pueblo Indians, is now a ruin. - - - De Soto National Memorial, Florida - - [Illustration: De Soto’s army may well have come ashore at a spot on - Tampa Bay that resembled this beach within the park. Below: replica - armor and an early marker commemorating De Soto’s bold march.] - -De Soto National Memorial commemorates the first major European -penetration of the southeastern United States. De Soto’s purpose, -sanctioned by the King, was to conquer the land Spaniards called _La -Florida_ and settle it for Spain. He failed in both objects. There was -no rich empire in the north, only a succession of chiefdoms, and his -practice of looting villages and grabbing hostages alienated native -inhabitants and turned his march into a siege. The lasting significance -of the expedition was the information it yielded about the land and its -Mississippian people in a late stage of that remarkable civilization. - -The park was established in 1949 on the south shore of Tampa Bay. De -Soto’s fleet may very well have sailed by this point in May 1539 to a -landing spot farther around the bay. Attractions at the park include -replicas of the type of weapons carried by the expedition and thickets -of red mangrove, the so-called Florida land-builder. The journals tell -of De Soto’s men cutting their way inland through mangrove tangles. - -For more information about the park and its programs, write: - - Superintendent - De Soto National Memorial - P.O. Box 15390 - Bradenton, FL 34280 - - [Illustration: Map] - - [Illustration: Demonstrations in winter give insight into military - life and the Spanish world-view in the 16th century.] - - - Coronado National Memorial, Arizona - - [Illustration: The Huachucas rise like islands above the surrounding - Sonoran desert. This landscape is little changed from Coronado’s - day.] - - Following an ancient Indian trade path up the San Pedro valley, the - Coronado expedition crossed the present Mexico-United States border - just east of this park. Hikers on the Coronado Peak Trail looking down - Montezuma Canyon can see in the far distance cottonwood trees that - mark Coronado’s line of march. - - The national memorial was established in 1941, 400th anniversary of - the expedition. Its setting high in the Huachuca Mountains is a - fitting place to recall the first major Spanish _entrada_ into the - American Southwest in all its color and fire: the gathering of the - army at Compostela, arduous marches across wilderness, encounters with - native cultures of great subtlety and art, discovery of a land of vast - expanse and power, and above all the record of where they had been and - what they had seen. - - This is a park to see on foot. Trails lead to good viewing points and - connect with others in Coronado National Forest, which surrounds the - park. - - For information about the park and its programs, write: - - Superintendent - Coronado National Memorial - 4104 E. Montezuma Canyon - Road, Hereford AZ 85615 - - [Illustration: Map] - - [Illustration: The expedition traveled along the San Pedro River, - east of the park.] - - - Pecos National Historical Park, New Mexico - - [Illustration: The kiva and the mission church frame the two worlds - of the Pecos Indians. During the Pueblo Revolt of 1680, Pecos - Indians destroyed the first mission and built this kiva (now - restored) within the mission’s convento. For a few years they - followed their religion undisturbed.] - -The ruins of Pecos Pueblo and Spanish missions of the 17th- and -18th-centuries crown a small ridge overlooking the Pecos Valley in upper -New Mexico. At the time of the Coronado _entrada_, the pueblo was a -giant apartment house, several stories high, with a central plaza, 600 -rooms, and many kivas—home to 2,000 souls. The village prospered because -it commanded the trade path between Pueblo farmers of the Rio Grande and -buffalo hunters of the Plains. Pecos was a crossroads of commerce and -culture, and its people grew adept at trade and war. The arrival of -Franciscan priests in the 1600s with Spanish custom, religion, law -inexorably altered Pueblo life. The Spaniards built a spacious mission -church on the south end of the ridge, and a second but smaller one when -the first church was destroyed in the Pueblo revolt of 1680. Pecos -continued as a mission for more than a century. Disease and Comanche -raids spelt decline in the late 18th century. The last inhabitants—fewer -than 20—drifted away in 1838. - -The park is 25 miles southeast of Santa Fe. Among its features are the -ruins of the ancient pueblo, two restored kivas, and adobe mission -walls. For information on the park and its programs, write: - - Superintendent - Pecos National Historical - Park - P.O. Drawer 418 - Pecos NM 87552-0418 - - [Illustration: Map] - - [Illustration: Extensive pinyon-juniper forests once surrounded - Pecos Pueblo.] - - [Illustration: The vessel is a 16th-century olla. The Spanish spur - dates from the 17th century.] - - - Cabrillo National Monument, California - - [Illustration: The Old Point Loma Lighthouse, built 1854.] - - [Illustration: Gray whale migrations in winter are an annual - spectacle.] - - This park honors the man who led the first European exploring - expedition along the California coast. Sailing under a Spanish flag, - Juan Rodríguez Cabrillo departed on 27 June 1542 from the port of - Navidad on Mexico’s west coast. He commanded the ship _San Salvador_ - (with a crew of 60); with him was _Victoria_, and another smaller - vessel. His objective: “to discover the coast of New Spain.” Three - months later he hove to in “a very good enclosed port”—San Diego Bay. - This was the mariner’s first landfall north of Baja peninsula. - Cabrillo himself died and was buried in the Channel Islands. His crew - went on to explore as far north as Oregon, seeing new landmarks and - new peoples, not all friendly. - - The park is located on Point Loma, within the city of San Diego. - Features include a heroic statue of Cabrillo, dramatic views of the - Pacific and San Diego Bay, and Old Point Loma Lighthouse, a 1850s - structure. In winter, the point is a good place to see the annual - migration of the gray whale. - - For information about the park and its programs, write: - - Superintendent - Cabrillo National Memorial - P.O. Box 6670 - San Diego CA 92166 - - [Illustration: Map] - - [Illustration: The 14-foot sandstone statue of Cabrillo is the work - of Portuguese sculptor Alvaro DeBree. Completed in 1939 for the San - Francisco World’s Fair, it was eventually relocated here. The - portrait is conjectural; there is no known likeness of the - explorer.] - - - - - Essay on Sources - - -If any of the leading _conquistadores_ who march through these pages -kept a running account of his adventures, the journal has been lost. -Except for occasional letters, the closest we can come to firsthand -information are reminiscences written or dictated by lesser participants -many years after the events described. Some supplementary material also -comes from court testimony. More immediacy is lost by the fact that most -English readers must depend on translations of varying accuracy and -fluency. There are several translations of all main documents. - -The first of the New World adventurers to reminisce in print was Cabeza -de Vaca. His _Relación ..._ appeared in 1542. Buckingham Smith’s English -translation, first printed in 1855, was later included with several -other documents in _Spanish Explorers in the Southern United States, -1528-1543_, edited by Frederick Hodge and Theodore Lewis (New York, -1907). - -The same work also contains Smith’s translation of _Narratives of the -Career of Hernando de Soto_ by an anonymous Hidalgo (gentleman or -knight) of Elvas, Portugal, first published in Portugal in 1557 by a -survivor of the long march. Smith’s translation, somewhat modified, -reappeared in Gaylord Bourne’s two-volume _Narratives of the Career of -Hernando de Soto_ (New York, 1904). Bourne’s volumes also contain -reminiscences by Rodrigo Ranjel, De Soto’s secretary, and Luis de -Biedma, the latter a spare account. The longest and lushest of the De -Soto tales is _The Florida of the Inca_, the Inca being Garcilaso de la -Vega, son of a Spanish father and an Incan mother. He drew his -information from the oral accounts of three of De Soto’s soldiers and -used his active imagination to embellish what he heard. The first -complete English translation, by John and Jeannette Varner, appeared in -1951 (reprinted by University of Texas Press, 1980). Miguel Albornoz has -published a novelized biography, _Hernando de Soto, Knight of the -Americas_, translated by Bruce Boeglin (New York, 1986). - -Some secondary material, which uses anthropological, archeological, and -geographic research to shed light on the early explorations, should be -mentioned. One instance: _Final Report of the United States De Soto -Commission_, John R. Swanton, chairman (Washington, D.C., 1939). The -commission sought to retrace De Soto’s zigzagging route. Jeffery P. -Brain’s new edition of the _Final Report_ for the Smithsonian Press -(Washington, D.C., 1985) revises Swanton’s conclusions in many places. -Another interesting formulation is “De Soto Trail: National Historic -Trail Study, Draft Report” (NPS, 1990). In an appendix Charles Hudson -offers a new reconstruction of De Soto’s route. The articles in _First -Encounters: Spanish Explorations in the Caribbean and the United States, -1492-1570_, Jerald T. Milanich and Susan Milanich, eds., (Gainesville. -1989), fill out our understanding of New World societies during the -first decades of exploration. - -Still the best introduction to Coronado and his expedition is Herbert E. -Bolton’s classic biography, _Coronado: Knight of Pueblos and Plains_ -(1949). George P. Hammond and Agapito Rey have brought together in -_Narratives of the Coronado Expedition_ (Albuquerque, 1940) all the -primary documents, including testimony from Coronado’s trial, that -anyone except specialists needs to know about the first Spanish -_entrada_ into the American Southwest. The chief items are the -_Relacións_ of Juan de Jaramillo and Pedro de Castañeda. Castañeda’s -_Relación_ also appears in Hodges and Lewis. - -A sampling of the historical dispute over Friar Marcos’s doings in the -Southwest can be found in articles by Henry Wagner and Carl Sauer in the -_New Mexico Historical Review_, April 1937, July 1937, and July 1941. -See also Cleve Hallenbeck, _The Journey of Fray Marcos de Niza_ (Dallas -1949). The place of the religious in the Coronado expedition is examined -by Fr. Angelico Chavez of New Mexico in _Coronado’s Friars_ (Academy of -American Franciscan History, Washington, D.C., 1968). John L. Kessell’s -_Kiva, Cross, and Crown_ (National Park Service, Washington, D.C., 1979) -looks at the relationships between the Coronado expedition and the key -pueblo of Pecos. Albert H. Schroeder has analyzed Coronado’s route -across the Plains in _Plains Anthropologist_, February 1962. Carroll L. -Riley, in the _New Mexico Historical Review_, October 1971, and _The -Kiva_, winter 1975, shows that in Coronado’s time long trade routes and -hence a rudimentary system of verbal communications, fortified by signs, -linked Cíbola (Háwikuh) and the Indians of Mexico. Other trade trails -carried goods and knowledge from the interior across the Colorado River -to the Pacific and out onto the Plains. A new account of Coronado’s -march is Stewart L. Udall, _To the Inland Empire_ (New York, 1987). - -The principal sources on Cabrillo (Juan Paez’s “Summary Log” and court -testimony about Cabrillo’s accomplishments) were published by the -Cabrillo Historical Association in _The Cabrillo Era and His Voyage of -Discovery_ (San Diego, 1982). The best biography, Harry Kelsey’s _Juan -Rodriguez Cabrillo_ (The Huntington Library, 1986), is based on -extensive new research in sources. - - -★GPO: 1992—312-246/40005 - - - - - Footnotes - - -[1]Paul Horgan in _Great River_ identifies Rio de las Palmas with - today’s Rio Grande. Other historians favor Soto la Marina, about 30 - miles north of Tampico, formerly Pánuco. - -[2]Such is the conclusion of the U.S. De Soto Commission headed by John - R. Swanton (_Final Report_, Washington, D.C., 1939), which was - appointed by President Roosevelt to study the explorer’s route to - commemorate the 400th anniversary of the landing, an opinion - affirmed by two other scholars, Charles Hudson and Jerald T. - Milanich. For a contrary opinion that favors the Fort Myers area, - see R.F. Schell, _De Soto Didn’t Land at Tampa_, Fort Myers Beach, - 1966. Jeffery P. Brain in a new edition of the report for the - Smithsonian Press (1985) concludes that the most we can now say is - that De Soto landed somewhere along the central Florida gulf coast, - “between the Caloosahatchie River to south and the vicinity of Tampa - Bay to the north.” It is conceivable that future archeological - studies will narrow down the landing site. - -[3]Because Vásquez was the family name of the _conquistador_, the young - man should properly be called Vásquez. This account, however, will - follow established American custom and call him Coronado. - -[4]Among the 30 riders was Juan de Zaldívar. As a consequence, Zaldívar - had to leave behind a captive Indian woman he had picked up in - Tiguex. Rather than return there she fled down a fork of the Brazos - River that rises in the Staked Plains. Somewhere near present Waco, - Texas, she perhaps met the survivors of De Soto’s party as they were - trying to reach Pánuco, Mexico, by land. See page 50 above. If true, - and it seems likely, it was the only contact between the two groups, - who at one point were within 300 to 400 miles of each other. - -[5]Too few records have survived for anyone to say with certainty where - Cabrillo was born or grew up. Antonio de Herrera y Tordesillas, a - Spanish chronicler, identified him in 1615 as Portuguese. Set - against this is the testimony of the explorer’s grandson in 1617 - that “My paternal grandfather, Juan Rodríguez Cabrillo came [to the - New World] from the Kingdoms of Spain....” The NPS has adopted the - view that Cabrillo was Portuguese. Many historians, including - Cabrillo’s most recent biographer Harry Kelsey, aver that he was - Spanish. David Lavender believes that the question is both elusive - and unimportant. What is certain, Lavender points out, is that like - many adventurers from other countries Cabrillo spent a good part of - his life in the service of Spain and opened new lands to Spanish - settlement. _Ed._ - -[6]Recent scholarship has shown that accounts which say Cabrillo - commanded two ships on his northern journey, as most accounts do, - were following mistakes made by the first Spanish historians of the - expedition. Unfortunately, Cabrillo’s own log has disappeared and is - known only through an often vague, chronologically mixed-up summary - attributed to a Juan Páez, of whom little is known. Better sources - are the testimony given by witnesses in legal actions brought by - Cabrillo’s heirs to recover property taken from his estate after his - death. For details see Harry Kelsey’s biography, _Juan Rodríguez - Cabrillo_ (1986). and the Cabrillo Historical Association’s 1982 - publication, _The Cabrillo Era and His Voyage of Discovery_, - especially articles by Kelsey and James R. Moriarty, III. - - - - - National Park Service - - - _Sources_ - - - Alabama Museum of Natural History 51 (palette stone) - Andersen, Roy 68-69; 82 - Batchelor, John 90-91, 92, 93 - Bell, Fred 100 - Cook, Kathleen Norris 84 - Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection 28 (bottom) - Florida Division of Historical Resources 43 (all except olive jar) - Florida Museum of Natural History 43 (olive jar) - Glanzman, Louis S. 16; 18-19; 34-35; 44; 64-65; 94 (Chumash Indian) - Gnass, Jeff 104; 108 (lighthouse) - Gray, Tom Back cover (upper left); 36; 102-3 - Harrington, Marshall 108-9 (San Diego, gray whale) - Hudson, Charles 46-47 (route information) - Huey, George H. H. 107 - Huntington Library 57 - Jacka, Jerry Back cover (upper right); 58-59; 73; 79; 80; 106 - Lanza, Patricia 77 - Library of Congress 4 (De Bry woodcut); 23 (from _Das Trachtenbuch des - Christian Weiditz_); 31 (from Gomara’s _History_); 38; 94 - (right) - Mang, Fred 96 - Muench, David 54; 98-99 - Museo Civico Navale di Genova-Pegli 15 (portrait) - Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga, Lisbon 14 - National Geographic Society 24 (artist, Felipe Davalos); 26-27 - (Michael A. Hampshire) - National Maritime Museum, Greenwich 88 - Odyssey Productions (R. Frerck) 20; 22; 28 (top) - Palazzo Tursi, Genoa 15 (coat-of-arms) - Parkin Archeological State Park, Arkansas 48 - Peabody Museum, Harvard University 50 - Smithsonian Institution 51 (stone axe) - Till, Tom 105 - Townsend, L. Kenneth 54-55, 74-75 - University of California, Berkeley, Lowie Museum of Anthropology 95 - Westlight (Bill Ross) Back cover, lower left; 109 - - - - - U.S. Department of the Interior - - -As the Nation’s principal conservation agency, the Department of the -Interior has responsibility for most of our nationally owned public -lands and natural and cultural resources. This includes fostering wise -use of our land and water resources, protecting our fish and wildlife, -preserving the environmental and cultural values of our national parks -and historical places, and providing for the enjoyment of life through -outdoor recreation. The Department assesses our energy and mineral -resources and works to assure that their development is in the best -interest of all our people. The Department also promotes the goals of -the Take Pride in America campaign by encouraging stewardship and -citizen responsibility for the public lands and promoting citizen -participation in their care. The Department also has a major -responsibility for American Indian reservation communities and for -people who live in Island Territories under U.S. Administration. - - - - - De Soto, Coronado, Cabrillo - Explorers of the _Northern Mystery_ - - - [Illustration: De Soto National Memorial] - - [Illustration: Coronado National Memorial] - - [Illustration: Pecos National Historical Park] - - [Illustration: Cabrillo National Monument] - -_Here is the story of the first explorations of North America. _De Soto, -Coronado, Cabrillo: Explorers of the Northern Mystery_ traces in -graceful text and illustration the journeys of three captains of -discovery into New Spain’s northern frontier between 1539 and 1543. -Their encounters with a new land and its native peoples mark the -beginnings of American history._ - - - - - Transcriber’s Notes - - -—Retained publication information from the printed edition: this eBook - is public-domain in the country of publication. - -—Relocated all image captions to be immediately under the corresponding - images, removing redundant references like ”preceding page”. - -—Inverted the Timeline to better fit a vertical flow model. - -—Silently corrected a few palpable typos. - -—In the text versions only, text in italics is delimited by - _underscores_. - - - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's De Soto, Coronado, Cabrillo, by David Lavender - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DE SOTO, CORONADO, CABRILLO *** - -***** This file should be named 56083-0.txt or 56083-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/6/0/8/56083/ - -Produced by Stephen Hutcheson, Dave Morgan and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: De Soto, Coronado, Cabrillo - Explorers of the Northern Mystery - -Author: David Lavender - -Release Date: November 30, 2017 [EBook #56083] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DE SOTO, CORONADO, CABRILLO *** - - - - -Produced by Stephen Hutcheson, Dave Morgan and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net - - - - - - -</pre> - -<div id="cover" class="img"> -<img id="coverpage" src="images/cover.jpg" alt="De Soto, Coronado, Cabrillo: Explorers of the Northern Mystery" width="500" height="704" /> -</div> -<div class="box"> -<p class="center"><span class="ss">Handbook 144</span></p> -<h1>De Soto, Coronado, Cabrillo -<br /><span class="smaller">Explorers of the <i>Northern Mystery</i></span></h1> -<p class="center"><span class="ss">By David Lavender -<br />Produced by the -<br />Division of Publications -<br />National Park Service</span></p> -<p class="center"><span class="ss">U.S. Department of the Interior -<br />Washington, D.C.</span></p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_2">2</div> -<h3><i>About this book</i></h3> -<p>American history begins not with the English at -Jamestown or the Pilgrims at Plymouth but with -Spanish exploration of the border country from -Florida to California in the 16th century. This handbook -describes the expeditions of three intrepid -explorers—De Soto, Coronado, and Cabrillo—their -adventures, their encounters with native inhabitants, -and the consequences, good and ill, of their journeys. -This little-known story is related by David -Lavender, author of many books on the American -West. His work gives perspective to the several -national parks that commemorate the first Spanish -explorations.</p> -<p>National Park Handbooks, compact introductions to -the natural and historical places administered by the -National Park Service, are designed to promote -public understanding and enjoyment of the parks. -These handbooks are intended to be informative -reading and useful guides. More than 100 titles are in -print. They are sold at parks and by mail from the -Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government -Printing Office, Washington, D.C. 20402.</p> -<dl class="undent"><dt><i>Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data</i></dt> -<dd>Lavender, David Sievert, 1910-</dd> -<dd>De Soto, Coronado, Cabrillo: explorers of the northern mystery/by David Lavender.</dd> -<dd>p. cm.—(Handbook; 144)</dd> -<dd class="t">1. United States—Discovery and exploration—Spanish.</dd> -<dd class="t">2. Soto, Hernando, de, ca. 1500-1542.</dd> -<dd class="t">3. Coronado, Francisco Vásques de, 1510-1554.</dd> -<dd class="t">4. Cabrillo, Juan Rodrígues, d. 1543.</dd> -<dd class="t">5. Explorers—United States—History—16th century.</dd> -<dd class="t2">I. Title.</dd> -<dd class="t2">II. Series: Handbook (United States. National Park Service. Division of Publications); 144</dd> -<dd>E123.L24<span class="hst"> 1992</span><span class="hst"> 973.1—dc20</span><span class="hst"> 91-47633</span></dd> -<dd>CIP 1992</dd></dl> -<div class="pb" id="Page_3">3</div> -<dl class="toc"> -<dt><a href="#c1">Prologue</a> 5</dt> -<dt><a href="#c2">The Spanish Entradas</a> 10</dt> -<dd class="left"><i>David Lavender</i></dd> -<dd><a href="#c3">The Ways of the Conquerors</a> 13</dd> -<dd><a href="#c4">The Wanderers</a> 21</dd> -<dd><a href="#c5">Journey into Darkness</a> 37</dd> -<dd><a href="#c6">Where the Fables Ended</a> 55</dd> -<dd><a href="#c7">The Seafarers</a> 85</dd> -<dt><a href="#c8">Epilogue</a> 97</dt> -<dt><a href="#c9">A Guide to Sites</a> 98</dt> -<dd><a href="#c10">De Soto National Memorial</a> 102</dd> -<dd><a href="#c11">Coronado National Memorial</a> 104</dd> -<dd><a href="#c12">Pecos National Historical Park</a> 106</dd> -<dd><a href="#c13">Cabrillo National Monument</a> 108</dd> -</dl> -<div class="pb" id="Page_4">4</div> -<div class="img" id="fig1"> -<img src="images/i001.jpg" alt="" width="681" height="1001" /> -<p class="pcap">This 16th-century woodcut, the product of an -artist with a fertile imagination but little -information, epitomizes the contemporary -view that European discoverers were bringing -civilization to the grateful natives of the -New World.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_5">5</div> -<h2 id="c1"><span class="small">Prologue</span></h2> -<p>A magic date: 1492. The year began -with Christopher Columbus watching -the Moors surrender the city of Granada, -their last stronghold in Spain, to -the joint monarchs Ferdinand and -Isabella. He reminded them of the -triumph in a summation he wrote later -of what he too had accomplished that -year. “I saw the banners of your Highnesses -raised on the towers of the -Alhambra in the city of Granada, and I -saw the Moorish king go out of the -gate of the city and kiss the hands of -your Highnesses and of my lord the -Prince.” Shortly after the victory, he -added, “your Highnesses ... determined -to send me, Christopher Columbus -to the countries of India, so that I -might see what they were like, the -lands and the people, and might seek -out and know the nature of everything -that is there....”</p> -<p>This remarkable coincidence—the -expulsion of the Moors from Spain and -Columbus’s almost simultaneous discovery -of the “Indies”—resulted in a -burst of explosive expansionism. The -following year, 1493, Columbus established -Spain’s first colony in the New -World on the island of Hispaniola, -occupied now by Haiti and the Dominican -Republic. By 1515 Cuba had been -conquered and its cities of Santiago -and Havana established as bases for -further exploration. In 1519 Hernán -Cortés swept out of Cuba into Mexico -and found a new source of wealth for -his country, his followers, and himself -by looting the Aztec empire of stores -of gold and silver the Indians had been -accumulating for centuries. A decade -later Francisco Pizarro began his dogged -and even more lucrative conquest -of the Incas of Peru.</p> -<p>Meanwhile, what of the Northern -Mystery, as historian Herbert E. Bolton -aptly named the unknown lands above -Mexico? Was it not logical that similar -treasures awaited discovery there? And -so the fever for adventure and riches -drew three more distance-defying -explorers—Hernando de Soto, Francisco -Vásquez de Coronado, and Juan -Rodríguez Cabrillo—into three different -parts of what is now the United -States. Each reached as far as he did -because inside him burned the awesome, -often contradictory, but always -steel-bright fires of medieval Spain.</p> -<p>Our tangible connection to this age -of pathfinding and discovery is a scattering -of historic places stretching from -Florida to California. They are evidence -of Spanish life and color in the -old borderlands. This book draws into -a whole the stories of several such -places. Here are the beginnings of Spanish -North America.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_6">6</div> -<h4 class="interlude">Routes of the Explorers</h4> -<div class="img" id="map1"> -<img src="images/map1_lr.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="790" /> -<p class="center">Routes of the Explorers<br /><a class="ab1" href="images/map1_hr.jpg">High-resolution Map</a></p> -</div> -<blockquote> -<p>The first Spanish expeditions into the northern borderlands -of New Spain sampled the continent’s wondrous diversity. -De Soto made his great march across a luxuriant -country so stunning and productive that the expedition’s -journals are full of admiring description. He encountered -complex native societies, which were often organized into powerful -chiefdoms—generous in peace but formidable in war. -Centuries of settlement has greatly altered this landscape. -Not so Coronado’s country. A traveler to the Southwest can still see -places evocative of the first Spanish encounters with Indians of the pueblos and -Plains. A sailor retracing Cabrillo’s route up the California coast runs -past mountains that, in the words of the chronicler, -“seem to reach the heavens ... [and are] covered with -snow”—mountains he called the Sierra Nevada. They are -today’s Santa Lucia range. Cabrillo’s voyage is now best -followed in the imagination.</p> -</blockquote> -<div class="pb" id="Page_8">8</div> -<h4 class="interlude">Timeline</h4> -<table class="center" summary=""> -<tr><td class="l"><span class="ss">1440-60</span> </td><td class="l">The Portuguese explore coast of Africa</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l"><span class="ss">1492</span> </td><td class="l">Moors defeated in Spain; Columbus lands in New World</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l"><span class="ss">1497</span> </td><td class="l">Vasco da Gama sails to India by way of Africa</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l"><span class="ss">1513</span> </td><td class="l">Ponce de León claims Florida for Spain</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l"><span class="ss">1519-21</span> </td><td class="l">Magellan’s fleet sails around the world</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l"><span class="ss">1521</span> </td><td class="l">Cortés conquers the Aztecs</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l"><span class="ss">1528</span> </td><td class="l">Narváez attempts a colony in Florida</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l"><span class="ss">1529-36</span> </td><td class="l">The wanderings of Cabeza de Vaca</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l"><span class="ss">1532</span> </td><td class="l">Pizarro overthrows the Incas of Peru</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l"><span class="ss">1539-43</span> </td><td class="l">De Soto expedition</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l"><span class="ss">1540-42</span> </td><td class="l">Coronado expedition</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l"><span class="ss">1542-43</span> </td><td class="l">Cabrillo’s voyage</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l"><span class="ss">1562</span> </td><td class="l">French Huguenots settle in Florida</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l"><span class="ss">1565</span> </td><td class="l">Menendez establishes St. Augustine</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l"><span class="ss">1584</span> </td><td class="l">Ralegh plants colony on North Carolina coast</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l"><span class="ss">1598</span> </td><td class="l">Oñate expedition into Southwest</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l"><span class="ss">1607</span> </td><td class="l">English settle at Jamestown</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l"><span class="ss">1620</span> </td><td class="l">Pilgrims settle at Plymouth</td></tr> -</table> -<div class="pb" id="Page_9">9</div> -<h4 class="interlude">First Expeditions North</h4> -<table class="center" summary=""> -<tr class="th"><th> </th><th><span class="ss">De Soto</span> </th><th><span class="ss">Coronado</span> </th><th><span class="ss">Cabrillo</span></th></tr> -<tr><td class="l"><span class="ss">1539</span> </td><td class="l">Lands in Florida in late May; marches through upper Florida; major battle at Napituca; guerilla war with Apalachees; winter camp at Anhaica (Tallahassee)</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l"><span class="ss">1540</span> </td><td class="l">Following Indian trails, expedition swings in a wide arc through Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Alabama, encountering major chiefdoms. Bloody battle at Mabila (central Alabama) in October </td><td class="l">Departs from Compostela with an army of 300 cavalry and infantry, several hundred Indian allies, friars, and a long pack train. Alarcón sails up the Gulf of California with three vessels. Expedition penetrates American Southwest, reaches Háwikuh in July; engages the Zuñi in battle; Coronado wounded.<br />Tovar explores Hopi villages in Arizona. Alarcón reaches mouth of Colorado River. Cárdenas sights the Grand Canyon.<br />Alvarado marches to Acoma, Pecos, and beyond. </td><td class="l">Accompanies an exploring expedition up the northwest coast as <i>almirante</i> (second in command). Expedition abandoned after its leader is killed fighting Indians.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l"><span class="ss">1541</span> </td><td class="l">Winters among ancestral Chickasaw Indians of Mississippi and suffers attack by them; crosses Mississippi in May; travels in great loop through Arkansas; discovers buffalo hunters and a people who live in scattered houses and not in villages; endures severe winter at Autiamque </td><td class="l">Journeys to Quivira (Kansas). Winters at Tiguex; puts down an Indian revolt. </td><td class="l">Gathers a new exploring fleet for Mendoza.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l"><span class="ss">1542</span> </td><td class="l">Reaches the rich chiefdom of Anilco; at nearby Guachoya, De Soto sends out scout parties who find nothing but wilderness; De Soto dies, is succeeded by Moscoso. After fruitless wandering in east Texas, Moscoso retraces route to Anilco </td><td class="l">The army departs for home in April, arrives in Mexico City in mid-summer. Coronado reports to Viceroy Antonio de Mendoza on expedition, resumes his governorship of Nueva Galicia. Months later Coronado is tried for mismanagement of expedition but acquitted. </td><td class="l">Dispatched by Mendoza to continue exploration of the northwest.<br /><i>June:</i> Sails from Navidad, near Colima, Mexico.<br /><i>September 28:</i> Sights “a sheltered port and a very good one.” This is San Diego Bay, which he names San Miguel.<br /><i>October:</i> Sails through the Channel Islands, suffers fall and injury.<br /><i>November:</i> Reaches the northernmost point of the voyage, perhaps Point Reyes, California, but turns back.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l"><span class="ss">1543</span> </td><td class="l">Winter camp at Aminoya on Mississippi; survivors—half the original number—build boats to float downriver; in September, they reach Pánuco River, in Mexico </td><td class="l"> </td><td class="l"><i>January 3:</i> Dies on San Miguel Island (Channel Islands).<br /><i>February:</i> The fleet sails north again, perhaps as far as Oregon before turning back.<br /><i>April:</i> Fleet arrives back at Navidad, nine months after embarking.</td></tr> -</table> -<div class="pb" id="Page_10">10</div> -<h2 id="c2"><span class="small">The Spanish <i>Entradas</i></span></h2> -<div class="pb" id="Page_11">11</div> -<div class="img"> -<img src="images/i004.jpg" alt="Globe" width="700" height="666" /> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_12">12</div> -<div class="img" id="fig2"> -<img src="images/i005.jpg" alt="" width="684" height="999" /> -<p class="pcap">In 1493 on his second voyage Columbus stopped at St. -Croix, one of the U.S. Virgin Islands. It was then “a very -beautiful and fertile” island cultivated by Carib Indians. -A boat he sent ashore met with a canoe full of Caribs. -In an ensuing fight, one Indian was killed and several -captured—the first serious hostilities with New World -natives. Salt River Bay National Historical Park -preserves the scene of this fateful encounter.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_13">13</div> -<h3 id="c3">The Ways of the Conquerors</h3> -<p>An estimated 3,000 battles wracked the Iberian Peninsula -between AD 711, when Moors from Africa -invaded what became Spain, and 1492, when they -were finally expelled. Nor were battles against the -Moors the only ones. The Christian leaders of the -peninsula’s several principalities fought each other -and their recalcitrant nobles in a constant quest for -power, until finally Ferdinand and Isabella welded -together, by marriage, all the units except Portugal.</p> -<p>Centralization of power in the hands of national -governments was one of the characteristics that -marked the slow emergence in Europe of what history -calls the modern world. The reasons are manifold. -A central government supported by a rising -middle class of merchants and bankers was able to -create big armies of professional soldiers and equip -them with newly introduced gunpowder, a capability -quite beyond the reach of the old feudal nobles. -Concurrently, the new governments consolidated economic -power, partly through nationwide taxation. -New industries were encouraged. Feelings of nationalism -swelled; people took pride in considering themselves -Spaniards rather than just Castillians.</p> -<p>International trade assumed new importance, especially -trade with the Orient, whose extraordinary -wealth had been revealed by the adventures of the -Venetian family of Polo as recounted by Marco, the -youngest of the group. Land caravans to the fabled -East were difficult, however, and limited by interruptions -and tributes imposed by Moslem middlemen. -So why not travel to the Orient by water, either by -circling the southern tip of Africa or sailing due west -across the Atlantic?</p> -<p>The most logical place in Europe for starting the -endeavor was the Iberian Peninsula, which dipped -down toward Africa and all but closed off the western -end of the Mediterranean Sea. The exploration -of Africa was launched during the middle of the 15th -century by Prince Henry the Navigator of tiny Portugal. -<span class="pb" id="Page_14">14</span> -His success and that of the Portuguese rulers -who followed him was so astounding that Ferdinand -and Isabella at last agreed to support Columbus in a -competitive transatlantic attempt. The point is vital. -Spain’s feudal nobles probably could not have -financed the expedition; the central government of -newly unified Spain did.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig3"> -<img src="images/i006.jpg" alt="" width="500" height="774" /> -<p class="pcap">Prince Henry of Portugal (1394-1460). His attempts at -reaching the Indies by outflanking Africa earned for -him the title of Navigator, though he himself never went -on exploring voyages. His headquarter at Sagres on the -western-most promontory of Portugal was a gathering -place for cosmographers, astronomers, chartmakers, and -ship-builders. Their work inaugurated in the 15th century -the great age of discovery that Spain continued in -the next century.</p> -</div> -<p>Columbus took the risk because he believed, as -had the ancient Greeks, that the circumference of -the world was much smaller than it actually was. He -also believed, as had Marco Polo, that Asia extended -farther east than it does. When he found land at -approximately the longitude that he expected to, he -assumed joyfully that he was close to Cathay (China) -and the islands of India. From that misapprehension -comes, of course, the name West Indies for the islands -of the Caribbean and Indians for their inhabitants, -a term that quickly spread throughout the -hemisphere.</p> -<p>The islands and the eastern coasts of Central America -and the northwestern part of South America that -he and Amerigo Vespucci (hence the name America) -skirted on separate expeditions during the following -decade were disappointing—no teeming cities -crowned with exotic architecture, no kings and -queens dressed in flowing silk and laden with precious -gems, no warehouses bulging with expensive -spices. To a less energetic nation than Spain, the -failure of expectations might have ended further activity. -But emerging Spain saw opportunities in the -wilderness. Some gold could be taken from the placer -mines on the island of Hispaniola. Plantations worked -by enslaved Indians could be developed on Cuba and -Puerto Rico. Those Indians—all Indians—had a -greater attraction than just as laborers, however. -Alone of all European nations, Spain was committed -to incorporating the native Americans into the empire -as loyal, taxpaying subjects. Priests accompanied -exploring expeditions. After the <i>entradas</i> were completed, -missionaries settled among the tribes and began -the civilizing process, as civilization was defined -by the conquerors.</p> -<p>The Spaniards saw themselves as particularly fitted -for carrying out this God-given program. Eight centuries -of war against the Moors had brought a strong -sense of unity to the peninsula’s extraordinary mix of -bloodlines—descendants of ancient Greeks, Romans, -<span class="pb" id="Page_15">15</span> -Carthegenians, and Celts as well as indigenous -Iberians. Contests with Muslims and attacks on Jews -through the Inquisition (Jews were also expelled from -Spain in 1492) had spread a crusading religious fervor -throughout the nation. Many a Spaniard felt in -his bones what was in fact the truth: Spain was poised -in the 16th century for a great leap forward that would, -for a time, make her the dominant power in Europe. -Supreme confidence generated in many Spaniards a -pride that unfriendly nations such as England regarded -as arrogance.</p> -<p>One side effect of all this was the creation of a -large class of professional soldiers who scorned all -other callings. Success in battle brought them a living -of sorts; victors, for example, could force Muslims -to work patches of ground for them. A man could -become an <i>hidalgo</i>, entitled to use the word <i>Don</i> in -front of his name and pass it on, generation after -generation, to his sons. The first-born of these families -picked up the nation’s plums. They were appointed -to prestigious places in the army, the church, or the -royal bureaucracy. For the rest there was little but -their swords and a readiness for adventure.</p> -<p>The New World opened new opportunities for -these younger sons and their followers. They could -join small private armies that went, with the monarch’s -permission, into the Americas to spread the -gospel among the “heathens” while simultaneously -looting the defeated Indians’ storehouses of treasure -and taking their lands. Prime examples of this grasping -for treasure are furnished by some of the <i>conquistadores</i> -who hailed from the harsh, barren lands of -the Extremadura region of Castile—names that still -ring triumphantly throughout most of the New World: -Hernán Cortés, Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, the brothers -Pizarro, and Hernando de Soto.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig4"> -<img src="images/i006a.jpg" alt="" width="500" height="763" /> -<p class="pcap">Christopher Columbus, whose -1492 voyage opened a new -world to Europeans. Though -many artists have attempted -portraits of Columbus, none -were from life. This portrait -is a copy of a painting done -in 1525.</p> -</div> -<div class="img" id="fig5"> -<img src="images/i006b.jpg" alt="" width="500" height="693" /> -<p class="pcap">After the First Voyage, the Spanish monarchs -granted to Columbus and his descendents this coat -of arms. It signified his new place in the nobility. The -gold castle and purple lion linked him to the sovereigns. -The golden islands in the sea proclaimed his discoveries. -The anchors were emblems of his rank as admiral.</p> -</div> -<p>The crown gave little except permission and titles—<i>adelantado</i> -(“he who leads the way”) and governor—to -men such as these. But if the risks were great, so -too at times were the rewards. As already indicated, -there might be riches to divide after the king had -taken his 20 percent share. There were plantations to -be founded and tended by Indians who gave their -labor, however willingly, in exchange for being taught -the ways of Christians. The size of each man’s share -in these gains depended partly on his initial investment -in the expedition. Money wasn’t all. The contribution -<span class="pb" id="Page_16">16</span> -could be—and this was a crucial point—energy, -ability, intense patriotism, religious zeal, and -often ruthlessness.</p> -<p>Each man took with him to the New World what -he had. Apparently there were few full suits of armor, -though Francisco Vásquez de Coronado did possess -one that was handsomely gilded to look like the gold -he was searching for.</p> -<p>Partial suits—coats of mail made of small, interlinked -rings of metal or cuirasses of plate armor that -protected the wearer’s front and sides—were more -numerous. Most cuirasses were made with a ridge -running down the front and curved in such a way that -a lance point striking the metal would, it was hoped, -glance off without penetrating. It was hoped, too, -that arrows would be similarly deflected. The chronicles -tell, however, of Indian bows driving arrows -entirely through plate armor and of cane arrows -splintering on striking chain mail. The needle-sharp -pieces then passed through the metal rings, inflicting -puncture wounds that festered. Jackets made of -quilted padding or even of tough bullhide were -probably as effective against arrows as metal.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig6"> -<img src="images/i007.jpg" alt="" width="455" height="799" /> -<p class="pcap">Priests accompanied most expeditions of discovery. Like -their countrymen, most clergy were poorly equipped to understand -and tolerate the new societies they encountered in -America. One clergyman who rose far above his time and -place was Bartolomé de las Casas, who spoke out against -abuse of the Indians but met with great opposition from vested interests.</p> -</div> -<p>Footmen, who constituted the greater part of every -New World expedition, carried pikes or halberds, -crossbows or arquebuses, and sometimes maces or -battle axes. A crossbow, whose string was pulled tight -by a crank, propelled iron darts with great force and -accuracy from grooves in the weapon’s stock. An -arquebus was a primitive musket about 3 feet in length -but lacked accuracy at distances greater than 75 yards -or so. Indians, it turned out, could shoot several -arrows in the time the handler of a crossbow or -arquebus could fire once.</p> -<p>Cavalrymen, the elite of the force, were armed -with lances, swords for slashing, and daggers. Long -lances were generally couched against the rider’s -body, as in tournaments or charges against similarly -equipped European adversaries. A lance driven -through an Indian’s body, however, would sometimes -hang up and pull the rider from his saddle. Accordingly, -shorter weapons held in an upraised hand were -preferred in the New World. They could be hurled or -held and directed at the enemy’s face—an enemy on -foot, for the native Americans did not yet have horses.</p> -<p>The <i>conquistadores</i> were as superb horsemen as -the world has seen. Their animals were loved and -<span class="pb" id="Page_17">17</span> -pampered. During the early years in the Americas -they were relatively rare and expensive (few survived -the tempestuous sea journey from Europe to become -breeding stock), and just the sight of them terrified -Indians. The fearful impact of a cavalry charge, lances -flying or thrusting, swords slashing, and wardogs -sometimes racing beside the horses, goes far to explain -how small groups of Spaniards were able -to triumph over great numerical odds. Pedro de -Casteñada, one of the historians of the Coronado -expedition, put it thus: “after God, we owed the victory -to the horses.”</p> -<p>Desperation also played a part. The adventurers -often found themselves hundreds of miles from any -possibility of help. Stamina in the face of hunger and -hardship, courage and energy in opposition to attack -and fear were the basic elements of salvation. Of -necessity the men adopted whatever methods promised -to carry them to their goals. Religious fanaticism -was another motive. To Cortés’s men, the -Aztecs, who regularly offered human sacrifices to a -heathen god, were an abomination and deserved to -be annihilated, or at least enslaved, if they did not -accept the Christian salvation held out to them. This -attitude carried over, in somewhat lesser degree, to -all Indians, even though Spain’s rulers constantly -exhorted gentleness, and missionaries went with -every major group to offer heaven to souls lost in -darkness. That is, if Indians had souls, which many -Europeans of the time sincerely doubted.</p> -<p>Finally, every <i>conquistador</i> was stirred to action by -his own credulity. The Church had brought him up -to believe implicitly in miracles. A large part of his -education consisted of peopling the unknown world -with marvels and monsters. A favorite tale, though -by no means the only one, dealt with seven Catholic -bishops and their congregations who fled from the -invading Moors to the island of Antilia. There they -burned their ships and diligently built seven glorious -cities, for naturally Christian settlements would be -more dazzling than pagan ones. <i>Mas allá</i>: there is -more beyond. A wondrous dream, Spanish-style. It -carried, in succession, Pánfilo Narváez, Hernando de -Soto, Francisco Vásquez de Coronado, and Juan -Rodríguez Cabrillo into what became the United -States. There reality at last took command.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_18">18</div> -<h4 class="interlude">Los Conquistadores</h4> -<div class="img"> -<img src="images/i008.jpg" alt="Spanish Soldiers" width="1000" height="834" /> -</div> -<blockquote> -<dl class="undent pcap"><dt><i>Cavalryman in armor</i></dt> -<dt><i>Pikeman</i></dt> -<dt><i>Arquebusier, c. 1540</i></dt> -<dt><i>Crossbowman arming his weapon</i></dt> -<dt><i>Wardogs</i></dt> -<dt><i>Swordsman</i></dt></dl> -<p>With a few thousand soldiers Spain conquered the -Americas. Most of the soldiers were unemployed veterans -of an army tempered by long campaigns against -the Moors in Iberia and the French in North Italy. They -came to America, wrote an eyewitness, “to serve God -and His Majesty, to give light to those who were in darkness, -and to grow rich, as all men desire to do.”</p> -<p><i>Los conquistadores</i> were tough, disciplined, and as -ruthless as circumstances required. Their weapons—evolved -in the formal battle of Europe—were the matchlock -musket (sometimes called an arquebus), the -crossbow, pikes, lances (carried by cavalry), swords, -cannon, and above all the horse, which Indians universally -regarded as a supernatural being. This weaponry -served well against organized armies in Central America -and Peru that fought in formations mostly with clubs, -spears, and slings. But in North America, the Spaniards -faced skilled and elusive archers who could drive -an arrow through armor. The crossbow and musket soon -proved useless. Far more effective were sword-wielding -cavalry and infantry and (for De Soto) wardogs. In the one -battle Southeast Indians had a chance of winning (Mabila, -18 October 1540), De Soto against great odds slaughtered -his antagonists. Thousands died against only 18 -or so Spaniards. Foreshadowing things to come, this -battle demonstrated that Indians fighting with Stone -Age weapons were no match against European arms and tactics.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_19">19</div> -<div class="img" id="fig7"> -<img src="images/i008a.jpg" alt="" width="700" height="344" /> -<p class="pcap">An infantryman armed his crossbow by pushing the bowspring -back with a lever, engaging the trigger catch, and -inserting a metal-tipped dart. This weapon was effective in -Europe against formations and armor but less useful -against a foe who quite sensibly soon learned to fight by -stealth and avoid open combat.</p> -</div> -<dl class="undent pcap"><dt><i>Lever for arming the bow</i></dt> -<dt><i>Stock</i></dt> -<dt><i>Trigger</i></dt> -<dt><i>Bowstring</i></dt></dl> -<div class="img" id="fig8"> -<img src="images/i008b.jpg" alt="" width="500" height="627" /> -<p class="pcap">The Spanish sword at its best was a superb piece of craftsmanship. -About 41 inches long, it was double-edged, razor sharp, and flexible. A fine -Toledo blade could be bent into a semi-circle and withstand a hard strike against -steel. At hand-to-hand combat, Spanish swordsmen were unexcelled in either Europe -or the New World.</p> -</div> -</blockquote> -<div class="interlude"> </div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_20">20</div> -<div class="img" id="fig9"> -<img src="images/i009.jpg" alt="" width="670" height="1000" /> -<p class="pcap">Temple of the Sun, religious -center of the Aztec city of -Teotihuacán. A priest ascending -this immense pyramid -seemingly disappeared into -the sky.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_21">21</div> -<h3 id="c4">The Wanderers</h3> -<p>Redheaded Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca—Cabeza -de Vaca translates as Cow’s Head—was a man of -considerable pride and, apparently, some wry humor. -In 1483, about three years after his birth, its exact -date unknown, his paternal grandfather, Pedro de -Vera, conquered the Grand Canary Island off the -northwest coast of Africa for Spain, a feat that -brought a glow, in court circles, to the name de Vera. -And then there was his mother’s name, Teresa Cabeza -de Vaca. Legend avers that back in 1212 her ancestor, -a shepherd, had used the skull of a cow to mark a -mountain pass that let a Christian army surprise and -defeat its Mohammedan enemy. The shepherd’s sovereign -thereupon bestowed the name Cabeza de Vaca -on the family. Young Alvar Nuñez must have enjoyed -the story, for he adopted his mother’s surname rather -than his father’s, a not unusual custom in Spain.</p> -<p>He fought in several battles for Ferdinand and -Isabella and for their grandson, Charles V, and was -severely wounded at least once. In 1526, when he -was about 46, Charles appointed him royal treasurer -of a large expedition Pánfilo de Narváez proposed to -lead into Florida, a name that then covered a huge -region stretching from the peninsula around the dimly -known north Gulf Coast to the Rio de las Palmas in -northeastern Mexico.<a class="fn" id="fr_1" href="#fn_1">[1]</a> -If treasure was found—and -treasure was Narváez’s goal—it would be up to Cabeza -de Vaca to make sure the king received his 20 percent -share. Other financial duties were involved, so -that altogether it seemed a promising appointment -for a middle-aged ex-soldier and able administrator. -As events turned out, Vaca could hardly have suffered -a greater misfortune.</p> -<p>The problem, which merits a digression, was Pánfilo -de Narváez, the expedition’s leader. About the same -age as Cabeza de Vaca, he was tall, courtly, and deep -voiced, qualities that helped marvelously in advancing -his career. He had prospered as a pioneer settler -in Jamaica, and between 1511 and 1515 had aided -<span class="pb" id="Page_22">22</span> -Diego Velásquez in the conquest of Cuba, a feat which -had elevated Velásquez to the governorship of the -island. Both men added to their riches by using enforced -Indian labor to exploit the island’s shallow -placer mines and embryonic plantations. And although -both could easily have retired to comfortable -estates, each wanted more money, a common itch.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig10"> -<img src="images/i010.jpg" alt="" width="500" height="756" /> -<p class="pcap">Charles, King of Spain, 1516-56, and Emperor of the -Holy Roman Empire, 1519-58. Under his rule, Spain carved -out a new empire in the Americas to go with its dominions in Europe.</p> -</div> -<p>As chief administrator of Cuba, Velásquez was allowed -by the government in Spain to authorize explorations -of the Caribbean. In 1517 and 1518 he -exercised this right by licensing seafarers to explore -and trade along the coasts of Yucatan and Mexico, -capture Indian slaves, and scout out the country for -booty. In return for the licenses, Velásquez would -share in whatever gains resulted.</p> -<p>Of his searchers for new wealth, the one whose -name would ring down through history was Hernán -Cortés. Cocky, crafty, reckless, and adept with the -ladies, Cortés had come to Cuba as Velásquez’s private -secretary at the same time Narváez had. He, -too, had prospered, but unlike Narváez he had quarreled -sharply with his former boss. Though a reconciliation -had been effected, it was touchy. Still, Cortés -had money and was willing to spend it on risky adventures, -and so, in 1518, he was authorized to explore -Mexico’s eastern coast. He assembled a fleet of -11 ships, 16 precious horses, and prodigious stores of -armaments. People grew so excited about his prospects -that he easily recruited 500 or so soldiers and -100 sailors—nearly half of Cuba’s male population.</p> -<p>While he was preparing his expedition, some of -Velásquez’s other scouts returned with rumors of a -fabulous empire of Aztec Indians and their capital -city, Tenochtitlán, built on an island in a shallow lake -that filled most of a high mountain valley in Mexico. -Growing suddenly nervous about Cortés—how loyal -would he be with treasure in front of him and an -army at his back?—Velásquez in February 1519 revoked -Cortés’s commission. Defying him, Cortés -slipped away and disappeared.</p> -<p>One of the world’s most fabulous adventures followed. -Landing on the Yucatan coast, Cortés rescued -a survivor of one of Velásquez’s earlier expeditions—a -man who in his captivity had learned the Mayan language. -Employing the one-time prisoner as an interpreter, -Cortés turned his fleet northward, probing -the coast. Such resistance as developed among the -<span class="pb" id="Page_23">23</span> -Indians was quickly crushed by the terrifying aspect -of the expedition’s few horses. During one of those -aborted battles, Cortés rescued yet another captive, -a woman named Malinche whom the priest with the -expedition baptized and named Marina.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig11"> -<img src="images/i010a.jpg" alt="" width="500" height="680" /> -<p class="pcap">Hernán Cortés with 600 men and 16 horses overthrew the -Aztec empire. This illustration of the conquistador was -made from life.</p> -</div> -<div class="img" id="fig12"> -<img src="images/i010b.jpg" alt="" width="600" height="420" /> -<p class="pcap">The map traces his route from the coast -to Tenochtitlán in 1519.</p> -</div> -<p>Marina was a Nahua, or Aztec. While in captivity -she too had learned the Mayan tongue and could -converse with the rescued Spaniard. Through this -linguistic conduit, the <i>conquistadores</i> received exciting -information about Tenochtitlán, the glittering city -of the Aztecs, predecessor of today’s Mexico City. A -dazzling prize! And why, Cortés surely wondered, -should he share any of it with Diego Velásquez, sitting -safely at home in Cuba?</p> -<p>On April 21, 1519, the fleet dropped anchor at the -sea end of a trail leading to the city. There Cortés -laid the foundations of a port that he named Vera -Cruz (today Veracruz). Calling his men together—they, -too, were excited about prospects—he prevailed -on the majority to elect him captain-general of the -expedition, a move that in Cortés’s mind freed him of -his obligations to Velásquez and made him answerable -only to King Charles V. Simultaneously, he sent -emissaries to Moctezuma, emperor of the Aztecs, -asking for an audience.</p> -<p>The timing could hardly have been more propitious. -The Aztec rule was harsh; subject nations -seethed with discontent; Tenochtitlán itself was torn -with dissensions. Fearful that the strangers might be -able to capitalize on the undercurrents of the rebellion—and -fearful, too, that the newcomers might -somehow be descendants of the ancient serpent-god, -Quetzalcoatl—Moctezuma tried to buy off the Spaniards. -Down to Veracruz went five noble diplomats -accompanied by 100 porters laden with treasure. All -of it was breathtaking, but what really dumbfounded -the Spaniards were two metal disks the size of cartwheels. -One, representing the Sun God, was of solid -gold. The other, dedicated to the Moon, was of silver.</p> -<p>Cortés declined to respond as expected. He loaded -the treasure onto one of his ships and ordered the -captain to sail directly to Spain, where he would use -the booty to win the approval of Charles V. The rest -of the ships he burned so that none of the men in the -command who were still loyal to Velásquez could -return to Cuba and stir up trouble there. As for his -own men, they too would fight harder if they knew -<span class="pb" id="Page_24">24</span> -that no ships were waiting to evacuate them if they -were defeated.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig13"> -<img src="images/i011.jpg" alt="" width="500" height="686" /> -<p class="pcap"><b>Xipe Totec</b>, Aztec god of fertility, one of many gods in the -Aztec pantheon, redrawn from the original codex. He -wears the flayed skin of a sacrificial victim. Ritual killing -horrified Spaniards and in their eyes justified the conquest. -But to Aztecs the gods and their extravagant costumes -were an important part of everyday life, condensations of vital social truths.</p> -</div> -<p>In November 1519, Tenochtitlán capitulated after -a short, hard fight. Cortés took Moctezuma hostage -and then paused to contemplate his enormous prize.</p> -<p>Unknown to the victors, the captain of the ship -bound for Spain did pause in Cuba to check on some -land he owned there. It was a short stay but long -enough for the sailors to talk. Astounded couriers -sped the word to Velásquez. The governor was outraged. -He was already at work gathering a strong -force of 900 men equipped with 80 horses and 13 -ships to pursue Cortés and arrest him for defying -orders. Doubly furious at what seemed to him Cortés’s -latest treachery, he put Pánfilo de Narváez in charge -of a punitive force to bring the disloyal <i>conquistador</i> -back to Cuba in chains!</p> -<p>Warnings from Veracruz reached Cortés at the -Aztec capital. He reacted with characteristic boldness. -Leaving two hundred men at Tenochtitlán, he -marched the rest swiftly to the coast. No one there -anticipated him so soon. Late at night, when most of -his would-be captors were asleep, he waded his men -across a swollen stream and attacked without warning. -During the chaos that followed, a lance point put -out one of Narváez’s eyes. By dawn the field was in -Cortés’s hands. Most of Narváez’s men, hearing of -the riches of Tenochtitlán, deserted their commander -and swore fealty to the victor.</p> -<p>While Narváez remained under guard at Veracruz, -nursing his wound, Cortés marched back to rejoin -the rest of his men at Tenochtitlán. The Aztecs let -the returning soldiers reach the palace compound -and then attacked in waves of thousands. The hostage -emperor, Moctezuma, was stoned to death by -his own people while pleading for peace. Trying once -again to use the night as cover, Cortés on June 30, -1520, led hundreds of Spaniards and several thousand -Indian allies onto one of the stone-and-earth causeways -that connected the island city to the mainland. -Aztecs swarmed after them in canoes. On that famed -<i>noche triste</i>—night of sorrows—850 Spaniards and -upwards of 4,000 of their allies died.</p> -<p>Fortune shifted quickly, however. Wheeling around -on the plains outside the city and making adroit use -of his few horses and guns, Cortés defeated the army -pursuing him. Doggedly then he put together a fresh -<span class="pb" id="Page_25">25</span> -army of Indians who hated the Aztecs and of whites -who were dribbling into Mexico to see what was -going on. The next year, on August 13, 1521, he -recaptured Tenochtitlán, again at heavy cost. By twisting -logic only a little, he could have blamed all these -troubles on Narváez’s inept interference. He did not. -He treated the man kindly and then sent him home -to Spain with, so it is said, a bagful of golden artifacts.</p> -<div class="img"><p class="pcap">“I saw the things which have been brought to the King -from the new land of gold, a sun all of gold a whole fathom -broad, and a moon all of silver of the same size, also two -rooms full of the armour of the people there, and all manner -of wondrous weapons of [the Aztecs], harnesses and -darts, very strange clothing, beds and all kinds of wonderful -objects of human use, much better worth of seeing than -prodigies. These things are so precious that they are valued -at a hundred thousand florins. All the days of my life -I have seen nothing that rejoiced my heart so much as -these things, for I saw among them wonderful works of art, -and I marvelled at the subtle ingenia of people in foreign -lands. Indeed, I cannot express all that I thought there.”—<i>Albrecht -Dürer upon seeing the Aztec objects Cortés -sent Charles V in 1519.</i></p></div> -<p>In Spain Narváez intrigued against the nation’s -hero, as Cortés then was, as best he could. He also -yearned for a conquest in which he could redeem -himself. When the governorship of Florida fell open, -he applied for the position and won. His plan was to -establish his first colony at Río de las Palmas, north -of Pánuco, on Mexico’s northeast coast, where Cortés -had already placed a defensive outpost. From there -he could put pressure on his enemy, who many of the -king’s council thought was growing too big for his -boots. He could also search for the treasure that he -was sure lay somewhere in the north, in the land -from which he supposed the Aztecs had originally -come—land where the fabled Seven Cities might lie.</p> -<p>Six hundred soldiers, sailors, and would-be settlers, -a few of whom had their wives with them, left Spain -aboard five ships in June 1527. One of the adventurers -was Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca, making his -first trip to the New World. It was a hard journey—desertions, -groundings, a deadly hurricane, and finally -a series of adverse storms that drove the little -fleet off its intended course for the Río de las Palmas -to a landing on the west coast of the Florida peninsula, -probably opposite the head of Tampa Bay.</p> -<p>In view of the peninsula’s nearness to Cuba, remarkably -little was known about it. Beginning with -Alonso Alvarez de Pineda in 1519, a few sea explorers -had groped along its western coast on their way -to Mexico. Occasional traders and slave hunters had -poked into some of its lovely bays—and had often -taken severe trouncings from the Indians for their -pains. Juan Ponce de León, the only man to try to -establish a colony there, was mortally wounded during -the attempt.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_26">26</div> -<h4 class="interlude">Tenochtitlán, Capital of the Aztec Empire</h4> -<div class="img"> -<img src="images/i012.jpg" alt="Tenochtitlán" width="1000" height="680" /> -</div> -<blockquote> -<p>Tenochtitlán, predecessor of today’s Mexico City, was -one of the most magnificent cities in the world when -Cortés and his small army arrived in 1519. The sight of -the radiant city in the center of a large lake astonished -the Spaniards. “We did not know what to say, or whether -what appeared before us was real,” wrote a soldier, -“for there were great cities along the shore and many -others in the lake, all filled with canoes, and at intervals -along the causeways there were many bridges....”</p> -<p>About 250,000 persons lived here and in its sister -city Tlatelolco (left). The market place was huge. “Some -of the soldiers with us had been in many parts of the -world, in Constantinople and all over Italy and Rome, and -they said they had never -<span class="pb" id="Page_27">27</span> -seen a public square so perfectly laid out, so large, so orderly, -and so full of people.”</p> -<p>At the center of the city—and -the Aztec religion—was -the <i>Templo Major</i>, a complex -of temples and shrines to -the gods of fertility and war—the -sources of Aztec power. -The surfaces of the temples -were richly ornamented in -symbols and myths that expressed -their complete vision -of life. It was this city, -which governed a vast empire -in central Mexico, that -the intrepid Cortés and his -band overthrew in 1521. -Within a few years a splendid -and original civilization -lay in ruins.</p> -</blockquote> -<div class="interlude"> </div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_28">28</div> -<p>Narváez must have known of the dangers, but when -he saw a yellow object among some fish nets in a -village from which the Indians had fled on his approach, -he jumped to the conclusion that it was gold. -Hopefully, he showed the object to some Indians he -lured into camp, they pointed north and said vehemently, -“Apalachee! Apalachee!” Straightway Narváez -decided to march there overland with the main part -of his force, 40 of them mounted on the skin-and-bone -horses that had survived the sea journey. The -rest of the group, including its women, were directed -to sail along the coast to a harbor supposedly known -to the expedition’s pilot. There the two groups would -come together again.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig14"> -<img src="images/i013.jpg" alt="" width="459" height="545" /> -<p class="pcap">The Aztecs and kindred people were wonderful artists in -gold. The lifesize breastplate is Mixtecan, perhaps the representation -of the god of death.</p> -</div> -<div class="img" id="fig15"> -<img src="images/i013a.jpg" alt="" width="459" height="231" /> -<p class="pcap">The gold plug is an Aztecan facial ornament. -Nobles and military leaders routinely wore plugs as a sign -of rank. The plugs were inserted through a hole below the lip or in the cheek.</p> -</div> -<p>Cabeza de Vaca protested. They couldn’t be sure -they understood the Indians properly. Would the two -parties be able to find each other again on the intricate -coast? They did not have food enough for exploring. -First they should locate their colony in an -area suitable for farming and send the ships to Cuba -for supplies. Time enough then to search for gold.</p> -<p>Narváez waved him aside. The ships sailed on and -the land party headed north, each man carrying two -pounds of biscuits and half a pound of bacon. After -15 days of hunger they luckily seized some Indians -who led them to a field of maize ripe enough for -harvesting. Strengthened somewhat but beset by -clouds of insects, they waded on through bogs, built -rafts for crossing rivers—a drowned horse fed some -of them one night—and then entered a region of -enormous trees where piles of fallen timber created -an almost impassable maze.</p> -<p>Apalachee, located close to the site of modern -Tallahassee, turned out to be a village of 40 small -houses roofed with thatch. No gold. Disgruntled, -Narváez imprisoned an Apalachee chief and appropriated -some of the houses for shelter. The villagers -retaliated by setting fire to the buildings, a tactic that -became common during later years.</p> -<p>The invaders stayed 25 days, scouting the surrounding -country and resting as best they could under constant -sniping by displaced inhabitants. They then -headed west toward another town of reputed richness, -Aute, near present-day St. Marks, on Apalachee -Bay. Indians shadowed them, killing or wounding several -men with hard-pointed arrows capable of piercing -armor. Cabeza de Vaca was one of those nicked.</p> -<p>On the Spaniards’ approach, the inhabitants of -Aute burned their huts and fled. There was no gold -in the ruins. No silver. No jewels. And no sign of -Spanish ships in the bay. As a mysterious fever began -felling the men one by one, Narváez said that Pánuco -<span class="pb" id="Page_29">29</span> -could not be far away. If they could build boats....</p> -<p>How? The men knew nothing about the art of shipbuilding. -The only materials they had were what they -and their horses wore. Total helplessness—until God’s -will, Cabeza de Vaca wrote years later, prompted -one anonymous fellow to say he thought he could -make a bellows out of deerskin and wooden pipes. -With the bellows they could produce heat enough to -transform spurs, bridle-bits, crossbow darts, and iron -stirrups into nails. Excited by that proposal, a Greek -spoke up, saying he knew how to manufacture waterproofing -pitch from the resin in the pine trees surrounding -them.</p> -<p>Working with the energy of desperation, the men -put together, between August 5 and September 20 -five crude boats, each about 33 feet long. They made -sails out of their clothing, rope out of horse hair and -palmetto fibre, anchors out of stone. Those not involved -in the construction used the surviving horses—a -diminishing number since they killed one every -third day for food—to bring in 640 bushels of corn -from the fields at Aute. Several men died from fever -or wounds received from the Indians—not altogether -an ill wind, since the five boats could not have carried -more than the 250 or so persons who overloaded -them at sailing time. Narváez, exercising a leader’s -prerogative, picked out the best boat and strongest -crew for himself.</p> -<p>They crawled along close to the shore, sat out -storms behind islands, lost more men to Indian attack, -and suffered so terribly from thirst—the water -bottles they had made from horsehide soon rotted—that -four of them drank salt water in their misery and -perished. A more historic moment than any of them -would ever realize came toward the end of October -1528, when, as they were edging out past some marshy -islands, a powerful current of fresh water swept them -far out to sea. They had discovered the mouth of a -great river—the Mississippi.</p> -<p>As they worked back toward the coast on the far -side of the river mouth, winds and sea currents quickened -their pace. Despite strenuous efforts the crews -could not keep the boats together. The men with -Cabeza de Vaca grew so exhausted that they shouted -to Narváez to toss them a rope and help pull them -along. Narváez refused. “When the sun sank,” the -treasurer recalled later, “all who were in my boat -<span class="pb" id="Page_30">30</span> -were fallen one on another, so near to death that -there were few of them in a state of sensibility.” They -lay inert throughout the night. At dawn—it was November -6, 1528—Cabeza de Vaca heard the tumult -of breakers but could take no measures to meet the -threat. A giant wave lifted the boat out of the water -and dropped it with a crash on what was either -Galveston Island off the coast of Texas or a nearby -stub of a peninsula.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig16"> -<img src="images/i014.jpg" alt="" width="483" height="322" /> -<p class="pcap">The “hunch-backed cows” -that Vaca and his companions -saw were the wide-ranging -American bison. “They have -small horns like the cows of -Morocco,” he wrote. “The hair -is very long and wooly like a -rug. Some are tawny, others -are black. In my judgment the -flesh is finer and fatter than -cows from [Spain].”</p> -</div> -<p>Karankawa Indians who had gathered at the spot -to dig roots succored them. A little later they joined -the crew of another capsized boat that had been -commanded by captains Alonso de Castillo and -Andrés Dorantes, whose black slave Estéban was -with him. The combined group numbered about 80, -most of them infirm and next to naked. Numbly, they -tried to repair Cabeza de Vaca’s boat so the strongest -could sail to Pánuco for help. It sank. Four volunteers -then agreed to try to reach Mexico by land. -They never returned.</p> -<p>A winter of intense cold, starvation, and fever left -only 15 alive, Cabeza de Vaca barely so. In the spring, -13 of the survivors moved off with the greater part of -the Indians in search of food, leaving Cabeza de Vaca -and a second invalid, Lope de Oviedo, behind with a -small band. As soon as Cabeza de Vaca was able to -work, the Indians set him to digging roots and carrying -firewood. To escape the drudgery he became a -trader, traveling far inland with a pack of shells, flints, -cane for arrow shafts, sinews and so on for barter. -During the wanderings he became the first European -known to have seen bison.</p> -<p>His great desire was to walk southwest along the -coast until he reached other men of his own kind, -and he urged Oviedo to join him. The fellow kept -promising he would as soon as he was better. Not -wishing to desert a fellow Spaniard, Cabeza de Vaca -wasted four years through one postponement after -another. At last they started, but then Oviedo caved -in with fear and turned back, preferring familiar miseries -to the unknown.</p> -<p>Shortly thereafter, in 1532, in the bottomlands of -the Colorado River of Texas, where several bands -were harvesting walnuts, Cabeza de Vaca stumbled -joyously across Castillo, Dorantes, and the vigorous -black Estéban. The trio were also ready to -strike for Mexico if they could escape from their -<span class="pb" id="Page_31">31</span> -masters, but they warned against fierce tribes to the -southwest. They should try a route farther north.</p> -<p>After two years of interruption and frustrations -they made the break. The incredible journey, broken -by long stays at various Indian camps, lasted two -years. At times they traveled alone. More often they -were accompanied by Indians. After they had chanced -to pray over an ailing man, who thereupon leaped up -and declared himself cured, they became revered as -supernatural medicinemen, children of the sun. Their -marches, often scouted out for them by Estéban, -who also served as interpreter—he learned six languages -during those arduous years—became triumphal -processions. Sometimes, says Cabeza de Vaca, -as many as 4,000 Indians would accompany them -from one village to the next, a figure that, as Bernard -DeVoto has pointed out, should be taken as a way of -saying “quite a few.” Those who escorted them would -often loot the first village they reached, whereupon -its inhabitants, moving on with the quartet to another -village, would recoup their losses by plundering it.</p> -<p>What route did they follow? No one knows. Cabeza -de Vaca’s descriptions of Indian customs, rivers, -mountains, vegetation, and so on have led some students -to suggest that the wanderers may have gone as -far north as southern New Mexico and Arizona. Others -think they traveled out of west Texas into Chihuahua. -But whatever the way, it eventually merged with -one of the trade trails that ran between the Pueblo -Indian towns of the Southwest and those in the heavily -populated, southward trending valleys of Sonora. -They reached the Sonora area in the spring of 1536.</p> -<p>What had they seen along the way? Not much, -according to a report that the survivors sent to the -<i>audiencia</i> in Hispaniola in 1537. Just buffalo robes -that had originated in the country of the plains Indians -and beautifully woven cotton mantas that their -native hosts had obtained by trade with Indians somewhere -in the north (probably the Pueblos of the Rio -Grande). Bits of coral and turquoise. And miles and -miles of desolation, thinly populated by primitive -tribes. Writing a memoir of the trip six years later, -Cabeza de Vaca improved only slightly on the tales. -In Sonora, he related, he was given five emeralds -shaped like arrowheads; the donors said the “jewels” -had been purchased in the north with parrot feathers -and plumes. Sadly, he lost the five artifacts before -<span class="pb" id="Page_32">32</span> -anyone else saw them. He also told of handling a -small bell made of copper and of hearing stories -about large cities filled with big houses and surrounded -by boundless fields of maize.</p> -<p>Such reports were too vague and understated to -create much popular excitement—at first. But as -Antonio de Mendoza, New Spain’s first and recently -arrived Viceroy, realized, the calm might not last. For -a similar story told a few years earlier to the infamous -Nuño de Guzmán by an Indian slave named Tejo had -stirred up a violent reaction.</p> -<p>At the time Guzmán had been governor of Pánuco -on Mexico’s northeast coast and was making a fortune -selling slaves to plantations throughout the West -Indies. But that wasn’t enough, and his ears pricked -up when he listened to Tejo telling about a trip with -his father to seven marvelous cities far to the northwest—cities -whose streets were lined with the shops -of goldsmiths and silversmiths.</p> -<p>The story may well have had an element of truth in -it. If a trader kept traveling northwest from Pánuco—and -some of Mexico’s early Indian traders were far-ranging—he -would eventually reach the impressive -pueblo towns of today’s New Mexico. Where the -notion of goldsmiths came from is something else, -but Guzman believed it because he wanted to.</p> -<p>Instead of taking a direct line to his goal, he put -together a strong force, fought his way across the -mountains to the west coast, and hewed out, as a -base of operations for a thrust along the trade trails -leading north, the all-but-independent province of -Nueva Galicia. (It embraced the better part of the -present-day Mexican states of Nayarit and Sinaloa.) -Illness and then his arrest for his slave-dealings put a -stop to the northern plans, but the appearance of the -Vaca party out of the wilderness might, Mendoza -feared, lead the great Cortés to appropriate the idea -for himself.</p> -<p>Cortés was ripe for trouble. Because of his insubordination -to Diego Velásquez of Cuba, the king had -refused to name him Viceroy of New Spain, but then -had tried to compensate for the injustice, as Cortés -considered it, by naming him the Marquís of the -Valley of Oaxaca and giving him the right to explore -the South Seas (south of Asia) for new principalities. -On their quests some of his ship captains stirred -Guzmán’s jealousy by sailing north along the coast -<span class="pb" id="Page_33">33</span> -of Nueva Galicia. When Guzmán seized one of those -ships in the port of Chiametla, the Marquís rushed -up with a small army and took it back. He then used -that ship to cross what he called the Sea of Cortés -(today’s Gulf of California) and claim possession, in -the name of the king, of pearl fisheries his mariners -had discovered at La Paz in what we call Baja California. -The fisheries were not proving lucrative, however, -and the least sign that something better existed -farther north might tempt him to push on.</p> -<p>It behooved Mendoza, as the king’s representative, -to move first, before New Spain’s legitimate northward -expansion was halted by one of these semi-autonomous -<i>conquistadores</i>. Dutifully reporting each -of his moves to Charles V—caution was part of his -nature—he asked, in turn, Castillo, Dorantes, and -Cabeza de Vaca to lead a small exploring party into -the north and learn what was really there. Not surprisingly, -in view of their experiences, each refused.</p> -<p>In 1537, Cabeza de Vaca returned to Spain. Skeptics -say he wanted to persuade the king to appoint -him <i>adelantado</i> of Florida so that he could move -independently into the north from that direction. On -reaching Madrid, however, he found that Charles had -already given the post to Hernando de Soto.</p> -<p>Years later one of De Soto’s Portuguese officers -from the town of Elvas—he identified himself only as -a <i>hidalgo</i> (gentleman) of Spain—wrote that De Soto -offered to take Cabeza de Vaca along as second in -command for the sake of his guidance. Again the -wanderer declined. But, said the <i>hidalgo</i>, whose accuracy -cannot be checked, Vaca did drop hints to his -friends and relatives that led them to sell everything -they had in order to buy enough equipment to join -the expedition. Possibly. But all we really know is -that Cabeza de Vaca, the only man to brush against -both of the <i>entradas</i> that gave the world its first views -of what became the United States, never returned -there himself. He was sent to South America instead.</p> -<p>Mendoza of course learned by ship of De Soto’s -appointment and of necessity had to assume that one -of the new <i>adelantado</i>’s goals would be the Seven -Cities. So now he had twin worries, Cortés in the -west, De Soto in the east. But before considering the -steps he took to checkmate them, it is well to look at -De Soto’s adventure, for he is the one who, through -sheer luck, had the head start.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_34">34</div> -<h4 class="interlude">The Odyssey of Cabeza de Vaca</h4> -<blockquote> -<div class="img"> -<img src="images/i015a.jpg" alt="Routes of Narváez and de Vaca" width="800" height="491" /> -</div> -<dl class="undent pcap"><dt>NARVÁEZ EXPEDITION</dt> -<dd>Santiago, Cuba</dd> -<dd>{west Florida coast}: Narváez Expedition lands April 1526</dd> -<dd>Apalachee</dd> -<dd>Aute: Expedition builds boats</dd> -<dt>CABEZA DE VACA</dt> -<dd>{Texas coast}: Expedition wrecks; Cabeza de Vaca continues overland</dd> -<dd>Colorado River</dd> -<dd>Pecos River</dd> -<dd>Gila River</dd> -<dd>Rio Sonora</dd> -<dd>Corazones</dd> -<dd>Culiacán: Cabeza de Vaca arrives 1536</dd></dl> -<div class="pb" id="Page_35">35</div> -<div class="img"> -<img src="images/i015b.jpg" alt="Desert vista" width="1000" height="557" /> -</div> -<p>Cabeza de Vaca and three -companions, sole survivors -of the ill-fated Narváez expedition -(1527), were the -first Europeans to cross the -North American continent. -They spent 8 years traveling -6,000 miles through the interior -of Florida, Texas, New -Mexico, Arizona, and northern -Mexico. The journey itself -was an incredible feat of -human stamina and pluck. -Equally remarkable is Cabeza -de Vaca’s account of -his adventure. <i>La Relación</i>, -first published In 1542, revised -Spanish conceptions -about the size and nature of -the continent north of Mexico. -The book is also the first -detailed description of native -Americans. In his wanderings -Cabeza de Vaca came to admire -Indians, whom he came -to see as fellow humans -who could be won over only -by kindness. His book—which -can be considered the -beginning of American literature—is -a record of both -a physical and a spiritual -journey.</p> -</blockquote> -<div class="interlude"> </div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_36">36</div> -<div class="img" id="fig17"> -<img src="images/i016.jpg" alt="" width="673" height="1000" /> -<p class="pcap">Mangrove near De Soto National Memorial. Thickets -of this plant once formed great barriers along the Florida shore.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_37">37</div> -<h3 id="c5">Journey into Darkness</h3> -<p>When Hernando de Soto returned to Spain from two -decades of adventure in the New World, he must -have seemed to those who encountered him, or even -heard of him, the embodiment of what a <i>conquistador</i> -should be. He carried his tall, hard, handsome body -with the unmistakable air of triumph that comes from -having won by his own efforts wealth, fame, and a -noble bride—all before he was 35 years old. The -exact date of his birth is unknown, but it may have -coincided with the last year of the 15th century. His -birthplace was in the austere province of Extremadura. -His father was a Méndez, his mother a de Soto; his -elder brother Juan followed the Spanish custom of -using both names: Juan Méndez de Soto. Hernando, -the second son, chose to be different. According to -his biographer, Miguel Albornoz, he was his mother’s -favorite. He therefore dropped Méndez from his name -and became known to history only as De Soto—an -appellation he carried far.</p> -<p>Another native of Extremadura and a neighbor of -the De Soto family was Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, the -fabled conqueror of Darién (Panama) and discoverer -of the Pacific Ocean. Determined to emulate Balboa, -who was still alive somewhere in the New World, -young Hernando de Soto made his way, aged 14 or -so, to Seville. There he found employment as a page -in the household of the notorious schemer, 75-year-old -Pedro Arias Dávila, better known as Pedrárias. When -Pedrárias sailed to Central America in 1514 as a colonial -administrator, De Soto went along.</p> -<p>He witnessed the quarrel that sprang up between -his patron and Balboa, a quarrel that ended in 1519 -when Balboa was convicted of treason through the -intrigues of Pedrárias and beheaded. Grieving, De -Soto retrieved the headless corpse and with the help -of an Indian girl gave it a Christian burial. Yet he -remained loyal to Pedrárias and followed him to Nicaragua, -where he developed the ice-hard maturity -that marked his later career. He mastered the arts of -<span class="pb" id="Page_38">38</span> -dealing in Indian slaves, looting temples, and ransacking -Indian graves for valuable mortuary offerings. -By such means he prospered so well that when -Pizarro, also a native of Extremadura, needed help -on his expedition to Peru, De Soto was able to respond -with two ships and 200 men.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig18"> -<img src="images/i017.jpg" alt="" width="500" height="677" /> -<p class="pcap">De Soto was a leader of experience and resolve. The -expedition’s chronicler characterized him as “an inflexible -man, and dry of word, who, although he liked to know -what the others all thought and had to say, after he once -said a thing he did not like to be opposed, and as he ever -acted as he thought best, all bent to his will.” This likeness -was published in Antonio Herrera y Tordesillas’s <span class="noti">Historia -General</span>, 1728. No authentic portrait is known to exist.</p> -</div> -<p>In the final assault on the Incas, De Soto was generally -the one chosen to lead reconnoitering or vanguard -parties over the difficult trails of the Andes. -After the first great victory was achieved, he saw a -sight that ever afterwards burned in his memory. The -conquered emperor, Atahualpa (actually one of two -brothers contending for the throne), offered, as his -ransom, to pile a room 17 feet wide, 22 feet long, and -9 high with golden ornaments, vases, goblets, statuettes. -In addition he said, he would fill a somewhat -smaller adjoining chamber twice over with silver. In -spite of that tremendous gesture, he was then tricked -into ordering the death of his brother, for which he -himself was executed. The treachery drew angry protests -from De Soto.</p> -<p>The next conquest was of mountain-perched -Cuzco, less rewarding than anticipated because it -had been stripped of treasure during the filling of the -rooms. Though De Soto was named lieutenant-governor, -the quarrels that broke out between the generals -led him to give up the position and return to -Spain with his share of the booty. Various estimates -of its size have been given, but since there is no satisfactory -way of comparing purchasing power then and -now, the figures are elusive. Still, it must have been -the equivalent of several million of today’s dollars.</p> -<p>He made a point of cutting a fine figure in Spain. -Everywhere he went he was accompanied by a dazzling -entourage composed mostly of officers who -had ridden with him in Panama and Peru. He became -a favorite of the King, to whom he loaned money; -and he married a daughter of his old patron, Pedrárias. -A plush life. But as the lazy days drifted by, De Soto -grew restless. He needed activity and he wanted gold. -Roomfuls of gold. And fame.</p> -<p>Yielding to his importunities, Charles V made him -governor of Cuba and <i>adelantado</i> of Florida, which -then stretched from the Atlantic as far north as the -Carolinas and on around the Gulf of Mexico to the -Río de las Palmas. The usual stipulations about the -division of treasure were spelled out in the license. -<span class="pb" id="Page_39">39</span> -The King was to have one-fifth of all spoils of battle, -one-fifth of any revenue derived from mining precious -metals, and one-tenth of all loot taken from graves, -sepulchres, Indian temples. Once the region had been -explored, De Soto was to become the governor of -whatever 200 leagues of coastal area he picked out. -There he was to found colonies and build three fortified -harbors. He was to pacify the Indians and provide -the necessary number of priests and friars to -convert them. He was to bear the entire costs of the -expedition. When it was over, he would receive, in -addition to his share of any booty and a grant of land -12 leagues square (about 50,000 acres), a salary of -2,000 ducats a year, roughly $60,000 today.</p> -<p>The expedition, its quota of men more than filled -with volunteers who supplied their own armor and -arms, landed in Cuba in June 1538 and spent nearly a -year there while De Soto attended to administrative -duties and organized the <i>entrada</i>. He used far more -care than Narváez had. While scouts searched for a -good harbor on Florida’s west coast, the commissary -department rustled up many loads of hard ship biscuit, -5,000 bushels of maize, quantities of bacon, and -a herd of rangy hogs. They also brought with them -long, clanking strands of iron chains and collars, portents -of things to come.</p> -<p>The chronicles of the expedition give different figures -about the numbers involved, but this is a reasonable -approximation: close to 700 men, perhaps a -hundred camp followers, including a few women, -many slaves, eight ecclesiastical persons, and 240 or -so horses. Having learned from Cabeza de Vaca about -some of Narváez’s mistakes, De Soto included among -the soldiers several artisans capable of working with -their hands. People, horses, hogs, and big dogs that -could be used for attacking Indians, and a confusion -of supplies and equipment were loaded aboard five -low-waisted, high-pooped, square-rigged ships ranging -from 500 to 800 tons burden. Overflow was accommodated, -uncomfortably, in two caravels and two -small pinnaces.</p> -<p>The fleet spent a week in late May 1539, reaching -the southernmost part of what is generally believed -to have been Tampa Bay.<a class="fn" id="fr_2" href="#fn_2">[2]</a> While the ships were groping -over the shoals so that unloading could begin, -patrols of both horsemen and footmen, happy to be -free of the cramped quarters, dashed off through the -<span class="pb" id="Page_40">40</span> -undergrowth to learn what lay ahead. They soon discovered -that the countryside, though sweet-smelling -with flowers, was a maze of bogs, meandering streams, -and thick stands of mangroves and oaks. Another tax -on travel were small groups of tall, naked Indians, -probably Timucuans. The Indians eluded the horsemen -by dodging nimbly through swamps and behind -trees, now and then letting an arrow flash out from -one of their bows. Fortunately one of the few captives -the patrols seized was Juan Ortiz, a former member -of the ill-fated Narváez expedition.</p> -<p>Ortiz had returned to Cuba with the explorer’s -ships after they had failed to make contact with the -land party and then had been hired by Narváez’s -distraught wife to search for her husband in a pinnace -she provided. On visiting Narváez’s initial landing -place at Tampa Bay, Ortiz had been captured and -had lived ever since with a group that controlled part -of the region around the bay. He knew the Timucuans’ -language and could speak through interpreters to -other Indian groups. But in all that time he had never -been far afield and could report only rumors about -distant places. Gold? There was none near at hand, -but far to the north was a powerful kingdom abounding -in maize. Its inhabitants might know of minerals.</p> -<p>A scouting party dispatched to investigate returned -with a tantalizing message that would be repeated -over and over during the long trek: the gold was -somewhere else, this time at a place called Cale, -where the warriors wore golden helmets. De Soto -nodded complacently. In a region as vast as Florida, -he told the Gentleman of Elvas, there were bound to -be riches.</p> -<p>Mindful still of the colony he was supposed to -found, he left Pedro Calderón near Tampa Bay with -three small ships, their sailors, and a hundred soldiers. -They had two years’ supply of food and seed -for planting. If he found a better place to settle, he -would let them know. Meanwhile the other caravel -and the five big ships were to return to Havana for -fresh supplies and new recruits.</p> -<p>Moving inland farther than Narváez had and -marching in divisions, the army moved north. Tough -going. Rains were heavy that year. Bogs oozed; -lakes and streams rose. The wayfarers waded some -streams and bridged others. The men herded the pigs -through the mud—the sows had farrowed and there -<span class="pb" id="Page_41">41</span> -were about 300 now—grooming horses, setting up -wet camps and then, tired out, pulverizing, in curved -log mortars, the grain they had taken from Indian -fields and storage cribs so they could boil it into -gruel. Discontent boiled up. There’d better be gold -somewhere in this hellhole.</p> -<p>There was none at Cale, but a little farther on.... -They straggled through the vicinity of today’s Gainesville -and, inclining a little west of north, reached a -village called Aguacaliquen. There an advance party -captured several women, one of whom was the daughter -of the cacique, or chief. The father was told he -could not get her back until he had guided the Spaniards -into the territory of the next tribe to the west. -This he did while several of his villagers followed, -playing on bone flutes as a sign of peace and begging -that father and daughter be released.</p> -<p>When pleas produced nothing—De Soto feared -being left in the wilderness with no guides—the Indians -decided to ambush the Spaniards at “a very -pleasant village” called Napituca, near today’s Live -Oak, Florida. De Soto’s interpreter, Juan Ortiz, discovered -the plot and gave warning. Spirits leaped. -After two months of being harassed by Indian guerrillas, -the Spaniards could at last vent their frustration -on a massed army—about 400 Indians, as it -turned out. Giving thanks to God, the cavalry charged, -lances thrusting, swords slashing. Bellow of arquebuses, -zings of crossbow darts, yells of “Santiago!” -from pike-wielding foot soldiers. Scores of Indians -died; hundreds were captured, including a remnant -that fled into two nearby lakes and, by hiding in the -cold, night-shrouded waters, evaded capture until -morning—a brave stand that won both admiration -and kind treatment from the Spanish force.</p> -<p>Not all the captives were handled that generously. -Their services were needed. During marches males -were linked by chains and iron collars and forced to -serve as porters for the army. Women, historian -Garcilaso de la Vega wrote after talking to participants -in the adventure, served as “domestics,” grinding -the rations of maize, cooking the meals, and so -on. Rodrigo Ranjel, De Soto’s private secretary, was -more specific: the soldiers desired women for “foul -use and lewdness.” Whenever the conquerors seized -a new village, its cacique was impressed as a hostage -and guide and released only after his subjects had -<span class="pb" id="Page_42">42</span> -served as bearers over the next stretch of the journey. -Rebels against the enslavement received punishments -designed to warn other recalcitrants. Some had a -hand or nose cut off, a few were tied to stakes and -burned or shot to death with arrows fired by Indian -auxiliaries. Now and then one was torn to pieces by -the Spaniard’s war dogs. They accepted the ordeals -with a stoicism that won the grudging approval of the -expedition’s chroniclers.</p> -<p>In October 1539, De Soto’s army entered the land -of the Apalachees. According to Ranjel, they found -“much maize and beans and squash and diverse fruits -and many deer and a great diversity of birds and -fish.” Like Narváez before them, they decided to winter -at the fruitful spot, site of today’s Tallahassee.</p> -<p>They evicted the Indians of the main town, Anhaica, -and settled down in the log and straw houses. Taking -advantage of a high wind, the Indians burned most -of the place. Later, the intense cold killed almost all -of the despondent Indian slaves captured at the battle -of Napituca. In spite of the misfortunes, De Soto -decided to use Apalachee as a center for future explorations. -He sent Juan de Añasco and 30 cavalrymen -south through bogs and sniping Indians to Tampa -Bay to bring up Calderón’s hundred soldiers and the -three small ships. When the vessels arrived at the -very harbor from which Narváez had sailed (as revealed -by the remnants of the forge and the grisly -piles of horse bones) De Soto dispatched the ships -west under Francisco Maldonado to find a protected -bay to which the reinforcements waiting in Havana -could be brought the following summer.</p> -<p>Meanwhile another distraction arose. Working -through a chain of interpreters, Juan Ortiz learned -from an Indian captive that a truly rich country, -Cofitachequi, lay to the northeast, in the vicinity of -what is now Camden, South Carolina. Promptly, De -Soto decided to take his regrouped army there.</p> -<p>They left on March 3, 1540. Because most of their -captives had died, the men again had to carry their -own rations and prepare their own meals. Spring-swollen -streams blocked the way; one was so wide -the men built a ferry and hauled it back and forth -with hawsers. The cacique of Cofitachequi turned -out to be a woman. Bedecked in furs, feathers, and -the freshwater pearls that were common in the mussels -of the southeast, she greeted them warmly. “Be -this coming to these shores most happy,” she said -according to one chronicler. “My ability can in no -way equal my wishes, nor my services [equal] the -merits of so great a prince; nevertheless, good wishes -are to be valued more than the treasures of the earth -without them. With sincerest and purest good will, I -tender you my person, my lands, my people, and -make you these small gifts.”</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_43">43</div> -<h4 class="interlude">Anhaica: De Soto’s First Winter Camp, 1539-40</h4> -<blockquote> -<p>The only site linked with certainty -to De Soto is <i>Anhaica</i>, -once the principal town of -the Apalachee Indians.</p> -<p>This numerous and powerful -people resisted the -Spaniards’ intrusion into their -country in autumn 1539, harassing -the march and burning -villages to deny food to -the army. At <i>Anhaica</i> De Soto -found an abandoned town of -“250 large and good houses.” -The Spaniards settled in -and spent five months here. -They scoured the countryside -for provisions, seizing -quantities of maize, pumpkins, -beans, and dried persimmons. -The Indians raided -the town twice and set fires. -When the army departed in -spring, they carried enough -maize to last them across -200 miles of wilderness.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig19"> -<img src="images/i018.jpg" alt="" width="441" height="410" /> -<p class="pcap">Artifacts from the Tallahassee -site: bits of chain mail (top), an arrow point (above); -a copper coin minted in Spain between 1505-17; the metal -tip of a cross bow dart.</p> -</div> -<div class="img" id="fig20"> -<img src="images/i018a.jpg" alt="" width="577" height="341" /> -<p class="pcap">Digging also turned up fragments -of olive jars of the type shown at left. The chain mail shirt -at right above shows the type of body armor worn by -Spaniards in the first decades of the New World conquest. -The jar and shirt were not found at the site.</p> -</div> -<p>The exact site of <i>Anhaica</i> lay unknown for 450 years. -It was discovered by accident in 1987 by archeologist -Calvin Jones while searching in downtown Tallahassee, -Florida, for a 17th-century Spanish mission. Digging on -land planned for development, he and others recovered -many 16th-century Spanish artifacts (iron, coins, -olive jar fragments, beads, the mandible of a pig) in context -with Apalachee pottery. Analysis left no doubt that -this was the site of De Soto’s first winter camp.</p> -</blockquote> -<div class="interlude"> </div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_44">44</div> -<div class="img" id="fig21"> -<img src="images/i019.jpg" alt="" width="345" height="899" /> -<p class="pcap">The female cacique of Cofitachequi, apparently a woman -of considerable authority, greeted De Soto’s army with -ceremony and gifts of food and clothing. Though she had -befriended the expedition, she was seized as a hostage and -guide but eventually escaped. Artist Louis S. Glanzman illustrates -the cacique as she may have appeared at the time of the encounter.</p> -</div> -<p>She gave De Soto strands of freshwater pearls and -let the men take more from tombs located in mounds -raised above the ground. They were not very good -pearls and had been discolored by being bored with -redhot copper spindles. But they were the closest -things to treasure the men had found so far, and De -Soto filled a cane chest with 350 pounds of them.</p> -<p>Won by the pearls, the lush countryside, and the -navigability of the Wateree-Santee Rivers, which -drained southeast into the Atlantic, the men wanted -to found a colony there. De Soto refused. There was -not enough food at Cofitachequi for the army. Moreover, -he was still hoping, in the words of the Gentleman -of Elvas, for another windfall “like that of Atabalipa -[Atahualpa] of Peru.”</p> -<p>The place to investigate, he heard, was off across -the Appalachian Mountains to the northwest. Seizing -the cacique who had befriended him, he forced her -to enlist a portion of her subjects as porters and -domestics for the disgruntled men. They moved rapidly -through South Carolina into western North Carolina. -By trails that had never before seen a horse, let -alone a herd of pigs, they crossed the mountains into -the tumbled region of the French Broad and Pigeon -Rivers. There the cacique of the pearls managed to -escape. As usual, there was no gold.</p> -<p>Hoping, presumably, to meet the ships coming from -Havana with supplies and reinforcements, De Soto at -last turned south through the land that Creek Indians -later occupied in northern Alabama. As they traveled -down the Coosa River, they entered a new chiefdom -and there laid hold of a tall, disdainful leader -named Tascaluza. De Soto demanded women and -slaves. With pretended meekness Tascaluza provided -the army with a hundred porters and then secretly -sent word ahead to his warriors in the stockaded -town of Mabila, from which today’s Mobile takes its -name, to prepare an ambush. When the town came -into sight, De Soto carelessly let the main part of the -<span class="pb" id="Page_45">45</span> -hungry army disperse to forage. Leaving the fettered -bearers outside the entrance, the general and a handful -of aides entered the village with Tascaluza. Hot -words soon broke out, and the Indians hurled themselves -at the enemy. The Spaniards clustered around -their leader. Although five were killed and De Soto -was knocked down a time or two, they managed to -fight their way back outside. During the uproar the -porters picked up the food, armaments, and other -baggage they had been carrying and rushed inside -the stockade with it, to join Tascaluza’s people.</p> -<p>Assembling his soldiers, De Soto launched attacks -against all sides of the barricaded town. With axes -and fire the yelling Spaniards smashed through the -palisades. While the battle raged from house to house, -the tinder-box town went up in flames. Realizing they -were being defeated, some of the Indians threw themselves -into the fire rather than surrender. The last -survivor hanged himself with his bowstring. Reports -of Spanish losses range from 18 to 22 killed and 148 -wounded, including De Soto. Somewhere between 7 -and 12 irreplaceable horses perished and 28 were -injured. Indian losses were estimated by a chronicler -at 2,500.</p> -<p>Since landing at Tampa Bay, the Spaniards had -lost 102 men from all causes. The chest of pearls De -Soto had hoped to send to Cuba as a lure for replacements -had disappeared in the fire, along with most of -the army’s spare clothing, weapons, and food. Yet -when the interpreter, Juan Ortiz, told De Soto of -Indian reports of ships in Mobile Bay a few days -away, he ordered him to stay silent. He knew the men -would desert if they thought they could reach the -ships, and his pride could not tolerate that. Go home -empty-handed, beaten, and disgraced? Never.</p> -<p>He rallied the army. For 28 days the healthy doctored -the wounded with, said Garcilaso de la Vega, -unguents made from the fat of dead Indians. Their -commander moved among them, bolstering their spirits, -so that when he ordered them to face north again, -they obeyed, though they all knew that ships from -Havana had been scheduled to meet them somewhere.</p> -<p>They followed the Tombigbee River into northeastern -Mississippi to Chicaza, where they wintered (1540-41) -among the Chickasaw Indians. When they made -their usual request for porters, women, clothing, and -food for the spring march, the Chickasaws responded -one day at dawn by setting fire to the section of the -town in which the invaders were bivouacked. The -confusion was total—and perhaps a salvation for the -Spaniards. Several terrified horses broke loose and -stampeded wildly. Their squeals and the pounding of -their hooves, and the sight of De Soto and a few others -who had managed to get mounted bearing down on -them with lances (before De Soto’s saddle turned -and he fell heavily) frightened the Indians into flight.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_46">46</div> -<h4 class="interlude">De Soto in La Florida</h4> -<blockquote> -<p>De Soto was seeking another Peru in Florida. But after -three years and thousands of miles, his futile quest -ended in a watery grave in the Mississippi. For natives -of the Southeast, the <i>entrada</i> was also tragic. The warfare -weakened chiefdoms, and Old World diseases ravaged -populations. By the time the English and French began -their invasions in the a 17th century, the complex -mound-building chiefdoms of the region had vanished. -They were replaced by the historic tribes whose diminished -numbers were no match for westward-expanding Americans.</p> -<div class="img" id="map2"> -<img src="images/map2_lr.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="682" /> -<p class="center">Route of De Soto<br /><a class="ab1" href="images/map2_hr.jpg">High-resolution Map</a></p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_47">47</div> -<div class="img"><p class="pcap">In his swing across the Southeast, De Soto’s men -traveled over Indian trails and were sustained by Indian supplies. -Without native help it is unlikely the expedition -could have progressed much beyond the Florida interior. -The encounters with native societies—chronicled by several -participants—give the expedition significance beyond -its own time. The journals combined with archeological -and ethnographic data have enabled scholars to map -much of the route and to rediscover the lost world of -the once mighty chiefdoms of the Apalachee, Ichisi, -Ocute, Coosa, Pacaha, and other groups.</p> -<p class="pcapc">This version of the route is -based on the work of Professor -Charles Hudson and others -who have attempted to -reconstruct the entire route. -There is good scholarly consensus -for some segments, but -other parts of the route will -remain in dispute unless new -archeological evidence is -forthcoming.</p></div> -<dl class="undent pcap"><dt>De Soto Expedition. Dashed line indicates uncertain route.</dt> -<dd class="t">*Known site, possibly visited by De Soto</dd> -<dd class="t">·Uncertain Site</dd> -<dd>From Havana, Cuba</dd> -<dd class="t">De Soto National Monument</dd> -<dd>*Ucita</dd> -<dd>·Cale</dd> -<dd>*Aguacaliquen</dd> -<dd>·Napituca 15 Sept 1539</dd> -<dd class="t">Spaniards route Timacua Indians, take 200 prisoners</dd> -<dd>*Auta</dd> -<dd>*Anhaica</dd> -<dd class="t">Winter camp 1539-40</dd> -<dd>·Toa</dd> -<dd>*Ichisi</dd> -<dd class="t">Ocmulgee National Monument</dd> -<dd>*Cofitachequl</dd> -<dd class="t">May 1540 Encounter with female ruler</dd> -<dd>·Xuala</dd> -<dd>*Chiaha</dd> -<dd>*Coosa</dd> -<dd class="t">Political center of an important Indian chiefdom</dd> -<dd>·Itaba</dd> -<dd class="t">Etowah Indian Mounds State Historic Site</dd> -<dd>*Piachi</dd> -<dd>·Mabila?</dd> -<dd class="t">19 Oct 1540 Major battle with Chief Tasculuza and his allies</dd> -<dd>*Apafalaya</dd> -<dd class="t">Mound State Monument</dd> -<dd>·Chicaza</dd> -<dd class="t">Winter camp 1540-41</dd> -<dd class="t">Spaniards beat off Indian attack in spring</dd> -<dd>·Alibamu</dd> -<dd>*Quizquiz</dd> -<dd>*Aquixo</dd> -<dd>*Casqui</dd> -<dd class="t">Parkin Archeological State Park</dd> -<dd>*Pacaha</dd> -<dd class="t">Scouting parties</dd> -<dd>*Coligua</dd> -<dd>*Calpista</dd> -<dd>*Tanico</dd> -<dd>·Tula</dd> -<dd>·Autiempque</dd> -<dd class="t">Winter camp 1541-42</dd> -<dd>*Anilco</dd> -<dd>·Amihoya</dd> -<dd class="t">Winter camp 1542-43</dd> -<dd class="t">Spaniards build boats to take them down the Mississippi</dd> -<dd>·Guachoya</dd> -<dd class="t">21 May 1542 Death of De Soto</dd> -<dd class="t">Scouting parties</dd> -<dd class="t">Expedition continues under Moscoso after De Soto’s death</dd> -<dd>*Chaguate</dd> -<dd>*Naguatex</dd> -<dd>·Nondacao</dd> -<dd>·Aays</dd> -<dd>·Guasco</dd> -<dd class="t">Scouting parties</dd></dl> -</blockquote> -<div class="interlude"> </div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_48">48</div> -<p>It was a disaster, nevertheless. Twelve soldiers and -a white woman still with the army—she was pregnant—were -dead as were several score pigs and 57 horses, -the latter mourned as deeply as the men, for they -were the army’s true strength. But once again, they -rallied, improvised forges for retempering their weapons, -replaced the shafts of their lances, and learned -to patch their clothing with woven grasses, pounded -bark, and pieces of Indian blankets.</p> -<p>On May 9 or so, 1541, after more battles, they -reached the Mississippi at—no one knows, but it -seems to have been south of Memphis. While they -were marveling at the river’s size (this is from Elvas), -200 dugout canoes approached in perfect order. In -each canoe warriors, painted with ochre and bedecked -with plumes of many colors, stood erect, protecting -the oarsmen with feathered shields and bows and -arrows. The chief man of the fleet sat in his canoe -underneath an awning and likewise each lesser chief -in his canoe. The Spaniards had seen panoply before—bearers -carrying their caciques on feathered litters -while flute players marched beside—but nothing like -this. Misunderstood stories of such spectacles, as we -will see later, caused considerable trouble for the -expedition Mendoza sent north under Coronado -during this same period.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig22"> -<img src="images/i021.jpg" alt="" width="477" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">The Indians valued the brass bells and brightly colored -glass beads given them by the Spaniards. Where found, they -help authenticate Spanish presence in the 16th century. -These examples were excavated in Florida.</p> -</div> -<p>A brief parley between the cacique and De Soto -ended when nervous crossbowmen, misreading what -was going on, shot five or six of the Indians. At once -the fleet withdrew, still in perfect order, “like a famous -armada of galleys,” wrote Elvas. What follows -passes understanding. In spite of clear warnings not -to proceed, De Soto decided to go ahead. During the -next hot, humid month, the men felled trees, sawed -them into planks, and constructed barges. To avoid -detection, they crossed the river, with the horses -aboard, in the pre-dawn darkness of June 18 and -moved northwest.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_49">49</div> -<p>They spent most of the summer and fall wandering -around western Arkansas. Many scholars believe they -may have traveled up the Arkansas River almost to -eastern Oklahoma before going into their 1541-42 -winter quarters in a town (Autiamque) once again -commandeered from the Indians. Though the -weather was severe, the men stayed fairly snug. Their -slaves built a strong stockade around the camp and -dragged in ample supplies of firewood. Local Indians -provided them with buffalo robes to use as overcoats -and to sleep on, and showed them how to snare the -rabbits that frequented the nearby cornfields.</p> -<p>During the long days inside the stockade, De Soto -at last faced up to his situation. He had lost half his -force. Not all had died in battle. A few, despairing of -seeing the end of the quest, had deserted to live with -the Indians, and the number would increase if he -persisted in wandering as he had been doing. Of the -original 223 horses, only 40 remained, most of them -lame for want of shoes. The death of Juan Ortiz that -winter deprived him of his best, if very uncertain, -means of communication with the Indians. Reluctantly -he decided to turn back to Mississippi. There -he intended to build two brigantines and, manning -them with his most trustworthy men, send one to -Havana and one to Pánuco in hope that one would -be able to lead reinforcements back to those who -would wait for them at the river.</p> -<p>They reached the roily Mississippi somewhere near -the mouth of the Arkansas River. By that time a -deadly fever, perhaps malaria, was gnawing at De -Soto. Knowing death was near and bitterly resenting -the arrogant hostility of the Indians with whom he -tried to treat in his extremity, he ordered two of his -captains to go out with lancers and infantry and make -an example of the nearby town of Anilco. Not expecting -an attack, for they had not been among those -taking the lead in defying the Spaniards, the unarmed -townspeople clustered about in curiosity. A wanton -butchery followed. “About one hundred men were -slain,” wrote Elvas. “Many were allowed to get away -badly wounded, that they might strike terror into -those who were absent.” Eighty women and children -were taken prisoner.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig23"> -<img src="images/i021a.jpg" alt="" width="500" height="642" /> -<p class="pcap">This effigy from a gourd-shaped ceramic vessel was -discovered in a burial at Ocmulgee National Monument -in central Georgia. De Soto’s expedition passed near this site.</p> -</div> -<p>By the time the bloodletting was over, De Soto -could not rise from his bed. After confessing his sins -and making his will, he named Luis de Moscoso as -<span class="pb" id="Page_50">50</span> -his successor. On May 21, 1542, he died.</p> -<p>To keep the Indians from knowing the fate of the -great Child of the Sun, as he had been describing -himself to them, his followers buried him near the -entrance to the town and rode horses back and forth -to destroy signs of the digging. The Indians were -suspicious, however, and so Moscoso had the corpse -disinterred, lest the Indians dig it up and mutilate it. -A handful of men then stealthily wrapped the body -in a shroud, weighted the burden with sand, and in -the darkness of the night rowed out onto the river -and dumped it overboard.</p> -<p>De Soto’s plan to build boats for bringing in reinforcements -died with him. The men’s one desire now -was to leave this country that had brought them only -misery. But how? Remembering Narváez’s fate, they -were reluctant to try to build enough boats to carry -them home by sea. Instead they decided to march -overland to Pánuco in northern Mexico. They clung -to the decision for four months, fighting off Indians -when they had to and living off the country as they -had been doing ever since the landing at Tampa Bay. -Then, as the subtropical growth began to give way to -the desert scrub of south central Texas, they encountered, -in a village of poor huts, a woman who said, or -they thought she said, that she had seen Christians at -a place nine days’ travel away and that “she had been -in their hands, but had escaped.” Moscoso sent a -squad of cavalrymen with her in the direction she -indicated, but when she contradicted herself, or they -thought she did, they abandoned the quest.</p> -<p>The Spaniards were losing heart. They could not -live off this land of semi-nomadic Indians where little -maize grew. As winter approached, the idea of travel -by sea no longer seemed so forbidding. Wheeling -around, they regained the Mississippi in two months -of hard travel over the same trails they had come and -in December seized, for use as their fourth winter -quarters (1542-43), an Indian town (Aminoya) a little -upstream of the one which they had destroyed seven -months before.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig24"> -<img src="images/i022.jpg" alt="" width="500" height="765" /> -<p class="pcap">Mississippian culture in the Southeast (AD 1000-1600) -evolved a rich artistic tradition. The items on these pages -come from the area De Soto marched through. The effigy -vessel (7.5 inches high) and the stone axe (13 inches long) -are representative of this culture in Arkansas. The -axe, which is carved from a single piece of stone, was -probably a badge of office.</p> -</div> -<div class="img"> -<img src="images/i022b.jpg" alt="Stone Axe" width="400" height="800" /> -</div> -<p>Good timber surrounded the village, and the few -artisans still alive had clung to their tools. They made -more nails out of their meager supply of horseshoes -and other iron, contrived ropes out of bark, and sails -out of shawls collected from the Indians. To escape a -flood that sent the river out of its banks, they put -<span class="pb" id="Page_51">51</span> -their horses on anchored rafts and saved themselves -by climbing to the tops of their huts. Indians kept -paddling around their refuge in canoes. Suspicious -of their intent, Moscoso had one of his men seize a -native. Under torture the fellow said that 20 chiefs of -the surrounding tribes were conspiring to attack the -invaders. A sign would be the approach of Indians -bearing gifts of fish to lull the camp into relaxing its -guard. When the native chiefs showed up with fish as -predicted, the Spanish laid hold of them, cut off each -man’s right hand, and sent the victims back to their -villages to report that their scheme was known. Although -some of the chiefs persisted in their intrigues, -Moscoso, very much on guard now, was able to outwit -them, force submission, and acquire through it -all more heaps of shawls out of which to make sails.</p> -<p>By July the fleet was ready—seven brigantines and -several Indian-style war canoes lashed side by side. -They loaded the vessels with casks of fresh water and -several hundred bushels of corn scoured from a countryside -that could ill afford the loss. During the last -days of work they killed and ate the poorest of the -horses. The soundest, 22 all told, were put aboard, as -were a hundred slaves. The rest of the Indians they -had dragged along with them were turned loose in -this country where the tribes were hostile to them.</p> -<p>The river journey was a series of violent, if intermittent, -battles. Indians from towns they passed -swarmed after them in canoes, raining arrows on -them. Ten Spaniards and an unknown number of -slaves died, and because the horses were slowing their -flight, Moscoso at last put ashore at a defensible -spot, killed them, and dried the meat.</p> -<p>After 17 days they reached the Gulf, turned west, -and on September 10, 1543, after weeks of combatting -fretful seas, contrary winds, thirst and hunger, -311 survivors (again not counting captive Indians) -reached the Pánuco River. Said Elvas: “Many, leaping -ashore, kissed the ground; and all, on bended -knees, with hands raised above them and their eyes -to Heaven, remained untiring in giving thanks to -God.”</p> -<div class="img" id="fig25"> -<img src="images/i022c.jpg" alt="" width="500" height="501" /> -<p class="pcap">The artist’s stone palette -(12.5 inches in diameter) was found at Etowah Mounds State -Historic Site, Georgia. The engraving has been interpreted -as snake emissaries of the sun god, which is represented by the eye.</p> -</div> -<p>One of the most extraordinary marches in the annals -of the New—or Old—World had come to a -profitless end.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_52">52</div> -<h4 class="interlude">Piachi, Village in the Coosa Chiefdom</h4> -<div class="img"> -<img src="images/i023.jpg" alt="Piachi" width="1000" height="693" /> -</div> -<blockquote> -<p>After crossing the Great Smokies, De Soto in August -1540 entered the territory of a rich chiefdom called -Coosa. It dominated an area from the French Broad River -in North Carolina into central Alabama. De Soto’s -chronicler described this country as “Thickly settled in -numerous and large towns, with fields between, extending -from one to another, [it] was pleasant and had a rich -soil and fair river margins.”</p> -<p>One of the subject towns was <i>Piachi</i> (the King Site to -archeologists), on the banks of the Coosa River in northwest -Georgia. De Soto and his expedition spent a day -here in early September 1540. The chronicles are -silent on the visit, but from the archeological work of -David Hally and others, as interpreted by artist L. -Kenneth Townsend, we have a good idea of life here.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_53">53</div> -<p><i>Piachi</i> was about 5 acres in extent, protected by a -palisade and ditch. Inside were about 50 domestic -structures and a central plaza with several larger -buildings perhaps used for ceremony. Nearby were several -tall poles, from which scalps or war trophies probably -hung. About 350 persons lived here, less than -half the number of the main town of Coosa or the substantial -village of Itaba (Etowah Indian Mounds -State Historic Site to the north). A good part of the -villagers’ living came from growing corn, which they -stored in cribs. As the Spaniards traveled from village -to village, they expected the Indians to yield up food, -guides, porters, and women. Without this sustenance, the -expedition could not have covered the territory that it did.</p> -</blockquote> -<div class="interlude"> </div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_54">54</div> -<div class="img" id="fig26"> -<img src="images/i024.jpg" alt="" width="678" height="999" /> -<p class="pcap">Acoma Pueblo, New Mexico, visited by the Coronado expedition -in 1540. It is one of the oldest continuously inhabited -communities in the United States.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_55">55</div> -<h3 id="c6">Where the Fables Ended</h3> -<p>Like De Soto, Francisco Vásquez de Coronado<a class="fn" id="fr_3" href="#fn_3">[3]</a> was -a younger son who improved his minimal prospects -for worldly success by attaching himself to a patron—in -this case it was the king’s fabulously wealthy viceroy, -Antonio de Mendoza—and going with him to -the New World. They arrived in 1535, when Coronado was 25.</p> -<p>Because of Mendoza’s position and character, -Coronado’s rise was faster and more genteel than De -Soto’s. Two years after settling in Mexico City (originally -Tenochtitlán), he married Beatriz de Estrada, -an heiress whose father had been the illegitimate son -of Spain’s first king, Ferdinand. About the same -time Mendoza arranged for his appointment to Mexico -City’s governing council and shortly thereafter -named him governor of the far northern province of -Nueva Galicia. (The position was open because Nuño -de Guzmán had been arrested for slave-hunting, and -his successor had been killed while fighting Indians.) -The only battling Coronado did during those years -was putting down a revolt of black slaves in the -mining district of Amatepeque. Though he had the -rebel leaders drawn and quartered, a standard -punishment of the times, he seems to have been -more humane than many of his contemporaries.</p> -<p>Even before Coronado’s appointment was officially -announced, De Soto’s agents in Mexico notified him -that their employer had become <i>adelantado</i> of Florida. -In other words, hands off ... a bluff, since the -limits of De Soto’s jurisdiction had not been established. -But the very fact of the warning shows that De -Soto and his people were suspicious of how the winds -might be blowing in Mexico.</p> -<p>They had reason to be. Mendoza had finally put -together a reconnoitering party whose early entrance -into the desirable area would give him a prior claim -over either De Soto or Cortés. Take-off point for the -group was to be Culiacán, an outpost on the western -fringe of Nueva Galicia, 800 miles from Mexico City, -<span class="pb" id="Page_56">56</span> -that Guzmán had founded a few years earlier. The -explorers were hurried across those rough miles by -Nueva Galicia’s new governor, Francisco de Coronado, -and a retinue of restless young blades looking for -something to do. From Culiacán on, the scouts were -guided by the black, Estéban, who had traversed part -of the country with his owner, Andrés de Dorantes, -and Cabeza de Vaca. (Mendoza had purchased -Estéban from Dorantes after the three whites of the -party had turned down the viceroy’s request that they -take over the work.) Indians of the north—some of -them had come to Mexico City with Cabeza de Vaca—acted -as porters. Leader of this belatedly assembled -group was a Franciscan friar, Marcos of Niza, assisted -by a friend, Fray Onorato.</p> -<p>Fray Marcos, a native of Nice, France, spoke Spanish -clumsily, even though he had spent time with -Pedro de Alvarado’s forces in Guatemala and Pizarro’s -in Peru, where he had become familiar with the astonishing -wealth of the Incas. He is said to have been -a good cartographer and to have written learned papers -about the Indians, none of which has come to -light. He penned such an entrancing letter about -Peru to Mexico’s Archbishop, Juan de Zumárraga, -that the prelate invited him to visit Mexico City and -housed him after his arrival early in 1537. The impression -he made led the archbishop to arrange his -appointment to an important office in the Franciscan -order in New Spain, and the Viceroy to make him -leader of the search for the cities of the north.</p> -<p>Coronado and his escort covered the 800 miles to -Culiacán on horseback, as befitted grandees. Marcos’s -party walked, the friars in loose gray robes and sandaled -feet. After bidding farewell to the governor at -the outpost, the explorers and their Indian porters -forged ahead on March 7, 1539. (In two more months -De Soto would leave Cuba for Florida.) Fray Onorato -soon fell ill and turned back. Undeterred, Marcos -continued on to a settlement called Vacapa, close to -the boundary between the present-day states of -Sinaloa and Sonora. There he decided to pause while -messengers summoned Indians from the coast, for -part of his errand was to learn whether a big expedition -could be supplied by ships.</p> -<p>Estéban refused to wait. Away from the friar’s restraints, -he ceased being a slave and became a king. -During his wanderings across the continent he had -<span class="pb" id="Page_57">57</span> -learned how to get along with Indians, speak their -languages, win their gifts, and (we can suppose) entice -their young women. But he dared not simply run -away. So he said that as he advanced, accompanied -by two huge hounds and part of the Indian bearers, -he would keep Marcos informed of his gleanings. -Unable to write, he devised a symbol that could be -delivered by messengers. A small cross would signify -that he had heard of a northern city that sounded -moderately important. A medium-sized cross would -proclaim a significant city, and a big one something -truly superlative.</p> -<p>Presumably this tactic was devised to corroborate -what the messengers told Marcos to his face. Told -him—this man who knew none of the local Indian -tongues and whose Spanish was not of the best? How?</p> -<p>Actually, it would have been easy, except for -Marcos’s dangerous preconceptions. A long trade -trail linked the jungles of Mexico to the merchandising -town of Háwikuh in the Zuñi country of today’s -New Mexico. Háwikuh’s middlemen trans-shipped -along the trail tanned buffalo hides from the plains, -turquoise from New Mexico, cotton mantas from the -Hopi villages in Arizona, and bits of clear green olivine -called peridot (the source perhaps of Cabeza de -Vaca’s lost arrowheads). They received in exchange -brightly colored parrot and macaw feathers and sometimes -the birds themselves, plus coral and raw carved -seashells from the Gulf. Flowing with the goods was -a traders’ <i>lingua franca</i>, a melange of the principal -languages the merchants encountered along the way—their -own native tongue, bits of that spoken by the -Pimas and Opatas of northern Mexico, Nahuatl, the -tongue of the Aztecs, and bits of Spanish. So there -was a medium by which Estéban’s messengers, especially -the one who brought a cross as big as a man, -could talk to the eager friar.</p> -<p>From the cross’s bearers and from other informants -along the way, Marcos heard of, and sent back -reports to Mendoza, about the rich kingdom called -Cíbola and its seven cities, one of which, he understood, -was also named Cíbola. Terraced houses of -stone rose three and four stories high. Doors were -decorated with turquoise: clothing and ornaments -were lavish. Near to this magnificent kingdom were -others, equally rich.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig27"> -<img src="images/i025.jpg" alt="" width="500" height="765" /> -<p class="pcap">Antonio de Mendoza, first viceroy of New Spain. A capable -administrator, he laid the foundations for three centuries -of Spanish rule in the Americas. He encouraged industry, -education, and the work of the church. Firm -but just, he tried to protect the Indians from the worst -abuses but was not able to bring about emancipation.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_58">58</div> -<div class="img" id="fig28"> -<img src="images/i026.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="732" /> -<p class="pcap">Coronado saw country like this south of -Santa Fe, New Mexico, as he marched toward the Great Plains.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_60">60</div> -<p>Mere travelers’ yarns? Not necessarily. Consider -who Estéban’s messengers were. They resided in -small, trailside settlements made up of <i>jacals</i> built of -mud-daubed sticks. In comparison, the terraced pueblos -of Arizona and New Mexico, inhabited by hundreds -of people who had sufficient leisure to attend -to other pursuits than just getting enough to eat—such -places, which most of them had only heard about -from boastful peddlers, were bound to seem impressive. -Talking through interpreters in signs and their -<i>lingua franca</i> jumble, they tried to convey their wonder -to Marcos—as did one person who said he was a -native of Cíbola and apparently enjoyed bragging -about it. While listening, moreover, Marcos was remembering -the Incas and Aztecs and the legends of -the Seven Cities of Antilia. Seven in Cíbola as well! -Whose imagination would not be fired?</p> -<p>He never overtook Estéban. According to his report -to Mendoza, he and his retinue of Indians had -been toiling for 12 days across a <i>despoblado</i> (uninhabited -region) and were within three days’ march of -the city of Cíbola when one of the black’s erstwhile -companions met them and said, weeping, that the -Cíbolans had slain Estéban out of fear that he had -come as a spy for would-be conquerors—as, in fact, -he had. Two days later, the tale was confirmed by -other Indians who had fled from Cíbola “covered -with blood and many wounds.”</p> -<p>Convinced they were walking to their deaths, all -but a handful of Marcos’s followers deserted him. -With those few, he wrote later, he went cautiously -forward until he glimpsed the city. It rose before his -eyes more magnificent “than the city of Mexico.” -And equally wealthy kingdoms lay beyond.</p> -<p>Deciding to rename Cíbola St. Francis after the -patron saint of his order, Marcos erected a heap of -stones, placed a cross atop it, and announced to the -air that he was taking possession for Spain. Then -back he hastened, “more satiated with fear than food.” -So he said.</p> -<p>Skeptics have long argued that Fray Marcos never -got anywhere near Cíbola. They point to the vagueness -of his report, which nowhere describes topographical -features, vegetation, or soil types, although -his instructions had directed him to study all those -things. They also insist that he could not have tarried -in Indian towns and have made side trips searching -for the coast, as he claimed he did, and still have -<span class="pb" id="Page_61">61</span> -reached and returned from Cíbola in the time known -to have elapsed. And how could he have mistaken a -relatively small, mud-plastered pueblo for a metropolis -grander than Mexico City?</p> -<p>Supporters of the friar, unwilling to believe a man -of the cloth could be an out-and-out liar, juggle time -figures their own way and suggest that his impression -of the pueblo was an optical illusion produced by -slanting rays of morning sunlight and made more -vivid by the mixture of weariness, excitement, hope, -and fear with which he regarded his goal. They also -point out that when a full-scale expedition marched -north to take possession of the country, he went along. -Would he have done that if his statements were lies -that would inevitably be exposed?</p> -<p>It seems likely that he did turn back immediately -after learning, at some distance from Cíbola, of -Estéban’s death. But vanity and fear of consequences -would not let him admit the truth to the Viceroy and -the governor. So he concocted a tale out of the descriptions -he had heard from Indians along the way—descriptions -he believed, reasonably enough, were -accurate and would bear scrutiny later on.</p> -<p>His temporal superiors accepted his statements -partly out of an eager credulity of their own and -partly because they were in a hurry to complete their -claims to the Seven Cities. (De Soto was already in -Florida; three ships outfitted by Cortés and commanded -by Francisco de Ulloa were tacking north -along the coast looking for sea approaches to the -new kingdoms.) It has even been charged that the -Viceroy, Mendoza, may have suggested some of the -glowing details that were incorporated into Marcos’s -report. Most certainly he rewarded the friar by -pressuring the Order of St. Francis to make him, -rather than candidates who had been around much -longer, the father-provincial of the Franciscans in -Mexico. As a result, pulpits began resounding with -homilies on the work that awaited the pious—and, by -implication, the enterprising—in the north. This of -course stimulated recruiting, not only of idle <i>hidalgos</i> -but of solid men with money enough to equip themselves -and their followers for an extensive journey.</p> -<p>Mendoza reputedly put 60,000 ducats into the -venture. Coronado added 50,000 that he raised by -mortgaging his wife’s property. But they were not -completely reckless. They ordered Melchior Díaz, -<span class="pb" id="Page_62">62</span> -mayor of Culiacán, to go north with soldiers and -Indians and gather specifics about geography that -Marcos had neglected to describe (not having seen -it) but that an army on the march would find useful.</p> -<p>By February 22, 1540, less than seven months after -Marcos’s return, Mendoza and Coronado had gathered -the bulk of their army at Nueva Galicia’s drab -capital, Compostela, some 525 miles west of Mexico -City. For the place and times it was a brave show: -about 225 cavalrymen, 62 foot soldiers, an unrecorded -number of black slaves, and upwards of 700 variously -painted Indians. The group’s equipment, like that of -De Soto’s army, was a melange. There were a few -suits of armor, including Coronado’s gilded one, some -cuirasses, coats of mail, and plumed helmets but far -more jackets of buckskin and padded cotton, high -boots, and leather shields.</p> -<p>The Indians were camptenders, stockherders, and -warriors, but not bearers, for unlike De Soto, -Mendoza and Coronado meant to enforce royal orders -that forbade turning natives into beasts of burden. -Some of the Indians had wives and children -along, as did three Spaniards, in spite of edicts against -camp followers. Hardly noticeable in the throng were -five gray-robed friars, including Marcos, who probably -should not have left his new job as Father Superior -so soon. Yet he, too, had a big stake in this trip.</p> -<p>Some 1,500 saddle and pack animals, both horses -and mules, had been gathered to provide transportation. -Many of the cavalrymen had more than one -mount; Coronado took along 23. Each soldier was -responsible for his personal gear, and since few -<i>hidalgos</i> had the least idea of how to pack a horse, -many impromptu rodeos occurred. But “in the end,” -wrote chronicler Pedro de Castañeda, “necessity, -which is all-powerful, made them skillful ... and anybody -who despised this work was not considered a -man.” In addition to the horse herd, there was a -movable larder of about a thousand cattle, sheep, -and goats.</p> -<p>Though Mendoza had planned to lead the expedition, -the demands of his office prevented it, and he -turned command over to Coronado, then aged 30. -The next day the confused, dusty march began, over -high hills and through vales full of thickets. Trouble -awaited at Chiametla, where once Cortés and Guzmán -had confronted each other over a ship. Resentful -<span class="pb" id="Page_63">63</span> -Indians attacked a foraging party led by Coronado’s -second-in-command, killed him, and wounded five -or six others. On top of that, in came Melchoir Díaz -with discouraging reports of what he had learned -during his scouting trip. Though heavy snow had -kept him from entering the mountains north of Arizona’s -Gila River, he had interviewed several Indian -traders who supposedly knew Cíbola, and they had -led him to believe there was little, if any, silver or -gold in the area. And the road there, which Marcos -had said was good, was very bad.</p> -<p>Rumors of the report leaked out and upset the -soldiers. Marcos quieted them during one of his sermons: -Díaz hadn’t gone far enough. A preacher’s -word against that of a frontier roughneck. Coronado, -at least, was placated: why let go of either his credulity -or his investment this early in the game? But he -was worried about dragging the whole cumbersome -army over a bad trail into a <i>despoblado</i> lacking in -supplies. So he decided to go ahead with a vanguard -of 80 horsemen, 30 or so footmen, an unknown -number of Indians, some livestock, and the expedition’s -five friars. He placed the main army under; -Tristan de Arellano, told him to stay in Culiacán for -20 more days and then advance to the Indian town of -Corazones in the heart of Sonora, where further instructions -would be sent him.</p> -<p>It took Coronado’s vanguard from April 22 to July 7, -1540—eleven weeks, counting rest stops—to cover -the thousand miles that separated Culiacán from -Cíbola. (During those same weeks De Soto’s hungry -men were marching through Georgia into the city of -pearls and on across the Appalachians into Alabama.) -Hard weeks on rough trails. Contrary to what Marcos -had said, they were veering farther and farther from -the coast. Yet at that very time, Hernando de Alarcón -was sailing northward with three ships loaded with -supplies for him. How were they to make contact?</p> -<p>As events developed, they never did, and the vanguard -crossed the shimmering San Pedro plains into -what was to be the United States with an increasing -apprehension that all gates were shutting behind -them. They followed the tree-shaded San Pedro River -north to the vicinity of Benson, Arizona, and then, -with Melchior Díaz pointing the way, left it and -worked on through a series of broad-bottomed, -mountain-bracketed valleys to the Gila River, reaching -it where Mt. Turnbull bulks huge against the sky. -An enormity of space and remoteness. One can still -feel it, for unlike the southeastern United States, -where De Soto marched, this land has been but little -scarred by man’s devouring technologies.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_64">64</div> -<h4 class="interlude">First Blood at Cíbola</h4> -<div class="img"> -<img src="images/i027.jpg" alt="Coronado's March Through Puebloland" width="1000" height="690" /> -</div> -<blockquote> -<div class="pb" id="Page_65">65</div> -<p>At Cíbola, Coronado had his first encounter with the -Pueblo world. His army was six months into the expedition -and worn down from crossing a wilderness. Food -was short, his porters (blacks) and Indians were deserting, -horses were dying of exhaustion.</p> -<p>The first sight of Cíbola—the legendary kingdom of -the north—dismayed the Spaniards. They found not a -shining city of gold but only mud huts stacked one atop -another and a crowd of armed warriors. This was -Háwikuh, western-most of a cluster of Zuñi towns, -now a ruin a few miles south of the present pueblo of the -same name.</p> -<p>Wanting food, Coronado -sent forward a party with an -interpreter, friars, and cavalry. -This is the moment illustrated -by artist Louis S. -Glanzman. The interpreter -tells Háwikuh’s war leaders -that the Spaniards have -come to claim the country -for King and Savior and -wish them no harm. The Indians -pay this no attention. An -elder draws a line of sacred -corn meal in the sand. The -Spaniards hesitate. Arrows -fly. The army storms the village. -Soon a dozen Indians -lie dead while the rest flee. -The famished soldiers break -into the stores. Peace follows -and this pueblo becomes -Coronado’s base camp for -the next few months.</p> -</blockquote> -<div class="interlude"> </div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_66">66</div> -<p>They climbed the rough Gila Mountains, found -relief in high, open meadows, but then had to scramble -over the Natanes Plateau and pitch down a steep -Indian trail into the Black River gorge. On beyond -that they came to a more difficult crossing of the -<i>barranca</i>, as they called the canyon, of the White -River. The water was so deep they had to build rafts -to get across. Then on through more pines and meadows -whose beauty they scarcely noticed. They were -so hungry that at one camp they ate lush-looking -plants—perhaps wild parsnip, perhaps water hemlocks—that -twisted them with cramps; one Spaniard -and two blacks perished.</p> -<p>Two days later, amidst bare, rolling hills, they passed -the Little Colorado and started up Zuñi Creek. Knowing -that Cíbola and its food supplies were near, the -men wanted to hurry, but Coronado, ever cautious, -sent out scouts under tough Garcia López de -Cárdenas, and kept the main force moving slowly -behind. Near midnight, Indians attacked the reconnoitering -group and stampeded some of its horses. -Quelling a brief panic, the invaders swept the Indians -aside, but the portent was clear. The Cíbolans were -going to defend their homes.</p> -<p>As the Spaniards emerged from a scattering of -junipers onto a flat plain, they saw, hardly half a mile -away, a low spur protruding from a line of hills. On -top of the spur was a city of sorts. Blank tan walls -rose three and, in places, four stories high. Clusters -of people on top. Cornfields and squat houses at the -base of the spur. “There are,” Casteñada wrote in -disgust, “haciendas in New Spain which make a better -appearance at a distance.” And he added, “Such -were the curses that some hurled at Fray Marcos that -I pray God may protect him from them.”</p> -<p>Points of view. Modern archeologists have discovered -data about the Pueblo (Anasazi) Indians that -were unknown to the Spaniards. For one thing, population -in general was declining in the 16th century, -but towns were growing because survivors were congregating -in them, perhaps as a defense against raiding -nomads. One major population center was the six, -<span class="pb" id="Page_67">67</span> -not seven, pueblos of the area now known as the Zuñi -reservation, then called Cíbola. (No single “city” -had that name; that was just another misunderstanding -of Marcos.) The town of Háwikuh lay farthest -to the southwest and hence dominated the ancient -trade trails leading from the entire Pueblo country to -Mexico, the Gulf Coast, and those parts of Southern -California bordering on the Pacific. Háwikuh, -accordingly—and all Cíbola—seemed important to -the inhabitants of a considerable area, a notion -Marcos had picked up and relayed to his superiors, -as we have seen.</p> -<p>The Spaniards, however, had not come looking -for dealers in hides, feathers, and imported sea -shells. In spite of doubts and warnings that must have -troubled them along the way, it was still impossible -for them to adjust in one stunning moment to this -thunderclap of reality. They went on doing what they -probably would have done if the army of the Grand -Khan had advanced to meet them. Cavalrymen made -sure their saddle girths were tight, footmen readied -their weapons, which had not been well cared for -during the march, and together they moved toward -the Indians, whose leaders drew magic lines of corn-meal -on the ground and blew angrily on conch shell -trumpets. With bows and war clubs they gestured -for the invaders to leave. No women or children were -in sight, and the numbers of warriors indicated that -the neighboring towns had sent reinforcements. -None seemed awed by the sight of horses.</p> -<p>Dutifully the Spaniards went through the ritual of -the <i>requerimiento</i>. Cárdenas, a few cavalrymen, a -notary, an interpreter, and two priests approached -the Indians. The interpreter read a proclamation -stating that God’s representative, the Pope, had -awarded this part of the world to the monarchs of -Spain. All who submitted to his majesty’s authority -and also accepted Christianity with its promises of -salvation would be embraced as friends. Those who -did not would be treated as enemies.</p> -<p>The answer was a shower of arrows that did no -harm. Coronado next went forward, holding out gifts -as a sign of peace. Mistaking the offering for timidity, -the Indians rushed forward. The invaders countered -with a charge. Evidently the horses did inspire terror -then, for the Indians broke and fled. Some were -downed on the plain, but most gained the town and -climbed onto the flat roofs, where they continued -their gestures of defiance.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_68">68</div> -<h4 class="interlude">To Pecos and Beyond</h4> -<blockquote> -<div class="img"> -<img src="images/i028a.jpg" alt="Map: Coronado's March Through Puebloland" width="800" height="434" /> -</div> -<p>Marching from Cíbola to Pecos, Alvarado’s soldiers -saw Puebloland in the morningtide of its history, a time -of prosperity and relative peace. Village after village -welcomed the Spaniards. At Acoma, built on a mesa, “the -natives ... came down to meet us peacefully” and gave -the Spaniards supplies for their journey. In Tiguex province, -they met Indians “more devoted to agriculture than -to war” who gave them food, cloth, and skins. At the -huge pueblo of Braba (present Taos), more hospitality. -Cicuyé (Pecos), their destination, greeted Alvarado -with drums and flutes and plied the soldiers with clothing -and turquoise (but the women kept hidden). The -record is clear that when the intruders came peacefully, -first encounters were not always hostile.</p> -</blockquote> -<div class="img"> -<img src="images/i028b.jpg" alt="Coronado’s army on the march" width="1000" height="700" /> -</div> -<div class="interlude"> </div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_70">70</div> -<p>Perhaps there was no gold in the town, but there -was food and the Spaniards were half-starved. -Coronado deployed horsemen entirely around the -town to prevent anyone’s escaping while he himself -dismounted and led an attack on foot up the slope -toward the pueblo’s single narrow, twisting entry. Clad -in gilded armor that attracted attention (and must -have been clumsy to run in), he was straightway -knocked senseless by a huge stone. Two officers -shielded his body while he was dragged to safety.</p> -<p>Advantage of position was with the defenders, and -the Spaniards, we are told, were in bad shape. The -strings of the crossbows, rotted by the sun, snapped -when cranked tight. The arquebusers were too weak -from hunger and heat to join the onslaught. Yet no -one was killed and only a dozen were hurt. Within -less than an hour the town surrendered, an outcome -difficult to understand unless the defenders hurled -their missiles so wildly that none took effect, whereupon -they gave up, terrified by the enemy’s relentless -momentum and flashing swords, a weapon they had -never before encountered.</p> -<p>After Coronado had recovered from his concussion -and his men had sated their hunger on Háwikuh’s -corn, beans, and turkeys (which the Indians raised -for feathers rather than food), he began assessing his -situation. Couriers brought in delegations from the -neighboring towns, and he put what he learned from -them into a long letter he wrote Mendoza and dated -August 3, 1540. It is a prized ethnographical document -now because of its generally accurate descriptions of -the Pueblos. Mendoza must have found it discouraging. -No gold. But Coronado was determined, he -wrote, to keep pressing the search. To strengthen his -forces he sent orders, via the letter-bearers, for the -bulk of the main army to advance to Háwikuh. The -remainder were to establish a halfway station beside -the long trail. This station was entrusted to Melchior -Díaz. As soon as Díaz had put things in shape there, -he was to ride to the Gulf in search of Alarcón’s -supply ships. Fray Marcos, ill, disgraced, and fearing -for his safety, went home with the messengers.</p> -<div class="img"><p class="pcap"><span class="noti">On Cíbola: “Although [the Seven Cities] are not decorated -with turquoises, nor made of lime or good bricks, -nevertheless they are very good houses, three, four, and -five storeys high, and they have very ... good rooms -with corridors, and some quite good apartments underground -and paved, which are built for winter and are something -like hot-houses [kivas].... In [Háwikuh] are perhaps 200 -houses, all surrounded by a wall.... The people of these -towns are fairly large and seem to me to be quite intelligent -... most of them are entirely naked except for the -covering required for decency ... they wear the hair on their -heads like the Mexicans, and are well formed and comely -... the food they eat in this country consists of maize, of -which they have a great abundance, beans, and game.... -They make the best tortillas I have ever seen anywhere, and -this is what everybody ordinarily eats.”</span></p> -<p class="pcapc">—<i>Coronado to Mendoza, 3 August 1540</i></p></div> -<p>Meanwhile exploring parties had gone northwest -from Háwikuh to lay claim to the “kingdom of -Tusayan,” or, as we would say, the Hopi villages. Nothing -<span class="pb" id="Page_71">71</span> -the Spaniards wanted was there, either—except -for ill-understood talk about a big river farther to the -west. It could be crucial. It must flow into the sea -and might furnish a route inland for Alarcón. Promptly -Coronado ordered Garcia López de Cárdenas to -investigate.</p> -<p>The result was the first sighting, by Europeans, of -the Grand Canyon at a point generally believed to -have been Desert View. Awed by the chasm, the party -explored along the rim until thirst turned them back. -Clearly such a stream could not serve as a supply route.</p> -<p>A few weeks later and many hundreds of miles -farther downstream Melchior Díaz at last unearthed -(literally) the first clues about Hernando de Alarcón’s -whereabouts. After straightening out affairs at the -halfway station named San Gerónimo, he led 25 cavalrymen -and some Indians west to the Gulf’s torrid -coast, driving a herd of sheep along for food. A swing -north along the desolate beaches brought him to the -banks of a river. He continued along it for perhaps 90 -miles, until encountering Indians who showed him -where another bearded man like himself had hidden -some letters. The documents he dug up have since -disappeared, but from other sources it is possible to -guess what they said.</p> -<p>Alarcón had reached the river mouth about August -25, 1540. He had been preceded there by Cortés’s -man, Francisco de Ulloa, who a year earlier had been -trying to find an inlet that would enable his commander -to beat Mendoza to the Seven Cities. Because -Ulloa believed that Baja California was an island, he -had been surprised to find himself pinched into the -head of a gulf. A most disconcerting place—shoals, -seemingly bottomless mudbanks, and a terrifying tidal -bore, raging tumults of water caused when the inflowing -tide rushed in a great wave upriver against -the current.</p> -<p>The sight had turned Ulloa back, but Alarcón was -more persistent. He worked a tortuous way through -the shoals and, with waves dashing over the deck of -his flagship, rode the bore into the channel on August -26. Unable to sail upward against the current, he -anchored his three vessels behind a protecting point. -Lowering two ship’s launches, he ticked off 20 men, -some to work the oars, the others to walk along the -bank, pulling two ropes. Eventually Cócopa Indians -appeared, highly excited. None of them understood -<span class="pb" id="Page_72">72</span> -the <i>lingua franca</i> of his interpreter, but by signs and a -passing out of trinkets, Alarcón in time prevailed on -them to bring food and to help with the cordelling.</p> -<p>On September 6, two months after the battle at -Háwikuh, the slow-moving boats reached, it is believed, -a point near the junction of the Colorado and -Gila rivers, the site of today’s Yuma, Arizona. Nearby, -Alarcón’s interpreter found Indians with whom he -could converse. Their news was startling. Far inland, -white men were causing trouble among the native -inhabitants. Coronado’s army, surely, which Alarcón -had been directed to supply. But how?</p> -<p>When none of his own men and none of the -Indians would agree to carry a message to Háwikuh, -Alarcón decided to return to the ships, take on -fresh supplies, and go to Cíbola himself. During the -attempt he advanced one day’s journey farther upstream -than he had gone before, but then physical difficulties -and the growing hostility of the Indians -forced him to halt. After burying the letter Díaz found, -he returned to Mendoza with valuable information -about the new land—but, again, no gold.</p> -<p>Having found the letter, Díaz continued upstream -for another five or six days, perhaps to learn whether -this was indeed the lower end of the big river about -which the Hopis had spoken. Evidently satisfied that -it was, he sent the Indian footmen of his party and -the sheep across the stream on rafts made of reeds. -Riders swam over on their horses, and the whole -party turned back downstream. At some point in -those grisly deserts, Díaz’s greyhound began tormenting -a sheep. Díaz ran at the dog with his lance. -The point stuck in the ground. Before he could stop -his horse, the butt pierced his groin. His distraught -men put him on a litter, recrossed the river (it is very -low in the fall of the year), and hurried toward San -Gerónimo, to no avail. He died and was buried no -one knows where.</p> -<p>Of the Coronado party’s far-flung explorations, the -one that had the greatest impact on its future was -Hernando de Alvarado’s trip to the Great Plains. It -was touched off by the appearance at Háwikuh, late -in August, of a still undefined party of Indians—traders -probably, but perhaps a group who felt they -should learn more about what was going on in Cíbola.</p> -<p>They hailed from the pueblo of Cicuyé, located -near a river we call Pecos in north-central New Mexico. -<span class="pb" id="Page_73">73</span> -(Cicuyé was the inhabitants’ name for their town; -Pecos, now applied to both the river and the pueblo -ruins, derives from <i>Pekush</i>, a word other Pueblo Indians -used in speaking of the settlement.) The travelers -were led by an elder whom the Spaniards called -<i>Cacique</i>, as if it were a name. (Actually, it was an -Arawak word meaning “chief.” The <i>conquistadores</i> -had picked it up first in the West Indies and later had -applied it to Indian leaders throughout Latin America.) -Accompanying Cacique was a husky, talkative -young man adorned with drooping mustaches, unusual -in an Indian. Coronado’s people named him -<i>Bigotes</i>, or, in English, Whiskers. Bigotes apparently -spoke some Nahuatl, which meant he could converse -after a fashion with a few of the explorers, notably -Father Juan de Padilla, who seems to have been going -slowly mad. Another attention-catcher among the -visitors was an Indian from the Great Plains who had -a painted picture of a buffalo on his bare chest.</p> -<p>Coronado considered the newcomers a peace delegation. -He gave them glass trinkets, beads, and little -bells that entranced them. They responded with head -dresses, shields, and a wooly hide that, they signified, -had been taken from an animal like the one pictured -on the chest of one of their number. As the concept -became clearer, pulses jumped, for here was a firm -tie-in with Cabeza de Vaca’s story about the huge -“cows” of the new land and of multistoried cities -nearby.</p> -<p>Eager to learn more, Coronado prevailed on the -amiable group to lead a party of his own men eastward -to see Cicuyé and its surrounding lands—24 -riders, four crossbowmen, Fray Juan de Padilla, and a -lay brother, Luís de Ubeda. In high spirits they struck -off through a malpais of congealed, jumbled, sharp-edged -boulders of black lava that made the riders -dismount and lead their suffering animals. This short-cut -brought them to the amazing town of Acucu -(today’s Acoma), perched on the summit of a butte -approachable (as far as the Spaniards saw) only by a -stairway carved into the pink sandstone. After an -uneasy confrontation at the base of the cliffs, the -Indians of Acucu invited them to climb arduously to -the top, where they were heaped with presents of -hides, cotton cloth, turkeys and other foods.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig29"> -<img src="images/i029.jpg" alt="" width="500" height="586" /> -<p class="pcap">The immense headland of El Morro, also known as Inscription -Rock, was a landmark for western travelers. Lured by -the shaded pool at the base, they camped nearby and often -left a record of their passage in the rock’s soft sandstone -face. The party that Coronado dispatched to Acoma in -August 1540 passed well south of the mesa and probably -never saw it. The main army that ascended the Zuñi Valley -several months later may have stopped at El Morro, -but if so, they left no inscriptions. The headland is now -the centerpiece of El Morro National Monument.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_74">74</div> -<h4 class="interlude">Acoma: Ancient Village in the Sky</h4> -<div class="img"> -<img src="images/i030.jpg" alt="Acoma" width="1000" height="568" /> -</div> -<blockquote> -<div class="pb" id="Page_75">75</div> -<p>Acoma embodies a thousand -years of Pueblo life. According -to an origin belief, -the first dwellers were guided -here by <i>Iatiku</i>, “mother of -all Indians.” Archeologists -trace occupation to at least -late Basketmaker times (AD -700). A few centuries later, -ancestral Pueblos are living -on top in houses of stone -and adobe.</p> -<p>The native word for Acoma -is <i>ʔá-·k′u</i>, a word of ancient -root that means “place of preparedness.” In September -1540, Alvarado’s men arrived at the great rock and -marveled at the sight of the village and its people (about -200) on top. “The village was very strong,” said a Spaniard, -so difficult of access that no army could assault it.</p> -<p>The Acomans came down to the plain ready to fight the -Spaniards. But when they saw that the intruders could -not be frightened off, they offered peace and gave them -food and deerskins.</p> -<p>This illustration is artist -L. Kenneth Townsend’s interpretation -of the village about -1540—a world outside time.</p> -</blockquote> -<div class="interlude"> </div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_76">76</div> -<p>Pleasant encounters characterized the rest of the -journey east. Alvarado sent a cross ahead of his party -to the “province” of Tiguex (rendered Tiwa today), a -concentration of 12 pueblos located on both sides of -the Rio Grande in a broad valley at the foot of the -abrupt Sandía Mountains. Thus prepared, retinues -of important elders greeted them, decked out in ceremonial -regalia and marching to the shrill piping of -bone flutes. Presumably either Alvarado or Fray -Padilla read them the <i>requerimiento</i> that made each -town subject to the King of Spain. To this they added -the Church’s authority by erecting in the villages -they visited, as far north as Braba (Taos), large crosses -made by Brother Luis de Ubeda with an adze and -chisel he had brought along for this purpose. Reactions -were surprising, perhaps because the Indians -also used varieties of the cross pattern in some of -their ceremonies. They eagerly bedecked Brother -Luis’s Christian symbols with prayer feathers and rosettes -made of plant fiber, sometimes climbing on -each other’s shoulders to reach the tops of the -cruciforms.</p> -<p>Impressed by Tiguex’s friendly people and stores -of food, Alvarado sent Coronado a message suggesting -that the recombined army winter there rather -than in the high, cold lands of Cíbola. Then on he -went across what is now called Glorieta Pass into -the valley of the Pecos River.</p> -<p>There on a flat-topped ridge between a tributary -stream and the main river was the finest pueblo the -Spaniards had seen. The pattern was familiar: terraced -houses rising four stories high around several -plazas. Additional storage was provided in extensions -running out from some of the corners of the main -square. Balconies that provided walkways for the people -on the upper floors served also to shade those -beneath. Ladders running through holes in the walks -served in the place of stairs. A constant need for -firewood and building material had eliminated the -forests for a mile or more around the pueblo, opening -fine vistas of the high peaks of the Sangre de -Cristo Mountains to the north, the red cliffs of -Glorieta Mesa to the west, and the lower Tecolote -foothills to the east.</p> -<p>By dominating the main trail linking the Plains -Indians and the Pueblos of the Southwest, Cicuyé -had become an even more powerful trade center than -Háwikuh, and its people boasted that no enemy had -been able to conquer them. But what of these bearded -<span class="pb" id="Page_77">77</span> -strangers who, with their swords and horses, had overrun -Háwikuh in a single rush? Acting perhaps on the -advice of Bigotes and Cacique, the people of Cicuyé -decided to be friendly. An unarmed delegation -marched out beating drums, playing on bone whistles, -and carrying gifts. They listened blankly to the -reading of the <i>requerimiento</i>, which demanded their -submission to the King of Spain, then let the strangers -rest among them for a few days (meanwhile keeping -their young women out of sight), and gladly -furnished guides when Alvarado announced he wished -to continue far enough east to see the “cows” and the -people who lived among them.</p> -<p>The guides were Plains Indians. Though they have -been called “slaves” of Bigotes and Cacique, it seems -more likely they were traders who, having been -stranded in Cicuyé after bartering their goods, earned -their keep by performing menial tasks while waiting -for an opportunity to return home. One was named -Ysopete, and may have been—accounts vary—the -youth whose chest bore the tattoo of a buffalo. A -Wichita Indian from central Kansas, Ysopete designated -his homeland as Quivira: thus a new word in -American mythology. With him was El Turco, the -Turk, so-called by the Spaniards “because,” wrote -Pedro de Castañeda, “he looked like one.” The resemblance -probably arose from his turban, a headdress -used by the Pawnees of eastern Kansas, or, in -the Turk’s language, Harahey.</p> -<p>Shortly after reaching the plains east of the Pecos -River, Alvarado’s explorers found themselves in the -middle of a vast herd of buffalo. Lancing the huge -beasts from a running horse and afterwards dining -on the tender, roasted meat of their humps made for -high living, but the sport was soon forgotten in a -greater excitement. The Turk said he knew where -there was gold. In Quivira. And even more in Harahey.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig30"> -<img src="images/i031.jpg" alt="" width="500" height="763" /> -<p class="pcap">This ancient pueblo kiva at Pecos is one of two restored -kivas in the park. At center is the firepit and stone draft deflector.</p> -</div> -<p>Did the Pawnee (if he was a Pawnee) really say -that? Some anthropologists, Carroll Riley and Mildred -Mott Wedell among them, have wondered. As a -trader, the Turk knew a smattering of Nahuatl, as did -the missionary friar, Juan de Padilla, one of his chief -interrogators. To this stumbling <i>lingua franca</i>, El -Turco added the fluent sign language of the Plains -Indians, bits of which the Spaniards were beginning -to pick up, though not as skillfully as they thought. -Moreover, the talkers on both sides were discussing -<span class="pb" id="Page_78">78</span> -ideas and objects the others know nothing about. -These opportunities for misunderstanding were immeasurably -increased by the determination of Juan de -Padilla to find the legendary Seven Cities of Antilia.</p> -<p>A word about Padilla. He had served as a soldier -under Cortés in Mexico until deciding to enter the -Franciscan order. He was hot-tempered, obstinate, -and consumed with the hope of bringing the lost -citizens—the wealthy, Christian citizens—of Antilia -back into the mainstream of Catholicism. He believed -implicitly that their gorgeous metropolises lay somewhere -in the north. Meager Háwikuh and the Hopi -villages had shocked him profoundly, but word of -true urban centers farther east—Quivira!—reinvigorated -his faith. He talked earnestly to the Turk about -the kind of places he wanted to discover and listened -with intense preconceptions to the trader’s answers.</p> -<p>Out yonder, the Turk told him, was a wide river -full of fish as big as horses. The canoes on the river -held 20 or more rowers to a side, and their lords sat -in the sterns under brilliant awnings. This tale corresponds -with what the Gentleman of Elvas said about -the canoes De Soto saw on reaching the Mississippi -half a year later. So maybe El Turco had witnessed, -during his wanderings, the Indian flotillas of the lower -Mississippi and the fish as well—gar can reach 10 -feet in length. The chiefs of the canoe tribes, he went -on, were lulled to sleep by little bells of gold (<i>acochis</i>) -tinkling in the breeze. They ate (a standard fantasy) -from dishes molded out of <i>acochis</i>. But <i>acochis</i>, it -developed years later, was a Spanish rendering of -<i>hawichis</i>, a generic Pawnee term for any metal. Copper, -perhaps? It was rare on the Plains and in the -Southwest, but there was some and it was displayed -conspicuously by important men.</p> -<p>That may be all the Turk said at first. But it was -not all that Padilla and the rest of Alvarado’s explorers -heard. They harassed the Indian for proof that he -was telling the truth. Frightened, eager to get them -off his back, and desirous, possibly, of causing trouble -for Bigotes, whom he may not have liked, El Turco -said he had once owned a bit of <i>acochis</i>, but that -Whiskers had taken it from him. The Spaniards understood -that the object was a bracelet.</p> -<p>By then the autumn days were growing cold, and it -was time for Alvarado to rejoin the army assembling -in the Rio Grande Valley. On his way back through -<span class="pb" id="Page_79">79</span> -Cicuyé, he confronted Bigotes and Cacique with El -Turco’s charge. They said they know nothing about -the matter. Reluctant to set himself up as judge without -Coronado’s authorization, Alvarado seized the -pair, put them in chains—as he later did the Turk -and Ysopete when the one-time guides sought to -disappear—and hurried out of the pueblo through a -shower of curses and arrows hurled after him by the -outraged inhabitants.</p> -<p>In Tiguex, too, affability had vanished. To provide -shelter for the main army, which was moving eastward -in sections, an advance group under hard-fisted -Garcia López de Cárdenas had turned the people of -Alcanfor pueblo out of their homes to find whatever -refuge they could in neighboring towns. Coronado, -who had taken a portion of the troops on a swing -through the pueblos northwest of Tiguex, had just -moved into the new quarters when Alvarado appeared -with his captives. Immeasurably relieved by the -thought that the costly expedition still might succeed, -the general told Padilla, aflame with visions of the -Seven Cities, and Alvarado to get the truth from -Bigotes however they could. The inquisitors took him -into a snowy field and set a war dog on him. Partly it -was bluff; the victim was scarred but not disabled. -Cacique, too, was attacked by a dog but less severely -because of his age. Throughout the ordeal, which -created deep resentment along the Rio Grande, both -men persistently denied all knowledge of gold.</p> -<p>No dogs were set on the Turk. Though he, along -with Ysopete, was also kept in chains so that he would -be on hand when needed in the spring, his veracity -was not questioned. For if the Turk was not believed, -the expedition lost its meaning.</p> -<p>Until spring did arrive, survival was the goal. At -first the Spaniards paid for the blankets, warm clothing, -and food they requisitioned. Later, when the Indians, -who had little surplus, held back, foraging -parties roamed far and wide, taking what they desired -without recompense, including in at least one -case, a Puebloan’s wife.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig31"> -<img src="images/i032.jpg" alt="" width="500" height="505" /> -<p class="pcap">Restored kiva of Kuaua pueblo, now preserved at -Coronado State Park, Bernillilo, N.M. This village was -long thought to be the Alcanfor pueblo that Cárdenas -occupied. Though excavations in the 1930s failed to -prove the speculation, the diggers did find these extraordinary kiva murals.</p> -</div> -<p>Sensing correctly that the horses were the Spaniards’ -main strength, the Indians struck at one part of -the herd, killing two dozen or so animals and stampeding -many others. Such attacks could portend disaster. -With Coronado’s blessing, Cárdenas stormed -Arenal, the center of resistance. After breaching the -<span class="pb" id="Page_80">80</span> -walls with battering rams, the Europeans lighted -smudge fires around the houses. As the gasping Indians -fled into the open, making signs of peace, -mounted horsemen struck down many. Others were -tied to stakes and burned alive—a scene the Turk, -Ysopete, and Bigotes were forced to watch so that -they could tell the people of their villages what happened -to rebels.</p> -<p>The episode occurred in December 1540. Shortly -afterwards, the main part of the army appeared, worn -out by forced marches through heavy snowstorms, -but excited by rumors of gold, for the Turk, who by -then knew more about the lusts of the invaders than -they knew about him, was elaborating on his tales. -With little to talk about but warm weather and wealth, -the force lost its hold on reality and, like De Soto’s, -disintegrated into a kind of insensate organism responding -only to the dynamics of survival. When a -new center of resistance developed at a pueblo called -Moho, the Spaniards burned the town after a long -siege, killed many of the men who tried to flee, and -made captives (as the <i>requerimiento</i> threatened) of -more than a hundred women and children.</p> -<p>Some ambiguity surrounds Coronado’s part in these -and other suppressions of “revolt.” Though he was -the army’s commanding general, he apparently was -never in the field during the moments of greatest -carnage. He later testified he never authorized the -burning of settlements or the use of dogs in battle. -He personally took old Cacique back to Cicuyé and -handed him over to his people, promising to release -Bigotes as well when the army went through on its -way to golden Quivira.</p> -<p>There was a practical side to the generosity, of -course. He did not want a hostile fort astride his -back trail when he made his final advance. Emphasize -<i>final</i>. He badly needed a triumph to save himself -from bankruptcy and to make the king’s <i>audiencia</i> -understand that what seemed atrocities had been -necessary steps on the way to treasure for the -empire.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig32"> -<img src="images/i033.jpg" alt="" width="500" height="575" /> -<p class="pcap">Coronado’s search for Quivira took him as far east as central -Kansas. Fragments of chain mail armor found at several -sites point to a Spanish presence in the 16th century. -Coronado’s men very likely saw country like this near Lindsborg, Kansas.</p> -</div> -<p>The eastern advance began April 23, 1541. (Fifteen -days later De Soto, heading west, sighted the -Mississippi.) Bedlam marked much of the Spaniards’ -travel, especially during the daily making and breaking -of camp. There were about 300 white soldiers, -other hundreds of Mexican Indian allies, some with -<span class="pb" id="Page_81">81</span> -women and children, a herd of a thousand horses, -500 beef cattle, and 5,000 sheep—or so says Castañeda, -possibly with exaggeration. The people of Cicuyé, -seeing the mass advancing under a shroud of dust -and remembering the fate of Arenal and Moho, became -friendly again. They received Bigotes with rejoicing -and heaped supplies on his one-time captors—anything -to get the invaders moving on.</p> -<p>For many miles the Turk led the army east toward -the Canadian River, along the path he had shown -Alvarado. They saw so many buffalo—charging bulls -killed a few horses—that Coronado would not venture -guessing at the numbers. They fell in with a -meticulously described, to the joy of future anthropologists, -band of nomad Querechos, perhaps forerunners -of the Apaches. As spring waned, they found -themselves in the Texas Panhandle, atop the featureless -immensity of the Llano Estacado, the Staked -Plains.</p> -<p>At that point, the Turk, who the previous fall had -told Alvarado that Quivira lay northeast, turned southeast. -Why? Was he heading toward the lower Mississippi -and the kind of civilization he thought the -Spanish wanted? Or had he, during the pause in -Cicuyé, agreed with the people there to lead the -invaders into a trackless part of the plains where they -would become lost and, deprived of maize, would -starve.</p> -<p>Ysopete, who seems to have developed an acute -antipathy for the Turk and who was anxious to reach -his home in Kansas, warned Coronado he was being -misled. Alvarado voiced suspicions. Coronado, however, -clung to his necessary faith in the Turk until -they reached a point where the abrupt eastern escarpment -of the Staked Plains drops into almost impassable -badlands. There at last he put the Turk in -irons and turned the piloting over to Ysopete, assisted -by some local Teyas Indians.</p> -<p>All this had taken precious time. To speed things -along and to make food easier to procure, Coronado -ordered the main army to return to Tiguex while he -and 30 picked riders, 6 foot soldiers, Juan de Padilla, -and a few mule packers scouted out Quivira.<a class="fn" id="fr_4" href="#fn_4">[4]</a></p> -<p>Traveling light and sparing their mounts, Coronado’s -group rode northeast for a month. They reached the -River of Quivira (now the Arkansas) not far below -present-day Dodge City, Kansas, and followed it, still -<span class="pb" id="Page_82">82</span> -northeast, to its Great Bend, where they left it. A -little farther on they found the first Quivira (Wichita) -village, a cluster of domed huts built of stout frameworks -of logs overlaid with grass, so that they looked -like haystacks. The surrounding land, rolling and fertile, -produced fine corn, pumpkins, and tobacco. -But no gold.</p> -<p>There were another 24 or so similar villages in the -kingdom of Quivira. The Spaniards spent nearly a -month riding disconsolately among them, gradually -absorbing the truth that riches of the kind -they wanted lay neither here nor, as far as they -could learn, further east. (During the same period., -De Soto was arriving at the same opinion while wandering -through parts of Arkansas.) Angry questions -were inevitable. Why had the Turk sought to mislead -them both with his tales and his guidance? Under -pressure he said the people of Cicuyé had put him up -to it on the supposition he could lure the invaders to -their doom. Perhaps they had. Or perhaps El Turco -was simply trying, in his extremity, to shift blame.</p> -<p>The last straw came when Ysopete, El Turco’s -enemy, said the Pawnee was trying to stir up the -Quivirans against the Spaniards. Acting on Coronado’s -orders, a party of executioners strangled and buried -him, secretly at night lest the Quivirans be aroused.</p> -<p>There were no repercussions. Guided by several -young Quivirans, the scouts returned by a direct route -to the Rio Grande Valley, arriving in mid-September. -In Coronado’s mind, the absence of treasure was -conclusive, but among those who had not gone to -Quivira were many who believed that if the scouts -had continued eastward, they would have found the -Seven Cities. Coronado agreed half-heartedly to make -another attempt the following spring, but fate intervened. -During a horse race with a friend, his saddle -girth broke and he was thrown under the hooves of -his opponent’s mount. Though his body gradually -recovered, his spirits did not. After another miserable -winter in Alcanfor, he ordered the army to start -home. He was carried much of the way in a litter -swung between two mules hitched in tandem.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig33"> -<img src="images/i034.jpg" alt="" width="481" height="799" /> -<p class="pcap">On the great plains Coronado encountered a nomadic people -he variously called “Teyas” and “Querechos.” They were -the buffalo-hunting Apaches, who followed the migrating -herds, packing their goods from place to place on <span class="noti">travois</span> -hauled by dogs. They impressed the Spaniards more -than any Indians they had met. “They are a gentle people, -not cruel,” wrote the expedition’s chronicler of the -Apaches, “faithful in their friendship, and skilled in their -use of sign.”</p> -</div> -<p>By dying, De Soto escaped being tried for failure. -Not Coronado. He was investigated for derelictions -in connection with an Indian rebellion that swept his -province immediately after his departure, for mistreating -the Indians of Tiguex, and for failing to press -<span class="pb" id="Page_83">83</span> -on beyond Quivira. Every enemy he had and a pack -of opportunists and publicity hunters in quest of an -audience took the stand against him, often blurting -out scandalous rumors that had nothing to do with -the case. Ill, his mind cloudy, he testified poorly in -his own defense. But he had supporters, too, and in -the end, largely through the help of Viceroy Mendoza, -he was cleared of all legal charges. Though he lost -the governorship of Nueva Galicia and some of his -property there, he retained his seat on Mexico City’s -council until his health, poor since his return, broke -completely. He died on September 22, 1554, aged 44.</p> -<p>There is a footnote. A few Mexican Indians stayed -in Háwikuh and Cicuyé and a survivor or two were -found in those towns when Spanish exploration of -the Pueblo country resumed four decades later. Some -religious people also stayed. One, old Fray Luís de -Ubeda, the builder of crosses, settled at Cicuyé, hoping -to spread Christianity by baptizing children. His -fate is unknown.</p> -<p>Fray Juan de Padilla’s tale is more dramatic. Obsessed -with saving Indian souls by bringing them to -the Church and dreaming still of the Seven Cities, he -accompanied the young Quiviran guides back to their -homes from the Rio Grande. Helping him drive along -some pack mules, a horse, and a flock of sheep were -two Indian <i>donados</i> of Mexico named Lucas and -Sebastián, Andrés do Campo, a Portuguese, a black -“interpreter,” and a handful of servants. (Indians were -not allowed to become full-fledged friars, but if they -were “donated” to the Church by their parents, they -could, as <i>donados</i>, serve as assistants.)</p> -<p>The missionary adventure was short-lived. While -attempting to press on east of Quivira, the group was -attacked by unidentified assailants. Padilla died, bristling -with arrows. Do Campo, the two <i>donados</i>, and -perhaps some others escaped. Separated, the <i>donados</i> -and do Campo traveled along different routes from -tribe to tribe for at least four years until at last they -reached Pánuco, Mexico—trips as astonishing but -far less famed than the odyssey of Cabeza de Vaca, -whose cross-continental traverse had put all these -ill-fated land expeditions into motion. And so, except -for the salt-water adventures of Juan Rodríguez -Cabrillo, the epics had reached full circle.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_84">84</div> -<div class="img" id="fig34"> -<img src="images/i035.jpg" alt="" width="674" height="1000" /> -<p class="pcap">Cabrillo’s voyage of discovery carried him past California’s -Big Sur. In four centuries, this coast has lost none of its enchantment.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_85">85</div> -<h3 id="c7">The Seafarers</h3> -<p>History has preserved only dim outlines of the remarkable -career of Juan Rodríguez Cabrillo, who -died in 1543 while attempting to complete the first -exploration of California’s coastline. Though he is -generally supposed to have been Portuguese, the evidence -is too scanty to be sure.<a class="fn" id="fr_5" href="#fn_5">[5]</a> -There is no firm -agreement about the cause or place of his death. He -is variously reported to have used two, three, and -even four vessels on his great exploration. Even his -name has invited speculation. It appears on the few -surviving documents he signed in the abbreviated -form <i>Juan Rodz</i>. (The Portuguese spelling would normally -end in “s,” the Spanish in “z.”) What then of -<i>Cabrillo</i>, which means “little goat”? Was it an affectionate -nickname that he liked and used informally -to distinguish himself from numerous other Juan -Rodríguezes, a name as common in Hispanic countries -as John Smith is in English-speaking regions? In -any event he should be known formally as Juan -Rodríguez. The name Cabrillo is, however, so firmly -fixed in California history that it will be used in this -account.</p> -<p>Whatever his name and origin, Juan Rodríguez -Cabrillo learned seafaring in his youth. He arrived in -Cuba in the second decade of the 1500s, perhaps as a -sailor or, because of his age, as a page. Yet he apparently -joined the Narváez expedition that was dispatched -from Cuba to arrest Cortés as a crossbowman. -Like most of his companions, he deserted -Narváez and joined Cortés at Vera Cruz and afterwards -survived the grisly <i>noche triste</i> when the -Aztecs drove the Spaniards from their capital at -Tenochtitlán. Immediately thereafter his chance came -to display his nautical skills.</p> -<p>Cortés knew that if he were to recapture lake-bound -Tenochtitlán, he would have to control the causeways -that linked the city to the mainland. That meant -building enough small brigantines to overpower the -Aztec war canoes that had harried the retreating -<span class="pb" id="Page_86">86</span> -Spaniards so mercilessly during the <i>noche triste</i>. -According to the soldier-historian Bernal Díaz del -Castillo, Cortés put Cabrillo in charge of four “men -of the sea” who understood how to make pine tar for -caulking ships. But was that all the younger warrior -did? Seamen were needed in all phases of the operation, -beginning with the prefabrication of thirteen -brigantines 50 miles from the capital and then transporting -the pieces on the backs of at least 8,000 -porters to the shores of the lake, where they were -reassembled.</p> -<p>Each brigantine was manned by a dozen oarsmen, -who also handled the sails. Each carried several -crossbowmen and arquebus marksmen. The little fleet -was important enough that Cortés took charge in -person. A fortuitous wind enabled the brigantines to -hoist sails and smash with devastating effect into a -massed gathering of Aztec canoes. Afterwards they -fought a dozen fierce skirmishes while protecting the -footmen on the causeway—opportunity enough for a -good sailor and fighter to catch the general’s eye, if -indeed Cabrillo was in the fleet, as he well may have -been.</p> -<p>Tenochtitlán regained, the actual conquest of Mexico -began. Small bands of Spaniards, reinforced by -numerous Indian allies, radiated out in all directions. -It is known that Cabrillo participated as an officer of -crossbowmen in the conquest of Oaxaca. Later he -joined red-bearded Pedro de Alvarado, cousin of -Coronado’s officer, Hernando de Alvarado, in seizing -Guatemala and El Salvador. During those long, -sanguinary campaigns Cabrillo performed well -enough that he was rewarded with <i>encomiendas</i> in -both Guatemala and Honduras.</p> -<p>An <i>encomienda</i> was a grant of land embracing one -or more Indian villages. In exchange for protecting -the village and teaching the inhabitants to become -Christian subjects of the king, the <i>encomendero</i> was -entitled to exact taxes and labor from them. Most -grant holders ignored duties while concentrating on -the privileges. What kind of master Cabrillo was does -not appear. Anyway, for the next 15 years his Indian -laborers grew food for slaves he had put to work in -placer mines on his lands and in the shipyards he -supervised on Guatemala’s Pacific coast. He traded -profitably with Peru and meanwhile enriched his personal -life by taking an Indian woman as his consort. -<span class="pb" id="Page_87">87</span> -With her he fathered several children. Later he -brought a Spanish wife—Beatriz Sánchez de Ortega—into -his extensive and, for the time and place, luxurious -household.</p> -<p>Successful shipbuilding helped keep the excitement -of the conquistadors high, for if the world was as -small as generally believed, China, the islands of Indonesia, -and the Philippines, discovered by Magellan -in 1521, could not be far away. There might be other -islands as well, ruled by potentates as rich as -Moctezuma or inhabited by gorgeous black Amazons -who allowed men to visit them only on certain occasions -and afterwards slew them. There was that mythical -“terrestrial paradise” called California in a popular -romance of the time, <i>Las Sergas de Esplandián</i>. According -to the author, seductive California was ruled -by dazzling queen Calafia, whose female warriors -wielded swords of gold, there being no other metal in -the land, and used man-eating griffins as beasts of -burden. What a spot to find!</p> -<p>The ships charged with searching for these places -were built of materials hauled overland (except for -timber) from the Atlantic to the Pacific by Indian -bearers. The vessels were small, ill-designed, cranky, -and often did not have decks. Nevertheless, ships -sent out into the unknown by Cortés during the early -1530s discovered a strip of coast the sailors believed -was part of an island. They were the first, probably, -to refer to it as California, perhaps in derision since -the desolate area was so totally different from the -paradise described in the romance. The notion of -nearby Gardens of Eden persisted, however, and interest -soared again when Cabeza de Vaca’s party -reached Mexico in 1536 with tales of great cities in -the north.</p> -<p>Cortés, who considered himself the legitimate -<i>adelantado</i> of the north, tried to cut in on Mendoza’s -plans to exploit the Vaca discoveries. Rebuffed, he -defied the Viceroy by dispatching three ships under a -kinsman, Francisco de Ulloa—one of the vessels soon -foundered—to search for a sea opening to the lands -of Cíbola. Finding himself locked in a gulf, Ulloa -retreated along the eastern edge of the 800-mile-long -peninsula that we call Baja California, rounded its -tip and continued north to within 130 miles or so of -the present U.S.-Mexico border. No inlets. His ships -battered by adverse winds and his men wracked by -<span class="pb" id="Page_88">88</span> -scurvy, he returned to Mexico, only to be murdered, -it is said, by one of his sailors.</p> -<p>The only man remaining who could have saved -Cortés’s dimming star was his old captain, Pedro de -Alvarado, then governor of Guatemala. Dreaming of -still more wealth in the sea, Alvarado, too, had built -a pair of shipyards on the Pacific coast and had put -Juan Rodríguez Cabrillo in charge of creating vessels -out of materials dragged overland by Indians from -the Atlantic. In 1538 Alvarado went to Spain and -returned with 300 volunteers and a license to conquer -any islands he found in the South Seas. By then -he commanded 13 vessels, several of which had been -built by Cabrillo. In the fleet were three galleons of -200 tons each, one of which, the <i>San Salvador</i> was -owned and piloted by Cabrillo; seven ships of 100 -tons, and three lesser brigantines. If Alvarado had -thrown in with Cortés ... but prudence dictated that -he consult first with Mendoza, who had already invested -some money in the building of the armada. So -he took the fleet north to the port of Colima, due -west of Mexico City and left it at anchor there, under -Cabrillo’s watchful eye, while he went inland to dicker -with the Viceroy.</p> -<p>In the end Mendoza and Alvarado agreed to share -equally in the expenses and profits of a double venture: -they would send some ships west to the Philippines -and some north to Cíbola and then on to a -strait called Anian, which supposedly sliced through -the upper latitudes of the continent. The arrangements, -which ignored Cortés’s claims, sent the aging -conquistador hurrying to Spain in 1540 in search of -justice, as he defined justice. He never returned.</p> -<p>Alvarado had no opportunity to exploit the newly -opened field. When an Indian revolt broke out in -provinces of Jalisco and Michacán, the viceroy called -on Alvarado to bring in his volunteers as reinforcements. -During an engagement in the summer of 1541, -a horse lost its footing on a steep hillside, rolled down -and crushed Alvarado to death.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig35"> -<img src="images/i036.jpg" alt="" width="416" height="801" /> -<p class="pcap">Navigation was still in its infancy in Cabrillo’s day. Mariners -sailed by “dead” reckoning, a method of figuring -location by multiplying time by estimated speed over a -given course. The main instruments were the compass, -the hourglass, and the astrolabe. None of these devices -was exact, and charts and mathematical tables were often -inaccurate. Hence mariners sailed as much by instinct -as by science. Skill often meant the difference between -a successful voyage and wreck.</p> -</div> -<p>Onerous problems followed. Alvarado’s estate had -to be put in order; ships had to be refitted; the chaos -of an earthquake at Santiago, Guatemala, headquarters -of Cabrillo’s holdings, had to be confronted. -In due time Mendoza acquired control of the fleet, -including the use of Cabrillo’s <i>San Salvador</i>, and in -1542 launched the major explorations previously -<span class="pb" id="Page_89">89</span> -agreed on. Ruy Lopéz de Villalobos took ships to the -Philippines. On June 27 of that same year Cabrillo -headed north with three vessels: <i>San Salvador</i>, -which he captained; <i>Victoria</i>, commanded by pilot -Bartolomé Ferrer (a pilot ranked just below a captain -and was far more than a mere guide); and <i>San -Miguel</i>, a small brigantine used as a launch and service -vessel. It was commanded by Antonio Correa, -an experienced shipmaster. More than 200 persons -were crowded aboard the three vessels.<a class="fn" id="fr_6" href="#fn_6">[6]</a></p> -<div class="img"> -<img src="images/i036a.jpg" alt="Compass and astrolabe" width="400" height="714" /> -</div> -<p>Because both Ulloa and Alarcón had reported that -the Sea of Cortés was a gulf, Cabrillo made no effort -to follow the mainland north, but led his ships directly -toward the tip of the peninsula, calling it California -without comment, as though the name was -already in current use. For nearly three months they -sailed along Baja’s outer coast, bordered much of -the way by “high, naked, and rugged mountains.” -Because they were looking for a river entrance to the -interior and for a strait leading to the Atlantic, they -sailed as close to land as they dared, constantly -tacking in order to defeat the contrary winds and the -Pacific’s erratic currents.</p> -<p>About August 20 they passed the most northerly -point (Punta del Engaño) reached by Ulloa. A little -farther on, where the land was flat, they beached the -vessels to make some necessary repairs and, while -exploring the neighborhood, found a camp of Indian -fishermen. The native leaders, their bodies decorated -with slashes of white paint, came on board, looked -over the sailors and soldiers and indicated “they had -seen other men like them who had beards and had -brought dogs, <i>ballestas</i> [crossbows] and swords.” Since -there was no mention of horses, the strangers probably -had come from ships. Ulloa’s men of 1539? Hernando -de Alarcón’s of 1540? Or a later party, for there had -been talk of Alarcón’s returning for another venture -inland. Mystified, Cabrillo entrusted the Indians with -a letter for the bearded ones.</p> -<p>They relaunched the ships and another month -dragged by—crosswinds, headwinds, calms. Cabrillo -took constant sightings of sun and stars with his massive -astrolabe, no small task for he had to stand with -his back braced against a mast for steadiness on the -heaving deck while he called out the readings that -were to be recorded in the log. Speed was computed -by throwing a wooden float over the stern and counting -the marks flashing by as the line holding it -unwound from its reel. Compasses were used, but -magnetic declinations were not well understood. All -of Cabrillo’s longitudes and latitudes were wide of -the mark, but the fault was not entirely his or his -instruments. He began his reckonings at a point inaccurately -observed by others. Even the precise location -of Mexico City was unknown in 1542.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_90">90</div> -<h4 class="interlude"><i>San Salvador</i>, Cabrillo’s Flagship</h4> -<div class="img"> -<img src="images/i037.jpg" alt="The San Salvador" width="767" height="713" /> -</div> -<blockquote> -<p>Cabrillo himself built the ship -he sailed up the California -coast. It was constructed -between 1536 and 1540 at -Iztapa on the west coast of -Guatemala. This region was -something of a shipbuilding -center, with a reputation for -better quality than the yards -of Seville, Spain. Much of -the labor was furnished by -Indians and black slaves, -whole villages of whom were -conscripted to portage supplies, -raise food, cut lumber, -trim timbers, and make pitch, -rope, and charcoal.</p> -<p><i>San Salvador</i> was a full-rigged -galleon, with an approximate -length of 100 feet, -a beam of 25 feet, and a -draft of 10 feet. The crew -numbered about 60: 4 officers, -25 to 30 seamen, and 2 -or 3 apprentices, and two -dozen or so slaves, blacks -and Indians. On the voyage -to California, <i>San Salvador</i> -also carried about 25 soldiers -and at least one priest. -The ship was armed with several -cannon.</p> -<p>Ship’s fare was wine, hard bread, beans, salt meat, fish, -and anything fresh picked up along the way, all washed -down by mugs of wine. Officers, who probably brought -along food of their own and servants to prepare it, ate -better. Slaves lived off rations of soup and bread and -scraps left by others.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig36"> -<img src="images/i037a.jpg" alt="" width="600" height="140" /> -<p class="pcap">The ship’s cannon probably resembled this Lombardo of -the period. It fired a stone ball about 3½ inches in diameter.</p> -<p class="pcapc">This illustration by John Batchelor is based on the research of Melbourne -Smith.</p> -</div> -</blockquote> -<div class="interlude"> </div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_92">92</div> -<p>On September 28, three months after leaving Mexico, -the ships crossed the future international border -and put into a “very good enclosed port, to which -they gave the name San Miguel.” It was our San Diego.</p> -<p>The Indians there were afraid. That evening they -wounded, with arrows, three men of a fishing party. -Instead of marching forth in retaliation, Cabrillo -sailed slowly on into the harbor, caught two boys, -gave them presents, and let them go. The kindness -worked. The next day three large men partly dressed -in furs (the “Summary” says) came to the ship and -galloped around to illustrate horsemen killing Indians -far inland. Melchior Díaz, fighting Yumans during -his crossing of the Colorado in the fall of 1540? Or -had word of Coronado’s battles at Háwikuh and on -the Rio Grande trickled this far west along the trade -trails? In any event, Europeans were no longer a mystery. -On three more occasions Cabrillo picked up -rumors of Spaniards in the interior.</p> -<p>After easily riding out the first storm of the season -in the harbor, the ships sailed on, pausing at Avalon -on Santa Catalina Island and later at the island we -call San Clemente. Along the way they remarked on -the many flat-lying streamers of smoke from Indian -villages near San Pedro and, later, Santa Monica Bays -(warnings, unrecognizable then, of temperature inversions -and smog). Somewhere near modern Oxnard, -they spent a few pleasant days with Chumash Indians, -admiring their big, conical huts and their marvelous -plank canoes. Tantalized by a fresh rumor of Spaniards -near a large river (the Colorado?), Cabrillo sent -out a letter in care of some Indians “on a chance.” -But where the river reached the coast, if it did, he -could not learn.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig37"> -<img src="images/i038.jpg" alt="" width="600" height="701" /> -<p class="pcap">A deadeye and a triple-purchase block of the type used -on <span class="noti">San Salvador</span>. Deadeyes and lanyards were employed -in fixed rigging, frequently to secure shrouds that supported -the mast; on the right is a typical setup, by which lines were -tightened and secured to the vessel’s frame. A block and -tackle were essential for hoisting heavy yards. Drawings by John Batchelor.</p> -</div> -<p>The coast from Oxnard to Cabo de Galera (our -Point Conception) runs roughly east and west for -nearly a hundred miles before bending sharply north. -This stretch was heavily populated. Many canoes -traveled alongside the ships, and there was a great -<span class="pb" id="Page_93">93</span> -deal of calling back and forth and exchanges of gifts. -A string of islands, also populated, paralleled the -shore, forming what is now called the Santa Barbara -Channel. On October 18 the Spanish ships endeavored -to round Cabo de Galera but were blown by -strong winds out to the westernmost of the Channel -Islands, one the mariners had not yet explored. They -named it Posesión (it is now San Miguel) and remained -in the shelter of Cuyler’s Harbor for about a week.</p> -<p>The idyllic days were over—and so, in many critical -ways, is agreement between Juan Páez’s “Summary” -of Cabrillo’s log and the testimony about the trip -given in 1560 to the <i>audiencia</i> of Guatemala by Lázaro -de Cárdenas and Francisco de Vargas, both of whom -told the court they had been on the trip.</p> -<p>During the stay on Posesión, according to the -“Summary,” Cabrillo fell and broke his arm near the -shoulder. In spite of that, he resumed the journey, -rounded Point Conception, was again driven back, -tried once more, and in mid-November succeeded. -The fleet soon reached the rugged Santa Lucia Range, -in which William Randolph Hearst four centuries -later built fabulous San Simeon. For the mariners it -was a heart-stopping area—“mountains which seem -to reach the heavens.... Sailing close to the land, it -appears as though they would fall on the ships. They -are covered with snow.”</p> -<p>They may have sailed as far as the vicinity of Point -Reyes, a little north of San Francisco Bay, or they -may have gone no farther than Monterey Bay, where -they almost certainly anchored on November 16. -Whatever their northernmost point, they turned back, -probably because of bad weather, possibly because -of Cabrillo’s sufferings. On November 23 they once -again landed on San Miguel Island. There, sensing -he was about to die, Cabrillo made the pilot, -Bartolomé Ferrer (or Ferrelo in some accounts) -swear to continue the explorations. On January 3, -1543, he perished and was buried on the island.</p> -<p>Or was he? In 1901, an amateur archeologist, Philip -M. Jones, found on Santa Rosa Island, just east of -San Miguel, an old Indian <i>mano</i>, or grinding stone, -into one of whose sides a cross and the fused initials -JR had been incised. The stone was stored in a basement -at the University of California, Berkeley, until -1972, when Berkeley’s noted anthropologist, Dr. Robert -Heizer, began wondering whether the curiosity -might have once marked Juan Rodríguez’s grave. So -far extensive examinations have determined nothing -about this additional mystery.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_94">94</div> -<h4 class="interlude">The Chumash: Village Dwellers</h4> -<blockquote> -<p>The Indians that Cabrillo encountered along the -Santa Barbara coast were the village-dwelling Chumash. -Their villages were groupings of houses, according -to a later traveler, with a sweat-house, store-rooms, -a ceremonial plaza, a gaming area, and a cemetery -some distance off. The houses were cone-shaped, -spacious and comfortable. A hole in the roof -admitted light and vented smoke from cook fires. -Apart from the brief skirmish at San Diego Bay, -Cabrillo found the California Indians a gentle, friendly people.</p> -<div class="img"><p class="pcap">Two views of the Chumash:</p></div> -<div class="img" id="fig38"> -<img src="images/i039a.jpg" alt="" width="500" height="814" /> -<p class="pcap">An early illustration -of two fishermen, from George -Shelvocke’s <span class="noti">Voyage Around -the World</span>, 1726.</p> -</div> -<div class="img" id="fig39"> -<img src="images/i039b.jpg" alt="" width="385" height="899" /> -<p class="pcap">Artist Louis S. Glanzman’s drawing of a woman with a -garment. “They were dressed in skins,” said Cabrillo’s diarist, -“and wore their hair very long and tied up with long -strings interwoven with the hair ... attached to the strings -were many gewgaws of flint, bone, and wood.”</p> -</div> -</blockquote> -<div class="interlude"> </div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_95">95</div> -<div class="img" id="fig40"> -<img src="images/i039c.jpg" alt="" width="287" height="799" /> -<p class="pcap">This stone found on Santa Rosa Island may have once -marked the burial place of Cabrillo.</p> -</div> -<p>And then there is the testimony of Cárdenas and -Vargas in 1560. They said, without giving dates, that -Cabrillo decided to winter on Posesión, which the -witnesses called La Capitana, and that on stepping -ashore from the ship’s boats he fell between some -rocks, broke his shin bone, and died 12 days later. -Vargas adds that the fall resulted from Cabrillo’s hurry -to help some of his men, who were battling Indians. -A splintered shin bone with its possibilities for gangrene -sounds more deadly than a broken arm.</p> -<p>On February 18, 1543, after beating around the -Santa Barbara Channel for more than a month, exploring -and taking on wood and water, Ferrer resumed -the trip, as Cabrillo had asked. Standing well out to -sea, he scudded north until on March 1 he was -opposite—who knows? Cape Mendocino? The California-Oregon -border? The mouth of the Rogue River? -Wherever they were, the sea, breaking over the little -ships with terrifying fury, was driving them irresistibly -toward the rock-punctuated shore. They prayed fervently, -and suddenly the wind shifted, driving them -south “with a sea so high they became crazed.” The -storm separated the ships, <i>San Salvador</i> ran out of -food, and the sailors were in dire straits until they -were able to land at Ventura and later San Diego, -where, in addition to food, they also picked up a half -a dozen Indian boys to train as interpreters in case of -a repeat journey.</p> -<p>Miraculously, the ships rejoined at Cedros Island -off Baja California, and on April 14, 1543, they -reached Navidad, nine and a half months after their -departure. There was no repeat journey. Like De -Soto and Coronado, they had located neither treasure -nor shortcuts to the Orient. After that, no one -else wanted to try, and Spain’s first great era of exploration -of the United States came to an end.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_96">96</div> -<div class="img" id="fig41"> -<img src="images/i040.jpg" alt="" width="673" height="1000" /> -<p class="pcap">Mission churches were the vanguard of Spanish -civilization in the Southwest. They softened -the imperatives of the state and eased inexorable -cultural transitions. San Jose Mission -was established along the San Antonio River -in 1720. Still an active parish, the mission -today is a unit of San Antonio National Historical -Park, Texas.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_97">97</div> -<h2 id="c8"><span class="small">Epilogue</span></h2> -<p>Judged on the basis of what they set -out to do, De Soto, Coronado, and -Cabrillo failed. Yet great consequences -flowed from their efforts. Without intending -it, they found truth. They exploded -myths and gave a solid anchor -to the Spanish imagination. Undistracted, -the people of New Spain could -settle down to developing the resources—the -mines, plantations, and ranches—that -lay close at hand. It was the -perceived need to protect this new -wealth from potential enemies in the -north—France, England, and Russia—and -not the frenetic hope of riches that -eventually brought about the extension -of the Spanish empire into what became -the southern United States, from -St. Augustine, Florida, to the Franciscan -missions of California.</p> -<p>Another discovery was the tremendous -size and geographical diversity of -America north of Mexico. After the -truth had trickled out about the forests -and savannahs of the semi-tropical -southeast, the vast deserts and striking -headlands of the southwest, the spreading -central plains with their immeasurable -herds of buffalo, and the coastal -mountains and misty valleys of California, -no one would ever again think of -the upper part of the continent as a -mere bulb perched on the thin stem of -Central America and Mexico. These -vast stretches, moreover, were peopled -by a race never before known. By bringing -back the first sound anthropological -descriptions of these people, the -Spanish explorers—and the French and -English after them—gave the philosophers -of Europe new food for speculation -concerning the human condition.</p> -<p>Most important, they, along with the -explorers of other nations, brought a -sense of release and fresh possibilities -to the Old World. Their reports arrived -at a time when custom-bound Europe -was struggling to shake off the constraints -of ancient traditions, outworn -feudal institutions, and an almost total -lack of specie for implementing the -quickening trade of the Renaissance—an -average of less than $2 in currency -for each of the continent’s 100 million -people. In the Americas there were no -mossy customs, but there were precious -minerals and raw materials beyond -imagination awaiting development. Development -by anyone with daring and -ingenuity. The great <i>conquistadores</i> -had all arrived poor and unknown and -then had discovered within themselves -explosive energies for meeting unprecedented -physical challenges. Such -strengths, once they were turned from -brigandage into constructive endeavors, -became the hallmark of the new -continent. Pointing the way were -Cabeza de Vaca, De Soto, Coronado, -and Cabrillo, all doing their great work -within a decade. It is indeed an era to -remember.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_98">98</div> -<h2 id="c9"><span class="small">A Guide To Sites</span></h2> -<div class="pb" id="Page_99">99</div> -<div class="img"> -<img src="images/i041.jpg" alt="Repaired olla" width="645" height="534" /> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_100">100</div> -<div class="img"> -<img src="images/i042.jpg" alt="Pueblo entrance" width="711" height="1000" /> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_101">101</div> -<h3>Following the Explorers</h3> -<p>Though nothing spectacular survives, travelers can -find many rewarding historical places that conjure -up the Spanish <i>conquistadores</i> and the natives they -encountered. The four principal NPS sites are described -briefly in the following pages. Many other -parks and several Indian communities also preserve -landscapes directly associated with the explorations. -They are listed below. All these places are well worth -a visit and several are worth a journey to anyone interested -in the beginnings of North American history.</p> -<table class="center" summary=""> -<tr><td class="l"><span class="ss">Ocmulgee National Monument<br />Macon, GA 31201</span> </td><td class="l">Ancient mounds built by people of the Mississippian culture. De Soto passed through this region in 1540.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l"><span class="ss">Etowah Indian Mounds State Historic Site<br />Cartersville, GA 30120</span> </td><td class="l">De Soto visited this town (called Itaba) in August 1540.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l"><span class="ss">Mound State Monument<br />Moundville, AL 35474</span> </td><td class="l">A farming town which flourished AD 1000-1500; representative of the powerful chiefdoms found by De Soto.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l"><span class="ss">Parkin Archeological State Park<br />Parkin, AR 72373</span> </td><td class="l">Believed to be a center of an important chiefdom (Casqui) visited by De Soto in 1541.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l"><span class="ss">Coronado State Monument<br />P.O. Box 95<br />Bernalillo, NM 87004</span> </td><td class="l">A Pueblo village visited by the Coronado expedition in 1540. Polychrome murals in the kiva are a prize exhibit.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l"><span class="ss">Pueblo of Acoma<br />P.O. Box 309<br />New Mexico 87034</span> </td><td class="l">A fortress town inhabited by descendents of the Pueblo people who befriended the Alvarado party in 1540.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l"><span class="ss">Zuni Pueblo<br />Box 339<br />Zuni, NM 87327</span> </td><td class="l">The original Cibola of Spanish legend. Háwikuh, the place of Coronado’s first encounter with Pueblo Indians, is now a ruin.</td></tr> -</table> -<div class="pb" id="Page_102">102</div> -<h3 class="interlude" id="c10">De Soto National Memorial, Florida</h3> -<blockquote> -<div class="img" id="fig42"> -<img src="images/i043a.jpg" alt="" width="874" height="617" /> -<p class="pcap">De Soto’s army may well have come ashore at -a spot on Tampa Bay that resembled this beach within -the park. Below: replica armor and an early marker commemorating De -Soto’s bold march.</p> -</div> -<p>De Soto National Memorial commemorates the first major -European penetration of the southeastern United -States. De Soto’s purpose, sanctioned by the King, was -to conquer the land Spaniards called <i>La Florida</i> and -settle it for Spain. He failed in both objects. There was -no rich empire in the north, only a succession of chiefdoms, -and his practice of looting villages and grabbing -hostages alienated native inhabitants and turned his -march into a siege. The lasting significance of the expedition -was the information it yielded about the land and -its Mississippian people in a late stage of that remarkable -civilization.</p> -<p>The park was established in 1949 on the south shore -of Tampa Bay. De Soto’s fleet may very well have sailed -by this point in May 1539 to a landing spot farther around -the bay. Attractions at the park include replicas of the -type of weapons carried by the expedition and thickets -of red mangrove, the so-called Florida land-builder. -The journals tell of De Soto’s men cutting their way inland -through mangrove tangles.</p> -<p>For more information about the park and its programs, write:</p> -<div class="verse"> -<p class="t0">Superintendent</p> -<p class="t0">De Soto National Memorial</p> -<p class="t0">P.O. Box 15390</p> -<p class="t0">Bradenton, FL 34280</p> -</div> -<div class="img"> -<img src="images/i043b.jpg" alt="Map" width="482" height="450" /> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_103">103</div> -<div class="img" id="fig43"> -<img src="images/i043c.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="572" /> -<p class="pcap">Demonstrations in winter give insight into military life and -the Spanish world-view in the 16th century.</p> -</div> -</blockquote> -<div class="pb" id="Page_104">104</div> -<h3 class="interlude" id="c11">Coronado National Memorial, Arizona</h3> -<div class="img" id="fig44"> -<img src="images/i044a.jpg" alt="" width="690" height="567" /> -<p class="pcap">The Huachucas rise like islands -above the surrounding Sonoran desert. This landscape -is little changed from Coronado’s day.</p> -</div> -<blockquote> -<p>Following an ancient Indian trade path up the San Pedro -valley, the Coronado expedition crossed the present -Mexico-United States border just east of this park. -Hikers on the Coronado Peak Trail looking down Montezuma -Canyon can see in the far distance cottonwood -trees that mark Coronado’s line of march.</p> -<p>The national memorial was established in 1941, 400th -anniversary of the expedition. Its setting high in the -Huachuca Mountains is a fitting place to recall the first -major Spanish <i>entrada</i> into the American Southwest in -all its color and fire: the gathering of the army at Compostela, -arduous marches across wilderness, encounters with -native cultures of great subtlety and art, discovery of a -land of vast expanse and -<span class="pb" id="Page_105">105</span> -power, and above all the record of where they had been -and what they had seen.</p> -<p>This is a park to see on foot. Trails lead to good viewing -points and connect with others in Coronado National -Forest, which surrounds the park.</p> -<p>For information about the park and its programs, write:</p> -<div class="verse"> -<p class="t0">Superintendent</p> -<p class="t0">Coronado National Memorial</p> -<p class="t0">4104 E. Montezuma Canyon</p> -<p class="t0">Road, Hereford AZ 85615</p> -</div> -<div class="img"> -<img src="images/i044b.jpg" alt="Map" width="386" height="444" /> -</div> -<div class="img" id="fig45"> -<img src="images/i044c.jpg" alt="" width="294" height="332" /> -<p class="pcap">The expedition traveled along the San -Pedro River, east of the park.</p> -</div> -</blockquote> -<div class="pb" id="Page_106">106</div> -<h3 class="interlude" id="c12">Pecos National Historical Park, New Mexico</h3> -<blockquote> -<div class="img" id="fig46"> -<img src="images/i045.jpg" alt="" width="674" height="436" /> -<p class="pcap">The kiva and the mission church frame the two worlds -of the Pecos Indians. During the Pueblo Revolt of 1680, -Pecos Indians destroyed the first mission and built this -kiva (now restored) within the mission’s convento. For a -few years they followed their religion undisturbed.</p> -</div> -<p>The ruins of Pecos Pueblo and Spanish missions of the -17th- and 18th-centuries crown a small ridge overlooking -the Pecos Valley in upper New Mexico. At the time of the -Coronado <i>entrada</i>, the pueblo was a giant apartment house, -several stories high, with a central plaza, 600 rooms, and -many kivas—home to 2,000 souls. The village prospered -because it commanded the trade path between Pueblo -farmers of the Rio Grande and buffalo hunters of the -Plains. Pecos was a crossroads of commerce and culture, -and its people grew adept at trade and war. The -arrival of Franciscan priests in the 1600s with Spanish -custom, religion, law inexorably altered Pueblo life. -The Spaniards built a spacious mission church on the -south end of the ridge, and -<span class="pb" id="Page_107">107</span> -a second but smaller one when the first church was destroyed -in the Pueblo revolt of 1680. Pecos continued as -a mission for more than a century. Disease and Comanche -raids spelt decline in the late 18th century. The -last inhabitants—fewer than 20—drifted away in 1838.</p> -<p>The park is 25 miles southeast of Santa Fe. Among its -features are the ruins of the ancient pueblo, two restored -kivas, and adobe mission walls. For information -on the park and its programs, write:</p> -<div class="verse"> -<p class="t0">Superintendent</p> -<p class="t0">Pecos National Historical</p> -<p class="t0">Park</p> -<p class="t0">P.O. Drawer 418</p> -<p class="t0">Pecos NM 87552-0418</p> -</div> -<div class="img"> -<img src="images/i045a.jpg" alt="Map" width="387" height="440" /> -</div> -<div class="img" id="fig47"> -<img src="images/i045b.jpg" alt="" width="291" height="436" /> -<p class="pcap">Extensive pinyon-juniper forests -once surrounded Pecos Pueblo.</p> -</div> -<div class="img" id="fig48"> -<img src="images/i045c.jpg" alt="" width="467" height="179" /> -<p class="pcap">The vessel is a 16th-century -olla. The Spanish spur dates from the 17th century.</p> -</div> -</blockquote> -<div class="pb" id="Page_108">108</div> -<h3 class="interlude" id="c13">Cabrillo National Monument, California</h3> -<div class="img" id="fig49"> -<img src="images/i046.jpg" alt="" width="845" height="560" /> -<p class="pcap">The Old Point Loma Lighthouse, built 1854.</p> -</div> -<div class="img" id="fig50"> -<img src="images/i046a.jpg" alt="" width="500" height="374" /> -<p class="pcap">Gray whale migrations in winter are an annual spectacle.</p> -</div> -<blockquote> -<p>This park honors the man who led the first European -exploring expedition along the California coast. Sailing -under a Spanish flag, Juan Rodríguez Cabrillo departed -on 27 June 1542 from the port of Navidad on Mexico’s -west coast. He commanded the ship <i>San Salvador</i> (with -a crew of 60); with him was <i>Victoria</i>, and another -smaller vessel. His objective: “to discover the coast of New -Spain.” Three months later he hove to in “a very good -enclosed port”—San Diego Bay. This was the mariner’s -first landfall north of Baja peninsula. Cabrillo himself -died and was buried in the Channel Islands. His crew -went on to explore as far north as Oregon, seeing new -landmarks and new peoples, not all friendly.</p> -<p>The park is located on -<span class="pb" id="Page_109">109</span> -Point Loma, within the city of San Diego. Features include -a heroic statue of Cabrillo, dramatic views of the -Pacific and San Diego Bay, and Old Point Loma Lighthouse, -a 1850s structure. In winter, the point is a good -place to see the annual migration of the gray whale.</p> -<p>For information about the park and its programs, write:</p> -<div class="verse"> -<p class="t0">Superintendent</p> -<p class="t0">Cabrillo National Memorial</p> -<p class="t0">P.O. Box 6670</p> -<p class="t0">San Diego CA 92166</p> -</div> -<div class="img"> -<img src="images/i046b.jpg" alt="Map" width="530" height="446" /> -</div> -<div class="img" id="fig51"> -<img src="images/i046c.jpg" alt="" width="255" height="799" /> -<p class="pcap">The 14-foot sandstone statue of Cabrillo is the work of -Portuguese sculptor Alvaro DeBree. Completed in 1939 -for the San Francisco World’s Fair, it was eventually relocated -here. The portrait is conjectural; there is no known -likeness of the explorer.</p> -</div> -</blockquote> -<div class="interlude"> </div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_110">110</div> -<h2 id="c14"><span class="small">Essay on Sources</span></h2> -<p>If any of the leading <i>conquistadores</i> who -march through these pages kept a running -account of his adventures, the journal has -been lost. Except for occasional letters, the -closest we can come to firsthand information -are reminiscences written or dictated -by lesser participants many years after the -events described. Some supplementary material -also comes from court testimony. -More immediacy is lost by the fact that -most English readers must depend on translations -of varying accuracy and fluency. -There are several translations of all main -documents.</p> -<p>The first of the New World adventurers -to reminisce in print was Cabeza de Vaca. -His <i>Relación ...</i> appeared in 1542. -Buckingham Smith’s English translation, -first printed in 1855, was later included -with several other documents in <i>Spanish -Explorers in the Southern United States, -1528-1543</i>, edited by Frederick Hodge and -Theodore Lewis (New York, 1907).</p> -<p>The same work also contains Smith’s -translation of <i>Narratives of the Career of -Hernando de Soto</i> by an anonymous Hidalgo -(gentleman or knight) of Elvas, Portugal, -first published in Portugal in 1557 by -a survivor of the long march. Smith’s translation, -somewhat modified, reappeared in -Gaylord Bourne’s two-volume <i>Narratives of -the Career of Hernando de Soto</i> (New -York, 1904). Bourne’s volumes also contain -reminiscences by Rodrigo Ranjel, De Soto’s -secretary, and Luis de Biedma, the latter a -spare account. The longest and lushest of -the De Soto tales is <i>The Florida of the -Inca</i>, the Inca being Garcilaso de la Vega, -son of a Spanish father and an Incan mother. -He drew his information from the oral -accounts of three of De Soto’s soldiers and -used his active imagination to embellish -what he heard. The first complete English -translation, by John and Jeannette Varner, -appeared in 1951 (reprinted by University -of Texas Press, 1980). Miguel Albornoz has -<span class="pb" id="Page_111">111</span> -published a novelized biography, <i>Hernando -de Soto, Knight of the Americas</i>, translated -by Bruce Boeglin (New York, 1986).</p> -<p>Some secondary material, which uses -anthropological, archeological, and geographic -research to shed light on the early -explorations, should be mentioned. One -instance: <i>Final Report of the United States -De Soto Commission</i>, John R. Swanton, -chairman (Washington, D.C., 1939). The -commission sought to retrace De Soto’s -zigzagging route. Jeffery P. Brain’s new -edition of the <i>Final Report</i> for the -Smithsonian Press (Washington, D.C., 1985) -revises Swanton’s conclusions in many -places. Another interesting formulation is -“De Soto Trail: National Historic Trail -Study, Draft Report” (NPS, 1990). In an -appendix Charles Hudson offers a new -reconstruction of De Soto’s route. The -articles in <i>First Encounters: Spanish Explorations -in the Caribbean and the United -States, 1492-1570</i>, Jerald T. Milanich and -Susan Milanich, eds., (Gainesville. 1989), -fill out our understanding of New World -societies during the first decades of -exploration.</p> -<p>Still the best introduction to Coronado -and his expedition is Herbert E. Bolton’s -classic biography, <i>Coronado: Knight of -Pueblos and Plains</i> (1949). George P. -Hammond and Agapito Rey have brought -together in <i>Narratives of the Coronado -Expedition</i> (Albuquerque, 1940) all the -primary documents, including testimony -from Coronado’s trial, that anyone except -specialists needs to know about the first -Spanish <i>entrada</i> into the American Southwest. -The chief items are the <i>Relacións</i> of -Juan de Jaramillo and Pedro de Castañeda. -Castañeda’s <i>Relación</i> also appears in -Hodges and Lewis.</p> -<p>A sampling of the historical dispute over -Friar Marcos’s doings in the Southwest can -be found in articles by Henry Wagner and -Carl Sauer in the <i>New Mexico Historical -Review</i>, April 1937, July 1937, and July -1941. See also Cleve Hallenbeck, <i>The Journey -of Fray Marcos de Niza</i> (Dallas 1949). -The place of the religious in the Coronado -expedition is examined by Fr. Angelico -Chavez of New Mexico in <i>Coronado’s Friars</i> -(Academy of American Franciscan History, -Washington, D.C., 1968). John L. Kessell’s -<i>Kiva, Cross, and Crown</i> (National Park -Service, Washington, D.C., 1979) looks at -the relationships between the Coronado -expedition and the key pueblo of Pecos. -Albert H. Schroeder has analyzed Coronado’s -route across the Plains in <i>Plains -Anthropologist</i>, February 1962. Carroll L. -Riley, in the <i>New Mexico Historical Review</i>, -October 1971, and <i>The Kiva</i>, winter -1975, shows that in Coronado’s time long -trade routes and hence a rudimentary system -of verbal communications, fortified by -signs, linked Cíbola (Háwikuh) and the -Indians of Mexico. Other trade trails carried -goods and knowledge from the interior -across the Colorado River to the -Pacific and out onto the Plains. A new -account of Coronado’s march is Stewart L. -Udall, <i>To the Inland Empire</i> (New York, -1987).</p> -<p>The principal sources on Cabrillo (Juan -Paez’s “Summary Log” and court testimony -about Cabrillo’s accomplishments) were -published by the Cabrillo Historical Association -in <i>The Cabrillo Era and His Voyage -of Discovery</i> (San Diego, 1982). The best -biography, Harry Kelsey’s <i>Juan Rodriguez -Cabrillo</i> (The Huntington Library, 1986), is -based on extensive new research in sources.</p> -<p class="tb">★GPO: 1992—312-246/40005</p> -<h2 id="c15"><span class="small">Footnotes</span></h2> -<div class="fnblock"><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_1" href="#fr_1">[1]</a>Paul Horgan in <i>Great River</i> identifies -Rio de las Palmas with today’s Rio -Grande. Other historians favor Soto la -Marina, about 30 miles north of -Tampico, formerly Pánuco. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_2" href="#fr_2">[2]</a>Such is the conclusion of the U.S. De Soto Commission headed by John -R. Swanton (<i>Final Report</i>, Washington, D.C., 1939), which was appointed by -President Roosevelt to study the explorer’s route to commemorate the 400th -anniversary of the landing, an opinion affirmed by two other scholars, Charles -Hudson and Jerald T. Milanich. For a contrary opinion that favors the Fort -Myers area, see R.F. Schell, <i>De Soto Didn’t Land at Tampa</i>, Fort Myers -Beach, 1966. Jeffery P. Brain in a new edition of the report for the Smithsonian -Press (1985) concludes that the most we can now say is that De Soto -landed somewhere along the central Florida gulf coast, “between the -Caloosahatchie River to south and the vicinity of Tampa Bay to the north.” It -is conceivable that future archeological studies will narrow down the landing site. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_3" href="#fr_3">[3]</a>Because -Vásquez was the family -name of the <i>conquistador</i>, the young -man should properly be called Vásquez. -This account, however, will follow established -American custom and call him Coronado. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_4" href="#fr_4">[4]</a>Among -the 30 riders was Juan de -Zaldívar. As a consequence, Zaldívar -had to leave behind a captive Indian -woman he had picked up in Tiguex. -Rather than return there she fled down -a fork of the Brazos River that rises in -the Staked Plains. Somewhere near -present Waco, Texas, she perhaps met -the survivors of De Soto’s party as -they were trying to reach Pánuco, Mexico, -by land. See <a href="#Page_50">page 50</a> above. If -true, and it seems likely, it was the only -contact between the two groups, who -at one point were within 300 to 400 -miles of each other. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_5" href="#fr_5">[5]</a>Too few records have survived for -anyone to say with certainty where -Cabrillo was born or grew up. Antonio -de Herrera y Tordesillas, a Spanish -chronicler, identified him in 1615 -as Portuguese. Set against this is -the testimony of the explorer’s grandson -in 1617 that “My paternal grandfather, -Juan Rodríguez Cabrillo came [to -the New World] from the Kingdoms of -Spain....” The NPS has adopted the -view that Cabrillo was Portuguese. -Many historians, including Cabrillo’s -most recent biographer Harry Kelsey, -aver that he was Spanish. David Lavender -believes that the question is both -elusive and unimportant. What is certain, -Lavender points out, is that like -many adventurers from other countries -Cabrillo spent a good part of his life in -the service of Spain and opened new -lands to Spanish settlement. <i>Ed.</i> -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_6" href="#fr_6">[6]</a>Recent -scholarship has shown that -accounts which say Cabrillo commanded -two ships on his northern journey, -as most accounts do, were following -mistakes made by the first Spanish -historians of the expedition. Unfortunately, -Cabrillo’s own log has disappeared -and is known only through an -often vague, chronologically mixed-up -summary attributed to a Juan Páez, of -whom little is known. Better sources -are the testimony given by witnesses in -legal actions brought by Cabrillo’s -heirs to recover property taken from -his estate after his death. For details -see Harry Kelsey’s biography, <i>Juan -Rodríguez Cabrillo</i> (1986). and the -Cabrillo Historical Association’s 1982 -publication, <i>The Cabrillo Era and His -Voyage of Discovery</i>, especially articles -by Kelsey and James R. Moriarty, III. -</div> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_112">112</div> -<h2 id="c16"><span class="small">National Park Service</span></h2> -<h3 id="c17"><i>Sources</i></h3> -<dl class="undent"><dt><b>Alabama Museum of Natural History</b> <a class="pgref" href="#Page_51">51</a> (palette stone)</dt> -<dt><b>Andersen, Roy</b> <a class="pgref" href="#Page_68">68</a>-69; <a class="pgref" href="#Page_82">82</a></dt> -<dt><b>Batchelor, John</b> <a class="pgref" href="#Page_90">90</a>-91, <a class="pgref" href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a class="pgref" href="#Page_93">93</a></dt> -<dt><b>Bell, Fred</b> <a class="pgref" href="#Page_100">100</a></dt> -<dt><b>Cook, Kathleen Norris</b> <a class="pgref" href="#Page_84">84</a></dt> -<dt><b>Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection</b> <a class="pgref" href="#Page_28">28</a> (bottom)</dt> -<dt><b>Florida Division of Historical Resources</b> <a class="pgref" href="#Page_43">43</a> (all except olive jar)</dt> -<dt><b>Florida Museum of Natural History</b> <a class="pgref" href="#Page_43">43</a> (olive jar)</dt> -<dt><b>Glanzman, Louis S.</b> <a class="pgref" href="#Page_16">16</a>; <a class="pgref" href="#Page_18">18</a>-19; <a class="pgref" href="#Page_34">34</a>-35; <a class="pgref" href="#Page_44">44</a>; <a class="pgref" href="#Page_64">64</a>-65; <a class="pgref" href="#Page_94">94</a> (Chumash Indian)</dt> -<dt><b>Gnass, Jeff</b> <a class="pgref" href="#Page_104">104</a>; <a class="pgref" href="#Page_108">108</a> (lighthouse)</dt> -<dt><b>Gray, Tom</b> Back cover (upper left); <a class="pgref" href="#Page_36">36</a>; <a class="pgref" href="#Page_102">102</a>-3</dt> -<dt><b>Harrington, Marshall</b> <a class="pgref" href="#Page_108">108</a>-9 (San Diego, gray whale)</dt> -<dt><b>Hudson, Charles</b> <a class="pgref" href="#Page_46">46</a>-47 (route information)</dt> -<dt><b>Huey, George H. H.</b> <a class="pgref" href="#Page_107">107</a></dt> -<dt><b>Huntington Library</b> <a class="pgref" href="#Page_57">57</a></dt> -<dt><b>Jacka, Jerry</b> Back cover (upper right); <a class="pgref" href="#Page_58">58</a>-59; <a class="pgref" href="#Page_73">73</a>; <a class="pgref" href="#Page_79">79</a>; <a class="pgref" href="#Page_80">80</a>; <a class="pgref" href="#Page_106">106</a></dt> -<dt><b>Lanza, Patricia</b> <a class="pgref" href="#Page_77">77</a></dt> -<dt><b>Library of Congress</b> <a class="pgref" href="#Page_4">4</a> (De Bry woodcut); <a class="pgref" href="#Page_23">23</a> (from <i>Das Trachtenbuch des Christian Weiditz</i>); <a class="pgref" href="#Page_31">31</a> (from Gomara’s <i>History</i>); <a class="pgref" href="#Page_38">38</a>; <a class="pgref" href="#Page_94">94</a> (right)</dt> -<dt><b>Mang, Fred</b> <a class="pgref" href="#Page_96">96</a></dt> -<dt><b>Muench, David</b> <a class="pgref" href="#Page_54">54</a>; <a class="pgref" href="#Page_98">98</a>-99</dt> -<dt><b>Museo Civico Navale di Genova-Pegli</b> <a class="pgref" href="#Page_15">15</a> (portrait)</dt> -<dt><b>Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga, Lisbon</b> <a class="pgref" href="#Page_14">14</a></dt> -<dt><b>National Geographic Society</b> <a class="pgref" href="#Page_24">24</a> (artist, Felipe Davalos); <a class="pgref" href="#Page_26">26</a>-27 (Michael A. Hampshire)</dt> -<dt><b>National Maritime Museum, Greenwich</b> <a class="pgref" href="#Page_88">88</a></dt> -<dt><b>Odyssey Productions</b> (R. Frerck) <a class="pgref" href="#Page_20">20</a>; <a class="pgref" href="#Page_22">22</a>; <a class="pgref" href="#Page_28">28</a> (top)</dt> -<dt><b>Palazzo Tursi, Genoa</b> <a class="pgref" href="#Page_15">15</a> (coat-of-arms)</dt> -<dt><b>Parkin Archeological State Park, Arkansas</b> <a class="pgref" href="#Page_48">48</a></dt> -<dt><b>Peabody Museum, Harvard University</b> <a class="pgref" href="#Page_50">50</a></dt> -<dt><b>Smithsonian Institution</b> <a class="pgref" href="#Page_51">51</a> (stone axe)</dt> -<dt><b>Till, Tom</b> <a class="pgref" href="#Page_105">105</a></dt> -<dt><b>Townsend, L. Kenneth</b> <a class="pgref" href="#Page_54">54</a>-55, <a class="pgref" href="#Page_74">74</a>-75</dt> -<dt><b>University of California, Berkeley, Lowie Museum of Anthropology</b> <a class="pgref" href="#Page_95">95</a></dt> -<dt><b>Westlight</b> (Bill Ross) Back cover, lower left; <a class="pgref" href="#Page_109">109</a></dt></dl> -<div class="pb" id="Page_113">113</div> -<h2 id="c18"><span class="small">U.S. Department of the Interior</span></h2> -<p>As the Nation’s principal conservation -agency, the Department of the Interior -has responsibility for most of our nationally -owned public lands and natural -and cultural resources. This includes -fostering wise use of our land and -water resources, protecting our fish -and wildlife, preserving the environmental -and cultural values of our national -parks and historical places, and -providing for the enjoyment of life -through outdoor recreation. The Department -assesses our energy and mineral -resources and works to assure that -their development is in the best interest -of all our people. The Department -also promotes the goals of the Take -Pride in America campaign by encouraging -stewardship and citizen responsibility -for the public lands and -promoting citizen participation in their -care. The Department also has a major -responsibility for American Indian reservation -communities and for people -who live in Island Territories under -U.S. Administration.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_114">114</div> -<h2 id="c19"><span class="small">De Soto, Coronado, Cabrillo</span> -<br /><span class="smaller">Explorers of the <i>Northern Mystery</i></span></h2> -<div class="img" id="fig52"> -<img src="images/i047.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="602" /> -<p class="pcap">De Soto National Memorial</p> -</div> -<div class="img" id="fig53"> -<img src="images/i047a.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="602" /> -<p class="pcap">Coronado National Memorial</p> -</div> -<div class="img" id="fig54"> -<img src="images/i047b.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="609" /> -<p class="pcap">Pecos National Historical Park</p> -</div> -<div class="img" id="fig55"> -<img src="images/i047c.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="613" /> -<p class="pcap">Cabrillo National Monument</p> -</div> -<p><i>Here is the story of the first explorations -of North America. <span class="noti">De Soto, Coronado, -Cabrillo: Explorers of the Northern Mystery</span> -traces in graceful text and illustration -the journeys of three captains of discovery -into New Spain’s northern frontier between -1539 and 1543. Their encounters with a new -land and its native peoples mark the beginnings -of American history.</i></p> -<h2>Transcriber’s Notes</h2> -<ul> -<li>Retained publication information from the printed edition: this eBook is public-domain in the country of publication.</li> -<li>Relocated all image captions to be immediately under the corresponding images, removing redundant references like ”preceding page”.</li> -<li>Inverted the Timeline to better fit a vertical flow model.</li> -<li>Silently corrected a few palpable typos.</li> -<li>In the text versions only, text in italics is delimited by _underscores_.</li> -</ul> - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's De Soto, Coronado, Cabrillo, by David Lavender - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DE SOTO, CORONADO, CABRILLO *** - -***** This file should be named 56083-h.htm or 56083-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/6/0/8/56083/ - -Produced by Stephen Hutcheson, Dave Morgan and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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