diff options
| author | nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org> | 2025-02-07 16:15:10 -0800 |
|---|---|---|
| committer | nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org> | 2025-02-07 16:15:10 -0800 |
| commit | 77968f38abeb900242eaa0161e962ae9402e26ea (patch) | |
| tree | 8861b3cf920e0b612213c513f8f3c23737b7729e | |
| parent | 5865b9e144bd5fb44735c09f1663b28c561085a6 (diff) | |
48 files changed, 17 insertions, 10810 deletions
diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d88a93d --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #55614 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/55614) diff --git a/old/55614-0.txt b/old/55614-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 13d9d14..0000000 --- a/old/55614-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,5172 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's The Bayeux Tapestry Elucidated, by John Collingwood Bruce - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: The Bayeux Tapestry Elucidated - -Author: John Collingwood Bruce - -Release Date: September 24, 2017 [EBook #55614] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY ELUCIDATED *** - - - - -Produced by Norbert H. Langkau, Chuck Greif and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - - - - THE - BAYEUX - TAPESTRY - ELUCIDATED - - JOHN COLLINGWOOD BRUCE, - LL.D., F.S.A. - - LONDON, J. RUSSELL SMITH. - - [Illustration: PLATE XVII.] - - - - - THE - BAYEUX TAPESTRY - - ELUCIDATED. - - BY - - REV. JOHN COLLINGWOOD BRUCE, LL.D., F.S.A., - - CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF SCOTLAND, - OF THE IMPERIAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF FRANCE, AND OF THE - SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF NORMANDY; ONE OF THE COUNCIL OF - THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE; AN - HONORARY MEMBER OF THE SURREY ARCHÆOLOGICAL SOCIETY; - AND ONE OF THE COMMITTEE OF THE LITERARY AND - PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY OF NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE. - - - “ ...They burning both with fervent fire - Their countrey’s auncestry to understond.” - _Spenser._ - - - LONDON: - JOHN RUSSELL SMITH, 36, SOHO SQUARE. - - M.DCCC.LVI. - - - NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE: - PRINTED BY J. G. FORSTER AND CO., CLAYTON STREET. - -[Illustration: The Most Noble ELEANOR DUCHESS of NORTHUMBERLAND lineally -descended from a distinguished Companion of William of Normandy in the -Conquest of England This Work illustrative of the Title and Triumphs of -the Conqueror is with her Grace’s kind permission most dutifully & -gratefully inscribed.] - - - - -PREFACE. - - -England has performed, and is probably destined yet to perform, an -important part in the history of nations. The era treated of in this -work was doubtless the crisis of her fate. Happily, she survived the -shock of the Conquest, and was benefited by its rough discipline. All -true-hearted Englishmen must read with peculiar feeling this portion of -our country’s annals. Surrounding nations, too, have their share of -interest in it. When the Society of Antiquaries published the beautiful -copy of the Bayeux Tapestry, made, at their request, by Mr. Charles -Stothard, they testified the importance which they attached to the -document. As yet they have published no explanation of it. The world -still expects it at their hands. To supply, meanwhile, some little -assistance to the student of history, this work is published. It was -suggested by a holiday ramble in Normandy, amidst the scenes rendered -famous by the career of William the Conqueror. The plates have been -carefully reduced from those published by the Society of Antiquaries, by -Mr. Mossman, and printed in colours by the Messrs. Lambert, of -Newcastle-upon-Tyne. These gentlemen, and the Printers, have spared no -pains to render the volume creditable to the local press. In addition to -the authorities cited in the course of the work, _La Tapisserie de -Bayeux, édition variorum, par M. Achille Jubinal_, has been continually -before the eye of the writer. - -_Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 13th of October, 1855, - (Eve of the Anniversary of the Battle of Hastings.)_ - - - - -THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY. - - - - -I. THE ROLL. - - “_There she weaves, by night and day,_ - _A magic web with colours gay._” - - _Tennyson._ - - -Master Wace, to whom we are indebted for “the most minute, graphic, and -animated account of the transactions”[1] of the Norman Conquest, thus -exalts the art of the chronicler--“All things hasten to decay; all fall; -all perish; all come to an end. Man dieth, iron consumeth, wood -decayeth; towers crumble, strong walls fall down, the rose withereth -away; the war-horse waxeth feeble, gay trappings grow old; all the works -of men perish. Thus we are taught that all die, both clerk and lay; and -short would be the fame of any after death if their history did not -endure by being written in the book of the clerk.”[2] - -The pen of the writer of romance is not the only implement which confers -immortality upon man. The chisel of the sculptor, the pencil of the -painter, and the needle of the high-born dame, can confer a lasting -renown upon those whose deeds are worthy of being remembered. The work -which we are about to consider was effected by the simplest of these -implements--the needle. - -One of the earliest modes of transmitting the history of important -transactions to posterity was by recording them in long lines of -pictorial representation. In the temples of Nimroud, in the sepulchres -of Egypt, in the sculptures which entwine the columns of Trajan and -Antonine at Rome, we have familiar examples of the practice. The Bayeux -record is a large roll of historic drawings rather than a piece of -tapestry; and it is remarkable as being the last example of this species -of representation which antiquity has handed down to us. - -In the days of the Conqueror, and of some of his Saxon predecessors, the -ladies of Engle-land were famous for their taste and skill in -embroidery; and this species of lady-like manufacture was known -throughout Europe as English work.[3] - -One effect of the Conquest was to bring the people of England and -Normandy into closer alliance than before. On the first occasion on -which William returned to Normandy, after the battle of Hastings, he -took with him, “in honourable attendance,” a considerable number of the -Saxon nobles,[4] who were doubtless accompanied by their wives and -daughters. Assisted by English ladies, as well as by those of her own -court, Matilda, the wife of the Conqueror, probably at this time -constructed the Tapestry which for many ages was preserved in the -Cathedral of Bayeux. - -Never, perhaps, was so important a document written in worsted. It is a -full and a faithful chronicle of an event on which the modern history of -the world has turned. It is referred to as an historical authority by -nearly every writer who discusses the period. The way in which the -subject is treated, the spirit shown in its design, and the harmony of -its colouring, warrant us in pronouncing it to be a monument worthy of -its reputed author, and of the event which it is designed to -commemorate. - -It is, however, a double memorial; it is a record of the love and duty -of William’s consort, as well as of the skill and valour of the great -hero himself. A loving wife sympathizes with her husband in all his -tastes. She takes an enthusiastic interest in his favourite pursuits; -and she had “lever far,” to use an expression of Lady Payson’s, that -success attended his efforts--that another leaf were added to his laurel -crown--“than that she should have a new gown, though it were of -scarlet.” Matilda could not bestride the war-horse, and do battle in the -field by her husband’s side; but she could commit his exploits to the -Tapestry. Surrounded by her ladies, all adroitly using their -many-coloured threads, she-- - - Fought all his battles o’er again; - And thrice [she] routed all his foes, and thrice [she] slew the slain. - -Matilda was, during the greater part of her life, a loving wife. -William, too, was a devoted and faithful husband; though in one case he -cannot be recommended as a model to enamoured swains. It is said that -for seven long years he courted Matilda of Flanders, but in vain. Her -affections were set upon a Saxon nobleman, but were not reciprocated. -At length the Duke resolved to bring matters to a crisis. He repaired to -Bruges, and met the high-bred damsel as she returned from church through -the streets of her father’s gay capital. Having reproached her for her -long-continued scorn and cruelty, he seized her, and coolly rolled her -in the mud, to the no small injury of her trim and costly attire. Then, -after a few more striking proofs of his regard, which she must have -sensibly felt from such a hand, the lover rode away at full speed, -leaving her to account for this novel mode of courtship as best she -could. Strangely enough, she put a charitable construction upon his -actions; she regarded his blows as so many proofs of the violence of his -affection; she felt sorry for him; and then--all was over--in a very -brief space the nuptial ceremonies were solemnized with a splendour -becoming the greatness of the occasion.[5] - -Thus did William win the hand of a lady who was to give to England a -race of monarchs more renowned than those of any other dynasty. She -herself, let it be observed, had the blood of Alfred in her veins. - -Before proceeding further, it may be well to give a brief reply to the -question which will naturally arise in the minds of most--Has the Bayeux -Tapestry descended to us from a period so remote as that of the -Conquest? A minute examination of the work supplies the best answer to -this question. Montfaucon, whose knowledge of antiquities no one will -dispute, and who was the first to describe the Tapestry as a whole, was -quite satisfied that popular tradition was correct in ascribing it to -the wife of the Conqueror; and Thierry, the last and ablest writer upon -the Norman Conquest, though he hesitates to ascribe the work to Matilda, -has no doubt that it is contemporaneous with the Conquest, and -constantly refers to it as a document of unquestionable authenticity.[6] - -Not, however, to settle the question by authorities, it may be -observed:--1st. That the fulness and correctness of its historical -details prove that it is a contemporaneous chronicle. Wace, as has -already been observed, treats more largely of the Norman invasion than -any of the writers of the Norman period; and, such is the general -agreement between the verses of the one and the delineations of the -other, that the Tapestry may be pronounced to be what in these latter -days would be called the “illustrations,” and the narrative of the -chronicler the “letter-press,” of an elaborate history of the Norman -Conquest.[7] And yet the one does not follow the other slavishly. Whilst -they agree in all the general facts, they differ in many minute details, -as all independent narratives will. - -2. Again, the architecture, the dresses, the armour, the furniture, of -the Tapestry are those which prevailed at the period of the Conquest, -and at no other. It is at all times exceedingly difficult, whether by -writing or painting, to portray accurately the manners, language, and -modes of thought, of an anterior period. In mediæval times, however, the -attempt was seldom made. The draftsmen represented the manners “living -as they rose.” “It was the invariable practice with artists in every -country,” says Mr. Charles Stothard,[8] “excepting Italy, during the -middle ages, whatever subject they took in hand, to represent it -according to the manners and customs of their own time. Thus we may see -Alexander the Great, like a good Catholic, interred with all the rites -and ceremonies of the Romish church. All the illuminated transcripts of -Froissart, although executed not more than fifty years after the -original work was finished, are less valuable on account of the -illuminations they contain not being accordant with the text, but -representing the customs of the fifteenth century instead of the -fourteenth. It is not likely that in an age far less refined this -practice should be departed from. The Tapestry, therefore, must be -regarded as a true picture of the time when it was executed.” The -testimony of an earlier authority, Strutt, is to the same effect:--“To a -total want of proper taste in collecting of antiquities, and application -to the study of them, are owing the ignorant errors committed by the -unlearned illuminators of old MSS.; and so far were they from having the -least idea of any thing more ancient than the manners and customs of -their own particular times, that not only things of a century earlier -than their own era, are confounded together, but even representations of -the remotest periods in history. The Saxons put Noah, Abraham, Christ, -and King Edgar, all in the same habit, that is, the habit worn by -themselves at that time; and in some MSS., illuminated in the reign of -Henry the Sixth, are exhibited the figures of Meleager, Hercules, Jason, -&c., in the full dress of the great lords of that prince’s court. At the -latter end of one of these MSS., indeed, the illuminator, reading -something about a lion’s skin, has covered the shoulders of the beau -Hercules with that kingly animal’s hide over his courtly load of silk -and gold embroidery. Yet this is a lucky circumstance in the present -want of ancient materials; for though these pictures do not bear the -least resemblance of the things they were originally intended to -represent, yet they nevertheless are the undoubted characteristics of -the customs of that period in which each illuminator or designer -lived.”[9] A comparison of Master Wace with the Bayeux Tapestry will -furnish us with an illustration in point. Wace, after alluding to the -negotiations which took place before the armies closed at the decisive -field of Hastings, says, “As the Duke said this, and would have said -more, William Fitz Osbern rode up, _his horse all covered with iron_; -Sire, said he to his lord, we tarry too long, let us arm ourselves. -Allons! Allons!”[10] Now, if we look at the Tapestry, we shall find that -not a single horse is equipped in steel armour; and if we refer to the -authors who lived at that period, we shall find that not one of them -mentions any defensive covering for the horse. Wace, who flourished in -the days of Henry I. and Henry II., is the first writer who mentions -horse-armour, and, excepting from the passage which has just been -quoted, it could not be proved that it had been introduced even in his -day. Wace is therefore probably guilty of an anachronism, and describes -what happened at the close of his own time as having occurred in that of -his immediate predecessors.[11] This example shows how exceedingly -difficult it is to portray customs with accuracy a few years after the -period in which they prevailed. Had the Tapestry been made by Matilda -the Empress, as some contend, numerous similar anachronisms must have -occurred. - -3. But the design of the Tapestry shows its early date. Its manifest -object is to prove the right of William to the throne of England, to -exhibit in strong colours the undutifulness and ingratitude of Harold in -attempting the usurpation of the crown, and to record the punishment -with which that disloyal and sacrilegious act was visited.[12] In the -latter days of the Conqueror such an undertaking would have been -valueless. He had planted his foot firmly upon the necks of the native -population; the barons, too, by whom he achieved the Conquest, had been -brought into subjection. He was king of England by the power of his -sword; he cared not then about the will of Edward the Confessor, the -oath of Harold, or the election of the nobles--he was king _de facto_, -and let them who durst deny it! These remarks, made with reference to -the close of the Conqueror’s reign, apply with still greater force to -the time of the Empress Matilda, to whom, as some conceive, we are -indebted for the Tapestry.[13] She would not have thought it necessary -to establish in so elaborate a manner her deceased grandfather’s right -to the throne, and to display at such length the obligations under -which Harold lay to him. The Brittany campaign would not have been given -in such detail excepting it had been quite a recent event. The Tapestry, -it will be observed, ends with the battle of Hastings. It does not even -include the subsequent coronation of William. It represents the first -act in the drama of the Conquest of England, and was doubtless intended -to prepare for the scenes which were to follow. It is difficult to -conceive that the Tapestry was designed at any period save that -immediately subsequent to the battle of Hastings. William had not then -assumed the character of an arbitrary monarch, which he subsequently -did. The Saxon ladies, full of reverence for the character of their -lately deceased monarch, Edward the Confessor, might naturally resent -the attempt of Harold to resist the evident wish of that monarch to -bequeath his crown to William, and, imbued with the superstition of an -ignorant age, regard the fatal results of the battle of Hastings as a -just judgment from God for the violation of an oath taken upon the -relics of the saints. Taking this view of it there was nothing -unpatriotic in their entering zealously into the views of their queen. -But if, after England had reaped the bitter fruits of the conquest; if, -after their fathers had been slain, their husbands driven into exile, -their children made to herd with the dogs of the Conqueror’s flock, they -had lent their skill to commemorate the desolation of their country and -their homes, they would have dishonoured their lineage and their name. -On these general grounds, therefore, we may conceive the Tapestry to be -of the era of the Conqueror, and to date from an early period in his -reign. Many opportunities of reverting to this subject will afterwards -occur. - -But although it be admitted that the Tapestry is of the age of the -Conquest, it does not necessarily follow that it was wrought by the -Queen and her court. The opinion that Matilda presided over its -execution has been strongly controverted, chiefly by those, however, who -deny its early antiquity. The Abbé de la Rue, as formerly observed, -ascribes it to Matilda the Empress. Mr. Bolton Corney, in an able paper -entitled _Researches and Conjectures on the Bayeux Tapestry_, contends -that it was not executed until the year 1205, and that it was then done -at the expense of the Chapter. Dr. Lingard adopts Mr. Corney’s views, -and in a note appended to the first volume of his _History of England_ -condenses his arguments. If, however, the Tapestry bear internal -evidence of an earlier date, these arguments are of little value. - -No contemporary historian indeed tells us that the Tapestry was made by -Matilda. It is not mentioned in her will, or the Conqueror’s. The -inventory of the treasures of the church at Bayeux, bearing date 1369, -and which is the earliest document mentioning the Tapestry, contains no -allusion to Matilda. Another inventory, made in 1476, and professing to -be a descriptive catalogue of the jewels, ornaments, books, and other -valuables of the church, mentions the Tapestry, describes its form and -subject, and names the period of its public exhibition; but gives no -hint that it was made at the command of Matilda. It is difficult, it may -even be impossible, satisfactorily to account for the absence of all -allusion to the Queen in these documents, but negative arguments prove -little. Besides, the case is by no means singular. The compilers of -ancient documents seem to have left much to be taken for granted. Sir -Henry Ellis, in his _General Introduction to Domesday_, says, “Of Queen -Matilda’s gifts to foreign monasteries, two only are particularly -specified in the Survey; the land at Deverel in Wilts, which she gave to -St. Mary at Bee; and two hides at Frantone in Dorset, which she gave to -the Conqueror’s foundation of St. Stephen at Caen. _No mention occurs of -the Conqueror and his Queen having founded the monasteries of St. -Stephen and the Holy Trinity in that city_: although their lands in -England are specified.”[14] It is scarcely less difficult to account for -these omissions in the _Domesday Book_, than it is to account for the -absence of all allusion to the framer of the Tapestry by contemporary -writers. In the absence of direct evidence, we are thrown upon -probabilities. And what is more likely than that the opinion which -Montfaucon found prevailing at Bayeux when he discovered the Tapestry is -the correct one? As the Abbé de la Rue himself argues, “To have -undertaken this Tapestry would have required a considerable degree of -interest in the subject of it, and to have possessed the necessary -powers for its execution.”[15] Who can be supposed to have had so great -an interest in the establishment of the Conqueror’s right to the throne -of England as Matilda of Flanders, and who but herself would have been -at the trouble of asserting it in such full detail? Would any one but an -immediate connexion of the Duke’s have taken such prominent notice of -the rescue of Harold from his captivity in Ponthieu, and of his -subsequent friendly intercourse with William in Brittany; and would even -Matilda herself have done this if the Tapestry had been prepared after -the stupendous results of the battle of Hastings had fully developed -themselves? - -Dr. Lingard, in appealing to the roll itself, says, “Nor does the -costliness of the work bespeak a royal benefactor.” “There is in it no -embroidery of gold, none of silver, none of silk, nothing worthy the -rank or the munificence of the supposed donor.” Had the article in -question been a royal robe, or sacerdotal vestment, the omission of the -precious metals might have been unaccountable; but in a piece of -embroidery of such extent, it is nothing wonderful. Neither should the -artistic value of the document be overlooked. Its figures may appear -uncouth in our eyes, but they are done in the very best style of the -period. A person of ordinary resources could not have commanded, to the -extent required, the services of the ablest artists of the day. The -preparation of the Tapestry must have been a costly and laborious -process, not at all unworthy of the wife of the victor of Hastings.[16] -What is more likely, then, than that the traditional opinion which -Montfaucon found prevailing in his day at Bayeux is well founded, and -that to the first of our Norman Queens we are indebted for this most -wonderful piece of needle-work? - -Although the actual execution of the Tapestry devolved upon the ladies -of Matilda’s court, there can be no doubt that they wrought from a -design prepared by some draftsman. The priests were the principal -artists of that day. The Latin inscriptions prove that in that part of -their work, at least, the ladies had the assistance of some educated -person. The name of the designer has not come down to us; unless indeed -there be truth in the following statement made by Miss Agnes -Strickland:--“This pictorial chronicle of her mighty consort’s -achievements appears to have been, in part at least, designed for -Matilda by Turold, a dwarf artist, who moved by a natural desire of -claiming his share in the celebrity which he foresaw would attach to the -work, has cunningly introduced his own effigies and name,[17] thus -authenticating the Norman tradition, that he was the person who -illuminated the canvas with the proper outlines and colours.”[18] Though -ignorant of the individual who designed the Tapestry, the style of the -work induces us to believe that the artist was an Italian. The postures -into which many of the figures are thrown are not English or French, but -Italian.[19] The cordiality subsisting at the time of the Conquest -between the courts of Normandy and Rome, and the successful exhibition -of Norman prowess for some time previously on the plains of the Italian -peninsula, sufficiently account for the introduction of the -peculiarities of southern Europe into the Tapestry. - -Perhaps, however, we have acted rashly in having ventured even thus -cursorily to touch upon the antiquity of the Tapestry. Miss Agnes -Strickland, who, in her _Lives of the Queens of England_, shows how -vigorously she can wield the pen, is rather indignant that any one who -is not learned in cross-stitch, should venture to discuss the subject. -Before we argue, she wants to know if we can sew. She says, “With due -deference to the judgment of the lords of the creation on all subjects -connected with policy and science, we venture to think that our learned -friends, the archæologists and antiquaries, would do well to direct -their intellectual powers to more masculine objects of inquiry, and -leave the question of the Bayeux Tapestry (with all other matters allied -to needle-craft) to the decision of the ladies, to whose province it -belongs. It is matter of doubt to us whether one, out of the many -gentlemen who have disputed Matilda’s claims to that work, if called -upon to execute a copy of either of the figures on canvas, would know -how to put in the first stitch.”[20] Few of the rougher sex would like -to be put to the_experimentum acus_, and therefore it may be as well at -once to exercise the best part of valour, and beat a hasty retreat. - -The attention of the learned world was first, in modern times, called -to the Bayeux Tapestry by M. Lancelot, who in 1724 found a drawing of a -portion of it in the Cabinet of Antiquities at Paris. He was struck with -its appearance, and at once pronounced it to be of the age of William -the Conqueror, and intended to commemorate his exploits; but he was -unable to conjecture whether the drawing represented a bass-relief, a -piece of sculpture surrounding a choir of a church or a tomb, a painting -in fresco or upon a glass window, or even, he adds, if it be a piece of -tapestry. He conceived that the original would be found at Caen. In -consequence of his suggestion, Father Montfaucon made diligent -inquiries, and, after some trouble, found the Tapestry, not at Caen, but -at Bayeux. He ascertained that it was there popularly ascribed to Queen -Matilda.[21] M. Lancelot further informs us that it was ordinarily -called in the country _La Toilette de Duc Guillaume_. At that period, -and for long afterwards, it was kept in a side chapel of the cathedral, -rolled upon a kind of winch, and was exposed to public view only once a -year, on the festival of the relics (July 1), and during the octave. On -these occasions it was hung up in the nave of the church, which it -completely surrounded. - -In the autumn of 1803, when Bonaparte, then First Consul of France, -contemplated the invasion of England, the Tapestry was brought from its -obscurity at Bayeux, and exhibited in the National Museum at Paris, -where it remained some months. The First Consul himself went to see it, -and affected to be struck with that particular part (_Plate VII._) which -represents the appearance of a meteor presaging the defeat of Harold: -affording an opportunity for the inference, that the meteor which had -then been lately seen in the south of France was the prelude to a -similar event. The exhibition was popular; so much so, that a small -dramatic piece was got up at the Theatre du Vaudeville, entitled _La -Tapisserie de la Reine Mathilde_, in which Matilda was represented -passing her time with her women in embroidering the exploits of her -husband, never leaving their work, except to put up prayers for his -success. - -At present the Tapestry is preserved in the town’s library at Bayeux, -where it is advantageously exposed to view by being extended in eight -lengths from end to end of the room, and is at the same time protected -from injury by being covered with glass. - -The Tapestry has originally formed one piece, and measures two hundred -and twenty-seven feet in length, by about twenty inches in breadth. The -groundwork of it is a strip of rather fine linen cloth, which, through -age, has assumed the tinge of brown holland. The stitches consist of -lines of coloured worsted laid side by side, and bound down at intervals -with cross fastenings; as is seen in the frontispiece, which represents -a portion of the Tapestry of the original size. The parts intended to -represent flesh (the face, hands, or naked legs of the men) are left -untouched by the needle. Considering the age of the Tapestry, it is in a -remarkably perfect state. The first portion of it is somewhat injured, -and the last five yards of it are very much defaced. The colours chiefly -used by the fair artists are--dark and light blue, red, pink, yellow, -buff, and dark and light green. On examining this interesting relic, I -was struck with nothing so much as the freshness of the colours; and can -entirely subscribe to the words of Mr. Hudson Gurney, in the -_Archæologia_, “the colours are as bright and distinct, and the letters -of the superscriptions as legible, as if of yesterday.” - -Perspective and light and shade are wholly disregarded. An effort is -made, by varying the colours employed, to avoid the confusion arising -from this circumstance: thus, while the leg of a horse which is nearest -to the spectator is painted blue, the one more removed will be coloured -red; or if the one be pink, the other may be a greenish yellow. The -colours, owing probably to the restricted extent of them at the command -of Matilda, are employed somewhat fancifully, and we have horses -exhibited to us of hues which, could they be realized in living -specimens in Hyde Park now-a-days, would attract the envy and admiration -of all beholders. Notwithstanding the liberty thus taken, the harmony of -the colouring is such, that persons may look at the Tapestry for some -time without discovering that truth, in this particular, has been in any -degree violated. Mr. Dawson Turner remarks, that “in point of drawing, -the figures are superior to the contemporary sculpture at St. George’s -and elsewhere; and the performance is not deficient in energy.”[22] As -we examine the figures in detail, we shall have occasion to notice the -spirit and the expression which the artist has infused into his work. - -Besides the principal subject, which occupies the central portion of the -Tapestry, there is an ornamental border at the top and bottom of the -field, which is filled with a variety of representations. Here the -artist has indulged in a considerable play of fancy. Figures of birds -and beasts which certainly never came out of Noah’s ark are admitted -into this menagerie. Probably many of these forms represent the -griffins, centaurs, and other fabulous creatures which occupy so -conspicuous a place in the romances of the period. Others clearly -represent animals, such as the camel and lion, with which the people of -that age could not be very familiar, but which would, on that account, -furnish subjects of thought and conversation all the more exciting. - -In the lower border of the roll, near the beginning, are some -representations of the fables of Æsop. There is the crow and the fox, -the wolf and the lamb, the crane and the wolf, the eagle and the -tortoise, and some others. Besides these subjects, we have many of the -operations of husbandry, such as ploughing, sowing, and harrowing. The -sports of the field are not neglected. One man is seen shooting birds -with a sling. At this period the sling had quite gone into disuse as a -weapon of war, but was probably long afterwards retained for the -purposes of the sportsman. In one compartment, a man is seen fighting, -sword in hand, with a bear that is chained to a tree. In another, the -huntsman summons his dogs to the chase. In some portions of the Tapestry -the border has an evident reference to the main subject of the piece; -towards the end of the work the whole of the lower margin is filled with -the bodies of the slain, thus forming it, as it were, the foreground of -the general delineation. - -The whole picture is divided into seventy-two compartments or scenes, -which are generally separated from one another by trees, or what are -intended to represent such. The artist, very modestly mistrusting his -own powers, has usually affixed an inscription, in Latin, to each -subject, the more fully to explain his intention. The letters, like the -figures, are stitched in worsted, and are about an inch in length. - -That the Tapestry should from a period beyond all record have belonged -to the church of Bayeux is nothing surprising. Odo, the uterine brother -of William, who rendered the Conqueror such efficient assistance in the -battle of Hastings, and in the subsequent government of the kingdom, was -archbishop of that place. Matilda may, with great propriety have given -it to him in acknowledgement of his services, and he with equal -probability, for he was very munificent to his church, may have given it -to the Chapter. There is no other period at which it could with so much -probability have come into the possession of the ecclesiastics of Bayeux -as during the episcopate of Odo.[23] - - - - -II. THE COMMISSION. - - “All hail, Macbeth! that shalt be king hereafter.” - - _Macbeth._ - - -Very frequently the means which we adopt to secure our ends are those by -which Providence designs to thwart them. - -During that disastrous period when England was subject to the incessant -depredations of the Danes, Ethelred II. contracted a marriage with Emma, -a daughter of Richard I., Duke of Normandy. Ethelred’s conduct to his -wife proved that the match was not one of affection; his object -evidently was to obtain the assistance of the powerful house of Rollo in -resisting the attacks of the Vikings of the north. Instead of doing -this, the alliance resulted in arraying the Normans amongst the enemies -of England. Alfred and Edward, the sons of Ethelred and Emma, found an -asylum in the Norman court during the supremacy of Sweyn and Canute. At -one time an expedition was in readiness to leave the shores of Normandy, -with a view of placing by force a son of Ethelred on the throne of his -father. William of Malmesbury, speaking of the two youths, says--“I find -that their uncle Richard (II.) took no steps to restore them to their -country; on the contrary, he married his sister Emma to the enemy and -the invader. Robert, however, whom we have so frequently before -mentioned as having gone to Jerusalem, assembling a fleet and embarking -soldiers, made ready an expedition, boasting that he would set the crown -on the head of his grand-nephews; and doubtlessly he would have made -good his assertion, had not, as we have heard from our ancestors, an -adverse wind constantly opposed him: but assuredly this was by the -hidden counsel of God, in whose disposal are the powers of all kingdoms. -The remains of the vessels, decayed through length of time, were still -to be seen at Rouen in our days.”[24] Thus half a century before William -the Conqueror set out upon his expedition, a Norman invasion loomed in -the distance. - -Whilst the ships of Robert were rotting in the harbour of Rouen, Alfred -and Edward, the sons of Emma, were being trained up in the court of -Normandy in those habits and feelings which eventually led to the -assembling of an armament which adverse winds were not destined to -baffle. Alfred visiting England, was barbarously murdered; the Norman -chroniclers assert that the cruel deed was instigated by Godwin. At -length, by the death of Hardicanute, a way was opened for Edward, -afterwards styled the Confessor, to the throne of his father. He was, -however, at the time of his accession, as Camden expresses it, -thoroughly Frenchified. He could scarcely speak a word of English. His -court was filled with Normans, who usurped most of the official -dignities. When advancing years compelled the monarch to take some steps -for securing a fitting successor to the throne, his mind reverted to the -court of - -[Illustration: PLATE I.] - -Normandy. His immediate heir, Edgar Atheling, was too feeble a youth to -be placed, in such turbulent times, in so responsible a position. When -the choice lay between Harold the Saxon and William the Norman, the -Confessor’s early predilections necessarily induced him to look -favourably upon the youthful head of his mother’s house. Independently -of any communications which the English king may have made to the young -Duke of Normandy, the partiality which he manifested towards him could -not fail to nurture in Duke William’s mind the most ambitious views. -Hence sprung the Norman invasion. - -We are now prepared for examining in detail the scenes depicted in the -Tapestry. - -The first compartment exhibits to us Edward the Confessor giving -audience to two personages of rank. The king is seated on a throne; his -feet rest upon a footstool. A crown, ornamented with _fleurs-de-lis_, is -on his head, and he holds a sceptre in his left hand. The robe of the -monarch is full, and is ornamented at the collar, the wrists, and down -the front, probably by needle-work of gold. Similar ornaments appear -upon his knees. The arms and feet of the throne, according to the usage -of the period, terminate in carvings of the head and feet of a dog. The -taller of the persons waiting upon the king is no doubt Harold, as the -face bears a strong resemblance to that of one of the horsemen in the -next group, which the inscription tells us is Harold. A general likeness -is preserved throughout the Tapestry, both in the case of William and -Harold, so that we may reasonably suppose that the delineations of -these personages bear some resemblance to the originals, and that they -were drawn by an artist who knew them both. Edward is in the attitude of -a king giving law to his subjects. Harold and his companion _stand_ in -the royal presence, both to betoken their reverence for their monarch, -and their readiness to depart on the instant in the performance of the -royal behests. They evidently pay earnest attention to the commands of -the king. - -The subject of this interview is no doubt Harold’s intended expedition -to the court of William. Unhappily, there is no point in history -respecting which a greater diversity of statement exists among -contemporary writers, than the visit of Harold to the court of William. -Three views are taken of it:--one is, that Harold was commissioned by -Edward to inform the young Duke of Normandy that he had been nominated -by him as his successor to the throne; another is, that Harold, whilst -taking recreation in a fishing-boat, was accidentally carried out to -sea, and driven on the shores of Ponthieu; the third is, that Harold had -begged permission of Edward to go into Normandy, in order to release -from captivity two relatives, a brother and a nephew, who, after Earl -Godwin’s rebellion, had been placed as hostages in the hands of the -Norman duke. The question for us to consider is which is the view -countenanced by the Tapestry. Unfortunately, the inscription over the -group is simply EDWARD REX, and, so, gives us no definite information. -It will be well to examine the statements of the chroniclers, and then -compare them with the representations of our worsted work. - -William of Malmesbury says, “King Edward declining into years, as he had -no children himself, and saw the sons of Godwin growing in power, -despatched messengers to the King of Hungary to send over Edward, the -son of his brother Edmund, with all his family; intending, as he -declared, that either he, or his sons, should succeed to the hereditary -kingdom of England, and that his own want of issue should be supplied by -that of his kindred. Edward came in consequence, but died almost -immediately. He left three surviving children; that is to say, Edgar, -who, after the death of Harold, was by some elected king; and who, after -many revolutions of fortune, is now living wholly retired in the -country, in extreme old age;[25] Christina, who grew old at Romsey in -the habit of a nun; and Margaret, whom Malcolm King of the Scots, -espoused.... The king, in consequence of the death of his relation, -losing his first hope of support, gave the succession of England to -William Earl of Normandy. He was well worthy of such a gift, being a -young man of superior mind, who had raised himself to the highest -eminence by his unwearied exertion; moreover, he was his nearest -relation by consanguinity, as he was the son of Robert, the son of -Richard the Second (of Normandy), whom we have repeatedly mentioned as -the brother of Emma, Edward’s mother. Some affirm that Harold himself -was sent into Normandy by the King for this purpose; others, who knew -Harold’s more secret intentions, say, that being driven thither against -his will by the violence of the wind, he imagined this device, in order -to extricate himself. This, as it appears nearest the truth, I shall -relate. Harold being at his country seat at Bosham, went for recreation -on board a fishing-boat and, for the purpose of prolonging his sport, -put out to sea; when a sudden tempest arising, he was driven with his -companions on the coast of Ponthieu. The people of that district, as was -their native custom, immediately assembled from all quarters; and -Harold’s company, unarmed and few in number, were, as it might easily -be, quickly overpowered by an armed multitude, and bound hand and foot. -Harold, craftily meditating a remedy for this mischance, sent a person, -whom he had allured by great promises, to William to say, that he had -been sent into Normandy by the King, for the purpose of expressly -confirming in person the message which had been imperfectly delivered by -people of less authority, but that he was detained in fetters by Guy, -and could not execute his embassy.... By these means Harold was -liberated at William’s command, and conducted by Guy in person.”[26] - -Master Wace inclines to the opinion, that he went to rescue the -hostages. His statement is, “When his father (Earl Godwin) had died, -Harold, pitying the hostages, was desirous to cross over into Normandy, -and bring them home. So he went to take leave of the King. But Edward -strictly forbade him, and charged and conjured him not to go to -Normandy, nor to speak with Duke William; for he might soon be drawn -into some snare, as the Duke was very shrewd; and he told him that if he -wished to have the hostages home, he would choose some messenger for the -purpose. So at least I have found the story written. But another book -tells me, that the King ordered him to go for the purpose of assuring -Duke William, his cousin, that he should have the realm after his death. -How the matter really was I never knew.”[27] - -Let us now attend to the questions, How are we to reconcile these -various statements, and what is the view taken by the draftsman of the -Tapestry? - -We must at once abandon the fishing boat story. The preparation which -Harold makes for his expedition, and the numbers he takes with him, are -irreconcileable with this view. Besides, the ships do not seem to be -suffering from stress of weather, and, according to the inscription, -Harold appears to have made a prosperous voyage, ET VELIS VENTO PLENIS, -VENIT IN TERRAM WIDONIS COMITIS--And his sails being filled with the -wind, he came into the territory of Count Guy. - -We must also abandon the view which represents him as going to procure, -_in a direct and open manner_, the hostages which William held. He knew -that William was as shrewd as he was ambitious, and would not be so -simple as to give up at his request, however reasonable it might be, the -only means he had of holding him in restraint. Besides, the Tapestry -represents the King, in the first compartment, in the attitude of one -giving a command, rather than administering advice. The interview which -Harold has with the King, on his return, strengthens this view. (_Plate -VII._) Harold comes into the presence of the Confessor like a guilty -person, deploring his misdeeds and craving pardon. An axe, carried by an -attendant on the left of the King, is turned towards him, apparently -betokening that he has committed an offence worthy of death. The King is -evidently reproving him sharply, but the attendant on the right of the -King having the edge of his axe turned away from Harold, shows that the -result of the interview was a pardon. The monarch was in fact too -powerless to adopt any rigorous steps towards so influential a subject -as the son of Godwin. If Harold had simply failed upon a private errand -of his own, but which the King had forewarned him would be a bootless -one, the King would have been more disposed to laugh at the trouble into -which he had brought himself than take such serious notice of his -conduct. - -Besides, it is admitted on all hands, that Edward intended to appoint -William as his successor, and most of the chroniclers agree in asserting -that the Norman had already received some intimation of it. Further, -William, after procuring the kingdom, always claimed to hold it, amongst -other pleas, _Beneficio concessionis domini et cognati mei, gloriosi -Regis Edwardi_--By the devise of my lord and relative the glorious King -Edward.[28] Now, is it likely that a document which depicted the views -of the Norman court would neglect to insert so important a title? - -Supposing it to be a point established, that in the first compartment -the Confessor is giving orders to Harold to inform William of the -honours that awaited him, and abandoning, for the reasons already -stated, the view of his being accidentally cast ashore on the coast of -Ponthieu, we are necessarily led to suppose that he designedly shaped -his course to that place, in order to promote his own ends. The Earl of -Ponthieu was jealous of William’s growing power, and had often been in -arms against him. He had on one occasion been imprisoned by him for two -years. Harold might readily suppose, that if he could obtain the -assistance of Guy, he might, by stealth or stratagem, get possession of -the persons of his brother and nephew. Hence, instead of going direct to -Rouen, he seems to have shaped his course more to the north. He might -argue with himself, that when once he had got possession of the -hostages, the wrath of William, which would no doubt be aroused by the -proceeding, would be easily allayed by his putting him in formal -possession of the fact of his being appointed by the present occupant of -the English crown his successor. - -On the first view of the case, it seems strange that Harold should -undertake an errand which was apparently so much opposed to his -interests, or even that the King should intrust him with such a -commission. Harold, however, could have little objection to make it -known that it was the King’s wish that William should be appointed his -successor; for it was of some importance to him, having an eye to the -crown himself, that the direct heir should, at all events, be -superseded. Edgar Atheling, the next in the succession, was a rival in -the palace itself; William the Norman was separated from him and the -land of their mutual ambition by a barrier which was in those days a -very formidable one--the English Channel. If Harold entertained these -views, he would take care to inform the King of his acquiescence in his -well known intentions respecting the succession, and thus encourage him -to send him upon his present errand. - -This method of reconciling the different views given by the chroniclers -upon this involved point of English history is, it must be confessed, -purely theoretical; at the same time, no better occurs. - -Harold has received his commission from the King; let us see how he -fulfils it. He is first seen riding in company with several persons of -distinction (as their dress indicates) to the place of embarkation. The -legend here is, [U]BI HAROLD DUX ANGLORUM ET SUI MILITES EQUITANT AD -BOSHAM--Where Harold the English chief and his knights ride to Bosham. -Harold is represented twice in this group (by no means an unusual thing, -as we shall afterwards see); once, lifting up his hand, as if in the -attitude of command; and again, with his hawk upon his fist, to betoken -his high rank; a pack of hounds are scampering before him. - -The hawk and the hounds require a few words of remark. It is well known -to persons conversant in antiquity, that the great men of those times -had only two ways of being accoutered when they set out upon a journey; -either in the habiliments of war, or for the chase. Harold, as going on -an errand of peace, we find here represented in the latter. The bird -upon the fist was a mark of high nobility. We see it frequently upon -seals and miniatures, of that age, of ladies as well as men; and so -sacred was this bird esteemed, that we find it prohibited in the ancient -laws for any one to give his hawk or his sword as part of his ransom. -Severe fines were laid on those who should steal another’s hawk. Harold, -it will be observed, is the only one of all his suite who has the bird -upon his fist.[29] - -Several hawks are introduced in the course of the Tapestry, but in no -one case is the bird provided with a hood. The hood was introduced from -the East about the year 1200, and as after its introduction it was -considered an essential part of the equipment of the bird, its absence -in the Tapestry is conclusive evidence of its comparatively early -date.[30] - -The three larger dogs have collars, provided with rings through which, -most probably, the leash passed; the other two are of a smaller breed. -The horses are hog-maned. Harold’s horse, in the more forward instance, -has some ornament entwined with its mane. - -Bosham is a hamlet in Sussex, near to Chichester, which still retains -its ancient name. It was a sea-port of some consequence in Saxon times, -and we frequently read of its being the point of departure for persons -going to the Continent. Bosham was the property of Harold, having been -obtained by his father, Earl Godwin, from the Archbishop of Canterbury. - -Among the endowed churches of England, that of Bosham was probably one -of the richest. In the reign of King Edward it had land belonging to it -to the extent of a hundred and twelve hides. The generality of church -endowments were infinitely smaller. Hence we find the church represented -in the Tapestry as a structure of considerable consequence.[31] - -A tree closes the scene. It is of a species which does not flourish in -our modern woods, but which nevertheless grows very abundantly in the -MSS. of the tenth and eleventh centuries. Several of similar character -may be seen in the Illustrations to Cædmon’s _Metrical Paraphrase_, -executed in the tenth century.[32] These trees, like the lions and -leopards of the heralds of a subsequent date, were mere conventional -forms, and not intended to be correct representations of the objects -indicated. - -The next compartment exhibits to us Harold and a companion (one no doubt -being used to represent all) entering the sacred structure, with the -view of seeking the divine blessing upon their enterprise. As the -humility of their posture, when inside, could not be represented, the -artist has exhibited them as entering it in a state of semi-genuflexion. -In this he follows a classical model. Among the Greeks and Romans the -act of adoration was expressed by the artists representing the body -inclined slightly forwards, the knees gently bent, and the right hand -touching the object of reverence.[33] Over the building which Harold and -his companion enter is written the word ECCLESIA.--the church. - -It is not a little curious to observe, that in immediate contiguity with -the church in which our voyagers offer their devotions, is the festal -board at which they comfort their own bowels, and pledge each other in -goblets large as their own hearts. The scene is one of a truly Saxon -character. Our blue-eyed forefathers never did things by halves, and -whenever they sat down at the social table--and they did so as often as -convenient--they exhibited a refreshing earnestness. - -The scene represents the end of the feast, and hence the drinking horns -rather than the platters are brought into requisition. Two of these are -magnificent specimens, and remind us of the horn of Ulphe preserved in -York Minster, and the Pusey horn. The individuals in the building are -evidently pledging each other, and the challenged and the challenger are -drinking in turn out of the same cup. Robert de Brunne refers to this -practice in the following lines:-- - - “This is their custom and their gest - When thei are at the ale or fest; - Ilk man that loves, where him think - Sall say wassail, and to him drink. - He that bids, sall say wassail; - The tother sall say again drinkhail. - That said wassail drinkes of the cup, - Kissand his felow he gives it up; - Drinkhail, he says, and drinkes thereof, - Kissand him in bord and skoff.”[34] - -Besides horns, semicircular vessels, or mazer cups, appear among the -furnishings of the board. These vessels were generally of wood, but -occasionally of gold or silver. Our ancestors, who somewhat strangely -blended religion with their festivities, not unfrequently had mottos, -such as the following, inscribed upon their mazer bowls:-- - - In the name of the trinitie - Fille the kup and drink to me. - -But the best of friends must part. A messenger, who has blown the horn, -to inform our voyagers that the boats are ready, till he is tired, comes -personally, horn in hand, to urge their departure. - -The scene of the embarkation is curious. Harold, the most powerful -subject in England--if he can be called a subject--strips off his lower -garments, and wades into the sea. His companions follow him in similar -guise. Harold has, as usual, his hawk upon his fist, and he and his -companion (the representative of the rest), more careful of their hounds -than themselves, carry them dry-shod on board the ship that waits to -receive them. - -No satisfactory explanation has been given of the peculiar implement -held in the left hand of the attendant who is next but one to Harold. -Can it be a ‘throw stick’ such as was generally used by the ancient -Egyptian sportsmen in fowling?[35] - -Harold has two ships, and they are represented twice over--once at their -departure from the English coast, and again on their arrival at the -shores of France. But before attending to the adventures which befell -the Saxon Earl on the opposite side, it will be well to review the -ground already trodden, in order to gather up some fragments of -information respecting the tastes and habits of the ancient English. - -The architectural delineations of the Tapestry are those of the -Conquest. Throughout the whole, the circular arch, which is -characteristic of the Saxon and Norman styles, prevails in its simplest -forms. Interlacing arches which occur so frequently in the later Norman -buildings, and which are supposed to have introduced the pointed or -Gothic-style, never occur. The palace of Edward the Confessor, in the -first compartment, is a large building as compared with the church and -manor-house of Bosham in the second. In some of its details it bears a -striking resemblance to the ‘heavenly abode’ in one of the early -illustrations of Cædmon’s Paraphrase.[36] Of the chequered work on the -face of the chief buttress tower many examples exist to this day in -Normandy. The chief feature of the church is the doorway, as is the case -with all Norman buildings up to a late period. The windows are small and -insignificant, and were probably unglazed. It is roofed with stone -shingles or tiles, rounded at the lower extremity, and fastened to the -framework with nails, as is conventionally represented in the drawing. -The roofs in the Saxon illustrations already referred to present a -precisely similar appearance. The traveller in Normandy will often be -reminded by existing buildings of these arrangements. The house in which -the voyagers take their farewell repast is worthy of observation. It is -constructed upon the plan of the ancient “peel houses” of the North of -England. The upper apartment has an independent entrance by stone steps -from the outside, and seems to be the place of greatest comfort and -security. The lower room is vaulted, and is divided into three -compartments, like the aisles of a church. This was not an unusual -arrangement in buildings of the Saxon and Norman period.[37] - -The dress of the parties may be briefly described. It has manifestly -been derived from a Roman model. A garment, doubtless of woollen, -invests the body, and comes up to the neck. A tunic, having something of -the form of a frock coat, is put on over this, and is bound round the -waist by a girdle. In the horsemen, this tunic is brought below the -knees, and, for greater convenience in riding, is divided so as to form -two wide loose legs. Most of the men are furnished with hose, which fit -tightly, and come well up the thigh. Most of them also are furnished -with shoes, which seem to fit the foot naturally and easily. In addition -to these coverings, the superior orders wear a cloak, nearly resembling -the _chlamys_ of the Roman general, and which is fastened by a fibula, -or brooch, at the right shoulder. - -All the figures, excepting those accoutred with crowns or helmets, are -bare-headed. This at first sight does not seem to be the case; the heads -of the parties appear as if they were enveloped with caps of various -colours. It will be observed, however, that, within doors as well as -without, their heads wear the same appearance. But the shaven crown of -the priests reveals the fact. These personages appear with hair as -indisputably red, and blue, and yellow, as the rest, yet they show the -bare poll in the centre. (_See Plates IV. and VII._) It may also be -observed that the hinder part of the heads of the Frenchmen is bare. In -France, at this period, an absurd custom prevailed of shaving the back -of the head. The men of Normandy and Ponthieu accordingly appear as if -they had caps stuck upon the front of their heads, leaving the back part -naked. All this seems to prove that, at the time of the Conquest, it was -not customary either in England or France for men to cover the head, -except for defensive purposes in the day of battle. - -The Saxons are uniformly represented with mustaches; the French are not. -King Edward always appears with a beard. The Saxons were fond of -cultivating the hair, and exhibiting full and flowing locks. In the -youthful days of King Edward both razors and scissors were eschewed. In -process of time, however, through some silvery influence, men were -induced to denude their chins of nature’s covering. Frenchmen made a -clean sweep of it, but the Saxons held out for the mustache. King Edward -maintained the customs of his youth, and he is always represented on -coins, medals, and the Tapestry, with all the capillary attractions -which nature ever gave him. In these respects, the Tapestry is true to -history. - -In ancient times, as well as in modern, fashions were subject to change. -In the reigns immediately succeeding the Conqueror’s, modes prevailed -different from those depicted in the Tapestry. The points of the shoes -were elongated, greater extravagance of dress was indulged in, and the -Normans, instead of shaving their hair like monks, suffered it to grow -ridiculously long; beards, too, were cultivated. The following summary -of the fashions of the late Norman period is to our present purpose:-- - -“During the reigns of Rufus and Henry I. the dress of the higher classes -became much more costly in material and extravagant in shape. Some most -ridiculous fashions are reprobated and caricatured by the historians and -illuminators of that period. The sleeves of the tunics were made long -enough to cover and hang considerably below the hand. Peaked-toed boots -and shoes of the most absurd shapes, some terminating like a scorpion’s -tail, others stuffed with tow and curling round like a ram’s horn, are -mentioned by the monkish historians. Ordericus Vitalis says they were -invented by some one deformed in the foot. The mantles and tunics were -worn much longer and fuller, and the former lined with the most -expensive furs. Henry I. is said to have had one presented to him by the -Bishop of Lincoln, lined with black sable with white spots, and which -cost £100. of the money of that day. - -“The English now, both Saxon and Norman, suffered their hair to grow to -an immoderate length instead of being cropped ridiculously short; and -William of Malmesbury, who has previously complained of his countrymen -having imitated the latter fashion, now laments over the long hair, the -loose flowing garments, the pointed shoes, and effeminate appearance of -the English generally. Even long beards were worn during the reign of -Henry I.; and Ordericus Vitalis compares the men of that day to ‘filthy -goats.’ - -“Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury, refused his benediction on Ash -Wednesday to those who would not cut their hair. Councils were held on -this important matter. The razor and the scissors were not only -recommended _ex cathedra_, but positively produced sometimes at the end -of a sermon against the sinfulness of long locks and curling mustaches. -Serlo d’Abon, Bishop of Seez, on Easter Day, 1105, after preaching -against beards before Henry I., cropped not only that of the king but -those of the whole congregation with a pair of scissors he had provided -for the occasion. But nothing could long repress these fashions, which -in the time of Stephen again raged to such an extent that the fops of -the day suffered their hair to grow till they looked more like women -than men; and those whose ringlets were not sufficiently luxurious added -false hair to equal or surpass in appearance their more favoured -brethren.”[38] - -We can only account for the exact conformity of the manners and customs -depicted in the Tapestry with those prevailing during the Conqueror’s -reign, on the supposition that the Tapestry was then produced. - - - - -III. THE ENTANGLEMENT. - - “Sir, what ill chance hath brought you to this place?” - - _Paradise Regained._ - - -When Robert of Normandy went on pilgrimage to Jerusalem, he named his -son William, then a boy seven years of age, his heir. His courtiers -expressing their fears that during his absence the estates would be left -without a head, he replied, “Not so, by my faith, not so! I will leave -you a master in my place. I have a little bastard here; he is little, -indeed, but he will grow; nay, by God’s grace, I have great hopes that -he will prove a gallant man; therefore I do pray you all to receive him -from my hands, for from this time forth I give him seisin of the duchy -of Normandy, as my known and acknowledged heir.” William, who was -destined never again to see his father, was committed to the -guardianship of his two uncles--“a lamb to the tutelage of wolves.” -When, at a very early age, he was compelled to take the reins of -government into his own hands, he had a difficult part to perform. As -the author of the _Roman de Rou_ informs us, “The feuds against him were -many, and his friends few; for he found that most were ill inclined -towards him; those even whom his father held dear he found haughty and -evil disposed. The barons warred upon each other; - -[Illustration: PLATE II.] - -the strong oppressed the weak, and he could not prevent it.”[39] The -success which attended his efforts made him an object of jealousy and -fear. In 1054 the King of France made war upon him, with the intention -of depriving him of his duchy. In the battle of Mortemer, William -overcame the forces of France, and, along with some others, took Guy -Count of Ponthieu prisoner. - -Harold knew well the difficult part which his rival had to perform, and -doubtless thought to take advantage of it. If he could induce Guy to -interest himself in the fate of his brother and nephew, who were -detained as hostages at the court of Normandy, the assistance of the -King of France and of many of his great barons could easily be secured. -Such, probably, was the reasoning of Harold, as he stepped on board his -ship at Bosham. The territories of Guy lay immediately to the north of -those of William. Let us see how the voyager fares. No untoward accident -occurs on the passage across, but all is expectation and anxiety as the -ships approach the shore. One man from the top of the mast of the -hindermost vessel eagerly spies out the land, the whole of the crew are -standing up and looking anxiously toward it. They evidently discern -indications which make them doubtful of a hospitable reception. This -ship, however, bears no marks of having encountered a gale. Its sail is -fully extended, and is in good order. - -The foremost vessel contains Harold alone, as the superscription, -HAROLD, informs us. He is in full dress, ready to pay his respects to -the Count of Ponthieu. He is, however, armed with a spear, which -evidently indicates that he has reason to fear that he is in an enemy’s -country. - -The next group of figures reveals the plot. Guy, accompanied by a troop -of horsemen bearing sword and shield and spear, orders the arrest of -Harold and his companions. The Count is simply clad, but well armed; he -has not only a sword of portentous size attached to his side, but a -basilard, or hunting knife, suspended from his saddle. “As an instance -of that peculiar accuracy which is observed by the designer of the -Tapestry, even in seemingly unimportant particulars, and which makes the -work so much more interesting as a faithful depiction of the various -circumstances of the times, we find the Norman horses of this and other -groups are represented as being larger than the Anglo-Saxon. The hair of -the mane is also uncut, and falls on the neck; the saddle and its -accoutrements are similar.”[40] Harold, stripped, as before, for -disembarkation, is immediately seized. The first impression on the minds -of the party evidently is to resist. Their ordinary weapons, which have -for the moment been laid aside, are not at hand; but that weapon which a -Saxon never laid aside--that weapon, half knife, half dagger, with which -he divided his food at meals, which he had by him even during the hours -of sleep, and which was deposited in his grave when his warfare was -o’er--that weapon, the saxe, from which, according to the mediæval -rhymer Gotfridus Viterbiensis, the Saxons derived their name-- - - “Ipse brevis gladius apud illos Saxo vocatur, - Unde sibi Saxo nomen peperisse notatur.”[41] - ---is clutched and drawn. - -The latter figures of the group, by the hesitancy of their manner, seem -to say that resistance is useless; each has instinctively laid hold of -his weapon, but it rests midway in his girdle. - -The inscription over this group is, HIC APPREHENDIT WIDO HAROLDUM ET -DUXIT EUM AD BELREM ET IBI EUM TENUIT.--Here Guy seized Harold, and led -him to Beaurain, where he detained him prisoner. The modern Beaurain is -situated a short distance from Montreuil, the capital of the ancient -province of Ponthieu. A tree closes the scene. - -In the solitude of his prison Harold must have reflected bitterly upon -his rashness in committing himself to the hands of Guy without having -accurately ascertained his feelings towards him. Instead of a friend he -found in him a foe. Instead of furthering his views he involved him in -almost inextricable difficulties. The Count, probably, had too keen a -sense of William’s power again to run the risk of incurring his wrath; -he therefore resolved, to avoid all appearance of ambiguity, to detain -Harold as a prisoner, and to extract from his friends as large a sum as -possible in the shape of ransom. It gives us a curious insight into the -state of society in those days, to observe that no one disputed the -right of Guy to seize the person and property of a stranger, who, -without hostile intent, had ventured upon his shores, or, as some -believe, had been driven there by mischance. Harold had no friend at -hand to release him from his unpleasant position. His active and clever -rival, William of Normandy, hearing of his circumstances, immediately -put forth the most strenuous and apparently generous efforts to effect -his enlargement, thereby laying him under very serious obligations. It -is the object of the succeeding portions of the Tapestry to place these -efforts in a strong light, and by implication to show the ingratitude of -Harold in opposing William’s claims to the English throne. - -The first scene represents Harold proceeding to the residence of his -captor. The expression given to the unlucky Earl is one of deep -dejection. He is stripped of the cloak which marked his nobility; and -though he carries his hawk upon his fist, its usual posture is reversed, -an intimation that his hawking days are over. Harold is well guarded by -a party of armed horsemen. Guy rides before, clad in the decorative -mantle of his rank, and having the falcon upon his fist, with its head -advanced as if ready to take wing. The artist has very successfully -portrayed in the countenance of Guy the chuckling conceit of this -heartless chieftain in the possession of so rich a prize as Harold. - -The next group of standing figures is supposed to represent some of -Harold’s party, distinguished by the mustache, in custody of Guy’s -soldiers. - -Harold, indignant at the unjust treatment which he had received, - -[Illustration: PLATE III.] - -sought an interview with the Count, no doubt feeling sure that he would -be able to make such a representation of his case, or to offer such -inducements, as would infallibly lead to his immediate release. An -interview was granted. The inscription over the next scene is “UBI -HAROLD ET WIDO PARABOLANT”--Where Harold and Guy converse. Guy is seated -(_Plate III._) with great pomp upon an elevated seat. His throne is less -ornate than that of the Confessor, to mark no doubt the difference -between a King and a Count, and it is without a cushion, but it is -decorated with dogs’ heads and claws, which are so frequently introduced -into all the work of that period. His feet, as is usual with persons of -rank, rest upon a footstool, having in this instance three steps. Guy -holds a naked sword with its point turned upwards; he is attended by a -guard, who is armed with a sword of prodigious size, and a spear. This -attendant touches the elbow of his chief with one hand, and with the -forefinger of the other points to some object, probably the messengers -of William, who are now approaching. Harold, though suffered to wear the -chlamys of nobility, comes into the presence of the haughty Count in a -slightly inclining posture. He feels he is at the mercy of his captor. -He has a sword, but its point is directed to the ground. His companion -has neither cloak nor sword. From the arrogant bearing of Guy in this -picture we cannot doubt that the unhappy Harold returned to his prison -more disconsolate than before. - -But, help was at hand. There is a figure, which we have not observed, at -one extremity of the audience chamber. He is a very attentive but -apparently an unobserved witness of the interview. His party-coloured -dress and the vandyked fringe of his tunic have suggested the idea that -this personage is the court jester.[42] The court fool was usually a -very shrewd person, and having, on account of his presumed simplicity, -access to his master at all times, was a very convenient agent in court -intrigue. This wily personage seems to have found means to acquaint -William with the untoward position of the English ambassador, for the -next scene is entitled UBI NUNTII WILIELMI DUCIS VENERUNT AD -WIDONEM--Where the messengers of William came to Guy. - -William on one occasion owed his life to the friendly interference of a -jester. Wace thus relates the story:--Guy of Burgundy, who was a near -relative of William’s, became envious of him, and resolved to disinherit -him. Assembling several powerful barons, who were as discontented as -himself, he said, “There was not any heir who had a better right to -Normandy than himself.... He was no bastard, but born in wedlock; and if -right was done, Normandy would belong to him. If they would support him -in his claim, he would divide it with them.” So, at length, he said so -much, and promised so largely, that they swore to support him according -to their power in making war on William, and to seek his disherison by -force or treason. Then they stored their castles, dug fosses, and -erected barricades, William knowing nothing of their preparations. He -was at that time sojourning at Valognes, for his pleasure as well as on -business; and had been engaged for several days hunting and shooting in -the woods. One evening, late, his train had left his court, and all had -gone to rest at the hostels where they lodged, except those who were of -his household; and he himself was laid down. Whether he slept or not, I -do not know, but in the season of the first sleep, a fool named Golet -came, with a staff slung at his neck, crying out at the chamber door, -and beating the wall with the staff; “_Ovrez!_” said he, “_ovrez! -ovrez!_ ye are dead men: _levez! levez!_ Where art thou laid, William? -Wherefore dost thou sleep? If thou art found here thou wilt die; thy -enemies are arming around; if they find thee here thou wilt never quit -the Cotentin, nor live till the morning!” Then William was greatly -alarmed; he rose up, and stood as a man sorely dismayed. He asked no -further news, for it seemed unlikely to bring him any good. He was in -his breeches and shirt, and putting a cloak around his neck, he seized -his horse quickly, and was soon upon the road. I know not whether he -even stopped to seek for his spurs, but he hasted on till he came to the -fords nearest at hand, which were those of Vire, and crossed them by -night in fear and great anger.[43] - -Had the fool not thus opportunely aroused him--had he not acted with -peculiar promptitude--had he not received important assistance in the -course of his journey from a faithful vassal, who facilitated his -flight, and led his pursuers off the track--we should never have heard -of William the Conqueror. As it was, he got safely next day to his own -castle at Falaise. “If he were in bad plight,” says Wace, “what matters -it, so that he got safe.” - -The result of the fool’s interference in behalf of Harold soon appears. -We are now introduced to two personages, sent by Duke William, who, in -their master’s name, demand the deliverance of the captive. Guy is -standing, and wears a haughty air. He holds an axe in his hand, by way -of asserting that he has the power of life or death over his prisoner. -He is partially habited in the costume of war. Under his chlamys he -wears a tunic of scale armour, probably composed of overlapping pieces -of leather. This dress, though not so secure as one of mail, would -nevertheless present considerable resistance to the stroke of a weapon. -Odo is represented as wearing a dress somewhat similar in the battle of -Hastings; also a figure which I take to be William approaching Mount St. -Michael. His hose are composed of party-coloured materials; several -other personages in the Tapestry, chiefly individuals of consequence, -are so adorned. The Saxons, and probably the Normans also, were in the -habit of protecting their legs in the day of battle by binding them -round with slips of leather or other material. Guy has an armed -attendant, standing aloof, but ready to act; and the two messengers of -William apparently press their mission with great vigour. The legend of -this is, UBI NUNTII WILIELMI DUCIS VENERUNT AD WIDONEM--Where the -messengers of Duke William came to Guy. The horses of the messengers -stand hard by, held by a _dwarf_, who, although he wears a beard, is -evidently a Norman, for his hair is shaven off the back of his head. -Over this little fellow, in the Tapestry, is written the word TUROLD. -Who this personage was we have no means of knowing. He may have been -some favourite with the ladies employed upon the embroidery, who adopted -this mode of conferring immortality upon him; or, as Miss Agnes -Strickland has suggested, he may have been the artist who was employed -to design the Tapestry, and who, though he could not with historic truth -be introduced into any of the principal scenes, yet, very laudably, -wished for a place upon the canvas. It is, however, important to -observe, that the son of a person named Turold occurs in the Domesday -Survey, among the under-tenants of Odo, Bishop of Bayeux, for the county -of Essex.[44] The celebrated Norman ballad _The Song of Roland_ seems to -have had for its author a person of the name of Turold, if we may credit -its concluding lines, “And so endeth the history sung of Turoldus.”[45] -This inscription bears upon the subject of the authenticity of the -Tapestry. Had the work been constructed some considerable period after -the events which it describes, it must have been compiled from historic -documents, and so have contained none but historic personages. As it is, -there are several individuals introduced to us in the Tapestry of which -we have no trace in the chronicles of the day, but with which the -draftsman takes it for granted that all are as familiar as himself--a -very natural and very common oversight. The house, divided into three -aisles after the manner of that in which Harold took his parting feast, -is probably intended to represent the palace of the Count. - -These messengers having reported their ill success to Duke William, he -immediately sends two others, who gallop to Beaurain at the utmost -speed of their horses. Over them is the inscription, NUNTII -WILLELMI--The messengers of William. A watchman, elevated upon a tree, -observes the movements of this second embassy, probably with the view of -giving William the earliest intelligence respecting it. All this is -cleverly designed, in order to show the deep interest which William took -in the welfare of his captive friend, who was afterwards, according to -the court version of the story, to repay him with so much ingratitude. -These horsemen wear a threatening aspect; they are armed with spear, -shield, and sword; their spears are pointed threateningly towards the -place of their destination. Their shields bear a curious device, a -winged dragon whose tail is twisted in a peculiar manner. This object is -one of constant occurrence in the Tapestry, and seems to be one of -superstitious reverence. Harold’s standard is a dragon. The standard of -the Dacians, as depicted in Trajan’s Column, is a dragon. We have some -others introduced into the ornamental border of the Tapestry. In the -illustrations of _Cædmon’s Paraphrase_, the great dragon Satan is in two -instances figured in a guise nearly resembling these. Whilst in a -heathen state the Saxons and Normans doubtless made the evil one an -object of worship, as most heathen nations have done, and, long after -their reception of Christianity, may, though with questionable taste, -have retained for ornamental purposes the emblem which they had been -accustomed to regard with superstitious reverence. - -The transactions we are now considering probably occurred in the spring -of the year at the close of which King Edward died. In the lower margin -of the scenes just reviewed the operations of husbandry peculiar to that -season are portrayed. One man is ploughing. The plough has wheels, and -is very similar to some that are figured in _Cædmon’s Paraphrase_. Next -comes a sower casting the seed into the ground. He conducts the -operation precisely as it has been conducted from that day to this. Next -follows a harrow, drawn by an ox, which wears the yoke upon its neck. -This method of yoking oxen is still common in Normandy. - -We are not certain what means William used to bring Guy to his views. -Some chroniclers say he coaxed him, some say he threatened him, and -several maintain that he bribed him by giving him a large tract of land. -This however is certain, that he succeeded in inducing him to relax his -hold of Harold. - -The next compartment of the Tapestry exhibits to us William seated on a -throne near his castle gate. He is receiving a messenger, who approaches -him on bended knees. The superscription is, HIC VENIT NUNTIUS AD -WILGELMUM DUCEM--Here a messenger came to Duke William. The peculiarity -of the spelling of the Duke’s name WILGELMUS need not surprise us. At -that day, and for long afterwards, the orthography even of proper names -was not fixed. The G would no doubt be sounded like _y_ or the diphthong -_ie_, as is still the case in certain words in some parts of the North -of England. Who the messenger is we are not informed; he is evidently a -Saxon, and is probably one of Harold’s companions, who has accompanied -William’s ambassadors to Rouen, by way of giving the Duke a pledge of -the success of their commission. - -Guy having agreed to deliver up his prisoner, resolves to make a merit -of doing so, and conducts him in person to William’s court. The Duke, -desirous of doing all honour to his expected guest, goes out to meet -him. When the two parties approach, Guy very officiously introduces -Harold to the Duke, and seems to expect great commendations for his zeal -and activity. Harold himself follows Guy, having once again the mantle -of gentle birth on his left shoulder, and carrying his hawk upon his -fist, looking forward, in token of liberty. William sits firmly upon his -horse; his manner is quiet, but very decided; his figure is that of a -strong, square-built man. We know that his muscular powers were very -considerable; this is probably no fancy portrait. - -The inscription over this compartment is, HIC WIDO ADDUXIT HAROLDUM AD -WILGELMUM NORMANNORUM DUCEM--Here Guy led Harold to William Duke of the -Normans. - -William now accompanies his guest to his palace--probably at Rouen. A -man from a gateway tower looks out and receives the party. The palace of -William is a large and splendid structure. Both it and the castle we -last noticed contrast strongly with those we have previously seen. The -Normans were great builders. Whilst they were frugal in their household -expenditure, they erected elegant habitations for themselves; the Saxons -on the other hand (at least so say the chroniclers) did not care how -they were lodged, but laid out large sums in eating and drinking.[46] -William has a guard standing at his back. A Saxon is addressing him - -[Illustration: PLATE IV.] - -with considerable vehemence upon some business relating to the French -soldiers, to whom he points. The speaker is probably Harold; but what -the subject of conference is, can only be a subject of conjecture. Can -it be that he is requesting the assistance of an escort to accompany a -messenger of his to England to inform his friends of his happy release -from captivity? - -In the border above the palace are a pair of pea-fowls. This is probably -intended to give us an idea of the splendour of William’s court. In the -middle ages no feast was complete excepting this bird made its -appearance on the table, arrayed, after being taken from the spit, in -all its gorgeous plumage. The feathers of this bird were in great -request among our Saxon nobles as a means of decorating their halls. - -The next compartment presents great difficulties. It is headed, UBI UNUS -CLERICUS ET ÆLFGYVA--Where a clerk and Ælfgyva [converse]. It evidently -refers to a transaction with which the court of Duke William were well -acquainted, but of which the chroniclers have given us no account. - -_Ælfgyva_ is a Saxon word, signifying a present from the genii.[47] -Emma, the wife of Ethelred, and some other English Queens, are -occasionally by Saxon authors styled Ælfgyva; hence the term has been -considered a descriptive title rather than a proper name. On this -account some writers conceive that Queen Matilda is the individual here -presented to our notice. If, however, the term Ælfgyva was a descriptive -one, and applicable only to a Saxon Queen, it could not at this period -of the narrative belong to her, for William had not then obtained the -English throne. Other authors consider that Agatha, a daughter of -William, is the lady in question. Her name is written by Wace, Ele; and -by some authors she is confounded with her sister Adeliza. When Harold -swore to support William in his pretensions to the throne, he agreed to -receive Agatha in marriage. This lady’s subsequent history is confused. -William of Malmesbury says she died before she was marriageable. -Ordericus Vitalis gives the following account of her--“His daughter -Agatha, who had been betrothed to Harold, was afterwards demanded in -marriage by Alphonzo, King of Galicia, and delivered to his proxies to -be conducted to him. But she, who had lost her former spouse, who was to -her liking, felt extreme repugnance to marry another. The Englishman she -had seen and loved, but the Spaniard she was more averse to because she -had never set eyes on him. She therefore fervently prayed to God that -she might never be carried into Spain, but that he would rather take her -to himself. Her prayers were heard, and she died a virgin while she was -upon the road.” She, however, cannot be the Ælfgyva of the Tapestry. -Making every allowance for the varities of her name, it would scarcely -have been so written in her father’s court; as she was never Queen, the -descriptive epithet could not with propriety have been applied to her; -and as at the time of Harold’s visit to Normandy she was but a child, we -cannot suppose that any formal embassage would be sent to her respecting -the release of the English Earl, or any other subject. - -The lady in question is probably Algitha, the widow of Griffith King of -Wales, and sister to Edwin and Morcar, Earls of Mercia and -Northumberland, whom Harold must have married shortly after his return -to England, as his second wife.[48] Her name, as it is written by -Florence of Worcester, and some other chroniclers, differs but little -from Ælfgyva; besides, as Queen of England, she was entitled to the -epithet. If this supposition be correct, the force of the introduction -of this lady and the clerk into the Tapestry is considerable. The whole -object of this part of the drawing is to display in glowing colours the -generous kindness of William and the base treachery of Harold. Now if, -as we may reasonably suppose, Harold had set his affections upon this -lady before his departure for Normandy, and if, as we have conjectured, -he had, on being rescued, sent, by William’s assistance, messengers to -England to announce his safety, a special and loving message to the -queen of his affections would not be forgotten. The clerk certainly -approaches her in a jocose manner, and undoubtedly has some agreeable -intelligence to communicate. Now if Harold acted thus while enjoying -William’s hospitality, and solemnly undertaking to marry his daughter -Agatha as soon as she became of fitting age, his conduct was most -unjustifiable; and it was peculiarly suitable to the object for which -the Tapestry was prepared to expose it. Harold, before leaving England, -may have placed his lady for temporary protection in some nunnery, which -we may suppose to be indicated by the narrow and confined building in -which Ælfgyva stands. In this case none was so proper to approach her as -a priest. The employment of a person of the clerical order was moreover -necessary, as few of the laity could read or write. The individual in -the Tapestry has a shaven crown, but is dressed in ordinary attire. -William of Malmesbury tells us that the Saxon clergy were not fond of -any distinctive dress. - -In the whole course of the Tapestry only three females are presented to -our view--Ælfgyva, a mourning relative by the dying bed of the -Confessor, and a woman forced by the flames from her dwelling at -Hastings. This circumstance surely proves the modesty and retiring -habits of the Saxon and Norman ladies. - -As our ladies are scarce, let us pay them minute attention. The dress of -the Saxon women varied very little during the long period that elapsed -between the eighth and the end of the eleventh century; by thoroughly -enveloping the whole body, it consulted the modest feelings of the sex, -whilst its graceful folds gave considerable elegance to the person. -Antiquaries are inquiring men. They do not like to leave any subject -unexamined. That judicious inquirer, Strutt, finds some little -difficulty in investigating the undermost garment worn by the Saxon -ladies; he manages it, however, with great adroitness and delicacy. His -words are worth quoting:-- - -“In the foregoing chapter it has been clearly proved that the shirt -formed part of the dress of the men; and surely we cannot hesitate a -moment to conclude that the women were equally tenacious of delicacy in -their habit, and of course were not destitute of body-linen: the remains -of antiquity it is true afford not sufficient authority to prove the -fact; yet the presumptive argument founded upon female delicacy weighs -so strongly in the scale, that I conclude this supposition to be -consonant with the truth.”[49] Over this undermost garment came another, -which was only seen when the lower portion of the _gunna_, or gown, had -been pushed aside; it was made of linen or some other light material. -Next came the gown, consisting usually of some strong stuff. It fell -down to the feet, and was sometimes girt round the waist by a band. The -sleeves near the wrist were usually made very full, and hung down after -the manner lately in use among ourselves. A mantle was worn over this by -ladies of rank. It was probably fastened by a fibula, or brooch. The -woman coming out of the burning house (_Plate XI._) belongs probably to -the lower orders, for she has not a mantle. A head-cover, or kerchief, -was an indispensable part of the dress of Saxon ladies, whether high or -low. It enveloped the head, concealing the hair entirely; the ends of it -fell upon the shoulders. - -In the time of Rufus and Henry I. the dress of the ladies, which had -remained so long stationary, felt the stimulus of the Conquest. “The -sleeves of their robes and their kerchiefs appear in the illuminations -of that period knotted up, to prevent their trailing on the ground. Some -of the sleeves have cuffs hanging from the wrist down to the heels, and -of the most singular forms.”[50] An ancient monk has drawn the evil one -attired in this way, in order no doubt to throw discredit upon the -fashion. The hair also was no longer concealed, but hung down in plaits -on each side of the person as far as the waist. A statue of Matilda, -wife of Henry I., on the west door-way of Rochester Cathedral, exhibits -this usage. Had the Tapestry been executed in the days of this Queen, -Ælfgyva’s sleeves would have been fuller than they are, and her hair -would have hung down in graceful ringlets. - - - - -IV. THE KNIGHTHOOD. - - “Young knight whatever, that dost armes professe, - And through long labours huntest after fame, - Beware of fraud”---- - - _Faerie Queene_ - - -When Rollo and his brave companions, emigrating from Northern Europe at -the end of the ninth century, got a firm hold of Rouen and the -surrounding district, they were as far from being satisfied us ever. -They ravaged every part of France, carrying their arms even into -Burgundy. Charles the Simple, who had already yielded Normandy to them, -harrassed by these unceasing hostilities, sought to purchase peace by -the cession of another portion of his dominions. He offered Rollo the -land between the river Epte and Brittany, if he would become a Christian -and live in peace; but, though Charles threw his daughter into the -scale, Rollo would not agree, for the territory was too small, and the -lands uncultivated. He next offered him Flanders, which, by the way, was -not his to give; but Rollo rejected it because it was boggy and full of -marshes. He then offered him Brittany, which Rollo accepted.[51] -Brittany, however, claimed to be a free state, and its inhabitants were -a spirited and energetic race, not likely to yield allegiance where none -was due. In accepting Brittany, therefore, Rollo obtained little better -than an old quarrel. Continual wars, and a national enmity, between the -states, was the only result of the gift. - -We can here scarcely help observing by what a rare conjunction of -circumstances it was that William, who from his boyhood had been at war -with all the neighbouring states, and who a few months before the -invasion of England, was engaged in active hostilities with the Count of -Brittany, had leisure to undertake the great event of his life, could -leave his duchy and drain it of his troops, without being exposed to the -devastations of angry neighbours, and, not only so, but could obtain for -his great enterprise the powerful assistance of those rival chiefs with -whom he had so often been at variance, not even excepting the Counts of -Ponthieu and Brittany. The most careless observer cannot but mark in -this the finger of Providence. - -But to return to our worsted work. Conan Earl of Bretagne being at this -juncture at war with Duke William, and having drawn the Earl of Anjou -into alliance with him, the two naturally agreed upon a given day to -invade Normandy with their united forces. The Duke was however too much -upon his guard, and too lively, to wait for them in his own dominions. -He raised a considerable body of troops; and, knowing Harold to be a -brave soldier, and fond of showing his valour, invited him and his -companions to go with him upon this expedition; which Harold readily -agreed to do. This was a clever stroke of policy. He not only procured -the valuable assistance of Harold and his companions, all - -[Illustration: PLATE V.] - -the more valuable in consequence of the experience they had gained in -Wales, but obtained ample opportunities of studying the character of the -man whom he could not but look upon as his great rival. He had the -means, in their lengthened intercourse, of showing him great attentions, -and thus of apparently laying him under great obligations. But, above -all, he induced Harold by this step to excite the enmity of the men of -Brittany against himself. That William should make war upon them was no -more than the custom of the country, but what right had the Saxon to -interfere in their affairs? They could not, and did not, forget this on -the field of Hastings. - -The campaign in Brittany is described more fully in the Tapestry than in -any of the chronicles, and some events are there depicted, such as the -surrender of Dinan, which are not mentioned in any of them. William and -his party setting out upon their expedition (_Plate V._) pass the -neighbourhood of Mount St. Michael. The inscription is, HIC WILLEM DUX -ET EXERCITUS EJUS VENERUNT AD MONTEM MICHAELIS--Here Duke William and -his army came to Mount St. Michael. This mount consists of a solitary -cone of granite rising out of a wide, level expanse of sand, which at -high tide is nearly covered by the sea. It is a very conspicuous object, -and is seen on all sides from a great distance. A little to the south of -St. Michael’s Mount, the river Coësnon, which forms the boundary between -Normandy and Brittany, joins the sea. At this point the waters of the -ocean, in consequence of the contracting boundaries of the bay lying -between Brest and Cape la Hogue, rise with great impetuosity and to a -great height. The fording of the river, therefore, in the vicinity of -the sea is often a hazardous undertaking. To add to the difficulties of -travellers, the sand which covers the plain around St. Michael’s Mount, -and extends some distance inland and along the bed of the river, is an -exceedingly fine, white, marly dust, which, when covered with water, -affords most treacherous footing. The beds of sand, moreover, frequently -shift according to the varying currents of the tide, so that even a well -accustomed traveller may get wrong. These statements have prepared us -for the disasters which befel the party in crossing into Brittany. The -legend here is, ET HIC TRANSIERUNT FLUMEN COSNONIS--And here they -crossed the river Coësnon--Most of the group, mistrusting the -treacherous ford, have dismounted. One individual more venturesome than -the rest reaps the consequences of his rashness. All those on foot do -not, however, entirely escape. Harold is represented rescuing two of -them from their difficulties; one he bears upon his back, the other he -drags by the hand. The inscription is--HIC HAROLD DUX TRAHEBAT EOS DE -ARENA--Here Harold the Earl dragged them out of the quicksand. - -The fishes and the eels in the lower border are an appropriate ornament. -The draftsman has here indulged in a little play of fancy. A man, with -knife in hand, in trying to catch one of the eels, tumbles; his toe is -caught by a wolf, whose tail is in turn seized by an eagle, and so the -chapter of accidents proceeds. - -The difficulty of the ford being got over, our party continued their -march towards Dol, which is here represented by a castle. The -inscription is, ET VENERUNT AD DOL--And they came to Dol. The present -town of Dol is a remarkable place, bearing thoroughly the aspect of -ancient days. Its walls are tolerably perfect. However antique its walls -and houses, its market presents us with traces of an antiquity greatly -exceeding theirs. Large quantities of pottery, resembling in form and -substance the commoner kinds used by the Romans, are here exposed for -sale. It is curious to see Roman taste, as exhibited in such fragile -articles, outliving the lapse of so many centuries. - -As has been already stated, Conan intended to invade William, who, -however, anticipated him. The Duke moreover came upon him unexpectedly, -and found him engaged in settling a private quarrel with Rual, to whom -the seigneury of the city of Dol belonged. The moment the forces of -William made their appearance before the gates of Dol, Conan was -constrained to flee, and take refuge in Rennes, the capital of Brittany. -His army is represented in the Tapestry as fleeing to the city, pursued -by the troops of the Norman Duke. Over this scene is the legend, ET -CONAN FUGA VERTIT--And Conan betakes himself to flight. - -Rual, the lord of Dol, was but little benefited by the retreat of Conan. -William’s forces scoured the country, and supplied their own wants at -the expense of the inhabitants. Rual very politely thanked William for -his deliverance, but hinted that if his army continued making such -depredations everywhere, it was the same to him whether his country was -ruined by Bretons or Normans. William issued orders prohibiting further -devastation. A man is seen in the Tapestry letting himself down by a -cord from the battlements of the castle; this, it has been conjectured, -is the messenger sent to Duke William. A castle represents the city of -Rennes, over which is inscribed the word REDNES. - -We next meet with the town of Dinan. The inscription reads, HIC MILITES -WILLELMI DUCIS PUGNANT CONTRA DINANTES--Here the soldiers of William -attack Dinan. The place is undergoing all the calamities of a siege. -Some of William’s party are assailing it, but their onset is met by the -exertions of the garrison. Others apply flames to the structure. We -learn from the Tapestry that the castle was obliged to yield, and we see -that the act of surrender is conducted in a very formal manner (_Plate -VI_). An inhabitant of the town, probably Conan himself, (_ET CUNAN -CLAVES PORREXIT_--And Conan reached out the keys) is seen handing out -the keys upon a lance, and they are received in a similar way by one of -the chiefs of the attacking party. Both spears are adorned with a pennon -or banner.[52] As we have no account of this siege in the chronicles, we -can only gather its history from the stitches before us. Most likely -William was satisfied with the formal submission of Conan, and quietly -withdrew his forces. We do not in the Tapestry observe any of the -invading troops entering the town. - -Before proceeding further, we may notice some of the prominent - -[Illustration: PLATE VI.] - -features of the castles which have been presented to our view. All of -them are built upon elevated mounds. This was certainly one of the -characteristics of an early Norman fortress. Further, we see that they -were surrounded by a fosse, the section of which, in the Tapestry, is -very boldly marked. In the case of Dinan, we have a barricade on the -outside of this entrenchment. Besides these outworks, the castles -consist of an outer fortification, or bailey, and of an interior -building, or keep. The colouring of these structures may be purely -fanciful, but I am disposed to think that the vertical stripes which we -see upon some of them represent timber. The remains of some castles in -Cornwall incontestably prove that, occasionally at least, the outside of -the walls was braced with timber.[53] The walls of Guildford Castle are -pierced with holes, which we are told were made for the scaffolding, and -in order to hasten the drying of the mortar were left unfilled, and have -since remained so. Is it not more likely that these cavities were -formerly occupied by bolts for fastening an outside timber-casing to the -walls? - -But to proceed with Queen Matilda’s narrative. The campaign in Brittany -being brought to a satisfactory conclusion, the honours of knighthood -awaited the Saxon Earl. William himself confers upon him the envied -dignity. The superscription is HIC WILELMUS DEDIT HAROLDO ARMA--Here -William gave arms to Harold. Both parties are shown in the Tapestry -armed cap-a-pie. Harold holds in his hand the banner which, by virtue of -the rank now bestowed upon him, he is entitled to bear. William is seen -placing with one hand the helmet on Harold’s head, and with the other -bracing the straps of his hauberk. - -The Norman Duke, in conferring the honour of knighthood upon his adopted -son in arms, doubtless exhorted him to fight valiantly in the cause of -God and the ladies, and especially to bear himself gallantly against any -one who should disparage the beauty of that one lady to whom he had -plighted his troth. In this way William strengthened the meshes which he -had already cast over Harold. - -It has been noticed that the mode of conferring knighthood used on this -occasion is a compromise between the Norman and Saxon methods. Ingulphus -tells us that the ministrations of a priest were required when -knighthood was conferred among the Saxons, but that the Normans regarded -it entirely as a military ceremony.[54] Further, whilst the Normans, -whose military strength lay in cavalry, performed the ceremony on -horseback, the Saxons, who had no cavalry, always performed it on foot. -In the case before us the ceremony is performed on foot, but without the -agency of a priest. According to Wace, the ceremony of knighthood took -place before the commencement of the campaign in Brittany. This is one -of those variations which prove the independence of each authority. - -William and Harold, who had been sojourning so long together, fighting -side by side, living in the same tent, eating at the same board, now -came to Bayeux (WILLELMVS VENIT BAGIAS--William came to Bayeux), and -here the Saxon Earl came under that obligation the breach of which -filled men’s minds with horror and indignation. William could not but be -aware that Harold intended to seize the crown of England on the death of -the Confessor; he resolved therefore to avail himself of the present -opportunity of throwing as many obstacles in his path as possible. -Considering that Harold had come over professedly to announce to William -that he was to be the successor to the Confessor, considering the very -friendly terms on which they had now for some time been, and the very -great obligations under which the Norman Duke had laid him, he could not -refuse to take the oath. He no doubt felt, moreover, that he was in -William’s power, and knew full well that unless he complied with his -demand he would not be allowed to return to his native shores. He -therefore swore to support his rival’s claims to the English throne. As -the perjury of Harold was one of the pleas most successfully urged by -William against his opponent, it invites our careful attention. Our -faithful chronicler Wace gives us a full account of the transaction.-- - -“To receive the oath William caused a parliament to be called. It is -commonly said that it was at Bayeux that he had his great council -assembled. He sent for all the holy bodies thither, and put so many of -them together as to fill a whole chest, and then covered them with a -pall; but Harold neither saw them, nor knew of their being there; for -nought was shown or told him about it; and over all was a philactery, -the best that he could select.... When Harold placed his hand upon it, -the hand trembled and the flesh quivered; but he swore and promised upon -his oath to take Ele to wife, and to deliver up England to the Duke; and -thereunto to do all in his power, according to his might and wit, after -the death of Edward, if he should live, so help him God and the holy -relics there! Many cried ‘God grant it!’ and when Harold had kissed the -saints and had risen upon his feet, the Duke led him up to the chest and -made him stand near it, and took off the chest the pall that had covered -it, and showed Harold upon what holy relics he had sworn; he was sorely -alarmed at the sight.”[55] - -In this account there is a little inconsistency. We are told of Harold’s -amazement when he had seen the relics, but we were previously informed -that when he first placed his hand upon the chest “the hand trembled and -the flesh quivered.” If he did not know that dead men’s bones were under -the pall he must have suspected it; he must have known that this was the -customary mode of taking an oath.[56] - -In the Tapestry, Harold stands between two objects. One of them is a -reliquary of the usual form, to which two staves are attached for the -purpose of carriage. This reliquary has, however, a _superaltare_ -attached to it, such as is usually placed upon altars for the purpose of -containing the consecrated wafer. The other object is an altar of the -usual form and character. There does not seem to have been much -temptation to William to practise a trick upon Harold, for he had so -completely committed himself to the Duke that he could not avoid taking -the oath, even though no covering had concealed the bones. But whether -William did or did not practise this base artifice upon the Earl, it was -natural that the Tapestry, being the work of Matilda, should endeavour -to throw a veil over it. He is certainly in the Tapestry exhibited as -swearing by the relics in the chest and by the host upon the altar, and -he evidently touches them as if he knew they contained something very -dreadful--he could not approach red-hot iron much more charily. We can -readily conceive that after the ceremony William, by way of making as -lively an impression as possible upon the mind of his victim, displayed -the bones to him in all their sepulchral hideousness, and told them out -in full tale before him. In such a case Harold might readily shrink from -the exhibition, and be surprised at the number of martyrs which -William’s diligence had brought together. William was too brave a man to -attempt the mean artifice which historians ascribe to him. Harold never -accused him of it. When reminded before the battle of Hastings, by a -messenger of the Duke’s, of the oath he had taken, he sent this answer -back, “Say to the Duke that I desire he will not remind me of my -covenant nor of my oath; if I ever foolishly made it and promised him -any thing, I did it for my liberty. I swore in order to get my freedom; -whatever he asked I agreed to; and I ought not to be reproached, for I -did nothing of my own free will.”[57] - -But after all, this oath of Harold’s was not in the estimation of the -men of that day the serious thing that has been represented. Men whom an -oath taken in the name and in the presence of the living God could not -bind, were not to be restrained by any moral influence. A little -ingenuity only was requisite to release a man from an oath taken upon -the relics. In the _Roman de Rou_ we have a case in point.[58] At Val de -Dunes the rebel lords of Normandy appeared in arms against the Duke. -Before the opposing hosts joined, Raol Tesson, who was arrayed against -William, was seen to act with hesitancy. His men besought him not to -make war upon his lawful lord, whatever he did, reminding him that the -man who would fight against his lord had no right to fief or barony. -Raol could understand this argument, but what was he to do? he “had -pledged himself, and sworn upon the saints at Bayeux to smite William -wherever he should find him.” The difficulty was however got over. -Ordering his men to rest where they were, “he came spurring over the -plain, struck his lord with his glove, and said laughingly to him, ‘What -I have sworn to do that I perform; I had sworn to smite you as soon as -I should find you; and as I would not perjure myself, I have now struck -you to acquit myself of my oath, and henceforth I will do you no farther -wrong or felony.’ Then the Duke said, ‘Thanks to thee!’ and Raol -thereupon went on his way back to his men.” Success attended the side -which Raol thus espoused, and we hear nothing of his perjury. Harold -fell on the hard-fought field of Hastings, and heaven and earth -resounded with cries of horror at the foul sin. Had he won, a new abbey, -or the re-imposition of Peter’s pence, would have cleared off the score. - -Harold was now permitted to return home. The ship in which he sailed is -represented in the Tapestry. Over the scene is the inscription, HIC -HAROLD DUX REVERSUS EST AD ANGLICAM TERRAM--Here Harold the Earl -returned to England. His approach to the shore is anxiously looked for -by a watchman on the top of the gate-tower of his palace at Bosham. On -reaching the land of his nativity Harold lost no time in repairing to -court--ET VENIT AD EDWARDVM REGEM--And came to Edward the King. At the -beginning of Plate VII. we see him in the presence of his sovereign, who -reprimands him, as we have already observed (p. 28), for the miscarriage -of his Commission. - - - - -V. THE SUCCESSION. - - “Crowned but to die.”---- - - _Rogers._ - - -The latter days of Edward the Confessor were embittered by the prospect -of those evils which he saw were coming upon England. On the Easter day -before he died he held his court at Westminster. William of Malmesbury -tells us that “While the rest were greedily eating, and making up for -the long fast of Lent by the newly-provided viands, he was absorbed in -the contemplation of some divine matter, when presently he excited the -attention of the guests by bursting into profuse laughter.” On earnest -enquiry being made of him as to this unusual circumstance, he said “that -the seven sleepers in Mount Cœlius, who had lain for two hundred years -on their right side, had now turned upon their left; that they would -continue to lie in this manner for seventy-four years, which would be a -dreadful omen to wretched mortals. Nation would rise against nation, and -kingdom against kingdom; earthquakes would be in divers places; -pestilence and famine, terrors from heaven, and great signs; changes in -kingdoms; wars of the gentiles against the Christians, and also -victories of the Christians over the pagans.”[59] - -This was not the only vision he had. On one occasion he had lain two -days speechless; on the third, sadly and deeply sighing as he awoke from -his torpor, he said, that two monks from Normandy whom he had known in -his youth had appeared to him, and had spoken to the following -effect:--“Since the chiefs of England, the dukes, bishops, and abbots, -are not the ministers of God, but of the devil, God, after your death, -will deliver this kingdom, for a year and a day into the hands of the -enemy, and devils shall wander over all the land.”[60] - -Borne down by these painful anticipations, Edward rapidly sank. Feeling -death approach, he hastened the completion of the abbey church of -Westminster, in which he designed that his body should be laid. He lived -to realize this his last care. Roger of Wendover says, “Edward King of -England, held his court at Christmas (1065) at Westminster; and, on the -blessed Innocents’ day, caused the church which he had erected from its -foundations, outside the city of London, to be dedicated with great pomp -in honour of St. Peter, the prince of the apostles; but both before and -during the solemn festival of this dedication, the King was confined -with severe illness.” At length “the pacific King Edward, the glory of -England, the son of King Ethelred, exchanged a temporal for an eternal -kingdom, in the fourth indiction, on the vigil of our Lord’s Epiphany, -being the fifth day of the week. The day after his death the most -blessed King was buried at London, in the church which he himself had -built in a new and costly style of architecture, which was afterwards -adopted by numbers.”[61] - -The Tapestry exhibits to us the church of St. Peter at Westminster, and -the funeral procession of the recently departed monarch. The church is a -building of the Norman style in its greatest simplicity. As is usual in -cathedrals and conventual churches of the first class, it has its tower -in the centre, and is provided with transepts. The weathercock may -perhaps excite attention, as proving that this appendage of our churches -is no novelty. It appears in the Saxon illustrations of Cædmon. But what -is particularly worthy of our notice is, that a workman appears to be in -the act of affixing it. By this, the designer of the Tapestry means to -show that the church was but just completed when the interment of the -Confessor took place. A hand appears over the western end of the church -to denote the finger of Providence, and to indicate that it was the will -of God that the remains of the departed King should be deposited in that -building. A similar hand appears on the coins of some of the Roman -emperors, and in several of the sculptures of the catacombs at Rome. -This is another indication that the artist was acquainted with the Roman -method of treating such subjects. - -We next meet with the funeral of the King. The circumstance which -chiefly strikes us in it is its simplicity. No gilded cross is borne -before the body. No candles, lighted or unlighted, are carried in -procession. The attendants, clerical and lay, wear their ordinary -dresses. Two youths go by the side of the bier, ringing bells. That the -persons who follow the bearers are ecclesiastics is evident from their -shaven crowns. Two of them have books, from - -[Illustration: PLATE VII.] - -which they chant some requiem. Only one of them has a mantle, betokening -him to be a person of importance. The body, agreeably to the Saxon -custom, has been wound up in a cloth, fastened with transverse -bandages.[62] It is carried head-foremost. At a date not long subsequent -to the Conquest it was usual to carry the bodies of princes to the grave -fully exposed to view, dressed in all the habiliments of state. The -body, on arriving at the place of sepulture, would be deposited in the -stone coffin that was prepared to receive it.[63] The legend here is, -HIC PORTATUR CORPUS EADWARDI REGIS AD ECCLESIAM SANCTI PETRI -APOSTOLI--Here the body of King Edward is carried to the church of St. -Peter the Apostle. - -On proceeding to the next compartment we are surprised at being -introduced into the chamber of the dying King, whose remains we have -already seen conducted to the grave. Some writers think that here the -artist has been guilty of an oversight, or that the fair ladies who -carried out his design have been very inattentive to their instructions. -The seeming inconsistency is very easily explained. A new subject is now -entered upon, and that subject is the right of succession. One -important element in it is the grant of the King. The historian of the -Tapestry, in discussing this very important part of his design, found it -necessary to revert to the scenes which preceded the death of the -Confessor, and to the directions which in his last moments he had given. - -The narrative which Wace gives us of the last hours of the King agrees -well with the Tapestry. “The day came that no man can escape, and King -Edward drew near to die. He had it much at heart that William should -have his kingdom, if possible; but he was too far off, and it was too -long to tarry for him, and Edward could not defer his hour. He lay in -heavy sickness, in the illness whereof he was to die; and he was very -weak, for death pressed hard upon him. Then Harold assembled his -kindred, and sent for his friends and other people, and entered into the -King’s chamber, taking with him whomsoever he pleased. An Englishman -began to speak first, as Harold had directed him, and said, ‘Sire, we -sorrow greatly that we are about to lose thee; and we are much alarmed, -and fear that great trouble may come upon us. No heir of thine remains -who may comfort us after thy death.... On this account the people weep -and cry aloud, and say they are ruined, and that they shall never have -peace again, if thou failest them. And in this I trow they say truly; -for without a king they will have no peace, and a king they cannot have, -save through thee.... Behold the best of thy people, the noblest of thy -friends; all are come to beseech thee, and thou must grant their prayer -before thou goest hence, or thou wilt not see God. All come to implore -thee that Harold may be King of this land. We can give thee no better -advice, and no better canst thou do.’ As soon as he had named Harold, -all the English in the chamber cried out that he said well, and that the -King ought to give heed to him. ‘Sire!’ they said, ‘if thou dost it not -we shall never in our lives have peace.’ Then the King sat up in his -bed, and turned his face to the English there, and said, ‘Seigniors! you -well know, and have oft-times heard, that I have given my realm at my -death to the Duke of Normandy; and as I have given it, so have some -among you sworn that it shall go.’ But Harold, who stood by, said, -‘Whatever thou hast heretofore done, sire! consent now that I shall be -King, and that your land be mine. I wish for no other title, and want no -one to do any thing more for me.’ So the King turned round and said, -whether of his own free will I know not,--‘Let the English make either -the Duke or Harold king, as they please; I consent.’ So he let the -barons have their own will.”[64] This narrative bears all the marks of -probability, and is quite consistent with the representations of the -Tapestry. The circumstance of the dying monarch’s having been -clamorously assailed, at a time when peace is most required, by the -adherents of Harold, in order to induce him to alter the arrangements he -had already made respecting the succession, was calculated to win for -the Duke the sympathy of all right-minded persons. - -Still, the question remains, why should Harold have been so anxious to -be nominated the successor of the Confessor? - -Three circumstances seem to have constituted a legal claim to the throne -among the Anglo-Saxons--heirship, the appointment of the departed -monarch, and the election of the nobles. - -That heirship alone did not constitute a valid claim to the throne is -plain from the will of King Alfred, which has been preserved by Asser. -He there styles himself king of the whole of Wessex, by the consent of -the nobility, _nobilitatis consensu pariter et assensu rex_; and in the -same public act declares that he inherited the kingdom, after his two -brothers Ethelbald and Ethelred, by the will of his father, _de -hereditate, quam pater meus Ethelwulphus ... delegavit_. It is quite -evident, therefore, that a thoroughly valid claim to the crown was of -the triple nature now represented. As neither Harold nor William -belonged to the royal line of England, the remaining sources of right -became of the more importance to them. - -Let us now revert to the Tapestry. The feeble condition of the King is -well represented. An attendant is supporting him behind with a pillow, -whilst he makes an attempt to speak. The blackness of death has settled -upon his shrunken countenance. A priest dressed in canonicals stands by, -whose uplifted hand and sorrow-stricken face seem to say that the grand -climax is at hand. A lady at the foot of the bed weeps; she is doubtless -the wife of the Confessor, the sister of Harold. Harold is eagerly -pressing his claim. The legend here is, HIC EADWARDUS REX IN LECTO -ALLOQUIT: FIDELES--Here King Edward on his bed addresses his faithful -attendants. Underneath is a scene, which the inscription explains, ET -HIC DEFUNCTUS EST--And here he is dead. A priest in canonicals is again -present, probably the one we saw above, and two attendants wrap up the -body for burial. - -The compartment before us is the only one in the Tapestry in which two -scenes are given in one breadth. This is probably not without design. -The death and burial of Edward, and the election and coronation of -Harold, all took place within eight-and-forty hours. It was of great -importance to Harold to get actual possession of the crown before -William could put in his claim. It was usual in these times to perform -the ceremonies of coronation only at one of the great festivals of the -church. Edward died on the last day but one of Christmas, and for Harold -to wait till Easter, the next festival, was to throw away the important -advantage which he had gained over his rival. Hence the rapidity with -which the coronation of Harold followed the death of the Confessor. It -is to show, that no sooner had the vital spirit fled than preparations -for the burial were begun, that we have the two scenes in the same -compartment. - -The next pictures represent the election and coronation of Harold. -William of Malmesbury says, “While the grief for the King’s death was -yet fresh, Harold, on the very day of the Epiphany, seized the diadem, -and extorted from the nobles their consent; though the English say, that -it was granted him by the King.” - -In many respects the Tapestry is more candid than the Chroniclers. It -here says, HIC DEDERUNT HAROLDO CORONAM REGIS--Here they gave the crown -of the King to Harold; and the next legend is, HIC RESIDET HAROLD REX -ANGLORUM--Here is seated Harold, King of the English. One contemporary -writer denies that Harold was anointed at all, or had any claim but his -own usurpation. In the Doomsday Survey, Harold is mentioned as seldom as -possible, and when his name does occur it is not as King Harold, but -Harold the Earl. The Norman chroniclers, writing subsequently to the -time when William had established his conquest, seldom write his name -without appending some derogatory epithet to it, such as “the perfidious -and perjured King Harold.” All this seems to favour the idea that the -Tapestry was designed during the first visit of William to Normandy. He -had not then broken faith with the Saxon nobles who thronged his court; -he was not yet independent of their good will, so that in stating his -own claims to the crown, he found it necessary not entirely to ignore -their views. After he was firmly established, he cared not what women -stitched or clerks wrote. - -The artist has managed the election-scene very adroitly. One nobleman, -in the name of the people, offers Harold the crown, which, as he -intimates by the finger directed towards the death-scene of Edward, he -has just taken from the head of that monarch. Harold looks most -wistfully at it. He seems to say--I should like very much to have it, -but I know it does not belong to me. For a moment he forbears to extend -his hand to grasp it. His right elbow is towards it, but his hand -remains upon his belt. On a line with the crown is an axe, held by -another nobleman, somewhat significantly turned towards Harold. Harold -has his own - -[Illustration: PLATE VIII.] - -axe in his left hand, and it too, though apparently by accident, is -turned towards himself. The Norman artist, in thus managing the subject, -manifestly serves the cause of William better than if he had altogether -disowned the fact of Harold’s election. - -That Harold should have been elected by the people is nothing wonderful. -The native population had groaned under the domination of a crowd of -foreigners, brought over by Edward the Confessor. They must have felt -that under William, a Norman by lineage as well as education, the evil -would be perpetuated and increased. Hence they gave their voices most -cordially and unanimously for the Saxon. Most of the English chroniclers -distinctly state, that Harold was duly elected to the office by the -nobles. Thus Roger of Hoveden, following Florence of Worcester, writes, -“After his burial, the Viceroy Harold, son of Earl Godwin, whom before -his decease the king had appointed his successor, was elevated to the -throne by all the chief men of England, and was on the same day, with -due honour, consecrated king.”[65] That Harold did not thrust himself -upon the people, is abundantly proved by the fact that not one man of -Saxon blood deserted him upon the landing of William. - -In our days the great reason which rendered a strictly hereditary -succession to the crown inexpedient does not exist. The adoption of that -wise maxim that a monarch can only rule by his ministers, renders the -personal qualifications of the monarch of less importance than in former -days. Still, even in our time, a remnant exists of the ancient form of -election. In the coronation service the king is directed, after -entering the church and attending to his private devotions, to take his -seat, not on the throne, but on the chair before and below the throne, -and there repose himself. Then the first part of the service, called the -“Recognition,” is to be proceeded with. In it the archbishop, -accompanied by the great officers of state, severally addresses the -assembly northwards and southwards, eastwards and westwards, saying, -with a loud voice, the king meanwhile standing up, “Sirs! I here present -unto you ---- the undoubted king of this realm: wherefore all of you who -are come this day to do your homage, are you willing to do the same?” It -is not until the people, thus severally addressed, have signified their -assent by crying out, “God save the king!” that the ceremony is -proceeded with. - -Harold, though he well knew the dangers attending the step, accepted the -crown. Few could have rejected the tempting offer. He was moreover a -brave man, and thoroughly imbued with Saxon feeling. He was willing to -peril his life for the national peculiarities of his country. He was -accordingly straightway anointed, and the Tapestry next exhibits him -seated upon his throne, manifesting all the pomp and dignity of a king. -The throne is considerably elevated above the floor of the apartment. -The sceptre is in one hand, the ball in the other. His officers present -him with the sword of justice. On his left hand stands Stigand, in his -archiepiscopal robes. The superscription calls him Stigant, which seems -further to show that the artist was not an Englishman. Wace the -chronicler, who was a Norman, usually calls Harold, Heraut. The -inscription gives Stigand his title of Archbishop--ARCHIEPS, a -contraction for ARCHIEPISCOPUS. At a period later than that in which we -have supposed the Tapestry to have been prepared, he would not have been -so denominated. For a variety of reasons Stigand was distasteful to the -authorities of Rome. For some years prior to the Conquest, the payment -of Peter’s pence had been discontinued, and Stigand, in common with all -Englishmen, was looked upon coldly. Stigand, moreover, had succeeded the -Norman archbishop, Robert de Jumieges, who had been expelled the country -in the rising under Godwin. The Normans were at this time better -churchmen than the English. Stigand further, in common with the majority -of the Saxon clergy, was an advocate of “the older doctrine of the -eucharist;” Lanfranc, who superseded him, was, in common with the -authorities at Rome, an ardent maintainer of the doctrine of -transubstantiation. Under all these circumstances, Stigand, on being -made archbishop of Canterbury by the Confessor, was not very sanguine of -having the appointment confirmed by the Pope, and instead of making an -immediate application to Rome, quietly took possession of the _pallium_, -which his predecessor in his haste had left behind him. At length he did -apply, and Benedict X., for reasons arising out of his own peculiar -position, granted him the _pallium_. This, however, only made matters -worse. Benedict X. was speedily dethroned by an army from beyond the -mountains, and a new pope elected, who excommunicated his predecessor -and annulled all his acts. Stigand, therefore, found himself once more -without the _pallium_, accused of usurpation, and charged with a new -and much more serious crime, that of having solicited the favour and -countenance of a false and excommunicated pope. If the Tapestry had been -constructed after Lanfranc had planted his foot upon the necks of the -English clergy, Stigand would not have been denominated archbishop. When -William of Malmesbury has occasion to name him, he calls him “the -pretended and false archbishop.” - -The Norman chroniclers, for the most part, agree with the Tapestry in -stating that Harold was crowned by Stigand, archbishop of Canterbury. -Florence of Worcester and Roger of Hoveden state, that the solemn -ceremony was performed by Aldred, Archbishop of York. Roger of Wendover -says that the King “placed the diadem on his own head.” - -The dress of the archbishop nearly resembles that of a Roman Catholic -prelate of the present day. The _stole_ will be observed. The _pallium_, -which subsequently was made of pure white wool, is in Stigand’s case -purple.[66] The _maniple_ which, at a later period was worn upon the arm -of the priest, is in the Tapestry, and other contemporaneous drawings, -placed on the wrist. But the circumstance most observable in the costume -of Stigand is the absence of the mitre. This distinctive decoration of -the episcopal office seems not to have been known at this period. It is -not met with in the Catacombs of Rome. In the illustrations of the -_Benedictional of St. Æthelwold_ we have priests and apostles in great -numbers, but none of them wear a mitre, unless the circle round the head -of St. Benedict be one. The same remark applies to the illustrations of -the metrical _Paraphrase_ of Cædmon. The bishops of the Lewes chess-men, -which seem to have been executed about the middle of the twelfth -century, probably furnish us with the earliest British examples of a -mitre. The mitres worn by the ecclesiastics who support the head of the -sovereign on the tomb of King John, at Worcester, are also early -examples.[67] - -In an apartment next to that in which the ceremonies of the coronation -are being solemnized several spectators are assembled, expressing by -their gestures surprise and apprehension. In the spring of the year 1066 -an event occurred which filled the minds of men with alarm. At Easter a -comet appeared, which is noticed by nearly all the chroniclers. Wace -thus describes it:--“Now while these things were doing a great star -appeared, shining for fourteen days, with three long rays streaming -towards the earth; such a star as is wont to be seen when a kingdom is -about to change its king. I have seen many men who saw it, men of full -age at the time, and who lived many years after. Those who would -discourse of the stars call it a comet.” Our worsted astronomers have -produced a very brilliant meteor, with more than twice three streams of -fire issuing from it. Fear doubtless proved a multiplying glass in their -hands. This drawing is, however, remarkable, as furnishing us with the -earliest representation that we have of these erratic bodies. - -The discoveries of modern science have attached a peculiar degree of -interest to this comet. Halley, the astronomer, having noticed that a -brilliant comet had been seen in the years 1531, 1607 and 1682, -conceived the idea that it was the same body which had appeared on these -several occasions, and ventured to affirm that comets, like the other -heavenly objects with which we are acquainted, obeyed the laws of -gravitation. The reappearance of this comet in 1759 established his -position, and proved that its periodic time was about seventy-seven -years. These facts, together with the subsequent accurate calculation of -the orbit of the body, enable us to carry back our reckonings, so as to -render it highly probable that the comet which alarmed our ancestors is -that which bears the name of Halley, and whose return in the year 1835 -was looked forward to by the civilized world with so much delightful -anticipation. Mr. Hinde, in his recently published book on Comets, says, -“There is considerable probability in favour of the appearance of the -comet in the year of the Norman conquest, or in April 1066. This famous -body, which astonished Europe in that year, is minutely, though not very -clearly, described in the Chinese annals, and its path, there assigned, -is found to agree with elements which have great resemblance to those of -Halley’s comet.... It was equal to the full moon in size, and its train, -at first short, increased to a wonderful length. Almost every historian -and writer of the eleventh century bears witness to the splendour of the -comet of 1066, in which we are disposed to recognise the comet of -Halley.”[68] The legend to this part of the Tapestry is, ISTI MIRANT -STELLAM--These men wonder at the star. - -The minds of men were not long kept in suspense. The next compartment -exhibits King Harold seated on his throne, bending down his ear very -eagerly to a messenger who has arrived with important intelligence. The -nature of it is explained by the dreamy-like flotilla which is shown in -the lower border. - -Harold, on succeeding to the throne, neglected to dispossess of their -offices the Norman favourites whom Edward left behind him. He no doubt -thought, by conciliation, to procure their good will. He was mistaken. A -ship is immediately fitted out, and messengers sent to Normandy to -acquaint the Duke with the important events which had just transpired. -This is shown in the Tapestry (_Plate VIII._) in a scene which is -superscribed, HIC NAVIS ANGLICA VENIT IN TERRAM WILLELMI DUCIS--Here an -English ship came to the territory of Duke William. - -William takes the news in terrible dudgeon. We see him in the next -compartment sitting erect upon his ducal throne wearing an air of great -indignation. His mantle seems to have partaken of the passion of its -wearer, and is expanded to its full dimensions. - -Wace tells us, “The Duke was in his park in Rouen. He held in his hand a -bow, which he had strung and bent, making it ready for the arrow ... -when, behold!... a serjeant appeared, who came journeying from England -... who went straight to the Duke, and told him privily that King Edward -was dead, and that Harold was raised to be king. When the Duke had -listened to him ... he became as a man enraged, and left the craft of -the woods. Oft he tied his mantle, and oft he untied it again; and spoke -to no man, neither dared any man speak to him. Then he crossed the Seine -in a boat, and came to his hall and entered therein; and sat down at the -end of a bench, shifting his place from time to time, covering his face -with his mantle, and resting his head against a pillar. Thus he remained -long, in deep thought, for no one dared to speak to him; but many asked -aside, ‘what ails the Duke? why makes he such bad cheer?’” - -Once, in more recent history, a man standing on the shores of France was -similarly agitated. Napoleon had ordered his fleets to the West Indies, -in order that they might lead Nelson into a pursuit, and suddenly -returning gain possession of the English Channel. Long and anxiously did -he watch the signals which were to tell him that his point was -gained--but he saw them not. When it was hinted that Villeneuve, instead -of forcing his way to Brest, might possibly have steered for Cadiz, he -gave way to successive gusts of passion, and read and re-read the -despatches of Villeneuve and of Lauriston. When told, at last, that -beyond a doubt Villeneuve was at Cadiz, strong excesses of passion again -ensued, and the Army of England was transferred from the heights of -Boulogne to the plains of Austerlitz. - - - - -VI. PREPARATIONS. - - “Curate, ut splendor meo sit clypeo clarior, - Quam solis radii esse olim, quum sudum ’st, solent: - Ut, ubi usus veniat, contra conserta manu, - Præstringat oculorum aciem in acie hostibus.” - - _Plautus._ - - -The Duke of Normandy was a bold man, and was not disposed to attempt any -thing that he was not prepared to pursue to the end. He knew that -Harold, with the power of England at his disposal, was no despicable -enemy, and he resolved to fortify his cause in every possible way. The -sea was to him an object of great dread, as he knew it would be to his -followers. “If,” he said, “he could attack and punish them without -crossing the sea, he would willingly have done so; but he would rather -cross the sea than not revenge himself and pursue his right.” - -William sent messengers to Harold demanding the crown, and reminding him -of his oath. He would not have done this had he lost any time by it. -Harold’s reply was worthy of a constitutional monarch. “It is true that -I took an oath to William; but I took it under constraint. I promised -what did not belong to me; a promise which I could not in any way -perform. My royal authority is not my own; I could not lay it down -against the will of my country; nor can I, against the will of the -country, take a foreign wife.”[69] William referred the case to the -Pope. Harold, conscious that he was acting inconsistently with his oath, -fearing that the cause would not be impartially heard, or not choosing -to submit the destinies of England to the decision of a foreigner, made -no appeal to the Holy Father. The result of William’s application was, -that the Pope “granted his request, and sent him a gonfanon, and a very -precious, rich, and fair ring, which, he said, had under the stone one -of St. Peter’s hairs. With these tokens he commanded, and in God’s name -granted to him, that he should conquer England, and hold it of St. -Peter.”[70] - -William, however, relied neither upon the tenderness of Harold’s -conscience nor upon the Pope’s sense of justice--he looked mainly to his -barons and retainers. He summoned all who owed him suit and service to -meet him in his castle at Lillebone. He there opened to them his design -of invading England, and urged them to double for this occasion the -amount of their usual contributions of men and money. The account given -of this meeting affords us a good idea of the noisy nature of the -parliaments of that day--a feature which they still occasionally -exhibit. “They remained long in council, and the debate lasted a great -while; for they hesitated long among themselves what they should say, -what answer they should give, and what aid they would afford. They -complained much to each other, saying that they had been often -aggrieved; and they murmured much, conferring together in small parties; -here five, there fifteen, here forty, there thirty, sixty, a hundred. -Some said they feared the sea, and were not bound to serve beyond it. -Some said they were willing to bring ships and cross the sea with the -Duke; others said that they would not go, for they owed much, and were -poor. Some would, others would not, and there was great contention among -them.” - -William on this occasion acted upon his usual maxim, “divide and -conquer.” He dealt privately with such as he was most likely to -influence, and having induced them to enter zealously into his plans, -others were led by shame or sympathy to follow. He was lavish of his -promises. To the barons he proffered numerous manors, to the clerks he -held out the bait of rich benefices; to these who were amorously -inclined he promised wives with ample dowries; to such as were not to be -allured by prospective advantages he gave at once large sums of money. -It is said that he offered much more than he could possibly perform; for -he was well aware that the Saxon battle-axes would cancel many of his -bonds. Meanwhile the Pope’s sanction of the scheme arrived in Normandy, -and it inspired the invading hosts with fresh zeal. “The Duke rejoiced -greatly at receiving the gonfanon, and the license which the Apostle -[Pope] gave him. He got together carpenters, smiths, and other workmen; -so that great stir was seen in all the ports of Normandy, in the -collecting of wood and materials, cutting of planks, framing of ships -and boats, stretching sails, and rearing masts, with great pains and at -great cost. They spent all one summer and autumn in fitting up the fleet -and collecting the forces; and there was no knight in the land, no good -serjeant, archer, nor peasant of stout heart, and of age for battle, -that the Duke did not summon to go with him to England.” - -The Tapestry represents these preparations. In the compartment which we -last noticed William is accompanied by his half-brother Odo, who is -busily employed in issuing orders to the master carpenter. This -functionary holds a peculiarly shaped axe in his hand, of which there -are some examples in the illustrations to _Cædmon’s Paraphrase_. The -superscription is, HIC WILLELM DUX JUSSIT NAVES EDIFICARE--Here Duke -William issues orders for the building of ships. - -Next we see the execution of the orders. Trees are being felled, and the -planks prepared. Presently the ships have assumed their proper shape, -and then we see them being drawn down to the shore. This operation is -effected by means of a rope passed through a pulley inserted in a post -driven into the shore below the water mark. The legend is HIC TRAHUNT -NAVES AD MARE--Here they draw the vessels to the sea. Afterwards the -stores and ammunition are taken on board, and when all is ready the -horses and troops embark. - -This may be a fitting place in which to introduce some observations upon -the ships and armour of the Normans. - -The vessels of this period were of small burden. This is proved by the -fact that they were drawn down to the sea, after being built, in the -manner shown in the Tapestry. The _Domesday Book_ establishes the same -thing. There we find it stated that Dover and Sandwich (and probably the -other Cinque Ports also) were severally - -[Illustration: PLATE IX.] - -obliged to furnish the King with twenty ships for fifteen days, once -every year, each vessel having a crew of twenty-one persons.[71] The -gunwale of the vessels was low. In the Tapestry (_Plate X._) we see them -landing the horses, by making them leap over the sides of the ships on -to the shore. On the voyage the gunwale was practically heightened by -placing the shields of the soldiers along the sides of the vessel, one -shield partly lying over another. The prow and stern of the ships, which -are the same in form, are a good deal elevated, and are usually -decorated with the head of a dragon, lion, bull, or some fanciful -figure. We have several descriptions of the ship in which William sailed -on his ever-memorable expedition. Wace says, “The Duke placed a lantern -on the mast of his ship, that the other ships might see it, and hold -their course after it. At the summit was a vane of brass gilt. On the -head of the ship, in the front which mariners call the prow, there was a -figure of a child in brass, bearing an arrow with a bended bow. His face -was turned towards England, and thither he looked, as though he was -about to shoot.”[72] In an ancient MS. preserved in the British Museum, -and printed in the Appendix of Lyttleton’s _Henry II._,[73] we are told -that this figure pointed towards England with his right fore-finger, and -held to his mouth an ivory horn with his left hand. With this -description the Tapestry nearly agrees; the figure is, however, placed -not on the prow, but at the stern of the vessel. The lamp would only be -required at night. On the top of the mast of William’s vessel the -sacred banner given him by the Pope is fixed, surmounted by a cross. The -banner, as it appears here and in other parts of the Tapestry, would be -described by heralds as “_argent_, a cross _or_ in a bordure _azure_.” -The vessels have one mast, which is lowered forward as the land is -approached. To the mast, supported by a few shrouds, or rather stays, a -large square sail is suspended. The modern rudder was not known for some -time after the period of the Conquest;[74] the vessels are steered by a -paddle fixed to the quarter. The steersman, who was also the captain and -pilot, holds the paddle in one hand, and the sheet in the other. This -was exactly the position of Palinurus in the _Æneid_ of Virgil. - - “Ipse sedens clavumque regit, velisque ministrat.” - -The larger vessels of the ancients were provided with two paddle -rudders, one on each quarter. This arrangement is shown in the -recently-discovered sculptures of Nineveh and in many Roman coins. The -ship in which St. Paul was wrecked on the shore of Malta had two -rudders. The vessels in the Tapestry have only one paddle, probably on -account of their inferior size. It is perhaps worthy of the -consideration of modern navigators, whether, in cases where the hinged -rudder is displaced in a storm, the paddle-rudder might not -advantageously be resorted to as a temporary expedient. The anchors of -the Tapestry resemble those in modern use. The anchor of the ship in -which the spies of William sail to Normandy (_Plate VIII._) has no -stock--but this is probably merely an oversight of the draftsman, for in -an earlier case (_Plate II._) the stock is represented. - -The sides of the ships are painted of various colours in longitudinal -stripes, each stripe probably representing a plank. The sails of the -ships are also variously coloured. Roger of Wendover tells us that the -Conqueror’s ship had a crimson sail; probably this is nearly correct, -for in the Tapestry it is painted red, with a yellow stripe in the -middle. - -The effect of the whole fleet must have been very striking, and well -calculated to make a powerful impression upon spectators of that or any -age. - -Writers differ much as to the number of the vessels in William’s fleet, -as well as of the men they carried. Wace says, “I heard my father say--I -remember it well, though I was but a lad--that there were seven hundred -ships less four, when they sailed from St. Valeri; and that there were, -besides these, ships’ boats and skiffs for the purpose of carrying -harness. I have found it written (but I know not whether it be true) -that there were in all three thousand vessels bearing sails and masts. -Any one will know that there must have been a great many men to have -furnished out so many vessels.” - -The different computations of the chroniclers probably arise from some -of them including the small transport vessels in their reckoning and -others not. Most modern historians set down William’s army at sixty -thousand strong. The transport of so large a body of troops would -require a flotilla more numerous than had sailed upon any waters since -the decline of the Roman empire. - -The armour of the combatants in the Tapestry may now engage our -attention. - -Nearly all the combatants are provided with helmets. The precise shape -of them we learn from those which are being brought to the shore to be -placed with other military stores on board the fleet. The helmet has a -conical form, and is provided with a projection in front called the -nasal, to protect the face. In some of them there appears to be a -smaller projection at the back. It is a remarkable circumstance that -exceedingly few helmets have been found in the graves of the Franks and -Saxons, which are usually replete with military implements. Two however -have been found in this country, one near Cheltenham the other in -Derbyshire.[75] From these specimens, as well as from the appearance of -those in the Tapestry, we may suppose that the helmet consisted of a -framework of iron, over which a covering of leather was stretched. From -the fact, however, that so few helmets have been found in Saxon graves, -we may perhaps infer that the framework of the earlier specimens was of -wood. Wace makes express mention of one man who at the battle of -Hastings wore a wooden helmet:--“On the other side (he says) was an -Englishman who much annoyed the French, assaulting them with a -keen-edged hatchet. He had a helmet made of wood, which he had fastened -down to his coat and laced round his neck, so that no blows could reach -his head. The ravage he was making was seen by a gallant Norman knight, -who rode a horse that neither fire nor water could stop in its career -when its lord urged it on. The knight spurred, and his horse carried him -on till he charged the Englishman, striking him over the helmet, so that -it fell down over his eyes; and as he stretched out his hand to raise it -and uncover his face, the Norman cut off his right hand, so that his -hatchet fell to the ground. Another Norman sprung forward, and eagerly -seized the prize with both his hands, but he kept it little space and -paid dearly for it; for as he stooped to pick up the hatchet, an -Englishman with his long-handled axe struck him over the back, breaking -all his bones, so that his entrails and lungs gushed forth. The knight -of the good horse meantime retired without injury.”[76] - -The helmet speedily underwent several changes after the period of the -battle of Hastings. Flaps were affixed to the sides in order to protect -the ears and the cheeks. These appear in the chess-men found in the -island of Lewis, which, as already observed, belong to a period not -later than the middle of the twelfth century. Soon after the Conquest -the nasal being found to be inconvenient was frequently omitted; at -length the contrivance called the _ventaille_ was introduced, which when -brought over the face fully protected it, and yet, as its name implies, -admitted air to the nostrils of the wearer, and when his convenience -required could be lifted up. That the _ventaille_ was not known at the -battle of Hastings appears from the helmets which are being taken on -board the fleet. Another fact represented on the Tapestry (_Plate XV._) -shows the same thing; William, when he wishes to show himself in order -to contradict the rumour that he has been killed, is obliged to lift his -helmet almost off his head. And yet Wace, who lived at the period just -subsequent to the Conquest, writes as though Harold’s helmet was -provided with a _ventaille_. He says, “Harold was sorely wounded in his -eye by the arrow, and suffered grievous pain from the blow. An armed man -came in the throng of the battle and struck him on the _ventaille_ of -his helmet, and beat him to the ground.” This passage shows how -exceedingly difficult it is, when describing past events, to avoid -anachronisms. Sir Samuel Meyrick, in commenting upon this passage, says, -“By the _ventaille_ is here meant merely the open part below his helmet. -The _ventaculum_, or _ventaille_, strictly speaking, was not invented at -this time, but was in full use when Wace lived; he adopts it therefore -merely for the sake of the rhyme, and as familiar to his -countrymen.”[77] - -The body armour consisted of a tunic of leather or stout linen, on which -was fastened some substance calculated to resist the stroke of a weapon. -Occasionally, as we have already seen, overlapping flaps of leather, -sometimes pieces of horn or horses’ hoofs, and not unfrequently plates -or rings of iron were employed. When rings were used they were laid side -by side, and not locked into each other, as was the case in the chain -armour of a subsequent date. When small plates of iron were used they -were generally lozenge-shaped; hence this species of armour has been -termed mascled. The ingenuity of man has had recourse to these and -similar contrivances in every age. Amongst the ruins of Nineveh scale -armour has been discovered, and on Trajan’s column the Sarmatian cavalry -and their horses are clad in it. - -The coat of mail comprehended body, legs, and arms all in one piece; the -legs and arms were however short and loose. It is difficult to -understand the mode of putting it on. It seems to have been drawn over -the head. We are expressly told that when William was preparing for the -battle he had his hauberk brought; but in _putting his head in_, to get -it on, he inadvertently turned it the wrong way, with the back part in -front;” and that seeing his error, “he crossed himself, _stooped his -head_, and put it on aright.” In the Tapestry (_Plate XVI._) we see some -persons stripping the slain; they uniformly draw the hauberk over the -head. The legs of the dress must in this case have been made to open. -When on, it was tightened by straps at the breast. This armour seems to -have been occasionally provided with a hood of the same material, which -covered the head. There are some examples of it in the Tapestry. The -legs in the Tapestry are for the most part left unprotected; -occasionally they are wrapped round with bandages of leather; in the -case of a few of the leading personages they are covered with mascled or -ring armour. The weight of the hauberk, or haubergeon, must have been -considerable. In taking the dresses down to the ships we observe two men -are employed to carry one; they bear it on a pole upon their shoulders. -One of William’s nobles, whilst waiting at Hastings for the onset of -Harold, complained of the weight of his armour. The Duke quietly desired -him to put it off, and then putting it on himself over his own hauberk, -mounted his horse without assistance, and rode off, to the great chagrin -of the noble and the astonishment of all.[78] - -The shields of the ancient knights formed an important part of their -equipment. The shield of the early Saxons was circular, having a boss in -the centre. The boss was concave on the inside of the shield, and of a -size sufficient to contain the hand of the warrior, which grasped the -shield by a handle put across the cavity. In the Tapestry we have some -examples of the circular shield, but by far the larger part of the -shields on the Saxon as well as the Norman side are of a different -character. It would appear that the intercourse subsisting between -Normandy and England during the reign of the Confessor had led to the -abandonment of the old Saxon shield. The shield of the Tapestry is of -large size, and of the shape of a kite. It is in every instance flat. -Here again we have another opportunity of judging of the minute accuracy -of the Tapestry. Towards the end of the eleventh century the shield of a -French knight is described[79] as having its surface not flat but -convex, so as to embrace the person of the wearer. Other changes were -speedily introduced; towards the close of the twelfth century it became -shorter, and the bow at the top was flattened into a straight line. Thus -it formed the “heater shield” of the middle ages. - -The Norman shield when in use was carried by the arm, not the fist -alone; two loops were placed on the inner side of it for the reception -of the arm; when not wanted it was slung from the neck of the warrior; -this is seen in several instances in the Tapestry. Many of the shields -were ornamented with studs of metal, which were kept bright, so as to -dazzle the sight of an antagonist. Others bear badges or devices, by -which the bearer might be distinguished in the field. - -From the earliest days, devices, answering the purpose of coats of arms, -have been adopted. The tribes of Israel had their insignia. The armorial -bearings of several Grecian chiefs are minutely described by the poets. -The Roman legions had their characteristic symbols.[80] It was probably -with this view that the shields in the Tapestry were painted in the way -in which we see them. A dragon is a common device; so also is a cross, -the four arms of which proceed from the central stud in a sigmoidal -curve. - -Besides the insignia on the shields, ensigns and banners guided the -movements of the armies and their various detachments.[81] The banner of -the Norman army is invariably _argent_, a _cross or_ in a _bordure -azure_. This is repeated over and over again. We meet with it in the war -against Conan, as well as at Pevensey and Hastings. There is no trace of -the leopards or lions which shortly afterwards made their appearance in -the arms of Normandy. - -The different chieftains assembling under the Norman standard had each -his pennon, gonfanon, or banner. None of these subsidiary standards are -square, as the banner of a baron always was when the feudal system was -developed. All the flags in the Tapestry have streamers attached to -them, like those of a knight’s pennon. It is not impossible, however, -that these may represent the ribbons given to the Norman lords, as -keepsakes by their ladies. Wace, in describing the battle of -Val-des-dunes, says of Raol Tesson, that “he stood on one side afar off, -having six score knights and six in his troop--all with their lances -raised, _and trimmed with silk tokens_.” It would thus appear that the -practice was not unusual, even in ordinary wars; how much more proper -and becoming in a hazardous undertaking like the present. We know that -the Norman lords had great difficulty in getting the leave of their -ladies to embark in the undertaking. Some feared the battle axes of the -Saxon men, others dreaded the influence of the bright eyes of the Saxon -ladies--a shrewd fear.[82] - -Harold also had a standard. He planted it on the highest part of the -eminence on which he marshalled his army for the fight, and by it he -fought unflinchingly until cut down by the overpowering strength of the -Norman chivalry. William of Malmesbury and several other writers tell us -that Harold’s standard was “in the form of a man fighting.”[83] In the -Tapestry it is a dragon. Wace does not describe it, but says, “His -gonfanon was in truth a noble one, sparkling with gems and precious -stones; after the victory William sent it to the Apostle to prove and -commemorate his great conquest and glory.” - -A glance at the Tapestry will shew that the Saxons were entirely -destitute of cavalry.[84] The comparatively limited size of the kingdom -had rendered cavalry unnecessary for police purposes, and the Danes, the -foreign enemies with whom the English had hitherto to contend, had too -wide and stormy an ocean to cross, to attempt the transport of horses -for the purposes of war. The great strength of the Norman army consisted -in cavalry. William had been accustomed to contend with the King of -France and other powerful chiefs in his immediate neighbourhood, and was -thus compelled to avail himself of every device which human ingenuity -had contrived for maintaining his cause. - -The saddles of the horses are peculiar, having a high peak before and -behind. We can readily understand how William, when he had become -corpulent, received a mortal injury by coming down with violence upon -the pommel of such a saddle. No horse armour is used, neither have any -of the horses a saddle-cloth. “On the seal of Henry I. is the first -representation of a saddle-cloth, and either during that reign or the -preceding one, the high peak behind the saddle was altered for a back of -greater breadth.”[85] Most of the riders are provided with stirrups and -with prick spurs. William’s own horse was either an Arabian or a cross -from an Arabian. It was presented to him by the King of Spain. - -The Normans were strong in another force, of which the Saxons were -almost entirely destitute--bowmen. In the Saxon lines there appears but -one solitary bowman, whilst on the Norman side there are many. The -Norman archers must have plied their shafts most diligently, for their -arrows are sticking in the shields, and to some extent in the bodies of -the Saxons, like pins in a lady’s pincushion. In the battle of Hastings -the great event of the day turned upon an arrow skilfully sped. Had -Harold’s eye not been pierced, the battle would have been a drawn one, -and in William’s peculiar circumstance such a result was defeat. - -The Saxon javelin differed from the Norman: it was short, and was used -as a missile. In the Tapestry we see that some of the English have a -bundle of spears in their hands, and that others are in the act of -throwing them at the enemy. The Norman spear was a long one, adapted for -use on horseback, and was employed in giving a thrust; one only -therefore was required by each horseman. The Saxons darted their -javelins at an approaching foe, and, when they came to close quarters, -relied chiefly upon the vigorous use of the dreadful battle axe. As -however at the battle of Hastings the Normans were on horseback, and -were armed with long spears, it was with no small difficulty that the -English could get within battle axe reach of their foes. In this way -many of the Saxons were picked off before they could strike a blow. In -Wace we have many examples of this--thus, he speaks of the knight of -Tregoz, who “killed two Englishmen; smiting the one through with his -lance, and braining the other with his sword; and then galloped his -horse back, so that no Englishman touched him.” In the Tapestry (_Plate -XVI._) we see a horseman thrusting Leofwin, the brother of Harold, -through with his lance, who in vain whirls his battle axe around him. - -The battle axe of the Saxons had one disadvantage. “A man,” says Wace, -“when he wanted to strike with one of their hatchets, was obliged to -hold it with both his hands, and could not at the same time, as it seems -to me, both cover himself and strike with any freedom.” This fact will -account for the disastrous consequences of the retreat of the English at -the battle of Hastings, after having been lured by the Normans into a -pursuit. - -The statements of Agathias, a writer of the sixth century, throw some -light upon the Saxon mode of fighting. Speaking of the Franks (a kindred -race), he says, “The arms of the Franks are very simple: they wear -neither coat of mail nor greaves, but their legs and thighs are defended -by bands of linen or leather. Their cavalry is inconsiderable, but they -are formidable on foot; they wear a sword on the left thigh and carry a -buckler. They use neither bow nor sling, but they are armed with double -axes and _angones_ [spears] with which they do most execution. These -_angones_ are of a length that may be both used as a javelin or in close -fight against a charge of the enemy. The staff of this weapon is covered -with iron laminæ or hoops, so that but very little wood appears, even -down to the spike at the butt-end. On either side of the head of this -javelin are certain barbs projecting downward close together as far as -the shaft. The Frank soldier, when engaged with the enemy, casts his -_angon_, which, if it enter the body, cannot be withdrawn in consequence -of the barbs. Nor can the weapon be disengaged if it pierce the shield, -for the bearer of the shield cannot cut it off because of the iron -plates with which the staff is defended, while the Frank rushing forward -jumps upon it as it trails on the ground, and thus bearing down his -antagonist’s defence, cleaves his skull with his axe, or transfixes him -with a second javelin.”[86] - -In the Bayeux Tapestry the javelins in the hands of the Saxons are -chiefly barbed, whilst the most of those in the hands of the Normans are -lance-shaped, and are formed after the Roman model. - -In _Cædmon’s Paraphrase_ and other Saxon illustrations the spears of the -warriors are generally barbed. To what extent the hosts of Harold were -armed with the true _angon_, the chief characteristic of which was a -long iron shank, does not of course appear from the Tapestry, the scale -being too small to allow of its minute delineation. The following cut -exhibits the head of an _angon_, found in the well of the Roman station -of Carvoran in Northumberland. - -[Illustration] - -The sword of the combatants is chiefly remarkable for its great size. -The Tapestry in this, as in other particulars, is strictly accurate. Mr. -Akerman, after stating that several swords of large size had been found -in Frank and Anglo-Saxon graves, says, “One of the finest examples which -has ever come under my notice is that found at Fairford, in -Gloucestershire, and recently exhibited by Mr. Wylie of that town. Its -length, including the handle, is just three feet, the blade broad, -two-edged, and pointed.” - -The only weapon that remains to be noticed is the mace or club. This -was a comparatively rude weapon, which ceased to be used as an -instrument of offence after this period. At the battle of Hastings it -seems to have been employed by the Saxons only. One is seen in the -Tapestry (_Plate XIV._), which has been thrown against the advancing -line of the Normans, and at the close of the picture the retreating -Saxons are seen to be armed with this weapon only. - -From the review that we have taken of the equipment of the two armies, -it is apparent that the English laboured under very great disadvantages. -They were destitute of cavalry, with which the Normans were well -provided; they had few archers, and they had no weapon that was a match -for the long lance of the Normans. Strong in their insular position, -they had neglected to adopt those improvements in the art of war which -had been long adopted on the continent. We cannot wonder that, in -despite of their native courage and astonishing personal prowess, the -Saxons were overborne by the hosts of William on the field of Hastings. - -It is time now to attend to the movements of the contending parties, and -to trace them in their progress to the field on which their destiny was -to be decided. - - - - -VII. THE LANDING. - - “Et jam Argiva phalanx instructis navibus ibat.” - - _Æn. II._, 254. - - -The vigorous manner in which William entered upon the preparations for -his grand campaign excited the enthusiasm of his continental neighbours. -“Reports,” says Ordericus Vitalis, “of the expedition drew many valiant -men from the adjoining countries, who prepared their arms for battle. -Thus the French and Bretons, the Poitevins and Burgundians, and other -people on this side the Alps, flocked together for the war over the sea, -and scenting the booty which the conquest of Britain offered, were -prepared to undergo the various perils and chances, both by sea and -land, attending the enterprise.” In the month of August William’s fleet -assembled at the mouth of the river Dive,[87] in the vicinity of which -it is probable most of his ships were built. Unfavourable weather -detained it here for some time, and when it did move, it was not able to -proceed further than St. Valery-sur-Somme. Adverse winds again prevailed -for a month. “At this,” says Wace, “the barons were greatly wearied. -Then they prayed the Convent to bring out the shrine of St. Valery, and -set it on a carpet on the plain; and all came praying the holy relics -that they might be allowed to pass over the sea. They offered so much -money, that the relics were buried beneath it; and from that day forth -they had good weather and a fair wind.” - -The long detention of the Norman forces on the French coast was a -fortunate circumstance for them. Harold had made ample provision for -resisting the landing of his opponent. With a fleet which he had -assembled at Harwich he sailed to the Isle of Wight, and there -throughout the summer and autumn months awaited William’s arrival. He -also kept a land force in suitable positions near the sea shore.[88] The -same wind however which detained William at St. Valery brought Harold -another foe which compelled him to withdraw his troops from the southern -coast. On his departure the fleet was dispersed. Some of the chroniclers -tell us that the seamen’s time of service had expired, others that they -were short of provisions. Harold’s absence no doubt materially -contributed to the demoralization of this important national safeguard. - -Here we are again called upon to notice the vanity of man’s policy. -Harold foreseeing that a struggle would ensue between William and -himself, and being, consequently, desirous of promoting friendly -alliances with some of the continental powers, encouraged his brother -Tostig to marry a daughter of the Earl of Flanders. This Tostig did, and -thereby became brother-in-law to William of Normandy. Tostig, during the -life of the Confessor, was appointed to the earldom of Northumbria, but -the people having risen in arms against him, probably on account of the -harshness of his rule, he was removed, and Morcar appointed in his -place. When Harold became king, Tostig expected to be reinstated, but so -far from taking active measures in his favour, Harold married the sister -of the earl who had supplanted him. Tostig, enraged at this treatment, -conceived a violent hatred against his brother, and inflamed the minds -of the Earl of Flanders and the Duke of Normandy against him. Receiving, -moreover, the active support of Harold Hardrada, King of Norway, he -landed with a hostile force in Yorkshire, and ravaged the country. -Harold, while watching the proceedings of the Norman armada, heard of -his brother’s attempt. Hastening northwards, he came upon him unawares, -and slew both him and Hardrada, and scattered their forces. While Harold -was engaged in these operations, William landed unopposed in Sussex! - -It was on the night of the 29th September that the Norman expedition -crossed the sea, and early next morning it reached the port of Pavensey. -The Tapestry represents this important transaction. The Duke’s own ship -is distinguished by the consecrated banner at its mast head. This vessel -was called the Mora, and is stated to have been a present from the -Duchess Matilda. The legend in this part of the Tapestry (_Plate IX._) -is, HIC WELELM: DUX IN MAGNO NAVIGIO MARE TRANSIVIT ET VENIT AD -PEVENSÆ[89]--Here Duke William in a large ship crossed the sea, and -arrived at Pevensey. - -A glance at the map of Sussex will shew that Pevensey was a most fitting -place at which to effect a landing. Beachy Head projecting considerably -to the south, protects this ancient port from the swell occasioned by -the wind which most violently affects the English Channel--the -south-west. The beach, too, is of a nature well adapted for allowing -ships such as William’s were being safely drawn up upon it. This was the -port selected by the Conqueror for his embarkation when he returned to -Normandy after his coronation. In all probability William’s fleet would -line the shore for a considerable space on both sides of Pevensey in the -manner which they are represented as doing in the Tapestry, (_Plate X._) -It is curious to observe, that the remains of a vessel, which Mr. Lower -thinks is at least as old as the Conquest, has recently been discovered, -imbedded in the gravel of the ancient beach of Pevensey. The nature of -the position in which it is placed prevents its being excavated; we -might otherwise, perchance, have the pleasure of looking upon one of the -Conqueror’s own ships. - -William landed with great caution. Wace thus describes the -operation--“They arrived near Hastings, and there each ship was ranged -by the other’s side. There you might see the good sailors, the -sergeants, and squires, sally forth and unload the ships; cast the -anchors, haul the ropes, bear out shields and saddles, and land the -war-horses and palfreys. The archers came forth, and touched land the -foremost; each with his bow bent, and his quiver full of arrows slung at -his side. All were shaven and shorn, and all clad in short garments, -ready to attack, to shoot, to wheel about, and - -[Illustration: PLATE X.] - -skirmish. All stood well equipped, and of good courage for the fight; -and they scoured the whole shore, but found not an armed man there. -After the archers had thus gone forth, the knights landed next, all -armed, with their hauberks on, their shields slung at their necks, and -their helmets laced. They formed together on the shore, each armed upon -his war-horse. All had their swords girded on, and passed into the plain -with their lances raised.” - -Our picture-chronicle does not neglect these transactions. The -inscription over them is, HIC EXEUNT CABALLI DE NAVIBUS ET HIC MILITES -FESTINAVERUNT HASTINGA UT CIBUM RAPERENTUR[90]--Here the horses -disembark, and here the soldiers hurry forward to Hastings to seize -food. - -An incident is told respecting the landing of William which is best -related in the words of the Chronicler. “As the ships were drawn to -shore, and the Duke first landed, he fell by chance upon his two hands. -Forthwith all raised a loud cry of distress, ‘an evil sign’ said they, -‘is here.’ But he cried out lustily, ‘See seigniors, by the splendour of -God! I have seized England with my two hands; without challenge no prize -can be made; all is our own that is here; now we shall see who will be -the bolder man.’ Then one of his men ran forward and put his hand on a -hut, and took a handful of the thatch and turned to the Duke, saying -heartily, ‘Sire, come forward and receive seizin; of this land I give -you seizin; without doubt the country is yours.’ And the Duke said, ‘I -accept it; may God be with us.’”[91] - -The nature of the ground prevented William from proceeding directly up -the country from Pevensey. So late as the days of Queen Elizabeth, the -land inwards from this point was little better than a marsh. The -Ordnance map of Sussex shows, in this direction, a remarkable absence of -towns and villages, indicating pretty clearly what it must have been in -former times. William went cautiously along the shore to Hastings, where -he erected his fortifications, and refreshed his troops. In the Tapestry -we see them seizing the sheep and cattle in the fields, cooking their -food, and afterwards seating themselves at table. Wace says “Before -evening had set in they had finished a fort. Then you might see them -make their kitchens, light their fires, and cook their meat. The Duke -sat down to eat, and the barons and knights had food in plenty; for -they had brought ample store. All ate and drank enough, and were right -glad that they were ashore.” - -The culinary operations of the invading force require some notice. -Although some huts have been erected on the shore, having been brought -in frame with the fleet, the cooks discharge their duties in the open -air. - - “...... A kettle slung - Between two poles upon a stick transverse - Receives the morsel....” - -The pot may have been a metallic vessel brought over from Normandy with -the stores; its appearance, however, strongly reminds us of a plan which -Froissart tells us the Scotch adopted in one of their incursions into -England. Having seized an ox, they slaughtered it, and boiled its flesh -in its skin, supporting the extemporaneously-made cauldron after the -manner shown in the Tapestry. The rest of the cookery is done upon a -hearth. A spit, on which the wood is placed, is thrust into the ground, -so as to suspend the article to be cooked a short way above the fire. At -the present day much of the cookery of Normandy is done by placing the -food in earthenware vessels, which are brought into contact with the -embers without the intervention of a grate. The food when cooked was -usually, at this period, handed to the guests seated at the table, on -the spits, who took it off with their fingers, assisted with a knife -which they carried with them. Forks were comparatively unknown for some -centuries after the Conquest. - -In the Tapestry two tables are spread. The first of them seems to be -formed of shields set upon a frame. The persons seated at it are -probably some of William’s chief officers whose duty it is to arrange -the entertainment, and taste the food and wine previous to its being set -before the Duke. William sits at a table which was no doubt brought from -Normandy. It is of classic form, being like that called by the Romans -Sigma, from its resemblance to the Greek letter of that name, which in -the time of the Roman Emperors was formed like our C. The guests sit at -one side of it only, the inner or concave side being left open, to allow -the servants more readily to approach. All the operations of the table -are presented to us by the artist. Odo, with his thumb and two -forefingers extended, is blessing the food and the drink. William has -planted his hand upon the principal dish, as if to claim the lion’s -share for himself. Another person is tearing a fish to pieces with his -fingers, and conveying the morsels by the same medium to his mouth. An -old man with a beard, probably William’s Nestor, who refused to comply -with the tonsured fashion of the day, is drinking with his neighbour; -both of them have uplifted bowls. A servant upon bended knee is -presenting a covered dish to the party. These compartments are -respectively described, HIC COQUITUR CARO ET HIC MINISTRAVERUNT -MINISTRI--Here the food is being cooked and here the attendants have -served up the viands: HIC FECERUNT PRANDIUM ET HIC EPISCOPUS CIBUM ET -POTUM BENEDICIT--Here they have prepared the feast and here the bishop -is blessing the meat and drink. - -[Illustration: PLATE XI.] - -The meal must necessarily have been a hasty one. One of the guests has -already risen from his seat, and calls the attention of the Duke to -something that is passing without. - -William was now fairly committed to a great and hazardous undertaking, -and retreat was not to be thought of; at the same time, the utmost -circumspection was necessary, and the Duke of Normandy was not the man -to neglect any precaution. - -We accordingly next find him in solemn consultation with his two uterine -brothers--Odo, Archbishop of Bayeux, and Robert, Count of Mortaine. -William has his sword elevated, and Robert is in the act of drawing his -from the scabbard--indications which strongly mark the nature of the -attempt before them. The legend over this group (_Plate XI._) is simply, -ODO EPISCOPUS: ROBERTUS--Odo the Bishop: Robert. - -As the result, probably, of the deliberations of the three brothers, it -was resolved strongly to fortify the position occupied by William’s -army. Such was the importance of this work, that William, with the -consecrated banner in his hand, is seen personally superintending it. -The spades of the workmen are worthy of observation. They are evidently -made of wood, but shod with iron. They have a notch for the foot on one -side only. That they were adapted not merely for turning up the soil, -but for trenching the scull of an enemy, is evident not only from their -size and form, but from the use to which they are put by two of the -parties before us. The inscription over this part is, ISTE JUSSIT UT -FODERETUR CASTELLUM AT HESTENGA[M]--He has ordered an intrenchment to -be dug at Hastings; and over the castle itself is written, -CEASTRA[92]--The camp. - -The camp in question could not be the castle, the ruins of which now -crown the heights of Hastings. However strong the position of Hastings -castle, there is not space enough on the rocky platform on which it -stands for the encampment of an army one fourth of the size of -William’s; besides, we cannot suppose that William in his present -circumstances would attempt the erection of a fort of solid masonry. The -camp which William constructed was, as the Tapestry leads us to believe, -formed of earth, strengthened with wooden palisades, the whole being -commanded at intervals by towers which had been brought in frame from -France. The phrase _ut foderetur_, that they might _dig_ a castle, is -express, and the men are seen throwing up the soil. This agrees with -what Wace says, “They enclosed a fort and strengthened it round about -with palisades and a fosse.” Some extensive entrenchments, still to be -seen in the immediate vicinity of the railway station at Hastings, are -probably the remains of the Duke’s encampment.[93] - -An English knight, who had watched the landing of William, hastened to -Harold with the alarming news. He found him rejoicing after the defeat -of Tostig and Hardrada. “Foolish” says Wace, “is he who glorifies -himself, for good fortune soon passeth away. The heart of man often -rejoiceth when ruin is nigh.” - -Bitterly did Harold grieve that he had not been at the spot when the -Normans landed, that he might have driven them into the sea. “It is a -sad mischance,” said he, “but thus it hath pleased our Heavenly King.” - -Harold had, by the rapidity of his marches, surprised his brother -Tostig, and come upon the troops of Hardrada unawares. He thought to -adopt the same policy with William; and, without taking time to refresh -or recruit his exhausted army, commenced his march southwards. In the -course of a few days he was in the vicinity of his enemy. William, -however, was not to be taken by surprise, and Harold was constrained to -take up a position at Battle, distant about six miles from Hastings, -where the Duke was encamped. - -The next compartment in the Tapestry exhibits to us William giving -audience to a messenger who announces to him the approach of Harold. The -legend is, HIC NUNTIATUM EST WILLELMO DE HAROLD--Here news is brought to -William respecting Harold. - -Whilst these movements were going on, the inhabitants of the southern -shore of Sussex were suffering severely. Not only were their cattle -taken from the folds, and their recently replenished granaries emptied, -but their dwellings were wantonly destroyed. Perhaps the Saxons may have -provoked the vengeance of the foe, for they were not men to take quietly -the spoiling of their goods. In the Tapestry we see a soldier setting -fire to a house (one being the representative of many), from which a -female and child are escaping--escaping from present destruction to be -cast, with winter before them, houseless, friendless, and without food, -upon the wide world. The sufferings of the battle field form but a small -part of the horrors of war. This compartment of the work bears the -inscription, HIC DOMUS INCENDITUR--Here a house is set fire to. Some -outlined figures in the margin of this part of the work doubtless refer -to those distressing immoralities which too often attend the march of -armies. - -Whilst the two armies lay within a few miles of each other several -messages passed between the commanders. William was too good a soldier -to risk a battle if he could avoid it. He therefore sent a tonsured monk -to Harold, reminding him of his oath, and calling upon him to deliver up -the kingdom. Harold, flushed with recent victory, was with difficulty -restrained from cutting down the messenger; as it was, he sent him away -with insults. When his rage had subsided he saw his folly, and sent an -envoy, acquainted with the language of France, to duke William, offering -to make him a pecuniary recompense if he would recross the sea, telling -him however, if he did not, he would give him battle on the following -Saturday. - -Saturday, the 1st of October, was Harold’s birth day. He always regarded -it as his fortunate day; and he was anxious if he did enter into mortal -conflict with a desperate foe, that it should be when his propitious -star was in the ascendant. Like another of England’s heroes--Oliver -Cromwell--the day of his birth was to prove the day of his death. - -A battle now being imminent, Gurth, the brother of Harold, was -exceedingly anxious that the king should retire from the host and give -the command to him. Gurth had taken no oath to William, and therefore -had not the punishment of perjury to fear. Besides, if he were slain, -England would still have her king; and army after army could be raised, -if need be, to resist the pretensions of any invader. Harold refused to -adopt the wise counsel of his brother. Though a brave man, he had not -the self-command of William, nor the same power of taking an enlarged -view of a subject. - -The day before the battle, Harold and Gurth rode out early in the -morning to descry the enemy. “They rode on, viewing and examining the -ground, till, from a hill where they stood, they could see the Norman -host, who were near. They saw a great many huts made of branches of -trees, tents well equipped, pavilions, and gonfanons; and they heard -horses neighing, and beheld the glittering of armour. They stood a long -while without speaking”--and at length returned in silence to their -tent. They had seen enough to awaken their apprehensions, and to make -them anxious for further information. Harold, therefore, sent out two -spies to reconnoitre. They fell into the hands of the Normans, who -brought them to William. He used them well, and ordered them to be -conducted through the host. On their return they reported that the -Normans, whom they had noticed to be close shaven and cropt, were an -army of priests and mass-sayers rather than knights. Harold, who knew -the habits of the Normans, replied, “These are valiant knights, bold and -brave warriors, though they bear not beards and mustaches as we do.” - -Notwithstanding the ill success of his former representations, William -persevered in negotiation. He lost no time by it, and if he did not -succeed in his immediate object, he induced his observers to believe, -that one who was so bent upon the investigation of his claims must have -right upon his side. - -On the same day that he entertained the spies of Harold, he sent a monk, -learned and wise, offering Harold one of three things--that he should -resign the kingdom, that he should submit to the judgment of the Pope, -or meet him singly and fight body for body. Harold declined every -alternative. - -Next day--the day before the battle--William attempted to obtain a -personal interview with Harold. Harold refused to meet him. By the -messenger who brought Harold’s negative to the proposal for a meeting, -William sent him word that if he would retire he would give him all -Northumberland, and whatever belonged to the kingdom beyond the Humber; -to his brother Gurth he promised the lands of Godwin their father. -Harold rejected this also: Northumberland was nothing worth; it was -chiefly peopled by Danes, and was liable to constant invasion. William, -when king, could not govern Northumberland. As a matter, not of feeling, -not of revenge, but of cool, calculating state policy, he swept it of -every living thing--he made it a desert, and such it continued for a -century after his time. - -At the same time that William sent his last message, he charged the -clerk who took it, in case of refusal, to sow the seeds of terror and -dissatisfaction among the English. “Tell them,” said he, “that all who -come with Harold, or support him in this affair, are excommunicated by -the Apostle and his clergy.” This was a javelin skilfully thrown. “At -this excommunication the English were much troubled; they feared it -greatly, and the battle still more.” - -Gurth, however, rallied them. He told them that their all was at stake, -that William had promised their lands to his followers, and that he had -already taken homage for them from many. “Defend yourselves then,” he -said, “and your children and all that belongs to you, while you may.” - -At these words the English were aroused, and cried out that the Normans -had come on an evil day, and had embarked on a foolish matter. - -“The Duke and his men tried no further negotiation, but returned to -their tents, sure of fighting on the morrow. Then men were to be seen on -every side straightening lances, fitting hauberks and helmets, making -ready the saddles and stirrups; filling the quivers, stringing the bows, -and making all ready for the battle.” - -The night before a battle must be a season of peculiar solemnity and -suspense. The shades of night, giving indistinctness to the landscape, -harmonize too well with the doubts which becloud the mind as to the -morrow’s destiny. He is a fool, not a hero, who would step from time -into eternity without solemn thought. - -The accounts which we have of the way in which the hosts spent the -night before the battle are all to the disadvantage of the English. Had -they been the winning instead of the losing party, the chroniclers would -doubtless have been less severe. As it is, they tell us that the troops -of Harold spent the night in eating and drinking and merriment--never -lying down in their beds. If this be true, how we are we to account for -the vigour with which they fought from nine o’clock in the morning until -nightfall next day? The Normans and French, on the other hand, we are -told, betook themselves to their orisons. “They made confession of their -sins, accused themselves to the priests, and vowed that they would never -more eat flesh on the Saturday” (the day of the battle). Many of them -kept the vow! - -At the dawn of day each party had completed its preparations. Before the -sun should set, a battle was to be fought on which hung not merely the -fate of an empire, but, as events have subsequently proved, the -destinies of the civilized world to this hour. - - - - -THE BATTLE. - - “Revolving in his altered soul - The various turns of fate below.” - - _Dryden._ - - -The room is still pointed out in the roofless donjon keep of Falaise, in -which Arlotte, the tanner’s daughter, gave birth to William the -Conqueror. It is a small comfortless apartment. When the newborn babe -was laid upon the floor, he grasped the straw which covered it with a -vigour that induced the bystanders to predict that he would ere long -take a foremost place amongst the ambitious potentates of his age. In -the course of our worsted narrative we have followed our hero to a point -in which he is about to justify the correctness of these surmisings. - -Harold, painfully conscious of the inferiority of his military -equipments, resolved to act on the defensive. He took up his position on -a round-topped hill, having on its summit a circular platform just -sufficient to contain his troops drawn up in close order. This hill was -anciently called Senlac; it afterwards became the site of the Abbey of -Battle. Harold further strengthened his position by earthen ramparts -crowned with palisades of wood. Wace, speaking of these precautions, -says, “They had built up a fence before them with their shields, and -with ash and other wood; and had well joined and wattled in their whole -work, so as not to leave even a crevice; and thus they had a barricade -in their front, through which any Norman who would attack them must -first pass. Being covered in this way by their shields and barricades, -their aim was to defend themselves; and if they had remained steady for -that purpose, they would not have been conquered that day; for every -Norman who made his way in lost his life in dishonour, either by hatchet -or bill, by club or other weapon.” In addition to these defences, Wace -tells us that Harold “made a fosse, which went across the field, -guarding one side of their army.” This was probably lower down the hill -than the position occupied by his camp, and was chiefly intended to -incommode the cavalry. - -Harold further feeling that he had not the power to prevent the enemy’s -horse outflanking him, ordered “that all should be ranged with their -faces towards the enemy”--that they should front three sides at least of -the square. We see them (_Plate XIV._) sustaining an attack from -opposite quarters, and in both cases fronting the foe. He moreover -issued directions “that no one should move from where he was; so that -whoever came might find them ready; and that whatever any one, be he -Norman or other, should do, each should do his best to defend his own -place.” He planted his standard--the dragon of Wessex--on the most -elevated part of the hill, and there he resolved to defend it to the -last. Nobly Harold fulfilled his purpose--nothing could tempt him from -his post--and ere the Saxon ensign bowed to the banner blessed by the -Pope, his blood had drenched the soil. - -Harold’s men consisted but in part of regularly trained troops. Amongst -them were many “villains called together from the villages, bearing such -arms as they found--clubs and great picks, iron forks and stakes.” These -undisciplined Saxons exhibited no lack of that indomitable energy for -which the English race is famous; but, as Harold’s brother, Gurth, -remarked, “a great gathering of vilanaille is worth little in battle.” - -The numbers of the two armies have been variously stated. Probably Wace -is right in saying that they were nearly equal. He sets down the army of -William at sixty thousand, and speaks thus of his opponent’s: “Many and -many have said that Harold had but a small force, and that he fell on -that account. But many others say, and so do I, that he and the Duke had -man for man. The men of the Duke were not more numerous, but he had -certainly more barons, and the men were better. He had plenty of good -knights, and great plenty of good archers.” - -The Norman forces, having finished their devotions by an early hour in -the morning, were ordered to form in three divisions, the Duke himself -commanding the centre, which consisted of Normans. William then -addressed his army, saying, “If I conquer, you will conquer; if I win -lands, you shall have lands”--telling them, at the same time, that he -came not merely to establish his own claims, but also to punish the -English for the massacre of the Danes, and other felonies which they had -committed against his people. Then they began to cry out, “You will not -see one coward; none here will fear to die for love of you if need be.” -And he answered them, “Strike hard at the beginning; stay not to take -spoil; all the booty shall be in common, and there will be plenty for -every one. There will be no safety in peace or flight. The English will -neither love nor spare Normans. Felons they were, and are; false they -were, and false they will be.” - -William was continuing his speech, when Fitz-Osborne, who had been one -of his principal advisers in the whole business, interrupted him: “Sire, -said he, we tarry here too long; let us arm ourselves. _Allons! -Allons!_” - -When William began to prepare for battle, he called first for his good -hauberk, and a man brought it on his arm and placed it before him; but, -in putting his head in to get it on, he inadvertently turned it the -wrong way, with the back in front. He quickly changed it; but when he -saw that those who stood by him were sorely alarmed, he said, “I never -believed in omens, and I never will. I trust in God. The hauberk which -was turned wrong and then set right, signifies that I who have hitherto -been but duke, shall be changed into a king. Then he crossed himself, -and straightway took his hauberk, stooped his head, and put it on -aright; and laced his helmet and girt his sword, which a varlet brought -him.” - -There is something poetical in the error which William made. He was too -good a general to be boastful--he had been too often in the field not to -know the difference between the putting on and the putting off of the -armour--he knew too well, moreover, the serious nature of the venture -which he had made to pay much attention to the duties of his military -toilet. His capacious mind - -[Illustration: PLATE XII.] - -was weighing the chances of victory or defeat, and for the last time -reviewing all the arrangements which he had made for either alternative. -The Norman Duke, notwithstanding his usual exemption from superstitious -influences, did not consider his preparation for battle complete until -he had strung around his neck a portion of the relics over which Harold -had taken his faithless vow. William entrusted the standard which the -Pope had given him to Turstin Fitz-Rou. His demeanour, rendered even -more than usually commanding by the greatness of the occasion, seems to -have attracted the attention of his companions in arms;--“Never (said -the Viscount of Toarz), never have I seen a man so fairly armed, nor one -who rode so gallantly, or bore his arms or became his hauberk so well; -neither any one who bore his lance so gracefully, or sat his horse or -manœuvred so nobly. There is no such knight under heaven! a fair knight -he is, and a fair king he will be!” - -We are now prepared for examining the Tapestry. Under the compartment -inscribed HIC MILITES EXIERUNT DE HESTENGA--Here the soldiers have -departed from Hastings--we see the Duke, armed cap-a-pie, preparing to -mount his charger, which is brought him by an attendant. Next we have a -well arranged group of horsemen, representing the whole Norman army, -proceeding onward at a steady pace. Some scouts in advance scour the -country, and guard against surprise. The inscription proceeds, ET -VENERUNT AD PRELIUM CONTRA HAROLDUM REGEM--And march to battle against -Harold the King. - -The country between Hastings and Battle is of an undulating nature. The -Duke had many defiles of a dangerous nature to pass, in which Harold -might have harassed him if he had possessed cavalry, and if he had had -troops to spare. As it was, he was allowed to proceed unmolested; -nevertheless, both parties sent out scouts to watch each other’s -movements. The horseman, Vitalis, seems to have been sent on this errand -by William. In the Tapestry he is represented as galloping up to his -chieftain with the news which he has gathered respecting the enemy, -towards whom his spear is pointed. The group is labelled, HIC WILLELM: -DUX INTERROGAT VITAL: SI VIDISSET EXERCITUM HAROLDI--Here Duke William -asks Vitalis, whether he had seen Harold’s army. - -Harold’s scout is next seen, on foot, endeavouring to obtain a glimpse -through the forests of the approaching foe; he then informs his king of -their advance. The legend is, ISTE NUNTIAT HAROLDUM REGEM DE EXERCITU -WILLELM: DUCIS--This man brings word to Harold the King respecting Duke -William’s army. “The line of the Normans’ march from the camp of -Hastings to the battle-field, must have lain on the south-western slope -of the elevated ridge of land extending from Fairlight to Battle; that -is, to the north of the village of Hollington, through what is now -Crowhurst Park, to the elevated spot called Hetheland, but now known as -Telham Hill.”[94] This hill is about a mile south of the one occupied by -Harold. Its ancient name seems to imply that it was covered with heath -rather than with wood; this circumstance, together with the fact of its -elevated position, would enable - -[Illustration: PLATE XIII.] - -William’s host for the first time clearly to descry their enemy from its -summit, and render it a fitting place on which to make the final -preparations for the onslaught. This spot, according to local tradition, -derived its name of Telham, or Telman Hill, from William’s having told -off his men before advancing to the fight. - -We can readily conceive what would be the feelings of the two forces, as -on the morning of the 14th of October, 1066, they came in sight of each -other;--“Some with their colour rising, others turning pale; some making -ready their arms, others raising their shields; the brave man raising -himself to the fight, the coward trembling at the approaching danger.” -Who can stand upon the ground occupied by either party without -sympathizing, in part, with their fierce emotions? Happily, such -sympathy is vain. Not only have victor and vanquished long ceased to be -moved by earth’s concernments, but the descendants of each have long -been blended into one race, having common interests, common feelings. - -Before commencing the onslaught, William again addressed his troops. He -is represented in the Tapestry (_Plate XIII._) beside a tree, -representing probably the edge of the forest, with the baton of command -in his right hand. The legend here is, HIC WILLELM: DUX ALLOQUITUR SUIS -MILITIBUS UT PREPARARENT SE VIRILITER ET SAPIENTER AD PRELIUM CONTRA -ANGLORUM EXERCITUM--Here Duke William exhorts his soldiers to prepare -manfully and prudently for battle against the army of the English. Wace -says that the battlecry of the Normans was _Dex aie!_ (God help!), that -of the English, _Ut!_ (out!--begone!) - -Harold was not less diligent than his antagonist in making preparations. -“He ordered the men of Kent to go where the Normans were likely to make -the attack; for they say that the men of Kent are entitled to strike -first, and that whenever the king goes to battle, the first blow belongs -to them. The right of the men of London is to guard the king’s body, to -place themselves around him, and to guard his standard; and they were -accordingly placed by the standard to watch and defend it.” “Each man -had a hauberk on, with his sword girt, and his shield at his neck. Great -hatchets were also slung at their necks, with which they expected to -strike heavy blows. They were on foot in close ranks, and carried -themselves right boldly. _Olicrosse_ (holy cross) they often cried, and -many times repeated _Godamite_ (God Almighty).”[95] “And now behold! -that battle was gathered whereof the fame is yet mighty.” - -Nearly all the chroniclers tell us that the minstrel-warrior Taillefer -was the first to begin the battle, and some of them inform us that as he -approached the English lines, he produced a sort of panic amongst them -by his juggling tricks. It says not a little for the correctness of the -delineations of the Tapestry, and of the authenticity of the _Roman de -Rou_, that neither of them refers to these improbable stories, however -great the pictorial effect of them might have been. As, however, the -verses of Gaimar, describing the - -[Illustration: PLATE XIV] - -apocryphal exploits of Taillefer, possess considerable interest, it may -be well to introduce them here in the garb in which they have been -clothed by Mr. Amyot, in the _Archæologia_,[96] - - “Foremost in the bands of France, - Arm’d with hauberk and with lance, - And helmet glittering in the air, - As if a warrior-knight he were, - Rushed forth the minstrel Taillefer.-- - Borne on his courser swift and strong, - He gaily bounded o’er the plain, - And raised the heart-inspiring song - (Loud echoed by the warlike throng) - Of Roland and of Charlemagne, - Of Oliver, brave peer of old, - Untaught to fly, unknown to yield, - And many a knight and vassal bold, - Whose hallowed blood, in crimson flood, - Dyed Roncevalles’ field. - - Harold’s host he soon descried, - Clustering on the hill’s steep side: - Then, turned him back brave Taillefer, - And thus to William urged his prayer: - ‘Great Sire, it fits not me to tell - How long I’ve served you, or how well; - Yet if reward my lays may claim, - Grant now the boon I dare to name: - Minstrel no more, be mine the blow - That first shall strike yon perjured foe.’ - ‘Thy suit is gained,’ the Duke replied, - ‘Our gallant minstrel be our guide.’ - ‘Enough,’ he cried, ‘with joy I speed, - Foremost to vanquish or to bleed.’ - - And still of Roland’s deeds he sung, - While Norman shouts responsive rung, - As high in air his lance he flung, - With well directed might; - Back came the lance into his hand, - Like urchin’s ball, or juggler’s wand, - And twice again, at his command, - Whirled it’s unerring flight.-- - While doubting whether skill or charm - Had thus inspired the minstrel’s arm, - The Saxons saw the wondrous dart - Fixed in their standard-bearer’s heart. - - Now thrice aloft his sword he threw, - ’Midst sparkling sunbeams dancing, - And downward thrice the weapon flew, - Like meteor o’er the evening dew, - From summer sky swift glancing: - And while amazement gasped for breath, - Another Saxon groaned in death. - - More wonders yet!--on signal made, - With mane erect, and eye-balls flashing, - The well-taught courser rears his head, - His teeth in ravenous fury gnashing; - He snorts--he foams--and upward springs-- - Plunging he fastens on the foe, - And down his writhing victim flings, - Crushed by the wily minstrel’s blow. - Thus seems it to the hostile band - Enchantment all, and fairy land. - - Fain would I leave the rest unsung:-- - The Saxon ranks, to madness stung, - Headlong rushed with frenzied start, - Hurling javelin, mace, and dart; - No shelter from the iron shower - Sought Taillefer in that sad hour; - Yet still he beckoned to the field, - ‘Frenchmen, come on.--the Saxons yield-- - Strike quick--strike home--in Roland’s name-- - For William’s glory--Harold’s shame.’ - Then pierced with wounds, stretched side by side, - The minstrel and his courser died.” - -The charge of Taillefer roused the mettle of both parties. “Forthwith -arose the noise and cry of war, and on either side the people put -themselves in motion.” “Some were striking, others urging onwards; and -all were bold, and cast aside fear.” - -“Loud and far resounded the bray of the horns and the shocks of the -lances; the mighty strokes of clubs, and the quick clashing of swords. -One while the Englishmen rushed on, another while they fell back; one -while the men from over the sea charged onwards, and again, at other -times, retreated. Then came the cunning manœuvres, the rude shocks and -strokes of the lance, and blows of the sword, among the sergeants and -soldiers, both English and Norman. When the English fall the Normans -shout. Each side taunts and defies the other, yet neither knoweth what -the other saith; and the Normans say the English bark, because they -understand not their speech.” In this way the struggle proceeded for -several hours. The Saxons had an arduous part to sustain; for, as shewn -in the Tapestry, they were attacked on all sides. - -Early in the battle the brothers of Harold, Gurth and Leofwin fell. The -fact is indicated by the superscription, HIC CECIDERUNT LEWINE ET GURTH -FRATRES HAROLDI REGIS--Here fell Leofwin and Gurth, the brothers of -Harold the King. Bravely had they sustained their brother in his -efforts to resist the invader, and doubtless they had, in the excess of -their zeal, needlessly hazarded their lives. According to Wace, they did -not fall until after Harold had been slain. This is one of the points in -which the worsted chronicle differs from the _Roman de Rou_. In a -battle, where all is confusion--where few can obtain a general view of -what passes--and where each is intensely occupied with his own -foeman--it is exceedingly difficult for any one to give a just account -of the whole scene, or to reconcile the conflicting statements of -others. All our historians agree that both the brothers of Harold were -slain in the battle of Hastings;--had it been otherwise William would -not have been crowned at Westminister that Christmas. - -Following, on the Tapestry, the death of Gurth and Leofwin (_Plate XV._) -is a scene thus labelled: HIC CECIDERUNT SIMUL ANGLI ET FRANCI IN -PRELIO. The scene is here most animated. Saxons and Normans are mingled -in a close encounter. Horses and men exhibit the frantic contortions of -dying agony. At the further end of the compartment a party of Saxons, -posted on a hill, exposed to the enemy on one side, but protected by a -forest (represented by a tree) on the other, seem to be making head -against their assailants. The Normans had attacked the Saxon encampment -with the utmost impetuosity in front and in flank. The Saxons maintained -their ground well, but some, through fear or misadventure, were -constrained to flee. The victorious Normans, strongly armed and well -mounted, pursued the flying footmen. In doing so, they left not only -their own army, but that of Harold in - -[Illustration: PLATE XV.] - -the rear. Soon a swampy valley was to be encountered. The retreating -English, climbing the opposite hill, paused, at once to take breath and -to examine their position. Finding the Normans struggling with the -difficulties of the morass, and conscious of the advantage which their -elevated position gave them, they wheeled about, and became the -attacking party. Their efforts were crowned with success; the invaders -were thrown into a state of confusion nearly inextricable. But it is -necessary now to refer to our authorities. The account given in the -_Roman de Rou_ of this important part of the events of that eventful day -is the following: “In the plain was a fosse, which the Normans now had -behind them, _having passed it in the fight without regarding it_. But -the English charged, and drove the Normans before them, till they made -them fall back upon this fosse, overthrowing into it horses and men. -Many were to be seen falling therein, rolling one over the other, with -their faces to the earth, and unable to rise. Many of the English also, -whom the Normans drew down along with them, died there. At no time -during the day’s battle did so many Normans die as perished in that -fosse. So said they who saw the dead.” The account given in the -_Chronicle of Battle Abbey_ is similar. “There lay between the hostile -armies a certain dreadful precipice.... It was of considerable extent, -and being overgrown with bushes or brambles, was not very easily seen, -and great numbers of men, principally Normans in pursuit of the English, -were suffocated in it. For, ignorant of the danger, as they were running -in a disorderly manner, they fell into the chasm, and were fearfully -dashed to pieces and slain. And this pit, from this deplorable accident, -is still called _Malfosse_.” With these statements that of William of -Malmesbury agrees--“By frequently making a stand, they slaughtered their -pursuers in heaps; for, getting possession of an eminence, they drove -down the Normans, when roused with indignation and anxiously striving to -gain the higher ground, into the valley beneath, when, easily hurling -their javelins and rolling down stones on them as they stood below, they -destroyed them to a man.” With these descriptions the delineation of the -Tapestry agrees in a remarkable manner. The only point which remains for -us is to identify the scene of this skirmish with some locality in the -vicinity of Battle. This Mr. Lower enables us to do. “There is no place -near Battle which can, with a due regard to the proprieties of language, -be called a ‘dreadful precipice’ (_miserabile præceipitium vaste -patens_), though, by comparing Malmesbury with the Monk of Battle, I -think I have succeeded in identifying the locality of this ‘bad -ditch.’[97] From all the probabilities of the case, it would seem that -the flight and pursuit must have lain in a north-westerly direction, -through that part of the district known as Mountjoy. Assuming this, the -eminence alluded to must have been the ridge rising from Mount Street to -Caldbeck Hill, and the _Malfosse_ some part of the stream which, flowing -at its feet, runs in the direction of Watlington, and becomes a -tributary of the Rother. This rivulet occasionally overflows its banks, -and the primitive condition of the adjacent levels was doubtless that -of a morass, overgrown with flags, reeds, and similar bog vegetables. -Thanks, however, to good drainage, this ‘bad ditch’ no longer remains. -The name was corrupted, previously to 1279, to Manfosse, and a piece of -land called Wincestrecroft, in Manfosse, was ceded to the Abbey of -Battle in that year. Now Wincestrecroft is still well known, and lies in -the direction specified, west by north of the present town of -Battle.”[98] - -The English, after having exterminated their pursuers, regained the -eminence on which the main body was encamped. - -This was the most critical period of the day’s fight. The varlets who -had been set to guard the harness of the Normans, began to abandon it. -The priests who had confessed and blessed the army in the morning, and -had meanwhile retired to a neighbouring height, began to take themselves -off. In this extremity Odo interfered, and turned the fate of the -battle. The description in the _Roman de Rou_ precisely corresponds with -the drawing in the Tapestry. Wace says, “Then Odo, the good priest, the -Bishop of Bayeux, galloped up, and said to them ‘Stand fast, stand fast! -be quiet and move not! fear nothing, for if it please God, we shall -conquer yet.’ So they took courage, and rested where they were; and Odo -returned galloping back to where the battle was most fierce, and was of -great service on that day. He had put a hauberk on, over a white aube, -wide in the body, with the sleeves tight; and sat on a white horse, so -that all might recognize him. In his hand he held a mace, and wherever -he saw most need, he led up and stationed the knights, and often urged -them on to assault and strike the enemy.” With this description the -Tapestry exactly accords, except in the colour of the horse; it however -represents it as being sufficiently conspicuous. - -The inscription is HIC ODO EPISCOPUS TENENS BACULUM CONFORTAT -PUEROS--Here Odo holding a staff exhorts the soldiers.[99] The staff -which Odo wields is, I suspect, the badge of command--the marshal’s -baton as it were--and not a weapon, as some writers suppose. William -himself, in the next group, is represented with a similar implement. -During the middle ages the priests of the sanctuary were not -unfrequently to be found in the battle-field. Some of them were much -more at home in the midst of the _melée_ than in guiding sin-stricken -souls to a Saviour. The bold Bishop of Durham, Anthony Beck, never left -the precincts of his castle but in magnificent military array. He fought -personally at the battle of Falkirk, and drew from a soldier, who felt -perhaps a superstitious dread at aiming a deadly blow at one invested -with the sacred office, the merited rebuke, “To your mass, O priest.” -Richard I., when at war with Philip of France, took a French Bishop -prisoner. The Pope sent to demand his liberation, claiming him as a son -of the church. Richard upon this sent the Bishop’s coat of mail to the -Pope, just as it was, besmeared with the blood of the slain, employing -the words of Jacob’s sons, “This have we found; know now whether it be -thy son’s coat or no.” The canon laws indeed forbade a priest to shed -blood; but this was evaded, it is said, by the use of a mace instead of -a sword. The warrior-priest did not stab a man; he only brained him. It -is on this ground that the baton held by Odo has been considered by some -writers to be a weapon. - -In consequence of the confusion and panic which attended the disasters -in the Malfosse, a report was spread among the Normans that William was -dead. At the same time, too, according to one writer,[100] Eustace Count -of Boulogne strongly urged the Duke to withdraw his forces from the -field, considering the battle to be lost beyond recovery. A Saxon shaft -at that moment laid Eustace low, and delivered William from his -importunity. The Duke, nothing daunted by this disaster, rushed among -his troops, encouraged his men to maintain the combat, and to assure -them of the falsehood of the report of his death, raised his helmet and -exhibited himself to his people. This act is exhibited in the Tapestry -(_Plate XV._); at the same time, his standard-bearer, who never left him -throughout the day, draws attention to the circumstance. The group is -labelled, HIC EST DVX WILEL:--Here is Duke William. By these energetic -means the Normans returned to the onset. - -The Tapestry shows us the fearful slaughter which took place on that -hard-fought field. The border is filled with dead men and horses lying -in every conceivable position; a head is not unfrequently deposited at -some distance from the body to which it once belonged. We can scarcely -look upon the drawing without being impressed with the idea that the -designer of the Tapestry had been the witness of some fight. It is said -that when a man receives a mortal wound, his body is thrown for the -moment into violent spasmodic action. So much is this the case, that you -may tell the effect of a death-bringing volley by noticing how many -unhappy wretches make a sudden leap. In the Tapestry something of this -spasmodic action is manifested, and some of the men are coming to the -ground in such a posture as they could only do after having sprung up -from it.[101] - -The battle had now lasted the greater part of the day. “From nine -o’clock in the morning till three in the afternoon the battle was up and -down, this way and that, and no one knew who would conquer and win the -land. Both sides stood so firm and fought so well that no one could -guess which would prevail. The Norman archers with their bows shot -thickly upon the English; but they covered themselves with their -shields, so that the arrows could not reach their bodies.... Then the -Normans determined to shoot their arrows upwards into the air, so that -they might fall on their enemies’ heads and strike their faces. The -archers adopted this scheme, and shot up into the air towards the -English; and the arrows in falling struck their heads and faces, and put -out the eyes of many, and all feared to open their eyes or leave their -faces unguarded.” “The arrows now flew thicker than rain before the -wind. Then it was that an arrow that had been thus shot upwards struck -Harold above his right eye and put it out. In his agony he drew the -arrow (_Plate XVI._) and threw it away, breaking it with his hands; and -the pain to his head was so great that he leaned upon his shield.” Still -the English did not yield, and Harold, though grievously hurt, -maintained his ground. - -At length the device was adopted which put victory into the hands of the -Normans. Harold, knowing William’s skill in strategy, exhorted his -troops at the beginning of the fight to keep their ground, and not -suffer themselves to be drawn into a pursuit. Had his troops been -well-trained men, to whom obedience is a second nature, that battle had -probably not been lost. Many of them however had been brought from the -fields, and were unable to resist the prospect of inflicting deserved -vengeance upon their adversaries. Harold’s troops were the more likely -to fall into the snare laid for them, in consequence of the success -which attended, in an earlier part of the day, the attack upon the -pursuing Normans in the Malfosse. - -William’s army fled by little and little, the English following them. -“As the one fell back, the other pressed after; and when the Frenchmen -retreated, the English thought and cried out that the men of France fled -and would never return. ‘Cowards,’ said they, ‘you came hither in an -evil hour, wanting our lands, and seeking to seize our property, fools -that you were to come! Normandy is too far off, and you will not easily -reach it ... your sons and daughters are lost to you!’ The Normans bore -these taunts very quietly, as indeed they easily might, for they did not -know what the English said.” - -At length the time arrived for the assailants to come to a stand. The -English had broken rank; the valley, too, had been crossed, and the -Normans were now standing above the Saxons on the flank of the hill on -the top of which they had formed in the morning. - -At the word of command, DEX AIE, the Normans halted, and turned their -faces towards the enemy. Now commenced the fiercest part of that bloody -day’s encounter. Neither party was wanting in courage. All the -chroniclers do justice to the contending forces. “One hits, another -misses; one flies, another pursues; one is aiming a stroke, while -another discharges his blow. Norman strives with Englishman again, and -aims his blows afresh. One flies, another pursues swiftly; the -combatants are many, the plain wide, the battle and the _melée_ fierce. -On every hand they fight hard, the blows are heavy, and the struggle -becomes fierce.” - -As neither the horrors nor the gallantry exhibited on a battle-field can -be comprehended by a general description, it may be well here to -introduce an account of one or two of the individual encounters -occurring at this period, with which Wace supplies us. - -“The Normans were playing their part well, when an English knight came -rushing up, having in his company a hundred men furnished with various -arms. He wielded a northern hatchet, with the blade a full foot long; -and was well armed after his manner, being tall, bold, and of noble -carriage. In the front of the battle, where the Normans thronged most, -he came bounding on swifter than a stag, many Normans falling before him -and his company. He rushed straight upon a Norman, who was armed, and -riding on a war-horse, and tried with a hatchet of steel to cleave his -helmet; but the blow miscarried, and the sharp blade glanced down before -the saddle-bow, driving through the horse’s neck down to the ground, so -that both horse and master fell together to the earth. I know not -whether the Englishman struck another blow; but the Normans who saw the -stroke were astonished, and about to abandon the assault, when Roger de -Montgomery came galloping up, with his lance set, and heeding not the -long-handled axe which the Englishman wielded aloft, struck him down, -and left him stretched upon the ground. Then Roger cried out ‘Frenchmen, -strike; the day is ours!’ And again a fierce _melée_ was to be seen, -with many a blow of lance and sword; the English still defending -themselves, killing the horses, and cleaving the shields.” - -“There was a French soldier of noble mien, who sat his horse gallantly. -He spied two Englishmen who were also carrying themselves boldly. They -were both of them men of great worth, and had become companions in arms -and fought together, the one protecting the other. They bore two long -and broad bills, and did great mischief to the Normans, killing both -horses and men. The French soldier looked at them and their bills, and -was sore alarmed; for he was afraid of losing his good horse, the best -that he had, and would willingly have turned to some other quarter, if -it would not have looked like cowardice. Fearing the two bills, he -raised his shield by the ‘enarmes,’ and struck one of the Englishmen -with his lance on the breast, so that the iron passed out at the back. -At the moment that he fell, the lance broke, and the Frenchman seized -the mace that hung at his right side, and struck the other Englishman a -blow that completely fractured his scull.” - -The slaughter at this period of the day must have been fearful. The -chronicler of Battle Abbey says, “Amid these miseries there was -exhibited a fearful spectacle: the fields were covered with dead bodies, -and on every hand nothing was to be seen but the red hue of blood. The -dales around sent forth a gory stream, which increased at a distance to -the size of a river! How great think you must have been the slaughter of -the conquered, when the conquerors’ is reported, upon the lowest -computation, to have exceeded ten thousand? Oh how vast a flood of human -gore was poured out in that place where these unfortunates fell and were -slain! What a dashing to pieces of arms, what a clashing of strokes; -what shrieks of dying men; what grief; what sighs were heard! How many -groans; how many bitter notes of direst calamity then sounded forth, who -can rightly calculate! What a wretched exhibition of human misery was -there to call forth astonishment! In the very contemplation of it our -heart fails us.”[102] - -Notwithstanding the horrors of the scene, and the hopelessness of their -efforts, the courage of the Saxons failed not; sometimes fleeing, and -sometimes making a stand, they slaughtered their pursuers in heaps. - -The place where this havoc took place is probably the southern front of -the eminence on which Battle Abbey was afterwards placed. The whole site -of the contest has sometimes been denominated “Sanguelac,” or the “Lake -of Blood,” but this designation properly belongs to that part in which -the street of the modern town of Battle called “the Lake” is situated. -Until a very recent period this place was supposed still occasionally to -reek with human gore. “Thereabout,” says Drayton, “is a place which -after rain always looks red, which some have attributed to a very bloody -sweat of the earth, as crying to heaven for revenge for so great a -slaughter.” - - “ ... Asten once distained with native English blood; - Whose soil, when wet with any little rain, - Doth blush, as put in mind of those there sadly slain.” - -The truth is “the redness of the water here, and at many other places in -the neighbourhood, is caused by the oxydation of the iron which abounds -in the soil of the Weald of Sussex.”[103] - -To return to the battle, “Loud was now the clamour, and great the -slaughter; many a soul then quitted the body which it inhabited. The -living marched over the heaps of dead, and each side was weary of -striking. He charged on who could, and he who could no longer strike -still pushed forward. The strong struggled with the strong; some failed, -others triumphed; the cowards fell back, the brave pressed on; and sad -was his fate who fell in the midst, for he had little chance of rising -again; and many in truth fell who never rose at all, being crushed under -the throng. And now the Normans pressed on so far that at last they -reached the English standard.” The Tapestry represents the eager advance -of a body of horsemen. The compartment is inscribed, HIC FRANCI PUGNANT -ET CECIDERUNT QUI ERANT CUM HAROLDO--Here the French are fighting, and -have slain the men who were with Harold. “There Harold had remained, -defending himself to the utmost; but he was sorely wounded in the eye by -the arrow, and suffered grievous pain by the blow. An armed man came in -the throng of the battle, and struck him on the _ventaille_ of his -helmet and beat him to the ground; and as he sought to recover himself, -a knight beat him down again, striking him on the thick of his thigh, -down to the bone.” This is shown in the Tapestry (_Plate XVI._) Harold -first of all appears standing by his standard, contending with a -horseman who is making a rush at him; then he is shown pulling the arrow -out of his eye; and lastly he is seen, falling-- - - “With his back to the field, and his feet to the foe,” - ---his battle axe has dropped from his nerveless grasp, and a Norman, - -[Illustration: PLATE XVI.] - -stooping from his horse, inflicts a wound upon his thigh. The group is -superscribed, HIC HAROLD REX INTERFECTUS EST--Here Harold the King is -slain.[104] - -“The English were in great trouble at having lost their King, and at the -Duke’s having conquered and beat down the standard; but they still -fought on, and defended themselves long, and in fact till the day drew -to a close. Then it clearly appeared to all that the standard was lost, -and the news had spread throughout the army that Harold for certain was -dead; and all saw now that there was no longer any hope, so they left -the field and those fled who could.” Ingulph tells us that all the -nobles that were in Harold’s army were slain;[105] we are hence led to -infer that it was the untrained peasantry only who betook themselves to -flight. The Tapestry is in consistency with this. The last compartment -represents a group of men unprotected by body armour, and supplied only -with a mace or club, retreating before a party of fully equipped -horsemen. The inscription is, ET FUGA VERTERUNT ANGLI--And the English -betake themselves to flight. - -Happily the exact spot on which the final struggle of the day took place -is clearly ascertained. The writer of the _Battle Abbey Chronicle_ -tells us, that the King having resolved to commemorate his victory by -the erection of a Christian temple, the high altar was placed upon the -precise spot where the standard was observed to fall.[106] Long after -all traces of the Abbey Church had been obliterated, the finger of -tradition faithfully pointed to the spot so interesting to all -Englishmen. In the year 1817, the proprietor of the soil, anxious to -test the truth of the popular belief, made the necessary excavations, -and in the very place indicated, at the depth of several feet below the -surface, found the remains of an altar in the easternmost recess of the -crypt of the church.[107] - -William on that day fought well--as well he might, for he had engaged in -a desperate venture--“many a blow did he give, and many receive, and -many fell dead under his hand.” Two horses were killed under him. After -the English had been exterminated, or had forsaken the field, the Duke -returned thanks to God, and ordered his gonfanon to be erected where -Harold’s standard had stood. Here, too, he raised his tent. Amidst the -dying and the dead he partook of his evening meal and passed the night. - -The next morning which dawned upon that sad battle field was the -Sabbath. On that first day of the week no heavenly choir sang of peace -on earth and good will toward men. The human family was exhibited in -its most painful aspect, “hateful and hating one another”--that field -but recently covered over with the golden sheaves of harvest, now bore -upon its surface the gory fruits of man’s ambition. - -“When William called over the muster-roll, which he had prepared before -he left the opposite coast, many a knight, who on the day when he -sailed, had proudly answered to his name, was then numbered with the -dead. The land which he had done homage for was useless to him -now.”[108] He had come to win large domains and baronial honours--six -feet of common earth was all he got. “The Conqueror had lost more than -one-fourth of his army.”[109] Both parties spent the day in burying the -dead. “The noble ladies of the land also came, some to seek their -husbands, and others their fathers, sons, or brothers.” - -The account given by Ordericus of the disposal of Harold’s body is the -following: “Harold could not be discovered by his features, but was -recognized by other tokens, and his corpse being borne to the Duke’s -camp, was, by order of the Conqueror, delivered to William Mallet for -interment near the sea-shore, which had long been guarded by his -arms.”[110] William of Poictiers gives a similar statement. Later -writers say that his body was interred with regal honours in Waltham -Abbey. This tradition, which probably had its origin in the wish of the -monks to attract visitors to the shrine at Waltham, cannot be -entertained, in opposition to the express statements of contemporaries. -Some venture, too, to assert that, though sorely wounded at Hastings, he -was not killed, and that, on escaping from the field, he first fled to -the continent, and afterwards led the life of a recluse at Chester. This -is a statement which may at once be rejected. - -The difficulty in discovering the body to which Ordericus refers was, it -is generally believed, overcome by Edith, surnamed, from her beauty, the -Fair. The keen eye of affection discerned his mangled form amidst heaps -of dead, which appeared to common observers an undistinguishable mass. -What will not woman’s love accomplish! - -Many writers have done great dishonour to this lady by stating that she -was the mistress of Harold. Sir Henry Ellis, in his _Introduction to -Domesday Book_, has proved that she was his Queen; “Aldith, Algiva or -Eddeva, being names which are all synonymous.” Unhappy Elfgyva, how -different her feelings now from what they were when the clerk announced -to her, in his own familiar way, the rescue of Harold from the capture -of Guy! - - - - -IX. THE SEQUEL. - - “From seeming evil still educing good.” - - _Thomson._ - - -The Saxons lost the battle of Hastings. Here, however, they left no blot -on their name. The old historian Daniel justly, as well as forcibly, -remarks, “Thus was tried, by the great assize of God’s judgment in -battle, the right of power between the English and Norman nations; a -battle the most memorable of all others; and, however miserably lost, -yet most nobly fought on the part of England.” The death of Harold, and -the absence of any other competitor, opened the way for William to the -throne. Presenting himself to the nobles of the land, assembled in -London, he was in due form elected to the vacant throne, and was crowned -by Aldred Archbishop of York, on Mid-winter’s day. William never claimed -the English crown by right of conquest. His quarrel was with Harold, not -with the English people, and he denounced him as interfering with his -just claims. The _Saxon Chronicle_ expressly asserts that “Before the -Archbishop would set the crown upon his head, he required of him a -pledge upon Christ’s book, and also swore him, that he would govern this -nation as well as any king before him had at the best done, if they -would be faithful to him.” He never claimed to be the Conqueror of -England in the ordinary sense of the word. In his first charter to -Westminster Abbey, he founds his right to the crown upon the grant of -his relative Edward the Confessor. The _Domesday Book_ was not compiled -until near the close of William’s reign (about the year 1086), yet in it -he is not spoken of as a conqueror. “Throughout the _Survey_,” says Sir -Henry Ellis, “Harold is constantly spoken of as the usurper of the -realm: ‘quando regnum _invasit_.’ Once only is it said ‘quando -_regnabat_.’ Of William it is as constantly said, ‘postquam _venit_ in -Angliam,’ after he came to England. Once only does the expression occur, -‘W. rex _conquisivit_ Angliam,’ when he conquered or acquired -England.”[111] But whatever were William’s rights and original -intentions, it was impossible that he could long reign over England as a -constitutional monarch. It was not likely that the great chiefs who -survived the battle of Hastings would long submit to the rule of a -stranger--hosts of foreigners would necessarily be introduced into the -court, and this, as in the reign of the Confessor, would be a continual -source of heartburning and jealousy--and, above all, the followers of -the King were to be rewarded, and this could only be done by depriving -the Saxon noblemen of their patrimonies. When William won the battle of -Hastings, he bid farewell to peace for ever. His subsequent history was -a continued series of entanglements and broils. One chieftain after -another, one district and then another, became restless under his rule; -each he crushed in succession. At length he became in the strict sense -of the word the Conqueror. He ruled by the sword alone. His own Norman -barons, and even his brother Odo, felt the weight of his iron hand; but -it fell with peculiar force upon his native-born subjects. The writer in -the _Saxon Chronicle_, speaking from his own knowledge, says of William, -“He was a very wise and a great man, and more honoured and more powerful -than any of his predecessors. He was mild to those good men who loved -God, but severe beyond measure towards those who withstood his will.... -He was a very stern and wrathful man, so that none durst do anything -against his will, and he kept in prison those earls who acted against -his pleasure.... Truly there was much trouble in these times, and very -great distress; he caused castles to be built, and oppressed the -poor.... He made large forests for the deer, and enacted laws therewith, -so that whoever killed a hart or a hind should be blinded. He loved the -tall stags as if he had been their father. The rich complained and the -poor murmured, but he was so sturdy that he recked nought of them; they -must will all that the king willed, if they would live; or would keep -their lands; or would hold their possessions; or would be maintained in -their rights. Alas! that any man should so exalt himself, and carry -himself in his pride over all!”[112] Ingulph speaks of the entire -subjugation of the English people, and of their systematic exclusion -from offices of honour. “Many of the chief men of the land, for some -time, offered resistance to William, the new king, but, being -afterwards crushed by his might and overcome, they at last submitted to -the sway of the Normans.... So inveterately did the Normans at this -period detest the English, that, whatever the amount of their merits -might be, they were excluded from all dignities; and foreigners who were -far less fitted, be they of any other nation whatever under heaven, -would have been gladly chosen instead of them.”[113] Henry of Huntingdon -uses language which the English of the present day, accustomed as they -are to rear their heads proudly among the nations, can hardly -understand. “In the twenty-first year of the reign of King William, when -the Normans had accomplished the righteous will of God on the English -Nation, and there was now no prince of the ancient regal race living in -England, and all the English were brought to a reluctant submission, so -that _it was a disgrace even to be called an Englishman_, the instrument -of Providence in fulfilling its designs was removed from the -world.”[114] “Many of the people,” as Holinshed tells us, “utterly -refusing such an intolerable yoke of thraldom as was daily laid upon -them, chose rather to leave all, both goods and lands, and after the -manner of outlaws, got them to the woods with their wives, children, and -servants, meaning from henceforth to live upon the spoils of the country -adjoining, and to take whatsoever came next to hand.” - -Notwithstanding the heavy pressure of these evils good ensued. The -political tempest resulted in the increased purity, health, and peace, -of the national atmosphere. - -William established a strong government. Had Harold been unopposed from -without, he would have had rivals from within the nation. The opposition -of his own brother Tostig was but a prelude of what the general result -of his reign would have been. Ambitious men, such as Edwin and Morcar, -the Earls of Mercia and Northumbria, would on the least provocation have -espoused the cause of Edgar Atheling, and by rendering the land a scene -of internal discord, have made it an easy prey to new bands of -adventurers from Denmark, Norway, Flanders, and France. William, by the -vigour, and even harshness of his rule, quelled internal dissension, and -bid defiance to foreign rivalry. - -The Norman invasion hastened and perfected the establishment of the -feudal system in England. This system had one great defect, which -renders it unfit for the present condition of England--it altogether -overlooked the claims of the lower classes, who always form the great -bulk of the population; still, it produced most beneficial results in -the eleventh and twelfth centuries. It brought all the great barons of -the empire into subjection to the sovereign, and by defining the -corresponding duties of the mesne lords and inferior tenants, knit the -whole kingdom into one. By this unity the realm was prepared to put down -intestine broils, and to resist foreign aggression. A way too was -prepared for the elevation of the lower classes. The system had but to -be extended in order to define the duties, and to confer corresponding -privileges, upon every member of the community. - -Learning and civilization were greatly advanced by the Norman Conquest. -Italy at this time was the focus of the knowledge and refinement of the -world. The light kindled by the genius of Attica, and nurtured by the -philosophy and poetry of the Augustan era, still irradiated the -seven-hilled city. Britain, severed from the main-land by a stormy -channel, had less intercourse with Rome than the nations of the -continent. Though William of Malmesbury may have somewhat overdrawn the -statement, still there is much truth in the picture which he gives of -the social condition of the Saxons at the time of the Conquest. “In -process of time the desire after literature and religion had decayed, -for several years before the arrival of the Normans. The clergy, -contented with a very slight degree of learning, could scarcely stammer -out the words of the sacraments; and a person who understood grammar was -an object of wonder and astonishment. The nobility were given up to -luxury and wantonness. The commonalty, left unprotected, became a prey -to the most powerful, who amassed fortunes, by either seizing on their -property, or by selling their persons into foreign countries; although -it be an innate quality of this people to be more inclined to revelling, -than to the accumulation of wealth. Drinking was a universal practice, -in which they passed entire nights as well as days. They consumed their -whole substance in mean and despicable houses; unlike Normans and -French, who, in noble and splendid mansions, lived with frugality.”[115] -There cannot be a doubt that by the introduction of the refinements of -life the condition of the people was improved, and that a check was -given to the grosser sensualities of our nature. Certain it is that -learning received a powerful stimulus by the conquest. At the period of -the Norman invasion, a great intellectual movement had commenced in the -schools on the continent. Normandy had beyond most other parts profited -by it. William brought with him to England some of the most -distinguished ornaments of the schools of his native duchy; the -consequence of this was that England henceforward took a higher walk in -literature than she had ever done before.[116] - -Another important advantage resulting from the Conquest was the -emancipation of the lower classes. At the period of the invasion the -great bulk of the population were in a servile condition. One class of -the people, the churls, were attached to the land, and were transferred -with it from one master to another without the power of choosing their -employer, or taking any steps to improve their condition--another large -class, the thews, were the absolute property of their owners. The -attempts which Alfred and some of the clergy made to remedy this -gigantic evil were attended with but partial success. The Conquest gave -it its death blow. The convulsions which ensued afforded great numbers -the wished-for opportunity of escaping from thraldom. Many of the -landowners, seeing the shipwreck of their fortunes inevitable, made a -virtue of necessity, and manumitted their serfs. One of William’s -regulations had a tendency quietly to complete what was thus -auspiciously begun. He passed a law declaring that every slave who had -resided unchallenged a year and a day in any city or walled town in the -kingdom, should be free for ever.[117] This law became a door of hope to -many, and in due time not one slave was left in England. It had another -very beneficial effect. Men were led to congregate in towns; knowledge -was promoted; a stimulus was given to the cultivation of the refinements -of social life; and the commoners, strong in their numbers, were induced -to assert and maintain their common rights. - -Even the despotic measures of the king had a beneficial influence upon -the lower grades of society. The thanes and aldermen of the Confessor’s -days being deprived of their lands, were glad to hold a small portion of -them as the inferior tenants of the great Norman barons. Hence sprung -the yeomanry of England, who, in days of difficulty and danger, have -often proved themselves the mainstay of the country. The Saxon noblemen, -in descending from their high estate, brought with them their -independence of feeling and high spirit. They were chastened but not -crushed. They not only maintained their own freedom of thought, but -infused a portion of their energy into the newly emancipated class below -them. Formerly the difference in social position between the landed -proprietor and the tiller of the soil was so great, that there could be -little friendly intercourse between them, and no unity of interest; but -now, by the formation of a middle class, the two extremes of society -were linked together, and all classes placed in a position to benefit -the rest, as well as to be benefited by them. The hope of rising in the -social scale now dawned upon the lower orders. - -Another signal benefit resulted from the Conquest. It brought to our -English soil a host of men renowned in their own persons and those of -their descendants for all that is great in art and arms, for all that is -noble in knightly enterprise and chivalric feeling. Strike out from the -page of history the deeds of the Montfords, the Marmions, the Warrens, -the Nevilles, the Percys, the Beauchamps, the Bruces, the Balliols, the -Talbots, the Cliffords, and a host of others who fought with William at -Hastings, or followed in his wake, what a blank would be left. True, -they were not always found contending on the side of liberty and truth; -but, on the whole, they contributed to the developement of England’s -liberties and enlightenment and power, and left an example of -indomitable energy and manly bearing which mankind to the latest ages -will do well to copy. - -One other view of the subject we must take. England required -chastisement, but shall the oppressor on that account go free? The -chroniclers most favourable to William do not conceal the harshness and -covetousness which disfigured the latter part of his reign. They tell -us, too, of the evils which afflicted his age, and pursued him beyond -the tomb. His eldest son rose in rebellion against him. Many of his own -nobles joined the undutiful youth; even his beloved wife Matilda -favoured him. In the New Forest, which he had wrongfully appropriated to -his own pleasures, his son Richard was slain, during his lifetime. His -son William, who succeeded him, came to a violent end in the same -place. A grandson also is said to have perished in it. Whilst ravaging -Mantes, in revenge for an idle jest, he met with his own death stroke. -No sooner had he ceased to breathe than his lifeless body was forsaken -by his family and domestics. When all that remained of the once potent -William was about to be committed to the tomb, the man from whom he had -wrested the site forbade his burial; some of the bystanders ‘of their -charity’ satisfied the claim, and the Conqueror was laid in an -eleemosynary grave. At a subsequent period that grave was violated, and -his bones dispersed. - -His followers, bent upon enriching themselves at the expense of justice, -did not escape. Many of them rose in rebellion, and were crushed. Others -suffered in the troubles which ensued upon his death. In the struggle -between Stephen and Matilda, dreadful was the havoc committed upon the -followers of William and their children. During the Wars of the Roses, -nearly all the great families founded at the Conquest suffered -calamities differing little in kind or degree from those which the -victors of Hastings inflicted upon the old nobility of the land. History -gives emphasis to the divine injunction, “Fret not thyself because of -evil doers, neither be thou envious against the workers of iniquity: for -they shall soon be cut down like the grass, and wither as the green -herb.” - - - - -APPENDIX. - - -NOTE A.--_Page 4._ - -The authority for the odd story of the Duke of Normandy’s courtship is -the following passage in the _Chronicle of Tours_, quoted in the -_Encyclopædia Metropolitana_, Vol. xi., p. 527, _n_. - -“Tunc Guillelmus, Dux Normanniæ, Mathildam, filiam Balduini Comitis -Flandriæ duxit in uxorem in hunc modum. Cum ipsa a Patre suo de sponso -recipiendo sæpius rogaretur, eique Guillelmus Normannicus a Patro, qui -eum longo tempore nutrierat, præ aliis laudaretur, respondit, nunquam -Nothum recipere se maritum. Quo audito, Guillelmus Dux elam apud Brugis, -ubi puella morabatur, cum paucis accelerat, eamque, regredientem ab -Ecclesiâ pugnis, calcibus, atque calcaribus verberet atque castigat, -sicque ascenso equo in patriam remeat. Quo facto, puella dolens ad -lectum decubat; ad quam Pater veniens illam de sponso recipiendo -interrogat et requirit; quæ respondens dixit se nunquam habere maritum -nisi Guillelinum Ducem Normanaiæ; quod et factum est.” - - -NOTE B.--_Page 5._ - -As the following letter of M. Thierry’s is less accessible to the -English reader than most of the documents connected with the Bayeux -Tapestry it is here given in full. It is addressed to M. de la -Fontenelle de Vandoré:-- - - “MONSIEUR,--Pardonnez-moi de répondre bien tard à une demande qui, - venant de vous, m’honore infiniment. Vous désirez savoir ce que je - pense des _Recherches et conjectures_ de M. Bolton Corney _sur la - tapisserie de Bayeux_; je vais vous le dire, en aussi peu de mots - et aussi nettement que je le pourrai. L’opinion soutenue par M. - Bolton Corney comprend deux thèses principales: 1º que la - tapisserie de Bayeux n’est pas un don de la reine Mathilde, ni même - un don fait au chapitre de cette ville par un autre personne; - qu’elle a été fabriqué pour l’église cathédrale de Bayeux, sur - l’ordre et aux frais du chapitre; 2º que ce vénérable monument - n’est pas contemporain de la conquête de l’Angleterre par les - Normands, mais qu’il date du temps où la Normandie se trouvait - réunie à la France. De ces deux thèses, la première me semble vraie - de toute évidence, la seconde est inadmissible. - - “La tradition qui attribuait à la reine Mathilde la pièce de - tapisserie conservée à Bayeux, tradition, du reste, assez récente, - et que l’abbé de La Rue a réfutée, n’est plus soutenue par - personne. Quant à la seconde question, celle de savoir si cette - tapisserie fut ou non un présent fait à l’église de Bayeux, M. - Bolton Corney la résout négativement, et d’une façon qui me semble - péremptoire. Au silence des anciens inventaires de l’église il - joint des preuves tirées du monument lui-même, et démontre avec - évidence que ses détails portent une empreinte très-marquée de - localité, que la conquête de l’Angleterre par les Normands y a été - considérée en quelque sorte au point de vue de la ville et de - l’église de Bayeux. Un seul évêque y figure, et c’est celui de - Bayeux, très-souvent en scène et quelquefois désigné par son seul - titre: _episcopus_. De plus, parmi les personnages laïques qui - figurent à côté du duc Guillaume, pas un ne porte un nom - historique. Les noms qui reviennent sans cesse sont ceux de Turold, - Wadard et Vital, probablement connus et chéris à Bayeux, car les - deux derniers, Wadard et Vital, sont inscrits sur le Domesday-Book, - au nombre des feudataires de l’église de Bayeux, dans les comtés de - Kent, d’Oxford, et de Lincoln. Si l’on joint à ces raisons celles - que M. Bolton Corney déduit de la forme et de l’usage particuliers - du monument, il est impossible de ne pas croire avec lui que la - tapisserie fut commandée par le chapitre de Bayeux et exécutée pour - lui. - - “Je passe à la seconde proposition, savoir que la tapisserie de - Bayeux fut exécutée après la réunion de la Normandie à la France. - Cette hypothèse n’exige pas une longue réfutation, car l’auteur du - mémoire la fonde sur une seule preuve, l’emploi du mot _Franci_ - pour désigner l’armée normande. ‘Guillaume de Poitiers, dit-il, - appelle ceux qui faisaient partie de l’armée _Normanni_, des - Normands; la tapisserie les nomme toujours _Franci_, des Français. - Je considère cela comme une bévue indicative du temps où le - monument a été exécute.’ Il n’y a là aucune bévue, ni rien qui - puisse faire présumer que la tapisserie de Bayeux n’est pas - contemporaine de la conquète de l’Angleterre par les Normands. En - effet, les Anglo-Saxons avaient coutume de désigner par le nom de - Français (_Frencan, Frencisce men_) tous les habitants de la Gaule, - sans distinction de province ou d’origine. La Chronique saxonne, - dans les mille endroits où elle parle des chefs et des soldats de - l’armée normande, les appelle Français. Ce nom servait en - Angleterre à distinguer les conquérants de la population indigène, - non-seulement dans le langage usuel, mais encore dans celui des - acts légaux. On lit dans les lois de Guillaume-le-Conquérant, à - l’article du meurtre, ces mots: _Ki Franceis occist_, et, dans la - version latine de ces lois: _Si Francigena interfectus fuerit_. - L’emploi du mot _Franci_ au lieu de _Normanni_, ne prouve donc - point que la tapisserie de Bayeux date d’un temps posterieur à la - conquête. S’il prouve quelque chose, c’est que la tapisserie a été - exécutée non en Normandie, mais en Angleterre, et que c’est à des - ouvriers ou ouvrières de ce dernier pays que le chapitre de Bayeux - a fait sa commande. - - “Cette opinion, que je soumets au jugement des archéologues, est - confirmée d’ailleurs par l’orthographe de certains mots et par - l’emploi de certaines lettres dans les légendes du monument. On y - trouve, jusque dans le nom du duc Guilluame et dans celui de la - ville de Bayeux, des traces de prononciation anglo-saxonne: _Hic - Wido adduxit Haroldum ad Wilgelmum normannorum ducem; Willem venit - Bagias_; c’est le _g_ saxon qui figure ici avec sa consonance - _hié_. _Wilgelm_ pour _Wilielm_, _Bagias_ pour _Bayeux_. La - dipthongue _ea_, l’une des particularités de l’orthographe - anglo-saxon, se rencontre dans les légendes qui offrent le nom du - roi Edward: _Hic portatur corpus_ EADWARDI. Une autre légende - présente cette indication de lieu, correctement saxonne: _Ut - foderetur castellum at_ HESTENCA CASTRA. Enfin le nom de _Gurth_ - (prononcez _Gheurth_), frère du roi Harold, est orthographié avec - trois lettres saxonnes; le _g_, ayant le son de _ghé_ l’_y_, ayant - le son d’_eu_, et le _d barré_, exprimant l’une des deux - consonnances que les Anglais figurent aujourd’hui par _th_. - - “Ainsi, je crois, avec la majorité des savants qui ont écrit sur la - tapisserie de Bayeux, que cette tapisserie est contemporaine du - grand événement qu’elle représente; je pense, avec M. Bolton - Corney, qu’elle a été exécutée sur l’ordre et aux frais du chapitre - de Bayeux; j’ajoute, pour ma part de conjectures, qu’elle fut - ouvrée en Angleterre et par des mains anglaises, d’après un plan - venu de Bayeux. - - “Agréez, Monsieur, l’assurance de ma considération la plus - distinguée. - - “AUG. THIERRY. - - “_Le 25 juin 1843._” - - - - -NOTE C.--_Page 25._ - -In the _Northumberland Pipe Rolls_,[118] we have an interesting trace of -Edgar Atheling.--He had been owing the crown 20 marks of silver, -probably for the right to institute some law proceeding. Of this sum he -paid 10 marks to the Sheriff of Northumberland in 1157 or 1158, and the -remainder in the following year. Ten years later he paid 2 marks to the -crown for the right to bring some plea. At this time he must have been -about 120 years of age. He came with his father to England in 1057, as a -child; supposing him to have been 10 years of age at this period, he -would be of the great age already mentioned at the time the last payment -was made. How much longer he lived there is no evidence to show. The -exact place of his residence, at this time, is not known. Edlingham -Castle, situated about six miles to the south-west of Alnwick, has, upon -the supposition that the neighbouring village of Edlingham takes its -name from him (Ætheling’s ham), been by some considered to be the spot. - - -NOTE D.--_Page 87._ - -The appearances presented on the examination of the remains of St. -Cuthbert in Durham Cathedral are in consistency with the opinion that -the mitre was not in vogue in Saxon times. Before the body of the saint -was put in the shrine in 1104, it was inspected. Reginald, who gives us -an account of this circumstance, says, “Upon the forehead of the holy -bishop there is a fillet of gold, not woven work, and of gold only -externally, which sparkles with most precious stones of different kinds, -scattered all over its surface.”[119] In 1827, when the remains were -again examined, Mr. Raine tells us. “The scull of the saint was easily -moved from its place; and when this was done, we observed on the -forehead, and apparently constituting a part of the bone itself, a -distinct tinge of gold of the breadth of an ordinary fillet.” It would -thus seem that a gilded fillet was the only mitre, if such it can be -called, which St. Cuthbert wore. - - - FINIS. - - - - NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE: - - PRINTED BY J. G. FORSTER AND CO., CLAYTON STREET. - -[Illustration] - - -FOOTNOTES: - - [1] Taylor’s Wace, p. xv. - - [2] Ibid. p. 3. - - [3] Archæologia, vol. xvii., p. 105. - - [4] Ordericus Vitalis, bk. IV., ch. ii. - - [5] Roscoe’s Life of the Conqueror, p. 92. _See_ Note A. at the end of - the volume. - - [6] _See_ Note B. at the end of the volume. - - [7] Taylor’s Wace, p. xxviii. - - [8] Archæologia, vol. xix., p. 186. - - [9] Strutt thus disposes of a difficulty which may occur to some - minds.--“If any one should say, by way of objection to this - established rule, that though the illuminator has not given us the - customs, habits, &c., of those people he designed to picture out, - yet is it not most likely that such dresses as are given should be - fictitious, agreeable rather to his own wild fancy than to the real - customs and habits of his own times? To answer their objection, (and - that because the chief materials of the present work are collected - from the ancient MSS.) the reader must be informed, that many of these - MSS. (especially such as are illuminated) were done as presents, or - at the command of kings and noblemen, who are generally represented - in the frontispiece in their proper habits receiving the particular - MS. done for them from the author, and they are generally pictured - attended by their court, or retinue. That these figures should be - habited in the true dress of the times will not be doubted; and - then, as far as the anonymous illuminations which may chance to - follow in the MS. shall agree with those figures in the frontispiece, - so far they may be allowed as authentic; other MSS. were done for - particular abbeys and monasteries, in the embellishments of which no - pains were spared. But a still greater proof of the authenticity of - these delineations is, that on examining all the illuminated MSS. of - the same century together, which, tho’ various, every one written - and ornamented by different hands, yet on comparing the several - delineations with each other, they will be found to agree in every - particular of dress, customs, &c., even in the minutiæ, which perfect - similitude it would have been impossible to have preserved, had not - some sure standard been regularly taken for the whole; therefore the - fancy of the painter will be found to have little share in these - valuable delineations. Besides, these pictures constantly agree - with the description of the habits and customs of the same period, - collected from the old historians.”--_Strutt’s Manners, Customs, &c., - of the Inhabitants of England_, vol. i, p. 3. - - [10] Taylor’s Wace, p. 162. - - [11] Ibid. p. 163. n. - - [12] “All have hitherto treated the Bayeux Tapestry as a ‘Monument - of the Conquest of England,’ following therein M. Lancelot, and - speaking of it as an unfinished work: whereas it is an apologetical - history of the claims of William to the crown of England, and of the - breach of faith, and fall of Harold; and is a perfect and finished - action.”--_Mr. Hudson Gurney_, Archæologia, vol. xvii., p. 361. - - [13] The Abbé de la Rue, in an elaborate paper in the _Archæologia_ - (vol. xvii, p. 85-109), supports the opinion that the Tapestry was - prepared at the command of Matilda, daughter of Henry I. and wife of - Henry V. Emperor of Germany. Lord Lyttleton (History of Henry II., - vol. i, p. 353) and Hume (History of England, vol. i, _note_ F.) - entertain similar views. - - [14] Vol. i., p. 328, 8vo. edition. - - [15] Archæologia, vol. xvii., p. 105. - - [16] Some idea of the labour involved in the work may be learned from - the number of figures represented in it. It contains 623 men, 202 - horses, 55 dogs, 505 animals of various kinds not already enumerated, - 37 buildings, 41 ships and boats, and 49 trees--in all 1512 figures. - - [17] See Plate III. - - [18] Queens of England, vol. i., p. 66, edition 1851. I have been - unable to meet with any authority for this statement. - - [19] In a short visit which I made to Italy in the winter of 1853-4, I - paid some attention to this subject. I have seen a _vettorino_, when - protesting that his exorbitant charge was a most reasonable one, throw - himself into all the contortions exhibited in the Tapestry. - - [20] Lives of the Queens of England, edition 1853, p. 65. _n_. - - [21] His words are “L’opinion commune à Bayeux est que ce fut la reine - Mathilde, femme de Guillaume-le-Conquérant, qui la fit faire. Cette - opinion, qui passe pour une tradition dans le pays, n’a rien que de - fort vraisemblable.”--_Jubinal’s Tapisserie de Bayeux_, p. 1. - - [22] Letters from Normandy, vol. i. p. 241. - - [23] Ducarel, Appendix I., p. 3. - - [24] William of Malmesbury’s English Chronicle (Bohn’s edition), p. - 196. - - [25] _See_ Note C., at the end of the Volume. - - [26] Bohn’s edition, p. 253. - - [27] Taylor’s Wace, p. 76. - - [28] General Introduction to Domesday, vol. i., p. 312. - - [29] Ducarel’s Antiquities of Normandy, Appendix, p. 4. - - [30] The first account of the hood is in a book written in Latin by - the Emperor Frederic II. _See_ History of Inventions and Discoveries - by John Beckmann, translated by William Johnston, vol. i. p. 330. - - [31] Introduction to Domesday, vol. i, p. 295. - - [32] _See_ Archæologia, vol. xxiv. - - [33] Rich’s Companion to the Latin Dictionary, art. _Adoratio_. - - [34] Quoted in Taylor’s Wace, p. 156. - - [35] _See_ Sir J. Gardner Wilkinson’s Popular Account of the Ancient - Egyptians, vol. i, p. 235; and Bonomi’s Nineveh, p. 136. - - [36] Archæologia, vol. 24, plate LV. - - [37] Illustrations of Cædmon’s Paraphrase, Archæologia, vol. xxiv., p. - 339, plate LXXV. Hudson Turner’s Domestic Architecture - of England, vol. i., p. 4. - - [38] Pictorial History of England, vol. i. p. 637. - - [39] Taylor’s Wace, page 7. - - [40] This observation, together with some others which may not in - every case require to be specially noted, has been taken from a clever - series of papers on the Bayeux Tapestry, which were published in the - _Ladies’ Newspaper_ for 1851-2. - - [41] Akerman on Celtic and Teutonic Weapons.--_Archæ._, vol. xxxiv. - - [42] Mr. Charles Stothard in the Archæologia, vol. xix, p. 189. - - [43] Taylor’s Wace, p. 11. - - [44] Introduction to Domesday, vol. ii. p. 404. - - [45] The Song of Roland, London, 1854. - - [46] William of Malmesbury, (Bohn’s edition) p. 279. - - [47] Thierry’s Norman Conquest (London, 1841), p. 41. - - [48] The following passages from the _Chronicle of Florence of - Worcester_ furnish distinct evidence as to the marriage of Harold with - Algitha:--“Regnavit autem Haraldus mensibus IX. et diebus totidem. - Cujus morte audita, comites Eadwinus et Morcarus, qui se cum suis - certamini subtraxere, Lundoniam venere, et sororem suam _Algitham - reginam_ sumptam ad civitatem Legionum misere.” “Anno regni XXIII. rex - Anglorum Eadwardus decessit. Cui ex ipsius concessione comes Haroldus, - filius Godwini West-Saxonum ducis ... successit; qui de _regina - Aldgitha_, comitis Alfgari filia, habuit filium Haroldum; eodemque - anno a Normanorum comite Willelmo peremptus est in bello.”--_Monumenta - Historica_, pp. 614, 642. - - [49] Planche’s Strutt, vol. i., p. 14. - - [50] Pict. Eng., vol. i., p. 637. - - [51] Thierry’s History of the Normans, p. 36. - - [52] It is often asserted that the house of Percy derived its name - from one of the family having slain Malcolm, King of Scotland, by - thrusting the spear into his eye when he came forward to demand the - keys of Alnwick Castle. That historic name occurs in the Battle Abbey - Roll, and is derived from the cradle of the family, the hamlet of - Perci, in Normandy. - - [53] The walls of Tintagel Castle “were evidently constructed in - a framework of wood; the square holes which pierce the walls at - regular intervals, from the foundations upwards, show the places - once occupied by bond pieces, by which the wooden frames were held - together.”--_Notes by Rev. W. Haslam, in Report of Royal Inst. - Cornwall_, 1850. - - [54] Ingulph’s Chronicle (Bohn), p. 14. - - [55] Taylor’s Wace, p. 83. - - [56] The Normans seem to have been particularly addicted to the - worship of relics. They carried them about their persons, and had them - enclosed in the handles of their swords. In the _Song of Roland_ that - hero is represented, when dying, as addressing his sword thus:--“Ah, - Saint Durandal! in thy golden pommel what precious relics lie hid! - A tooth of Saint Peter!--Blood of Saint Basil!--Hair of Monseigneur - Saint Denis!--Vesture of the Virgin Mary! And shall a pagan possess - thee?” Being thus at all times provided with relics, they were never - at a loss as to the administration of an oath. In the Song already - referred to we have a case in point:--‘Be it as thou wilt,’ answered - Ganelon, and upon the relics of his sword he swore to the treason and - consummated his crime. - - [57] Wace, p. 138. - - [58] Wace, p. 20, 21. - - [59] William of Malmesbury, p. 249. - - [60] Malmesbury, p. 252. - - [61] Vol. i. p. 322. - - [62] “Having first washed the corpse, it was clothed in a - straight linen garment, or put into a bag or sack of linen, and - then wrapped closely round from head to foot with a strong cloth - wrapper.”--_Strutt_, vol. i., p. 66. - - [63] The custom of carrying the dead in some slight envelope to the - sarcophagus which was to be its last resting place, accounts for the - mischance which occurred at the burial of William the Conqueror, force - being required to thrust the body into its too narrow cell. Bede - tells us (_Ecc. Hist._ b. iv. c. xi.) how the stone coffin for Sebba, - King of the East Saxons, was too small, and when the attendants were - for bending the knees of the corpse a miracle ensued, and the coffin - elongated of itself. - - [64] Wace, p. 89. - - [65] Annals of Roger de Hoveden, vol. i. p. 130. - - [66] The _paludamentum_, or official dress of a Roman general, to - which the episcopal _pallium_ is probably to be traced, was either of - a brilliant white, scarlet, or purple colour. - - [67] See note D, at the end of the volume. - - [68] Hinde on Comets, p. 52. - - [69] Thierry, p. 60. - - [70] Taylor’s Wace. - - [71] Sir N. Harris Nicolas’ Hist. Royal Navy, vol. i., p. 24. - - [72] Wace, p. 123. - - [73] Vol. i., p. 464. - - [74] “This mode of steering was retained till a comparatively late - period. In a bass-relief over the doorway of the leaning tower of - Pisa, built in the twelfth century, ships are represented with paddle - rudders, as those in the Bayeux Tapestry representing the Norman - Invasion. They must have been in use till after the middle of the - thirteenth century; for in the contracts to supply Louis IX. with - ships, the contractors are bound to furnish them with two rudders. By - the middle of the following century we find the hinged rudders on the - gold noble of Edward III. The change in the mode of steering must, - therefore, have taken place about the end of the thirteenth, or early - in the fourteenth, century.”--_Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck of St. - Paul._ - - [75] They are engraved in Smith’s Collectanea Antiqua, vol. ii., p. - 238. - - [76] Wace, p. 210. - - [77] Crit. Inquiry into Ancient Armour, vol. i., p. 8. - - [78] When Harold, in 1063, conducted an expedition against the Welch, - he found the heavy armour of his troops unsuitable to the service on - which they were engaged, and immediately changed it. Ingulf says, - “Seeing that the activity of the Welch, proved remarkably effective - against the more cumbrous movements of the English and that, after - making an attack, they retreated into the woods, while our soldiers, - being weighed down with their arms, were unable to follow them, he - ordered all his soldiers to accustom themselves to wear armour made - of boiled leather, and to use lighter arms. Upon this the Welch were - greatly alarmed, and submitted.” - - [79] Archæologia, vol. xxiv., p. 270. - - [80] _See_ Fenwick’s Introduction to the _Slogans of the North of - England_, and the Notes to the Introduction. - - [81] “And all had their cognizances, so that each might know his - fellow, and Norman might not strike Norman, nor Frenchman kill his - countryman, by mistake.” - -_Taylor’s Wace_, p. 172. - - - [82] The Saxons as well as the Normans paid great attention to the - opinions of the ladies, even upon martial subjects. Strutt says, - they “would not go to battle or undertake any great expedition - without consulting their wives, to whose advice they paid the - greatest regard.” This excellent antiquary pays more regard to - truth than gallantry when in the same sentence he adds, “They - also superstitiously placed great faith in the neighing of - horses.”--_Manners of the English_, vol i., p. 17. - - [83] “This standard ... was sumptuously embroidered with gold and - precious stones, in the form of a man fighting.” Can Malmesbury have - had in view here the description which Æschylus gives us of the shield - of Polynices? - - “His well-orb’d shield he holds, - New-wrought, and with double impress charged: - _A warrior blazing all in golden arms_, - - * * * * * - - Such their devices.” - - - [84] Florence of Worcester distinctly states that it was “contrary to - the custom of the English to fight on horseback.”--_Bohn’s Ed._ p. 157. - - [85] Meyrick, vol. i., p. 27. - - [86] Akerman, in the Archæologia, vol. xxxiv. - - [87] A stream which enters the sea a few miles to the east of the - river Orne, upon which the city of Caen is situated. - - [88] Roger de Hoveden, vol. i., 134. Ordericus Vitalis, vol. i., p. - 464. - - [89] Perhaps this is an elipsis for _ad litus Pevensæ_; more probably, - however, these irregularities of construction are to be ascribed to - the low state of Latinity at the period. - - [90] A stroke has probably been over the last A in - _Hastinga_, so as to make it _Hastingam_, which the construction - requires. _Raperentur_ seems to have been used as a deponent verb, - contrary to classical usage. - - [91] This was not the first occasion on which a similar occurrence - took place. The following passage bearing upon the subject may - interest the reader:--“Thou sayest well Sancho (quoth Don Quixote), - but I must tell thee that times are wont to vary and change their - course; and what are commonly accounted omens by the vulgar, though - not within the scope of reason, the wise will nevertheless regard as - incidents of lucky aspect. Your watcher of omens rises betimes, and - going abroad, meets a Franciscan friar, whereupon he hurries back - again, as if a furious dragon had crossed his way. Another happens to - spill the salt upon the table, and straightway his soul is overcast - with the dread of coming evil: as if nature had willed that such - trivial accidents should give notice of ensuing mischances. The wise - man and good christian will not, however, pry too curiously into - the counsels of heaven. Scipio, on arriving in Africa, stumbled as - he leapt on shore; his soldiers took it for an ill omen, but he, - embracing the ground, said, ‘Africa, thou canst not escape me--I have - thee fast.’”--_Don Quixote_, Part II. chap. lviii. - - [92] It has been argued from the occurrence of AT - instead of AD, and of CEASTRA for - CASTRA, in these inscriptions, that the clerk who wrote - them was an Englishman. It must, however, be borne in mind that the - original Norman language, which had a common origin with the Saxon, - was at the period of the Conquest spoken in comparative purity at - Bayeux. In other parts of the duchy French prevailed. - - [93] It was my privilege when wandering over the ground rendered - memorable by the battle of Hastings to enjoy the companionship of Mr. - Lower, of Lewes. To his local knowledge, his extensive acquaintance - with antiquarian science, and his friendly attention, I am largely - indebted. - - [94] Lower on the Battle of Hastings, ‘Sussex Arch. Col.,’ vi. 18. - - [95] During the middle ages the English were much given to the - irreverent use of this great name; so much so was this the case, that - _Godamites_ became, in France, synonymous with English. Joan of Arc - usually designates her enemies by this term. - - [96] Vol. xix., p. 206. Mr. Amyot does not profess to adhere strictly - to the text of Gaimar, but has introduced into his translation some - incidents mentioned by other writers. - - [97] On accompanying Mr. Lower to the spot, in January, 1853, I was - satisfied of the correctness of his views. - - [98] Sussex Archæological Collections, vol. vi., p. 27. - - [99] There has been a discussion respecting the word _pueros_, some - supposing that the parties thus addressed were young soldiers, - inexperienced recruits. It is probable, however, that the word is - equivalent to the phrase, “lads” among us, or the word “_boys_” in the - lines which carried so much terror to the heart of James the Second, - after he had seen a specimen of the stalwart youth which Cornwall - produces-- - - “And must Trelawney die, and must Trelawney die? - Then twenty thousand Cornish _boys_ will ask the reason why.” - - - [100] Benoit de Saint-More. Taylor’s Wace, 193. - - [101] The special correspondent of _The Times_, writing from the - Heights of Alma, Sep. 21st, 1854, says, “The attitudes of some of the - dead were awful. One man might be seen resting on one knee, with the - arms extended in the form of taking aim, the brow compressed, the lips - clinched--the very expression of firing at an enemy stamped on the - face and fixed there by death; a ball had struck this man in the neck. - Physiologists or anatomists must settle the rest. Another was lying on - his back with the same expression, and his arms raised in a similar - attitude, the Minié musket still grasped in his hands undischarged. - _Another lay in a perfect arch, his head resting on one part of the - ground and his feet on the other, but his back raised high above - it._--_The Times_, Oct. 11th, 1854. _See_ also Sir Charles Bell’s - _Anatomy of Expression_, 3rd edition, p. 160. - - [102] M. A. Lower’s Battle Abbey Chronicle, p. 7. - - [103] Ibid. - - [104] The Tapestry represents the death of Harold as rapidly - succeeding the infliction of the wound in his eye. The impression left - by a perusal of Wace is, that at least an hour or two elapsed between - the one event and the other. The diversity of statement between these - authorities is probably more apparent than real. After Harold was - wounded in so important an organ as the eye, it was impossible that he - could long withstand the onset of William’s troops; his defeat, or, in - other words, his death, was certain. However manfully Harold may have - borne up under the inconvenience and pain of his wound, the artist - of the Tapestry is logically correct in at once bringing us to the - conclusion of the scene. - - [105] Ingulph’s Chronicle, p. 139. - - [106] Lower’s Chronicle of Battle Abbey, p. 11. - - [107] Sussex Archæological Collections, vol. 1., page 33.--For some - years the public have been admitted to the Abbey grounds only on one - day of the week, and that the day (Monday) most inconvenient to those - who reside at a distance from Battle. Let us hope that henceforth no - one respectfully requesting permission to muse upon the spot where the - deed was done on which the modern history of the world has turned, - will meet with a denial. - - [108] History of the Anglo-Saxons (European Library), p. 337. - - [109] Lingard’s Hist. Eng., vol. i., p. 313. - - [110] Vol. i., p. 487. - - [111] General Introduction to Domesday, vol. i. p. 311. In all - probability William obtained the title of Conqueror from the Latin - word _conquiro_, which in its legal acceptation signified to acquire. - It is still used in this sense by the Scottish lawyers. - - [112] Saxon Chronicle, Bohn’s edition, p. 462. - - [113] Ingulph’s Chronicle, p. 140. - - [114] Henry of Huntingdon, vol. i. p. 216. - - [115] William of Malmesbury, p. 279. - - [116] _See_ Wright’s Biographia Britannica, vol. ii., p. 10. - - [117] Would not the United States of America do well to notice this? - - [118] Hodgson’s Northumberland, Vol. III., Part iii., pp. 3, 11. - - [119] Raine’s St. Cuthbert, p. 88. - - - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Bayeux Tapestry Elucidated, by -John Collingwood Bruce - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY ELUCIDATED *** - -***** This file should be named 55614-0.txt or 55614-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/5/6/1/55614/ - -Produced by Norbert H. Langkau, Chuck Greif and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, -set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to -copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to -protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project -Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you -charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you -do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the -rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose -such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and -research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do -practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is -subject to the trademark license, especially commercial -redistribution. - - - -*** START: FULL LICENSE *** - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project -Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at -http://gutenberg.org/license). - - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy -all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. -If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the -terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or -entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement -and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic -works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" -or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the -collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an -individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are -located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from -copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative -works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg -are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project -Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by -freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of -this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with -the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by -keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project -Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in -a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check -the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement -before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or -creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project -Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning -the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United -States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate -access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently -whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, -copied or distributed: - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived -from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is -posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied -and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees -or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work -with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the -work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 -through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the -Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or -1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional -terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked -to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the -permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any -word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or -distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than -"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version -posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org), -you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a -copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon -request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other -form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided -that - -- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is - owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he - has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the - Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments - must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you - prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax - returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and - sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the - address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to - the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." - -- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or - destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium - and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of - Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any - money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days - of receipt of the work. - -- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set -forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from -both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael -Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the -Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm -collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic -works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain -"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or -corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual -property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a -computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by -your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with -your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with -the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a -refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity -providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to -receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy -is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further -opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER -WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO -WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. -If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the -law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be -interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by -the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any -provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance -with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, -promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, -harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, -that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do -or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm -work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any -Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. - - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers -including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists -because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from -people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need, are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. -To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation -and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 -and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org. - - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive -Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at -http://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent -permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. -Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered -throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at -809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email -business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact -information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official -page at http://pglaf.org - -For additional contact information: - Dr. Gregory B. Newby - Chief Executive and Director - gbnewby@pglaf.org - - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide -spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To -SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any -particular state visit http://pglaf.org - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. -To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate - - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic -works. - -Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm -concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared -with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project -Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. - - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. -unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily -keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. - - -Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: - - http://www.gutenberg.org - -This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. diff --git a/old/55614-0.zip b/old/55614-0.zip Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 1759cf5..0000000 --- a/old/55614-0.zip +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h.zip b/old/55614-h.zip Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 39e8d32..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h.zip +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/55614-h.htm b/old/55614-h/55614-h.htm deleted file mode 100644 index ac1b7df..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/55614-h.htm +++ /dev/null @@ -1,5638 +0,0 @@ -<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" -"http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> - -<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" lang="en" xml:lang="en"> - <head> <link rel="coverpage" href="images/cover.jpg" /> -<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=utf-8" /> -<title> - The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Bayeux -tapestry elucidated, by John Collingwood Bruce. -</title> -<style type="text/css"> - p {margin-top:.2em;text-align:justify;margin-bottom:.2em;text-indent:4%;} - -.c {text-align:center;text-indent:0%;} - -.cb {text-align:center;text-indent:0%;font-weight:bold;} - -.eng {font-family: "Old English Text MT",fantasy,sans-serif;} - -.indd {text-indent:8%;} - -.hang {text-indent:-2%;margin-left:2%;} - -.lftspc {margin-left:.25em;} - -.nind {text-indent:0%;} - -.nonvis {display:inline;} - @media print, handheld - {.nonvis - {display: none;} - } - -.r {text-align:right;margin-right: 5%;} - -small {font-size: 70%;} - -big {font-size: 130%;} - - h1 {margin-top:5%;text-align:center;clear:both;} - - h2 {margin-top:4%;margin-bottom:2%;text-align:center;clear:both; -font-weight:normal; font-size:110%;} - - h3 {margin:2% auto 1% auto;text-align:center;clear:both; -font-weight:normal;font-size:100%;} - - hr {width:90%;margin:2em auto 2em auto;clear:both;color:black;} - - hr.full {width: 60%;margin:2% auto 2% auto;border-top:1px solid black; -padding:.1em;border-bottom:1px solid black;border-left:none;border-right:none;} - - table {margin-top:2%;margin-bottom:2%;margin-left:auto;margin-right:auto;border:none;} - - body{margin-left:4%;margin-right:6%;background:#ffffff;color:black;font-family:"Times New Roman", serif;font-size:medium;} - -a:link {background-color:#ffffff;color:blue;text-decoration:none;} - - link {background-color:#ffffff;color:blue;text-decoration:none;} - -a:visited {background-color:#ffffff;color:purple;text-decoration:none;} - -a:hover {background-color:#ffffff;color:#FF0000;text-decoration:underline;} - -.smcap {font-variant:small-caps;font-size:100%;} - - img {border:none;} - -.blockquot {margin-top:2%;margin-bottom:2%;} - -.caption {font-weight:bold;font-size:75%;} - -.figcenter {margin-top:3%;margin-bottom:3%;clear:both; -margin-left:auto;margin-right:auto;text-align:center;text-indent:0%;} - @media handheld, print - {.figcenter - {page-break-before: avoid;} - } - -.footnotes {border:dotted 3px gray;margin-top:5%;clear:both;} - -.footnote {width:95%;margin:auto 3% 1% auto;font-size:0.9em;position:relative;} - -.label {position:relative;left:-.5em;top:0;text-align:left;font-size:.8em;} - -.fnanchor {vertical-align:30%;font-size:.8em;} - -div.poetry {text-align:center;} -div.poem {font-size:90%;margin:auto auto;text-indent:0%; -display: inline-block; text-align: left;} -.poem .stanza {margin-top: 1em;margin-bottom:1em;} -.poem .stanzaeng {margin-top: 1em;margin-bottom:1em; -font-family: "Old English Text MT",fantasy,sans-serif; -font-weight:bold;} - -.poem span.i0 {display: block; margin-left: 0em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} -.poem span.i1 {display: block; margin-left: .45em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} -.poem span.i2 {display: block; margin-left: 1em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} -.poem span.i3 {display: block; margin-left: 2em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} -.poem span.iq {display: block; margin-left: -.45em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} -.poem span.authh {display: block; margin-left: 60%; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} - -.pagenum {font-style:normal;position:absolute; -left:95%;font-size:55%;text-align:right;color:gray; -background-color:#ffffff;font-variant:normal;font-style:normal;font-weight:normal;text-decoration:none;text-indent:0em;} -@media print, handheld -{.pagenum - {display: none;} - } -</style> - </head> -<body> - - -<pre> - -Project Gutenberg's The Bayeux Tapestry Elucidated, by John Collingwood Bruce - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: The Bayeux Tapestry Elucidated - -Author: John Collingwood Bruce - -Release Date: September 24, 2017 [EBook #55614] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY ELUCIDATED *** - - - - -Produced by Norbert H. Langkau, Chuck Greif and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - -</pre> - -<hr class="full" /> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="" -style="border:4px outset gray;margin:auto auto;max-width:20em; -padding:.5em;"> -<tr><td class="c"> -<big><b>Contents</b></big></td></tr> -<tr><td class="c"> -<a href="#PREFACE"><b>PREFACE.</b></a><br /> -<a href="#I_THE_ROLL"><b>I. THE ROLL.</b></a><br /> -<a href="#II_THE_COMMISSION"><b>II. THE COMMISSION.</b></a><br /> -<a href="#III_THE_ENTANGLEMENT"><b>III. THE ENTANGLEMENT.</b></a><br /> -<a href="#IV_THE_KNIGHTHOOD"><b>IV. THE KNIGHTHOOD.</b></a><br /> -<a href="#V_THE_SUCCESSION"><b>V. THE SUCCESSION.</b></a><br /> -<a href="#VI_PREPARATIONS"><b>VI. PREPARATIONS.</b></a><br /> -<a href="#VII_THE_LANDING"><b>VII. THE LANDING.</b></a><br /> -<a href="#THE_BATTLE"><b>THE BATTLE.</b></a><br /> -<a href="#IX_THE_SEQUEL"><b>IX. THE SEQUEL.</b></a><br /> -<b><a href="#APPENDIX">APPENDIX</a></b> - -</td></tr> -</table> - -<p> </p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="" -style="border:4px outset gray;margin:auto auto;max-width:20em; -padding:.5em;"> - -<tr><td class="c"><b><big>List of Plates</big></b></td></tr> - -<tr class="c"><td class="nonvis">(In certain versions of this etext [in certain browsers] -clicking on the image -will bring up a larger version.)</td></tr> -<tr><td class="c">Plate <a href="#pl_I">I</a>., -<a href="#pl_II">II.,</a> -<a href="#pl_III">III.,</a> -<a href="#pl_IV">IV.,</a> -<a href="#pl_V">V.,</a> -<a href="#pl_VI">VI.,</a> -<a href="#pl_VII">VII.,</a> -<a href="#pl_VIII">VIII.,</a> -<a href="#pl_IX">IX.,</a> -<a href="#pl_X">X.,</a> -<a href="#pl_XI">XI.,</a> -<a href="#pl_XII">XII.,</a> -<a href="#pl_XIII">XIII.,</a> -<a href="#pl_XIV">XIV.,</a> -<a href="#pl_XV">XV.,</a> -<a href="#pl_XVI">XVI.,</a> -<a href="#pl_XVII">XVII.</a><br />(etext transcriber's note) -</td></tr> -</table> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<a href="images/cover_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/cover.jpg" width="394" height="500" alt="Image unavailable: the book's cover" /></a> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter"><a name="pl_XVII" id="pl_XVII"></a> -<a href="images/illu_frontispice_Plate_17_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/illu_frontispice_Plate_17_sml.jpg" width="500" height="339" alt="Image unavailable: PLATE XVII." /></a> -<br /> -<span class="caption">PLATE XVII.</span> -</div> - -<h1> -<small><small>THE</small></small><br /> -BAYEUX TAPESTRY<br /> -</h1> - -<p class="c"> -ELUCIDATED.<br /> -<br /> -BY<br /> -<br /> -REV. JOHN COLLINGWOOD BRUCE, LL.D., F.S.A.,<br /> -<br /> -<small>CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF SCOTLAND, OF THE IMPERIAL SOCIETY OF<br /> -ANTIQUARIES OF FRANCE, AND OF THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF NORMANDY; ONE OF THE<br /> -COUNCIL OF THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE; AN HONORARY<br /> -MEMBER OF THE SURREY ARCHÆOLOGICAL SOCIETY; AND ONE OF THE<br /> -COMMITTEE OF THE LITERARY AND PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY<br /> -OF NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE.</small> -</p> - -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">“ ... They burning both with fervent fire<br /></span> -<span class="i1">Their countrey’s auncestry to understond.”<br /></span> -<span class="authh"><i>Spenser.</i><br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<p class="c"> -LONDON:<br /> -JOHN RUSSELL SMITH, 36, SOHO SQUARE.<br /> -——<br /> -M.DCCC.LVI.<br /> -<br /> -<br /> -<small>NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE:<br /> -PRINTED BY J. G. FORSTER AND CO., CLAYTON STREET.</small><br /> -</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<a href="images/illu_before_Foreword_handwritten_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/illu_before_Foreword_handwritten_sml.jpg" width="368" height="500" alt="The Most Noble ELEANOR DUCHESS of NORTHUMBERLAND lineally -descended from a distinguished Companion of William of Normandy in the -Conquest of England This Work illustrative of the Title and Triumphs of -the Conqueror is with her Grace’s kind permission most dutifully & -gratefully inscribed." /></a> -</div> - -<h2><a name="PREFACE" id="PREFACE"></a>PREFACE.</h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="smcap">England</span> has performed, and is probably destined yet to perform, an -important part in the history of nations. The era treated of in this -work was doubtless the crisis of her fate. Happily, she survived the -shock of the Conquest, and was benefited by its rough discipline. All -true-hearted Englishmen must read with peculiar feeling this portion of -our country’s annals. Surrounding nations, too, have their share of -interest in it. When the Society of Antiquaries published the beautiful -copy of the Bayeux Tapestry, made, at their request, by Mr. Charles -Stothard, they testified the importance which they attached to the -document. As yet they have published no explanation of it. The world -still expects it at their hands. To supply, meanwhile, some little -assistance to the student of history, this work is published. It was -suggested by a holiday ramble in Normandy, amidst the scenes rendered -famous by the career of William the Conqueror. The plates have been -carefully reduced from those published by the Society of Antiquaries, by -Mr. Mossman, and printed in colours by the Messrs. Lambert, of -Newcastle-upon-Tyne. These gentlemen, and the Printers, have spared no -pains to render the volume creditable to the local press. In addition to -the authorities cited in the course of the work, <i>La Tapisserie de -Bayeux, édition variorum, par M. Achille Jubinal</i>, has been continually -before the eye of the writer.</p> - -<p class="hang"> -<i>Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 13th of October, 1855,<br /> -(Eve of the Anniversary of the Battle of Hastings.)</i></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_001" id="page_001"></a>{1}</span></p> - -<h1>THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY.</h1> - -<h2><a name="I_THE_ROLL" id="I_THE_ROLL"></a>I. THE ROLL.</h2> - -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">“<i>There she weaves, by night and day,</i><br /></span> -<span class="i1"><i>A magic web with colours gay.</i>”<br /></span> -<span class="authh"><i>Tennyson.</i><br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<p class="nind"><span class="smcap">Master Wace</span>, to whom we are indebted for “the most minute, graphic, and -animated account of the transactions”<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> of the Norman Conquest, thus -exalts the art of the chronicler—“All things hasten to decay; all fall; -all perish; all come to an end. Man dieth, iron consumeth, wood -decayeth; towers crumble, strong walls fall down, the rose withereth -away; the war-horse waxeth feeble, gay trappings grow old; all the works -of men perish. Thus we are taught that all die, both clerk and lay; and -short would be the fame of any after death if their history did not -endure by being written in the book of the clerk.”<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p> - -<p>The pen of the writer of romance is not the only implement which confers -immortality upon man. The chisel of the sculptor, the pencil of the -painter, and the needle of the high-born dame, can confer a lasting -renown upon those whose deeds are worthy of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_002" id="page_002"></a>{2}</span> being remembered. The work -which we are about to consider was effected by the simplest of these -implements—the needle.</p> - -<p>One of the earliest modes of transmitting the history of important -transactions to posterity was by recording them in long lines of -pictorial representation. In the temples of Nimroud, in the sepulchres -of Egypt, in the sculptures which entwine the columns of Trajan and -Antonine at Rome, we have familiar examples of the practice. The Bayeux -record is a large roll of historic drawings rather than a piece of -tapestry; and it is remarkable as being the last example of this species -of representation which antiquity has handed down to us.</p> - -<p>In the days of the Conqueror, and of some of his Saxon predecessors, the -ladies of Engle-land were famous for their taste and skill in -embroidery; and this species of lady-like manufacture was known -throughout Europe as English work.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p> - -<p>One effect of the Conquest was to bring the people of England and -Normandy into closer alliance than before. On the first occasion on -which William returned to Normandy, after the battle of Hastings, he -took with him, “in honourable attendance,” a considerable number of the -Saxon nobles,<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> who were doubtless accompanied by their wives and -daughters. Assisted by English ladies, as well as by those of her own -court, Matilda, the wife of the Conqueror, probably at this time -constructed the Tapestry which for many ages was preserved in the -Cathedral of Bayeux.</p> - -<p>Never, perhaps, was so important a document written in worsted.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_003" id="page_003"></a>{3}</span> It is a -full and a faithful chronicle of an event on which the modern history of -the world has turned. It is referred to as an historical authority by -nearly every writer who discusses the period. The way in which the -subject is treated, the spirit shown in its design, and the harmony of -its colouring, warrant us in pronouncing it to be a monument worthy of -its reputed author, and of the event which it is designed to -commemorate.</p> - -<p>It is, however, a double memorial; it is a record of the love and duty -of William’s consort, as well as of the skill and valour of the great -hero himself. A loving wife sympathizes with her husband in all his -tastes. She takes an enthusiastic interest in his favourite pursuits; -and she had “lever far,” to use an expression of Lady Payson’s, that -success attended his efforts—that another leaf were added to his laurel -crown—“than that she should have a new gown, though it were of -scarlet.” Matilda could not bestride the war-horse, and do battle in the -field by her husband’s side; but she could commit his exploits to the -Tapestry. Surrounded by her ladies, all adroitly using their -many-coloured threads, she—</p> - -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i2">Fought all his battles o’er again;<br /></span> -<span class="i0">And thrice [she] routed all his foes, and thrice [she] slew the slain.<br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<p>Matilda was, during the greater part of her life, a loving wife. -William, too, was a devoted and faithful husband; though in one case he -cannot be recommended as a model to enamoured swains. It is said that -for seven long years he courted Matilda of Flanders, but in vain. Her -affections were set upon a Saxon nobleman, but<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_004" id="page_004"></a>{4}</span> were not reciprocated. -At length the Duke resolved to bring matters to a crisis. He repaired to -Bruges, and met the high-bred damsel as she returned from church through -the streets of her father’s gay capital. Having reproached her for her -long-continued scorn and cruelty, he seized her, and coolly rolled her -in the mud, to the no small injury of her trim and costly attire. Then, -after a few more striking proofs of his regard, which she must have -sensibly felt from such a hand, the lover rode away at full speed, -leaving her to account for this novel mode of courtship as best she -could. Strangely enough, she put a charitable construction upon his -actions; she regarded his blows as so many proofs of the violence of his -affection; she felt sorry for him; and then—all was over—in a very -brief space the nuptial ceremonies were solemnized with a splendour -becoming the greatness of the occasion.<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p> - -<p>Thus did William win the hand of a lady who was to give to England a -race of monarchs more renowned than those of any other dynasty. She -herself, let it be observed, had the blood of Alfred in her veins.</p> - -<p>Before proceeding further, it may be well to give a brief reply to the -question which will naturally arise in the minds of most—Has the Bayeux -Tapestry descended to us from a period so remote as that of the -Conquest? A minute examination of the work supplies the best answer to -this question. Montfaucon, whose knowledge of antiquities no one will -dispute, and who was the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_005" id="page_005"></a>{5}</span> first to describe the Tapestry as a whole, was -quite satisfied that popular tradition was correct in ascribing it to -the wife of the Conqueror; and Thierry, the last and ablest writer upon -the Norman Conquest, though he hesitates to ascribe the work to Matilda, -has no doubt that it is contemporaneous with the Conquest, and -constantly refers to it as a document of unquestionable authenticity.<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p> - -<p>Not, however, to settle the question by authorities, it may be -observed:—1st. That the fulness and correctness of its historical -details prove that it is a contemporaneous chronicle. Wace, as has -already been observed, treats more largely of the Norman invasion than -any of the writers of the Norman period; and, such is the general -agreement between the verses of the one and the delineations of the -other, that the Tapestry may be pronounced to be what in these latter -days would be called the “illustrations,” and the narrative of the -chronicler the “letter-press,” of an elaborate history of the Norman -Conquest.<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> And yet the one does not follow the other slavishly. Whilst -they agree in all the general facts, they differ in many minute details, -as all independent narratives will.</p> - -<p>2. Again, the architecture, the dresses, the armour, the furniture, of -the Tapestry are those which prevailed at the period of the Conquest, -and at no other. It is at all times exceedingly difficult, whether by -writing or painting, to portray accurately the manners, language, and -modes of thought, of an anterior period. In mediæval times, however, the -attempt was seldom made. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_006" id="page_006"></a>{6}</span> draftsmen represented the manners “living -as they rose.” “It was the invariable practice with artists in every -country,” says Mr. Charles Stothard,<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> “excepting Italy, during the -middle ages, whatever subject they took in hand, to represent it -according to the manners and customs of their own time. Thus we may see -Alexander the Great, like a good Catholic, interred with all the rites -and ceremonies of the Romish church. All the illuminated transcripts of -Froissart, although executed not more than fifty years after the -original work was finished, are less valuable on account of the -illuminations they contain not being accordant with the text, but -representing the customs of the fifteenth century instead of the -fourteenth. It is not likely that in an age far less refined this -practice should be departed from. The Tapestry, therefore, must be -regarded as a true picture of the time when it was executed.” The -testimony of an earlier authority, Strutt, is to the same effect:—“To a -total want of proper taste in collecting of antiquities, and application -to the study of them, are owing the ignorant errors committed by the -unlearned illuminators of old MSS.; and so far were they from having the -least idea of any thing more ancient than the manners and customs of -their own particular times, that not only things of a century earlier -than their own era, are confounded together, but even representations of -the remotest periods in history. The Saxons put Noah, Abraham, Christ, -and King Edgar, all in the same habit, that is, the habit worn by -themselves at that time; and in some MSS., illuminated<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_007" id="page_007"></a>{7}</span> in the reign of -Henry the Sixth, are exhibited the figures of Meleager, Hercules, Jason, -&c., in the full dress of the great lords of that prince’s court. At the -latter end of one of these MSS., indeed, the illuminator, reading -something about a lion’s skin, has covered the shoulders of the beau -Hercules with that kingly animal’s hide over his courtly load of silk -and gold embroidery. Yet this is a lucky circumstance in the present -want of ancient materials; for though these pictures do not bear the -least resemblance of the things they were originally intended to -represent, yet they nevertheless are the undoubted characteristics of -the customs of that period in which each illuminator or designer -lived.”<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> A comparison of Master Wace with the Bayeux Tapestry will -furnish us with an illustration in point. Wace, after alluding to the -negotiations which took place before the armies closed at the decisive -field of Hastings, says, “As the Duke said this, and would have said -more, William Fitz Osbern rode up, <i>his horse all covered<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_008" id="page_008"></a>{8}</span> with iron</i>; -Sire, said he to his lord, we tarry too long, let us arm ourselves. -Allons! Allons!”<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> Now, if we look at the Tapestry, we shall find that -not a single horse is equipped in steel armour; and if we refer to the -authors who lived at that period, we shall find that not one of them -mentions any defensive covering for the horse. Wace, who flourished in -the days of Henry I. and Henry II., is the first writer who mentions -horse-armour, and, excepting from the passage which has just been -quoted, it could not be proved that it had been introduced even in his -day. Wace is therefore probably guilty of an anachronism, and describes -what happened at the close of his own time as having occurred in that of -his immediate predecessors.<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> This example shows how exceedingly -difficult it is to portray customs with accuracy a few years after the -period in which they prevailed. Had the Tapestry been made by Matilda -the Empress, as some contend, numerous similar anachronisms must have -occurred.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_009" id="page_009"></a>{9}</span></p> - -<p>3. But the design of the Tapestry shows its early date. Its manifest -object is to prove the right of William to the throne of England, to -exhibit in strong colours the undutifulness and ingratitude of Harold in -attempting the usurpation of the crown, and to record the punishment -with which that disloyal and sacrilegious act was visited.<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> In the -latter days of the Conqueror such an undertaking would have been -valueless. He had planted his foot firmly upon the necks of the native -population; the barons, too, by whom he achieved the Conquest, had been -brought into subjection. He was king of England by the power of his -sword; he cared not then about the will of Edward the Confessor, the -oath of Harold, or the election of the nobles—he was king <i>de facto</i>, -and let them who durst deny it! These remarks, made with reference to -the close of the Conqueror’s reign, apply with still greater force to -the time of the Empress Matilda, to whom, as some conceive, we are -indebted for the Tapestry.<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> She would not have thought it necessary -to establish in so elaborate a manner her deceased grandfather’s right -to the throne, and to display at such length the obligations under<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_010" id="page_010"></a>{10}</span> -which Harold lay to him. The Brittany campaign would not have been given -in such detail excepting it had been quite a recent event. The Tapestry, -it will be observed, ends with the battle of Hastings. It does not even -include the subsequent coronation of William. It represents the first -act in the drama of the Conquest of England, and was doubtless intended -to prepare for the scenes which were to follow. It is difficult to -conceive that the Tapestry was designed at any period save that -immediately subsequent to the battle of Hastings. William had not then -assumed the character of an arbitrary monarch, which he subsequently -did. The Saxon ladies, full of reverence for the character of their -lately deceased monarch, Edward the Confessor, might naturally resent -the attempt of Harold to resist the evident wish of that monarch to -bequeath his crown to William, and, imbued with the superstition of an -ignorant age, regard the fatal results of the battle of Hastings as a -just judgment from God for the violation of an oath taken upon the -relics of the saints. Taking this view of it there was nothing -unpatriotic in their entering zealously into the views of their queen. -But if, after England had reaped the bitter fruits of the conquest; if, -after their fathers had been slain, their husbands driven into exile, -their children made to herd with the dogs of the Conqueror’s flock, they -had lent their skill to commemorate the desolation of their country and -their homes, they would have dishonoured their lineage and their name. -On these general grounds, therefore, we may conceive the Tapestry to be -of the era of the Conqueror, and to date from an early period in his -reign. Many<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_011" id="page_011"></a>{11}</span> opportunities of reverting to this subject will afterwards -occur.</p> - -<p>But although it be admitted that the Tapestry is of the age of the -Conquest, it does not necessarily follow that it was wrought by the -Queen and her court. The opinion that Matilda presided over its -execution has been strongly controverted, chiefly by those, however, who -deny its early antiquity. The Abbé de la Rue, as formerly observed, -ascribes it to Matilda the Empress. Mr. Bolton Corney, in an able paper -entitled <i>Researches and Conjectures on the Bayeux Tapestry</i>, contends -that it was not executed until the year 1205, and that it was then done -at the expense of the Chapter. Dr. Lingard adopts Mr. Corney’s views, -and in a note appended to the first volume of his <i>History of England</i> -condenses his arguments. If, however, the Tapestry bear internal -evidence of an earlier date, these arguments are of little value.</p> - -<p>No contemporary historian indeed tells us that the Tapestry was made by -Matilda. It is not mentioned in her will, or the Conqueror’s. The -inventory of the treasures of the church at Bayeux, bearing date 1369, -and which is the earliest document mentioning the Tapestry, contains no -allusion to Matilda. Another inventory, made in 1476, and professing to -be a descriptive catalogue of the jewels, ornaments, books, and other -valuables of the church, mentions the Tapestry, describes its form and -subject, and names the period of its public exhibition; but gives no -hint that it was made at the command of Matilda. It is difficult, it may -even be impossible, satisfactorily to account for the absence of all -allusion to the Queen in these documents, but negative<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_012" id="page_012"></a>{12}</span> arguments prove -little. Besides, the case is by no means singular. The compilers of -ancient documents seem to have left much to be taken for granted. Sir -Henry Ellis, in his <i>General Introduction to Domesday</i>, says, “Of Queen -Matilda’s gifts to foreign monasteries, two only are particularly -specified in the Survey; the land at Deverel in Wilts, which she gave to -St. Mary at Bee; and two hides at Frantone in Dorset, which she gave to -the Conqueror’s foundation of St. Stephen at Caen. <i>No mention occurs of -the Conqueror and his Queen having founded the monasteries of St. -Stephen and the Holy Trinity in that city</i>: although their lands in -England are specified.”<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> It is scarcely less difficult to account for -these omissions in the <i>Domesday Book</i>, than it is to account for the -absence of all allusion to the framer of the Tapestry by contemporary -writers. In the absence of direct evidence, we are thrown upon -probabilities. And what is more likely than that the opinion which -Montfaucon found prevailing at Bayeux when he discovered the Tapestry is -the correct one? As the Abbé de la Rue himself argues, “To have -undertaken this Tapestry would have required a considerable degree of -interest in the subject of it, and to have possessed the necessary -powers for its execution.”<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> Who can be supposed to have had so great -an interest in the establishment of the Conqueror’s right to the throne -of England as Matilda of Flanders, and who but herself would have been -at the trouble of asserting it in such full detail? Would any one but an -immediate connexion of the Duke’s have taken such prominent notice of -the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_013" id="page_013"></a>{13}</span> rescue of Harold from his captivity in Ponthieu, and of his -subsequent friendly intercourse with William in Brittany; and would even -Matilda herself have done this if the Tapestry had been prepared after -the stupendous results of the battle of Hastings had fully developed -themselves?</p> - -<p>Dr. Lingard, in appealing to the roll itself, says, “Nor does the -costliness of the work bespeak a royal benefactor.” “There is in it no -embroidery of gold, none of silver, none of silk, nothing worthy the -rank or the munificence of the supposed donor.” Had the article in -question been a royal robe, or sacerdotal vestment, the omission of the -precious metals might have been unaccountable; but in a piece of -embroidery of such extent, it is nothing wonderful. Neither should the -artistic value of the document be overlooked. Its figures may appear -uncouth in our eyes, but they are done in the very best style of the -period. A person of ordinary resources could not have commanded, to the -extent required, the services of the ablest artists of the day. The -preparation of the Tapestry must have been a costly and laborious -process, not at all unworthy of the wife of the victor of Hastings.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> -What is more likely, then, than that the traditional opinion which -Montfaucon found prevailing in his day at Bayeux is well founded, and -that to the first of our Norman Queens we are indebted for this most -wonderful piece of needle-work?<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_014" id="page_014"></a>{14}</span></p> - -<p>Although the actual execution of the Tapestry devolved upon the ladies -of Matilda’s court, there can be no doubt that they wrought from a -design prepared by some draftsman. The priests were the principal -artists of that day. The Latin inscriptions prove that in that part of -their work, at least, the ladies had the assistance of some educated -person. The name of the designer has not come down to us; unless indeed -there be truth in the following statement made by Miss Agnes -Strickland:—“This pictorial chronicle of her mighty consort’s -achievements appears to have been, in part at least, designed for -Matilda by Turold, a dwarf artist, who moved by a natural desire of -claiming his share in the celebrity which he foresaw would attach to the -work, has cunningly introduced his own effigies and name,<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> thus -authenticating the Norman tradition, that he was the person who -illuminated the canvas with the proper outlines and colours.”<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> Though -ignorant of the individual who designed the Tapestry, the style of the -work induces us to believe that the artist was an Italian. The postures -into which many of the figures are thrown are not English or French, but -Italian.<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> The cordiality subsisting at the time of the Conquest -between the courts of Normandy and Rome, and the successful<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_015" id="page_015"></a>{15}</span> exhibition -of Norman prowess for some time previously on the plains of the Italian -peninsula, sufficiently account for the introduction of the -peculiarities of southern Europe into the Tapestry.</p> - -<p>Perhaps, however, we have acted rashly in having ventured even thus -cursorily to touch upon the antiquity of the Tapestry. Miss Agnes -Strickland, who, in her <i>Lives of the Queens of England</i>, shows how -vigorously she can wield the pen, is rather indignant that any one who -is not learned in cross-stitch, should venture to discuss the subject. -Before we argue, she wants to know if we can sew. She says, “With due -deference to the judgment of the lords of the creation on all subjects -connected with policy and science, we venture to think that our learned -friends, the archæologists and antiquaries, would do well to direct -their intellectual powers to more masculine objects of inquiry, and -leave the question of the Bayeux Tapestry (with all other matters allied -to needle-craft) to the decision of the ladies, to whose province it -belongs. It is matter of doubt to us whether one, out of the many -gentlemen who have disputed Matilda’s claims to that work, if called -upon to execute a copy of either of the figures on canvas, would know -how to put in the first stitch.”<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> Few of the rougher sex would like -to be put to the<i>experimentum acus</i>, and therefore it may be as well at -once to exercise the best part of valour, and beat a hasty retreat.</p> - -<p>The attention of the learned world was first, in modern times,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_016" id="page_016"></a>{16}</span> called -to the Bayeux Tapestry by M. Lancelot, who in 1724 found a drawing of a -portion of it in the Cabinet of Antiquities at Paris. He was struck with -its appearance, and at once pronounced it to be of the age of William -the Conqueror, and intended to commemorate his exploits; but he was -unable to conjecture whether the drawing represented a bass-relief, a -piece of sculpture surrounding a choir of a church or a tomb, a painting -in fresco or upon a glass window, or even, he adds, if it be a piece of -tapestry. He conceived that the original would be found at Caen. In -consequence of his suggestion, Father Montfaucon made diligent -inquiries, and, after some trouble, found the Tapestry, not at Caen, but -at Bayeux. He ascertained that it was there popularly ascribed to Queen -Matilda.<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> M. Lancelot further informs us that it was ordinarily -called in the country <i>La Toilette de Duc Guillaume</i>. At that period, -and for long afterwards, it was kept in a side chapel of the cathedral, -rolled upon a kind of winch, and was exposed to public view only once a -year, on the festival of the relics (July 1), and during the octave. On -these occasions it was hung up in the nave of the church, which it -completely surrounded.</p> - -<p>In the autumn of 1803, when Bonaparte, then First Consul of France, -contemplated the invasion of England, the Tapestry was brought from its -obscurity at Bayeux, and exhibited in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_017" id="page_017"></a>{17}</span> the National Museum at Paris, -where it remained some months. The First Consul himself went to see it, -and affected to be struck with that particular part (<i><a href="#pl_VII">Plate VII.</a></i>) which -represents the appearance of a meteor presaging the defeat of Harold: -affording an opportunity for the inference, that the meteor which had -then been lately seen in the south of France was the prelude to a -similar event. The exhibition was popular; so much so, that a small -dramatic piece was got up at the Theatre du Vaudeville, entitled <i>La -Tapisserie de la Reine Mathilde</i>, in which Matilda was represented -passing her time with her women in embroidering the exploits of her -husband, never leaving their work, except to put up prayers for his -success.</p> - -<p>At present the Tapestry is preserved in the town’s library at Bayeux, -where it is advantageously exposed to view by being extended in eight -lengths from end to end of the room, and is at the same time protected -from injury by being covered with glass.</p> - -<p>The Tapestry has originally formed one piece, and measures two hundred -and twenty-seven feet in length, by about twenty inches in breadth. The -groundwork of it is a strip of rather fine linen cloth, which, through -age, has assumed the tinge of brown holland. The stitches consist of -lines of coloured worsted laid side by side, and bound down at intervals -with cross fastenings; as is seen in the frontispiece, which represents -a portion of the Tapestry of the original size. The parts intended to -represent flesh (the face, hands, or naked legs of the men) are left -untouched by the needle. Considering the age of the Tapestry, it is in a -remarkably perfect<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_018" id="page_018"></a>{18}</span> state. The first portion of it is somewhat injured, -and the last five yards of it are very much defaced. The colours chiefly -used by the fair artists are—dark and light blue, red, pink, yellow, -buff, and dark and light green. On examining this interesting relic, I -was struck with nothing so much as the freshness of the colours; and can -entirely subscribe to the words of Mr. Hudson Gurney, in the -<i>Archæologia</i>, “the colours are as bright and distinct, and the letters -of the superscriptions as legible, as if of yesterday.”</p> - -<p>Perspective and light and shade are wholly disregarded. An effort is -made, by varying the colours employed, to avoid the confusion arising -from this circumstance: thus, while the leg of a horse which is nearest -to the spectator is painted blue, the one more removed will be coloured -red; or if the one be pink, the other may be a greenish yellow. The -colours, owing probably to the restricted extent of them at the command -of Matilda, are employed somewhat fancifully, and we have horses -exhibited to us of hues which, could they be realized in living -specimens in Hyde Park now-a-days, would attract the envy and admiration -of all beholders. Notwithstanding the liberty thus taken, the harmony of -the colouring is such, that persons may look at the Tapestry for some -time without discovering that truth, in this particular, has been in any -degree violated. Mr. Dawson Turner remarks, that “in point of drawing, -the figures are superior to the contemporary sculpture at St. George’s -and elsewhere; and the performance is not deficient in energy.”<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> As -we examine the figures in detail, we<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_019" id="page_019"></a>{19}</span> shall have occasion to notice the -spirit and the expression which the artist has infused into his work.</p> - -<p>Besides the principal subject, which occupies the central portion of the -Tapestry, there is an ornamental border at the top and bottom of the -field, which is filled with a variety of representations. Here the -artist has indulged in a considerable play of fancy. Figures of birds -and beasts which certainly never came out of Noah’s ark are admitted -into this menagerie. Probably many of these forms represent the -griffins, centaurs, and other fabulous creatures which occupy so -conspicuous a place in the romances of the period. Others clearly -represent animals, such as the camel and lion, with which the people of -that age could not be very familiar, but which would, on that account, -furnish subjects of thought and conversation all the more exciting.</p> - -<p>In the lower border of the roll, near the beginning, are some -representations of the fables of Æsop. There is the crow and the fox, -the wolf and the lamb, the crane and the wolf, the eagle and the -tortoise, and some others. Besides these subjects, we have many of the -operations of husbandry, such as ploughing, sowing, and harrowing. The -sports of the field are not neglected. One man is seen shooting birds -with a sling. At this period the sling had quite gone into disuse as a -weapon of war, but was probably long afterwards retained for the -purposes of the sportsman. In one compartment, a man is seen fighting, -sword in hand, with a bear that is chained to a tree. In another, the -huntsman summons his dogs to the chase. In some portions of the Tapestry -the border<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_020" id="page_020"></a>{20}</span> has an evident reference to the main subject of the piece; -towards the end of the work the whole of the lower margin is filled with -the bodies of the slain, thus forming it, as it were, the foreground of -the general delineation.</p> - -<p>The whole picture is divided into seventy-two compartments or scenes, -which are generally separated from one another by trees, or what are -intended to represent such. The artist, very modestly mistrusting his -own powers, has usually affixed an inscription, in Latin, to each -subject, the more fully to explain his intention. The letters, like the -figures, are stitched in worsted, and are about an inch in length.</p> - -<p>That the Tapestry should from a period beyond all record have belonged -to the church of Bayeux is nothing surprising. Odo, the uterine brother -of William, who rendered the Conqueror such efficient assistance in the -battle of Hastings, and in the subsequent government of the kingdom, was -archbishop of that place. Matilda may, with great propriety have given -it to him in acknowledgement of his services, and he with equal -probability, for he was very munificent to his church, may have given it -to the Chapter. There is no other period at which it could with so much -probability have come into the possession of the ecclesiastics of Bayeux -as during the episcopate of Odo.<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_021" id="page_021"></a>{21}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="II_THE_COMMISSION" id="II_THE_COMMISSION"></a>II. THE COMMISSION.</h2> - -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">“All hail, Macbeth! that shalt be king hereafter.”<br /></span> -<span class="authh"><i>Macbeth.</i><br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<p class="nind"><span class="smcap">Very</span> frequently the means which we adopt to secure our ends are those by -which Providence designs to thwart them.</p> - -<p>During that disastrous period when England was subject to the incessant -depredations of the Danes, Ethelred II. contracted a marriage with Emma, -a daughter of Richard I., Duke of Normandy. Ethelred’s conduct to his -wife proved that the match was not one of affection; his object -evidently was to obtain the assistance of the powerful house of Rollo in -resisting the attacks of the Vikings of the north. Instead of doing -this, the alliance resulted in arraying the Normans amongst the enemies -of England. Alfred and Edward, the sons of Ethelred and Emma, found an -asylum in the Norman court during the supremacy of Sweyn and Canute. At -one time an expedition was in readiness to leave the shores of Normandy, -with a view of placing by force a son of Ethelred on the throne of his -father. William of Malmesbury, speaking of the two youths, says—“I find -that their uncle Richard (II.) took no steps to restore them to their -country; on the contrary, he married his sister Emma to the enemy and -the invader. Robert, however,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_022" id="page_022"></a>{22}</span> whom we have so frequently before -mentioned as having gone to Jerusalem, assembling a fleet and embarking -soldiers, made ready an expedition, boasting that he would set the crown -on the head of his grand-nephews; and doubtlessly he would have made -good his assertion, had not, as we have heard from our ancestors, an -adverse wind constantly opposed him: but assuredly this was by the -hidden counsel of God, in whose disposal are the powers of all kingdoms. -The remains of the vessels, decayed through length of time, were still -to be seen at Rouen in our days.”<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> Thus half a century before William -the Conqueror set out upon his expedition, a Norman invasion loomed in -the distance.</p> - -<p>Whilst the ships of Robert were rotting in the harbour of Rouen, Alfred -and Edward, the sons of Emma, were being trained up in the court of -Normandy in those habits and feelings which eventually led to the -assembling of an armament which adverse winds were not destined to -baffle. Alfred visiting England, was barbarously murdered; the Norman -chroniclers assert that the cruel deed was instigated by Godwin. At -length, by the death of Hardicanute, a way was opened for Edward, -afterwards styled the Confessor, to the throne of his father. He was, -however, at the time of his accession, as Camden expresses it, -thoroughly Frenchified. He could scarcely speak a word of English. His -court was filled with Normans, who usurped most of the official -dignities. When advancing years compelled the monarch to take some steps -for securing a fitting successor to the throne, his mind reverted to the -court of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_023" id="page_023"></a>{23}</span></p> - -<p><a name="pl_I" id="pl_I"></a></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<a href="images/illu_opp_022_Plate_01_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/illu_opp_022_Plate_01_sml.jpg" width="500" height="332" alt="Image unavailable: PLATE I." /></a> -<br /> -<span class="caption">PLATE I.</span> -</div> - -<p>Normandy. His immediate heir, Edgar Atheling, was too feeble a youth to -be placed, in such turbulent times, in so responsible a position. When -the choice lay between Harold the Saxon and William the Norman, the -Confessor’s early predilections necessarily induced him to look -favourably upon the youthful head of his mother’s house. Independently -of any communications which the English king may have made to the young -Duke of Normandy, the partiality which he manifested towards him could -not fail to nurture in Duke William’s mind the most ambitious views. -Hence sprung the Norman invasion.</p> - -<p>We are now prepared for examining in detail the scenes depicted in the -Tapestry.</p> - -<p>The first compartment exhibits to us Edward the Confessor giving -audience to two personages of rank. The king is seated on a throne; his -feet rest upon a footstool. A crown, ornamented with <i>fleurs-de-lis</i>, is -on his head, and he holds a sceptre in his left hand. The robe of the -monarch is full, and is ornamented at the collar, the wrists, and down -the front, probably by needle-work of gold. Similar ornaments appear -upon his knees. The arms and feet of the throne, according to the usage -of the period, terminate in carvings of the head and feet of a dog. The -taller of the persons waiting upon the king is no doubt Harold, as the -face bears a strong resemblance to that of one of the horsemen in the -next group, which the inscription tells us is Harold. A general likeness -is preserved throughout the Tapestry, both in the case of William and -Harold, so that we may reasonably suppose that the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_024" id="page_024"></a>{24}</span> delineations of -these personages bear some resemblance to the originals, and that they -were drawn by an artist who knew them both. Edward is in the attitude of -a king giving law to his subjects. Harold and his companion <i>stand</i> in -the royal presence, both to betoken their reverence for their monarch, -and their readiness to depart on the instant in the performance of the -royal behests. They evidently pay earnest attention to the commands of -the king.</p> - -<p>The subject of this interview is no doubt Harold’s intended expedition -to the court of William. Unhappily, there is no point in history -respecting which a greater diversity of statement exists among -contemporary writers, than the visit of Harold to the court of William. -Three views are taken of it:—one is, that Harold was commissioned by -Edward to inform the young Duke of Normandy that he had been nominated -by him as his successor to the throne; another is, that Harold, whilst -taking recreation in a fishing-boat, was accidentally carried out to -sea, and driven on the shores of Ponthieu; the third is, that Harold had -begged permission of Edward to go into Normandy, in order to release -from captivity two relatives, a brother and a nephew, who, after Earl -Godwin’s rebellion, had been placed as hostages in the hands of the -Norman duke. The question for us to consider is which is the view -countenanced by the Tapestry. Unfortunately, the inscription over the -group is simply <small>EDWARD REX</small>, and, so, gives us no definite information. -It will be well to examine the statements of the chroniclers, and then -compare them with the representations of our worsted work.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_025" id="page_025"></a>{25}</span></p> - -<p>William of Malmesbury says, “King Edward declining into years, as he had -no children himself, and saw the sons of Godwin growing in power, -despatched messengers to the King of Hungary to send over Edward, the -son of his brother Edmund, with all his family; intending, as he -declared, that either he, or his sons, should succeed to the hereditary -kingdom of England, and that his own want of issue should be supplied by -that of his kindred. Edward came in consequence, but died almost -immediately. He left three surviving children; that is to say, Edgar, -who, after the death of Harold, was by some elected king; and who, after -many revolutions of fortune, is now living wholly retired in the -country, in extreme old age;<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> Christina, who grew old at Romsey in -the habit of a nun; and Margaret, whom Malcolm King of the Scots, -espoused.... The king, in consequence of the death of his relation, -losing his first hope of support, gave the succession of England to -William Earl of Normandy. He was well worthy of such a gift, being a -young man of superior mind, who had raised himself to the highest -eminence by his unwearied exertion; moreover, he was his nearest -relation by consanguinity, as he was the son of Robert, the son of -Richard the Second (of Normandy), whom we have repeatedly mentioned as -the brother of Emma, Edward’s mother. Some affirm that Harold himself -was sent into Normandy by the King for this purpose; others, who knew -Harold’s more secret intentions, say, that being driven thither against -his will by the violence of the wind, he imagined this device, in order -to extricate<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_026" id="page_026"></a>{26}</span> himself. This, as it appears nearest the truth, I shall -relate. Harold being at his country seat at Bosham, went for recreation -on board a fishing-boat and, for the purpose of prolonging his sport, -put out to sea; when a sudden tempest arising, he was driven with his -companions on the coast of Ponthieu. The people of that district, as was -their native custom, immediately assembled from all quarters; and -Harold’s company, unarmed and few in number, were, as it might easily -be, quickly overpowered by an armed multitude, and bound hand and foot. -Harold, craftily meditating a remedy for this mischance, sent a person, -whom he had allured by great promises, to William to say, that he had -been sent into Normandy by the King, for the purpose of expressly -confirming in person the message which had been imperfectly delivered by -people of less authority, but that he was detained in fetters by Guy, -and could not execute his embassy.... By these means Harold was -liberated at William’s command, and conducted by Guy in person.”<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a></p> - -<p>Master Wace inclines to the opinion, that he went to rescue the -hostages. His statement is, “When his father (Earl Godwin) had died, -Harold, pitying the hostages, was desirous to cross over into Normandy, -and bring them home. So he went to take leave of the King. But Edward -strictly forbade him, and charged and conjured him not to go to -Normandy, nor to speak with Duke William; for he might soon be drawn -into some snare, as the Duke was very shrewd; and he told him that if he -wished to have the hostages home, he would choose some messenger for the -purpose.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_027" id="page_027"></a>{27}</span> So at least I have found the story written. But another book -tells me, that the King ordered him to go for the purpose of assuring -Duke William, his cousin, that he should have the realm after his death. -How the matter really was I never knew.”<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a></p> - -<p>Let us now attend to the questions, How are we to reconcile these -various statements, and what is the view taken by the draftsman of the -Tapestry?</p> - -<p>We must at once abandon the fishing boat story. The preparation which -Harold makes for his expedition, and the numbers he takes with him, are -irreconcileable with this view. Besides, the ships do not seem to be -suffering from stress of weather, and, according to the inscription, -Harold appears to have made a prosperous voyage, <small>ET VELIS VENTO PLENIS, -VENIT IN TERRAM WIDONIS COMITIS</small>—And his sails being filled with the -wind, he came into the territory of Count Guy.</p> - -<p>We must also abandon the view which represents him as going to procure, -<i>in a direct and open manner</i>, the hostages which William held. He knew -that William was as shrewd as he was ambitious, and would not be so -simple as to give up at his request, however reasonable it might be, the -only means he had of holding him in restraint. Besides, the Tapestry -represents the King, in the first compartment, in the attitude of one -giving a command, rather than administering advice. The interview which -Harold has with the King, on his return, strengthens this view. (<i><a href="#pl_VII">Plate -VII.</a></i>) Harold comes into the presence of the Confessor like a<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_028" id="page_028"></a>{28}</span> guilty -person, deploring his misdeeds and craving pardon. An axe, carried by an -attendant on the left of the King, is turned towards him, apparently -betokening that he has committed an offence worthy of death. The King is -evidently reproving him sharply, but the attendant on the right of the -King having the edge of his axe turned away from Harold, shows that the -result of the interview was a pardon. The monarch was in fact too -powerless to adopt any rigorous steps towards so influential a subject -as the son of Godwin. If Harold had simply failed upon a private errand -of his own, but which the King had forewarned him would be a bootless -one, the King would have been more disposed to laugh at the trouble into -which he had brought himself than take such serious notice of his -conduct.</p> - -<p>Besides, it is admitted on all hands, that Edward intended to appoint -William as his successor, and most of the chroniclers agree in asserting -that the Norman had already received some intimation of it. Further, -William, after procuring the kingdom, always claimed to hold it, amongst -other pleas, <i>Beneficio concessionis domini et cognati mei, gloriosi -Regis Edwardi</i>—By the devise of my lord and relative the glorious King -Edward.<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> Now, is it likely that a document which depicted the views -of the Norman court would neglect to insert so important a title?</p> - -<p>Supposing it to be a point established, that in the first compartment -the Confessor is giving orders to Harold to inform William of the -honours that awaited him, and abandoning, for the reasons<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_029" id="page_029"></a>{29}</span> already -stated, the view of his being accidentally cast ashore on the coast of -Ponthieu, we are necessarily led to suppose that he designedly shaped -his course to that place, in order to promote his own ends. The Earl of -Ponthieu was jealous of William’s growing power, and had often been in -arms against him. He had on one occasion been imprisoned by him for two -years. Harold might readily suppose, that if he could obtain the -assistance of Guy, he might, by stealth or stratagem, get possession of -the persons of his brother and nephew. Hence, instead of going direct to -Rouen, he seems to have shaped his course more to the north. He might -argue with himself, that when once he had got possession of the -hostages, the wrath of William, which would no doubt be aroused by the -proceeding, would be easily allayed by his putting him in formal -possession of the fact of his being appointed by the present occupant of -the English crown his successor.</p> - -<p>On the first view of the case, it seems strange that Harold should -undertake an errand which was apparently so much opposed to his -interests, or even that the King should intrust him with such a -commission. Harold, however, could have little objection to make it -known that it was the King’s wish that William should be appointed his -successor; for it was of some importance to him, having an eye to the -crown himself, that the direct heir should, at all events, be -superseded. Edgar Atheling, the next in the succession, was a rival in -the palace itself; William the Norman was separated from him and the -land of their mutual ambition by a barrier which was in those days a -very formidable one—the English Channel.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_030" id="page_030"></a>{30}</span> If Harold entertained these -views, he would take care to inform the King of his acquiescence in his -well known intentions respecting the succession, and thus encourage him -to send him upon his present errand.</p> - -<p>This method of reconciling the different views given by the chroniclers -upon this involved point of English history is, it must be confessed, -purely theoretical; at the same time, no better occurs.</p> - -<p>Harold has received his commission from the King; let us see how he -fulfils it. He is first seen riding in company with several persons of -distinction (as their dress indicates) to the place of embarkation. The -legend here is, <small>[U]BI HAROLD DUX ANGLORUM ET SUI MILITES EQUITANT AD -BOSHAM</small>—Where Harold the English chief and his knights ride to Bosham. -Harold is represented twice in this group (by no means an unusual thing, -as we shall afterwards see); once, lifting up his hand, as if in the -attitude of command; and again, with his hawk upon his fist, to betoken -his high rank; a pack of hounds are scampering before him.</p> - -<p>The hawk and the hounds require a few words of remark. It is well known -to persons conversant in antiquity, that the great men of those times -had only two ways of being accoutered when they set out upon a journey; -either in the habiliments of war, or for the chase. Harold, as going on -an errand of peace, we find here represented in the latter. The bird -upon the fist was a mark of high nobility. We see it frequently upon -seals and miniatures, of that age, of ladies as well as men; and so -sacred was this bird esteemed, that we find it prohibited in the ancient -laws for any<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_031" id="page_031"></a>{31}</span> one to give his hawk or his sword as part of his ransom. -Severe fines were laid on those who should steal another’s hawk. Harold, -it will be observed, is the only one of all his suite who has the bird -upon his fist.<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a></p> - -<p>Several hawks are introduced in the course of the Tapestry, but in no -one case is the bird provided with a hood. The hood was introduced from -the East about the year 1200, and as after its introduction it was -considered an essential part of the equipment of the bird, its absence -in the Tapestry is conclusive evidence of its comparatively early -date.<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a></p> - -<p>The three larger dogs have collars, provided with rings through which, -most probably, the leash passed; the other two are of a smaller breed. -The horses are hog-maned. Harold’s horse, in the more forward instance, -has some ornament entwined with its mane.</p> - -<p>Bosham is a hamlet in Sussex, near to Chichester, which still retains -its ancient name. It was a sea-port of some consequence in Saxon times, -and we frequently read of its being the point of departure for persons -going to the Continent. Bosham was the property of Harold, having been -obtained by his father, Earl Godwin, from the Archbishop of Canterbury.</p> - -<p>Among the endowed churches of England, that of Bosham was<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_032" id="page_032"></a>{32}</span> probably one -of the richest. In the reign of King Edward it had land belonging to it -to the extent of a hundred and twelve hides. The generality of church -endowments were infinitely smaller. Hence we find the church represented -in the Tapestry as a structure of considerable consequence.<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a></p> - -<p>A tree closes the scene. It is of a species which does not flourish in -our modern woods, but which nevertheless grows very abundantly in the -MSS. of the tenth and eleventh centuries. Several of similar character -may be seen in the Illustrations to Cædmon’s <i>Metrical Paraphrase</i>, -executed in the tenth century.<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> These trees, like the lions and -leopards of the heralds of a subsequent date, were mere conventional -forms, and not intended to be correct representations of the objects -indicated.</p> - -<p>The next compartment exhibits to us Harold and a companion (one no doubt -being used to represent all) entering the sacred structure, with the -view of seeking the divine blessing upon their enterprise. As the -humility of their posture, when inside, could not be represented, the -artist has exhibited them as entering it in a state of semi-genuflexion. -In this he follows a classical model. Among the Greeks and Romans the -act of adoration was expressed by the artists representing the body -inclined slightly forwards, the knees gently bent, and the right hand -touching the object of reverence.<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> Over the building which Harold and -his companion enter is written the word <small>ECCLESIA</small>.—the church<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_033" id="page_033"></a>{33}</span>.</p> - -<p>It is not a little curious to observe, that in immediate contiguity with -the church in which our voyagers offer their devotions, is the festal -board at which they comfort their own bowels, and pledge each other in -goblets large as their own hearts. The scene is one of a truly Saxon -character. Our blue-eyed forefathers never did things by halves, and -whenever they sat down at the social table—and they did so as often as -convenient—they exhibited a refreshing earnestness.</p> - -<p>The scene represents the end of the feast, and hence the drinking horns -rather than the platters are brought into requisition. Two of these are -magnificent specimens, and remind us of the horn of Ulphe preserved in -York Minster, and the Pusey horn. The individuals in the building are -evidently pledging each other, and the challenged and the challenger are -drinking in turn out of the same cup. Robert de Brunne refers to this -practice in the following lines:—</p> - -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">“This is their custom and their gest<br /></span> -<span class="i1">When thei are at the ale or fest;<br /></span> -<span class="i1">Ilk man that loves, where him think<br /></span> -<span class="i1">Sall say wassail, and to him drink.<br /></span> -<span class="i1">He that bids, sall say wassail;<br /></span> -<span class="i1">The tother sall say again drinkhail.<br /></span> -<span class="i1">That said wassail drinkes of the cup,<br /></span> -<span class="i1">Kissand his felow he gives it up;<br /></span> -<span class="i1">Drinkhail, he says, and drinkes thereof,<br /></span> -<span class="i1">Kissand him in bord and skoff.”<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a><br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<p>Besides horns, semicircular vessels, or mazer cups, appear among the -furnishings of the board. These vessels were generally of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_034" id="page_034"></a>{34}</span> wood, but -occasionally of gold or silver. Our ancestors, who somewhat strangely -blended religion with their festivities, not unfrequently had mottos, -such as the following, inscribed upon their mazer bowls:—</p> - -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanzaeng"> -<span class="i0">In the name of the trinitie<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Fille the kup and drink to me.<br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<p>But the best of friends must part. A messenger, who has blown the horn, -to inform our voyagers that the boats are ready, till he is tired, comes -personally, horn in hand, to urge their departure.</p> - -<p>The scene of the embarkation is curious. Harold, the most powerful -subject in England—if he can be called a subject—strips off his lower -garments, and wades into the sea. His companions follow him in similar -guise. Harold has, as usual, his hawk upon his fist, and he and his -companion (the representative of the rest), more careful of their hounds -than themselves, carry them dry-shod on board the ship that waits to -receive them.</p> - -<p>No satisfactory explanation has been given of the peculiar implement -held in the left hand of the attendant who is next but one to Harold. -Can it be a ‘throw stick’ such as was generally used by the ancient -Egyptian sportsmen in fowling?<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a></p> - -<p>Harold has two ships, and they are represented twice over—once at their -departure from the English coast, and again on their arrival at the -shores of France. But before attending to the adventures<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_035" id="page_035"></a>{35}</span> which befell -the Saxon Earl on the opposite side, it will be well to review the -ground already trodden, in order to gather up some fragments of -information respecting the tastes and habits of the ancient English.</p> - -<p>The architectural delineations of the Tapestry are those of the -Conquest. Throughout the whole, the circular arch, which is -characteristic of the Saxon and Norman styles, prevails in its simplest -forms. Interlacing arches which occur so frequently in the later Norman -buildings, and which are supposed to have introduced the pointed or -Gothic-style, never occur. The palace of Edward the Confessor, in the -first compartment, is a large building as compared with the church and -manor-house of Bosham in the second. In some of its details it bears a -striking resemblance to the ‘heavenly abode’ in one of the early -illustrations of Cædmon’s Paraphrase.<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> Of the chequered work on the -face of the chief buttress tower many examples exist to this day in -Normandy. The chief feature of the church is the doorway, as is the case -with all Norman buildings up to a late period. The windows are small and -insignificant, and were probably unglazed. It is roofed with stone -shingles or tiles, rounded at the lower extremity, and fastened to the -framework with nails, as is conventionally represented in the drawing. -The roofs in the Saxon illustrations already referred to present a -precisely similar appearance. The traveller in Normandy will often be -reminded by existing buildings of these arrangements. The house in which -the voyagers take their<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_036" id="page_036"></a>{36}</span> farewell repast is worthy of observation. It is -constructed upon the plan of the ancient “peel houses” of the North of -England. The upper apartment has an independent entrance by stone steps -from the outside, and seems to be the place of greatest comfort and -security. The lower room is vaulted, and is divided into three -compartments, like the aisles of a church. This was not an unusual -arrangement in buildings of the Saxon and Norman period.<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></p> - -<p>The dress of the parties may be briefly described. It has manifestly -been derived from a Roman model. A garment, doubtless of woollen, -invests the body, and comes up to the neck. A tunic, having something of -the form of a frock coat, is put on over this, and is bound round the -waist by a girdle. In the horsemen, this tunic is brought below the -knees, and, for greater convenience in riding, is divided so as to form -two wide loose legs. Most of the men are furnished with hose, which fit -tightly, and come well up the thigh. Most of them also are furnished -with shoes, which seem to fit the foot naturally and easily. In addition -to these coverings, the superior orders wear a cloak, nearly resembling -the <i>chlamys</i> of the Roman general, and which is fastened by a fibula, -or brooch, at the right shoulder.</p> - -<p>All the figures, excepting those accoutred with crowns or helmets, are -bare-headed. This at first sight does not seem to be the case; the heads -of the parties appear as if they were enveloped with caps of various -colours. It will be observed, however, that, within<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_037" id="page_037"></a>{37}</span> doors as well as -without, their heads wear the same appearance. But the shaven crown of -the priests reveals the fact. These personages appear with hair as -indisputably red, and blue, and yellow, as the rest, yet they show the -bare poll in the centre. (<i>See Plates <a href="#pl_IV">IV</a>. and <a href="#pl_VII">VII</a>.</i>) It may also be -observed that the hinder part of the heads of the Frenchmen is bare. In -France, at this period, an absurd custom prevailed of shaving the back -of the head. The men of Normandy and Ponthieu accordingly appear as if -they had caps stuck upon the front of their heads, leaving the back part -naked. All this seems to prove that, at the time of the Conquest, it was -not customary either in England or France for men to cover the head, -except for defensive purposes in the day of battle.</p> - -<p>The Saxons are uniformly represented with mustaches; the French are not. -King Edward always appears with a beard. The Saxons were fond of -cultivating the hair, and exhibiting full and flowing locks. In the -youthful days of King Edward both razors and scissors were eschewed. In -process of time, however, through some silvery influence, men were -induced to denude their chins of nature’s covering. Frenchmen made a -clean sweep of it, but the Saxons held out for the mustache. King Edward -maintained the customs of his youth, and he is always represented on -coins, medals, and the Tapestry, with all the capillary attractions -which nature ever gave him. In these respects, the Tapestry is true to -history.</p> - -<p>In ancient times, as well as in modern, fashions were subject to change. -In the reigns immediately succeeding the Conqueror’s,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_038" id="page_038"></a>{38}</span> modes prevailed -different from those depicted in the Tapestry. The points of the shoes -were elongated, greater extravagance of dress was indulged in, and the -Normans, instead of shaving their hair like monks, suffered it to grow -ridiculously long; beards, too, were cultivated. The following summary -of the fashions of the late Norman period is to our present purpose:—</p> - -<p>“During the reigns of Rufus and Henry I. the dress of the higher classes -became much more costly in material and extravagant in shape. Some most -ridiculous fashions are reprobated and caricatured by the historians and -illuminators of that period. The sleeves of the tunics were made long -enough to cover and hang considerably below the hand. Peaked-toed boots -and shoes of the most absurd shapes, some terminating like a scorpion’s -tail, others stuffed with tow and curling round like a ram’s horn, are -mentioned by the monkish historians. Ordericus Vitalis says they were -invented by some one deformed in the foot. The mantles and tunics were -worn much longer and fuller, and the former lined with the most -expensive furs. Henry I. is said to have had one presented to him by the -Bishop of Lincoln, lined with black sable with white spots, and which -cost £100. of the money of that day.</p> - -<p>“The English now, both Saxon and Norman, suffered their hair to grow to -an immoderate length instead of being cropped ridiculously short; and -William of Malmesbury, who has previously complained of his countrymen -having imitated the latter fashion, now laments over the long hair, the -loose flowing garments, the pointed shoes, and effeminate appearance of -the English generally.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_039" id="page_039"></a>{39}</span> Even long beards were worn during the reign of -Henry I.; and Ordericus Vitalis compares the men of that day to ‘filthy -goats.’</p> - -<p>“Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury, refused his benediction on Ash -Wednesday to those who would not cut their hair. Councils were held on -this important matter. The razor and the scissors were not only -recommended <i>ex cathedra</i>, but positively produced sometimes at the end -of a sermon against the sinfulness of long locks and curling mustaches. -Serlo d’Abon, Bishop of Seez, on Easter Day, 1105, after preaching -against beards before Henry I., cropped not only that of the king but -those of the whole congregation with a pair of scissors he had provided -for the occasion. But nothing could long repress these fashions, which -in the time of Stephen again raged to such an extent that the fops of -the day suffered their hair to grow till they looked more like women -than men; and those whose ringlets were not sufficiently luxurious added -false hair to equal or surpass in appearance their more favoured -brethren.”<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a></p> - -<p>We can only account for the exact conformity of the manners and customs -depicted in the Tapestry with those prevailing during the Conqueror’s -reign, on the supposition that the Tapestry was then produced.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_040" id="page_040"></a>{40}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="III_THE_ENTANGLEMENT" id="III_THE_ENTANGLEMENT"></a>III. THE ENTANGLEMENT.</h2> - -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">“Sir, what ill chance hath brought you to this place?”<br /></span> -<span class="authh"><i>Paradise Regained.</i><br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<p class="nind"><span class="smcap">When</span> Robert of Normandy went on pilgrimage to Jerusalem, he named his -son William, then a boy seven years of age, his heir. His courtiers -expressing their fears that during his absence the estates would be left -without a head, he replied, “Not so, by my faith, not so! I will leave -you a master in my place. I have a little bastard here; he is little, -indeed, but he will grow; nay, by God’s grace, I have great hopes that -he will prove a gallant man; therefore I do pray you all to receive him -from my hands, for from this time forth I give him seisin of the duchy -of Normandy, as my known and acknowledged heir.” William, who was -destined never again to see his father, was committed to the -guardianship of his two uncles—“a lamb to the tutelage of wolves.” -When, at a very early age, he was compelled to take the reins of -government into his own hands, he had a difficult part to perform. As -the author of the <i>Roman de Rou</i> informs us, “The feuds against him were -many, and his friends few; for he found that most were ill inclined -towards him; those even whom his father held dear he found haughty and -evil disposed. The barons warred upon each other;<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_041" id="page_041"></a>{41}</span></p> - -<p><a name="pl_II" id="pl_II"></a></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<a href="images/illu_opp_040_Plate_02_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/illu_opp_040_Plate_02_sml.jpg" width="500" height="332" alt="Image unavailable: PLATE II." /></a> -<br /> -<span class="caption">PLATE II.</span> -</div> - -<p class="nind">the strong oppressed the weak, and he could not prevent it.”<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> The -success which attended his efforts made him an object of jealousy and -fear. In 1054 the King of France made war upon him, with the intention -of depriving him of his duchy. In the battle of Mortemer, William -overcame the forces of France, and, along with some others, took Guy -Count of Ponthieu prisoner.</p> - -<p>Harold knew well the difficult part which his rival had to perform, and -doubtless thought to take advantage of it. If he could induce Guy to -interest himself in the fate of his brother and nephew, who were -detained as hostages at the court of Normandy, the assistance of the -King of France and of many of his great barons could easily be secured. -Such, probably, was the reasoning of Harold, as he stepped on board his -ship at Bosham. The territories of Guy lay immediately to the north of -those of William. Let us see how the voyager fares. No untoward accident -occurs on the passage across, but all is expectation and anxiety as the -ships approach the shore. One man from the top of the mast of the -hindermost vessel eagerly spies out the land, the whole of the crew are -standing up and looking anxiously toward it. They evidently discern -indications which make them doubtful of a hospitable reception. This -ship, however, bears no marks of having encountered a gale. Its sail is -fully extended, and is in good order.</p> - -<p>The foremost vessel contains Harold alone, as the superscription, -<small>HAROLD</small>, informs us. He is in full dress, ready to pay his respects<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_042" id="page_042"></a>{42}</span> to -the Count of Ponthieu. He is, however, armed with a spear, which -evidently indicates that he has reason to fear that he is in an enemy’s -country.</p> - -<p>The next group of figures reveals the plot. Guy, accompanied by a troop -of horsemen bearing sword and shield and spear, orders the arrest of -Harold and his companions. The Count is simply clad, but well armed; he -has not only a sword of portentous size attached to his side, but a -basilard, or hunting knife, suspended from his saddle. “As an instance -of that peculiar accuracy which is observed by the designer of the -Tapestry, even in seemingly unimportant particulars, and which makes the -work so much more interesting as a faithful depiction of the various -circumstances of the times, we find the Norman horses of this and other -groups are represented as being larger than the Anglo-Saxon. The hair of -the mane is also uncut, and falls on the neck; the saddle and its -accoutrements are similar.”<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> Harold, stripped, as before, for -disembarkation, is immediately seized. The first impression on the minds -of the party evidently is to resist. Their ordinary weapons, which have -for the moment been laid aside, are not at hand; but that weapon which a -Saxon never laid aside—that weapon, half knife, half dagger, with which -he divided his food at meals, which he had by him even during the hours -of sleep, and which was deposited in his grave when his warfare was -o’er—that weapon, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_043" id="page_043"></a>{43}</span> saxe, from which, according to the mediæval -rhymer Gotfridus Viterbiensis, the Saxons derived their name—</p> - -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">“Ipse brevis gladius apud illos Saxo vocatur,<br /></span> -<span class="i1">Unde sibi Saxo nomen peperisse notatur.”<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a><br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<p class="nind">—is clutched and drawn.</p> - -<p class="nind">The latter figures of the group, by the hesitancy of their manner, seem -to say that resistance is useless; each has instinctively laid hold of -his weapon, but it rests midway in his girdle.</p> - -<p>The inscription over this group is, <small>HIC APPREHENDIT WIDO HAROLDUM ET -DUXIT EUM AD BELREM ET IBI EUM TENUIT</small>.—Here Guy seized Harold, and led -him to Beaurain, where he detained him prisoner. The modern Beaurain is -situated a short distance from Montreuil, the capital of the ancient -province of Ponthieu. A tree closes the scene.</p> - -<p>In the solitude of his prison Harold must have reflected bitterly upon -his rashness in committing himself to the hands of Guy without having -accurately ascertained his feelings towards him. Instead of a friend he -found in him a foe. Instead of furthering his views he involved him in -almost inextricable difficulties. The Count, probably, had too keen a -sense of William’s power again to run the risk of incurring his wrath; -he therefore resolved, to avoid all appearance of ambiguity, to detain -Harold as a prisoner, and to extract from his friends as large a sum as -possible in the shape of ransom. It gives us a curious insight into the -state of society in those days, to observe that no<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_044" id="page_044"></a>{44}</span> one disputed the -right of Guy to seize the person and property of a stranger, who, -without hostile intent, had ventured upon his shores, or, as some -believe, had been driven there by mischance. Harold had no friend at -hand to release him from his unpleasant position. His active and clever -rival, William of Normandy, hearing of his circumstances, immediately -put forth the most strenuous and apparently generous efforts to effect -his enlargement, thereby laying him under very serious obligations. It -is the object of the succeeding portions of the Tapestry to place these -efforts in a strong light, and by implication to show the ingratitude of -Harold in opposing William’s claims to the English throne.</p> - -<p>The first scene represents Harold proceeding to the residence of his -captor. The expression given to the unlucky Earl is one of deep -dejection. He is stripped of the cloak which marked his nobility; and -though he carries his hawk upon his fist, its usual posture is reversed, -an intimation that his hawking days are over. Harold is well guarded by -a party of armed horsemen. Guy rides before, clad in the decorative -mantle of his rank, and having the falcon upon his fist, with its head -advanced as if ready to take wing. The artist has very successfully -portrayed in the countenance of Guy the chuckling conceit of this -heartless chieftain in the possession of so rich a prize as Harold.</p> - -<p>The next group of standing figures is supposed to represent some of -Harold’s party, distinguished by the mustache, in custody of Guy’s -soldiers.</p> - -<p>Harold, indignant at the unjust treatment which he had received,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_045" id="page_045"></a>{45}</span></p> - -<p><a name="pl_III" id="pl_III"></a></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<a href="images/illu_opp_044_Plate_03_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/illu_opp_044_Plate_03_sml.jpg" width="500" height="327" alt="Image unavailable: PLATE III." /></a> -<br /> -<span class="caption">PLATE III.</span> -</div> - -<p class="nind">sought an interview with the Count, no doubt feeling sure that he would -be able to make such a representation of his case, or to offer such -inducements, as would infallibly lead to his immediate release. An -interview was granted. The inscription over the next scene is “<small>UBI -HAROLD ET WIDO PARABOLANT</small>”—Where Harold and Guy converse. Guy is seated -(<i><a href="#pl_III">Plate III.</a></i>) with great pomp upon an elevated seat. His throne is less -ornate than that of the Confessor, to mark no doubt the difference -between a King and a Count, and it is without a cushion, but it is -decorated with dogs’ heads and claws, which are so frequently introduced -into all the work of that period. His feet, as is usual with persons of -rank, rest upon a footstool, having in this instance three steps. Guy -holds a naked sword with its point turned upwards; he is attended by a -guard, who is armed with a sword of prodigious size, and a spear. This -attendant touches the elbow of his chief with one hand, and with the -forefinger of the other points to some object, probably the messengers -of William, who are now approaching. Harold, though suffered to wear the -chlamys of nobility, comes into the presence of the haughty Count in a -slightly inclining posture. He feels he is at the mercy of his captor. -He has a sword, but its point is directed to the ground. His companion -has neither cloak nor sword. From the arrogant bearing of Guy in this -picture we cannot doubt that the unhappy Harold returned to his prison -more disconsolate than before.</p> - -<p>But, help was at hand. There is a figure, which we have not observed, at -one extremity of the audience chamber. He is a very<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_046" id="page_046"></a>{46}</span> attentive but -apparently an unobserved witness of the interview. His party-coloured -dress and the vandyked fringe of his tunic have suggested the idea that -this personage is the court jester.<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> The court fool was usually a -very shrewd person, and having, on account of his presumed simplicity, -access to his master at all times, was a very convenient agent in court -intrigue. This wily personage seems to have found means to acquaint -William with the untoward position of the English ambassador, for the -next scene is entitled <small>UBI NUNTII WILIELMI DUCIS VENERUNT AD -WIDONEM</small>—Where the messengers of William came to Guy.</p> - -<p>William on one occasion owed his life to the friendly interference of a -jester. Wace thus relates the story:—Guy of Burgundy, who was a near -relative of William’s, became envious of him, and resolved to disinherit -him. Assembling several powerful barons, who were as discontented as -himself, he said, “There was not any heir who had a better right to -Normandy than himself.... He was no bastard, but born in wedlock; and if -right was done, Normandy would belong to him. If they would support him -in his claim, he would divide it with them.” So, at length, he said so -much, and promised so largely, that they swore to support him according -to their power in making war on William, and to seek his disherison by -force or treason. Then they stored their castles, dug fosses, and -erected barricades, William knowing nothing of their preparations. He -was at that time sojourning at Valognes, for his pleasure as well as on -business; and had been engaged for several days hunting and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_047" id="page_047"></a>{47}</span> shooting in -the woods. One evening, late, his train had left his court, and all had -gone to rest at the hostels where they lodged, except those who were of -his household; and he himself was laid down. Whether he slept or not, I -do not know, but in the season of the first sleep, a fool named Golet -came, with a staff slung at his neck, crying out at the chamber door, -and beating the wall with the staff; “<i>Ovrez!</i>” said he, “<i>ovrez! -ovrez!</i> ye are dead men: <i>levez! levez!</i> Where art thou laid, William? -Wherefore dost thou sleep? If thou art found here thou wilt die; thy -enemies are arming around; if they find thee here thou wilt never quit -the Cotentin, nor live till the morning!” Then William was greatly -alarmed; he rose up, and stood as a man sorely dismayed. He asked no -further news, for it seemed unlikely to bring him any good. He was in -his breeches and shirt, and putting a cloak around his neck, he seized -his horse quickly, and was soon upon the road. I know not whether he -even stopped to seek for his spurs, but he hasted on till he came to the -fords nearest at hand, which were those of Vire, and crossed them by -night in fear and great anger.<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a></p> - -<p>Had the fool not thus opportunely aroused him—had he not acted with -peculiar promptitude—had he not received important assistance in the -course of his journey from a faithful vassal, who facilitated his -flight, and led his pursuers off the track—we should never have heard -of William the Conqueror. As it was, he got safely next day to his own -castle at Falaise. “If he were in bad plight,” says Wace, “what matters -it, so that he got safe.”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_048" id="page_048"></a>{48}</span></p> - -<p>The result of the fool’s interference in behalf of Harold soon appears. -We are now introduced to two personages, sent by Duke William, who, in -their master’s name, demand the deliverance of the captive. Guy is -standing, and wears a haughty air. He holds an axe in his hand, by way -of asserting that he has the power of life or death over his prisoner. -He is partially habited in the costume of war. Under his chlamys he -wears a tunic of scale armour, probably composed of overlapping pieces -of leather. This dress, though not so secure as one of mail, would -nevertheless present considerable resistance to the stroke of a weapon. -Odo is represented as wearing a dress somewhat similar in the battle of -Hastings; also a figure which I take to be William approaching Mount St. -Michael. His hose are composed of party-coloured materials; several -other personages in the Tapestry, chiefly individuals of consequence, -are so adorned. The Saxons, and probably the Normans also, were in the -habit of protecting their legs in the day of battle by binding them -round with slips of leather or other material. Guy has an armed -attendant, standing aloof, but ready to act; and the two messengers of -William apparently press their mission with great vigour. The legend of -this is, <small>UBI NUNTII WILIELMI DUCIS VENERUNT AD WIDONEM</small>—Where the -messengers of Duke William came to Guy. The horses of the messengers -stand hard by, held by a <i>dwarf</i>, who, although he wears a beard, is -evidently a Norman, for his hair is shaven off the back of his head. -Over this little fellow, in the Tapestry, is written the word <small>TUROLD</small>. -Who this personage was we have no means of knowing.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_049" id="page_049"></a>{49}</span> He may have been -some favourite with the ladies employed upon the embroidery, who adopted -this mode of conferring immortality upon him; or, as Miss Agnes -Strickland has suggested, he may have been the artist who was employed -to design the Tapestry, and who, though he could not with historic truth -be introduced into any of the principal scenes, yet, very laudably, -wished for a place upon the canvas. It is, however, important to -observe, that the son of a person named Turold occurs in the Domesday -Survey, among the under-tenants of Odo, Bishop of Bayeux, for the county -of Essex.<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> The celebrated Norman ballad <i>The Song of Roland</i> seems to -have had for its author a person of the name of Turold, if we may credit -its concluding lines, “And so endeth the history sung of Turoldus.”<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> -This inscription bears upon the subject of the authenticity of the -Tapestry. Had the work been constructed some considerable period after -the events which it describes, it must have been compiled from historic -documents, and so have contained none but historic personages. As it is, -there are several individuals introduced to us in the Tapestry of which -we have no trace in the chronicles of the day, but with which the -draftsman takes it for granted that all are as familiar as himself—a -very natural and very common oversight. The house, divided into three -aisles after the manner of that in which Harold took his parting feast, -is probably intended to represent the palace of the Count.</p> - -<p>These messengers having reported their ill success to Duke William, he -immediately sends two others, who gallop to Beaurain<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_050" id="page_050"></a>{50}</span> at the utmost -speed of their horses. Over them is the inscription, <small>NUNTII -WILLELMI</small>—The messengers of William. A watchman, elevated upon a tree, -observes the movements of this second embassy, probably with the view of -giving William the earliest intelligence respecting it. All this is -cleverly designed, in order to show the deep interest which William took -in the welfare of his captive friend, who was afterwards, according to -the court version of the story, to repay him with so much ingratitude. -These horsemen wear a threatening aspect; they are armed with spear, -shield, and sword; their spears are pointed threateningly towards the -place of their destination. Their shields bear a curious device, a -winged dragon whose tail is twisted in a peculiar manner. This object is -one of constant occurrence in the Tapestry, and seems to be one of -superstitious reverence. Harold’s standard is a dragon. The standard of -the Dacians, as depicted in Trajan’s Column, is a dragon. We have some -others introduced into the ornamental border of the Tapestry. In the -illustrations of <i>Cædmon’s Paraphrase</i>, the great dragon Satan is in two -instances figured in a guise nearly resembling these. Whilst in a -heathen state the Saxons and Normans doubtless made the evil one an -object of worship, as most heathen nations have done, and, long after -their reception of Christianity, may, though with questionable taste, -have retained for ornamental purposes the emblem which they had been -accustomed to regard with superstitious reverence.</p> - -<p>The transactions we are now considering probably occurred in the spring -of the year at the close of which King Edward died. In<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_051" id="page_051"></a>{51}</span> the lower margin -of the scenes just reviewed the operations of husbandry peculiar to that -season are portrayed. One man is ploughing. The plough has wheels, and -is very similar to some that are figured in <i>Cædmon’s Paraphrase</i>. Next -comes a sower casting the seed into the ground. He conducts the -operation precisely as it has been conducted from that day to this. Next -follows a harrow, drawn by an ox, which wears the yoke upon its neck. -This method of yoking oxen is still common in Normandy.</p> - -<p>We are not certain what means William used to bring Guy to his views. -Some chroniclers say he coaxed him, some say he threatened him, and -several maintain that he bribed him by giving him a large tract of land. -This however is certain, that he succeeded in inducing him to relax his -hold of Harold.</p> - -<p>The next compartment of the Tapestry exhibits to us William seated on a -throne near his castle gate. He is receiving a messenger, who approaches -him on bended knees. The superscription is, <small>HIC VENIT NUNTIUS AD -WILGELMUM DUCEM</small>—Here a messenger came to Duke William. The peculiarity -of the spelling of the Duke’s name <small>WILGELMUS</small> need not surprise us. At -that day, and for long afterwards, the orthography even of proper names -was not fixed. The <small>G</small> would no doubt be sounded like <i>y</i> or the diphthong -<i>ie</i>, as is still the case in certain words in some parts of the North -of England. Who the messenger is we are not informed; he is evidently a -Saxon, and is probably one of Harold’s companions, who has accompanied -William’s ambassadors to Rouen, by way of giving the Duke a pledge of -the success of their commission.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_052" id="page_052"></a>{52}</span></p> - -<p>Guy having agreed to deliver up his prisoner, resolves to make a merit -of doing so, and conducts him in person to William’s court. The Duke, -desirous of doing all honour to his expected guest, goes out to meet -him. When the two parties approach, Guy very officiously introduces -Harold to the Duke, and seems to expect great commendations for his zeal -and activity. Harold himself follows Guy, having once again the mantle -of gentle birth on his left shoulder, and carrying his hawk upon his -fist, looking forward, in token of liberty. William sits firmly upon his -horse; his manner is quiet, but very decided; his figure is that of a -strong, square-built man. We know that his muscular powers were very -considerable; this is probably no fancy portrait.</p> - -<p>The inscription over this compartment is, <small>HIC WIDO ADDUXIT HAROLDUM AD -WILGELMUM NORMANNORUM DUCEM</small>—Here Guy led Harold to William Duke of the -Normans.</p> - -<p>William now accompanies his guest to his palace—probably at Rouen. A -man from a gateway tower looks out and receives the party. The palace of -William is a large and splendid structure. Both it and the castle we -last noticed contrast strongly with those we have previously seen. The -Normans were great builders. Whilst they were frugal in their household -expenditure, they erected elegant habitations for themselves; the Saxons -on the other hand (at least so say the chroniclers) did not care how -they were lodged, but laid out large sums in eating and drinking.<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> -William has a guard standing at his back. A Saxon is addressing him<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_053" id="page_053"></a>{53}</span></p> - -<p><a name="pl_IV" id="pl_IV"></a></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<a href="images/illu_opp_052_Plate_04_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/illu_opp_052_Plate_04_sml.jpg" width="500" height="332" alt="Image unavailable: PLATE IV." /></a> -<br /> -<span class="caption">PLATE IV.</span> -</div> - -<p class="nind">with considerable vehemence upon some business relating to the French -soldiers, to whom he points. The speaker is probably Harold; but what -the subject of conference is, can only be a subject of conjecture. Can -it be that he is requesting the assistance of an escort to accompany a -messenger of his to England to inform his friends of his happy release -from captivity?</p> - -<p>In the border above the palace are a pair of pea-fowls. This is probably -intended to give us an idea of the splendour of William’s court. In the -middle ages no feast was complete excepting this bird made its -appearance on the table, arrayed, after being taken from the spit, in -all its gorgeous plumage. The feathers of this bird were in great -request among our Saxon nobles as a means of decorating their halls.</p> - -<p>The next compartment presents great difficulties. It is headed, <small>UBI UNUS -CLERICUS ET ÆLFGYVA</small>—Where a clerk and Ælfgyva [converse]. It evidently -refers to a transaction with which the court of Duke William were well -acquainted, but of which the chroniclers have given us no account.</p> - -<p><i>Ælfgyva</i> is a Saxon word, signifying a present from the genii.<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> -Emma, the wife of Ethelred, and some other English Queens, are -occasionally by Saxon authors styled Ælfgyva; hence the term has been -considered a descriptive title rather than a proper name. On this -account some writers conceive that Queen Matilda is the individual here -presented to our notice. If, however, the term Ælfgyva was a descriptive -one, and applicable only to a Saxon Queen, it could<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_054" id="page_054"></a>{54}</span> not at this period -of the narrative belong to her, for William had not then obtained the -English throne. Other authors consider that Agatha, a daughter of -William, is the lady in question. Her name is written by Wace, Ele; and -by some authors she is confounded with her sister Adeliza. When Harold -swore to support William in his pretensions to the throne, he agreed to -receive Agatha in marriage. This lady’s subsequent history is confused. -William of Malmesbury says she died before she was marriageable. -Ordericus Vitalis gives the following account of her—“His daughter -Agatha, who had been betrothed to Harold, was afterwards demanded in -marriage by Alphonzo, King of Galicia, and delivered to his proxies to -be conducted to him. But she, who had lost her former spouse, who was to -her liking, felt extreme repugnance to marry another. The Englishman she -had seen and loved, but the Spaniard she was more averse to because she -had never set eyes on him. She therefore fervently prayed to God that -she might never be carried into Spain, but that he would rather take her -to himself. Her prayers were heard, and she died a virgin while she was -upon the road.” She, however, cannot be the Ælfgyva of the Tapestry. -Making every allowance for the varities of her name, it would scarcely -have been so written in her father’s court; as she was never Queen, the -descriptive epithet could not with propriety have been applied to her; -and as at the time of Harold’s visit to Normandy she was but a child, we -cannot suppose that any formal embassage would be sent to her respecting -the release of the English Earl, or any other subject.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_055" id="page_055"></a>{55}</span></p> - -<p>The lady in question is probably Algitha, the widow of Griffith King of -Wales, and sister to Edwin and Morcar, Earls of Mercia and -Northumberland, whom Harold must have married shortly after his return -to England, as his second wife.<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> Her name, as it is written by -Florence of Worcester, and some other chroniclers, differs but little -from Ælfgyva; besides, as Queen of England, she was entitled to the -epithet. If this supposition be correct, the force of the introduction -of this lady and the clerk into the Tapestry is considerable. The whole -object of this part of the drawing is to display in glowing colours the -generous kindness of William and the base treachery of Harold. Now if, -as we may reasonably suppose, Harold had set his affections upon this -lady before his departure for Normandy, and if, as we have conjectured, -he had, on being rescued, sent, by William’s assistance, messengers to -England to announce his safety, a special and loving message to the -queen of his affections would not be forgotten. The clerk certainly -approaches her in a jocose manner, and undoubtedly has some agreeable -intelligence to communicate. Now if Harold acted thus while enjoying -William’s hospitality, and solemnly undertaking<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_056" id="page_056"></a>{56}</span> to marry his daughter -Agatha as soon as she became of fitting age, his conduct was most -unjustifiable; and it was peculiarly suitable to the object for which -the Tapestry was prepared to expose it. Harold, before leaving England, -may have placed his lady for temporary protection in some nunnery, which -we may suppose to be indicated by the narrow and confined building in -which Ælfgyva stands. In this case none was so proper to approach her as -a priest. The employment of a person of the clerical order was moreover -necessary, as few of the laity could read or write. The individual in -the Tapestry has a shaven crown, but is dressed in ordinary attire. -William of Malmesbury tells us that the Saxon clergy were not fond of -any distinctive dress.</p> - -<p>In the whole course of the Tapestry only three females are presented to -our view—Ælfgyva, a mourning relative by the dying bed of the -Confessor, and a woman forced by the flames from her dwelling at -Hastings. This circumstance surely proves the modesty and retiring -habits of the Saxon and Norman ladies.</p> - -<p>As our ladies are scarce, let us pay them minute attention. The dress of -the Saxon women varied very little during the long period that elapsed -between the eighth and the end of the eleventh century; by thoroughly -enveloping the whole body, it consulted the modest feelings of the sex, -whilst its graceful folds gave considerable elegance to the person. -Antiquaries are inquiring men. They do not like to leave any subject -unexamined. That judicious inquirer, Strutt, finds some little -difficulty in investigating the undermost garment worn by the Saxon -ladies; he manages it, however, with<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_057" id="page_057"></a>{57}</span> great adroitness and delicacy. His -words are worth quoting:—</p> - -<p>“In the foregoing chapter it has been clearly proved that the shirt -formed part of the dress of the men; and surely we cannot hesitate a -moment to conclude that the women were equally tenacious of delicacy in -their habit, and of course were not destitute of body-linen: the remains -of antiquity it is true afford not sufficient authority to prove the -fact; yet the presumptive argument founded upon female delicacy weighs -so strongly in the scale, that I conclude this supposition to be -consonant with the truth.”<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> Over this undermost garment came another, -which was only seen when the lower portion of the <i>gunna</i>, or gown, had -been pushed aside; it was made of linen or some other light material. -Next came the gown, consisting usually of some strong stuff. It fell -down to the feet, and was sometimes girt round the waist by a band. The -sleeves near the wrist were usually made very full, and hung down after -the manner lately in use among ourselves. A mantle was worn over this by -ladies of rank. It was probably fastened by a fibula, or brooch. The -woman coming out of the burning house (<i><a href="#pl_XI">Plate XI.</a></i>) belongs probably to -the lower orders, for she has not a mantle. A head-cover, or kerchief, -was an indispensable part of the dress of Saxon ladies, whether high or -low. It enveloped the head, concealing the hair entirely; the ends of it -fell upon the shoulders.</p> - -<p>In the time of Rufus and Henry I. the dress of the ladies, which had -remained so long stationary, felt the stimulus of the Conquest.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_058" id="page_058"></a>{58}</span> “The -sleeves of their robes and their kerchiefs appear in the illuminations -of that period knotted up, to prevent their trailing on the ground. Some -of the sleeves have cuffs hanging from the wrist down to the heels, and -of the most singular forms.”<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> An ancient monk has drawn the evil one -attired in this way, in order no doubt to throw discredit upon the -fashion. The hair also was no longer concealed, but hung down in plaits -on each side of the person as far as the waist. A statue of Matilda, -wife of Henry I., on the west door-way of Rochester Cathedral, exhibits -this usage. Had the Tapestry been executed in the days of this Queen, -Ælfgyva’s sleeves would have been fuller than they are, and her hair -would have hung down in graceful ringlets.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_059" id="page_059"></a>{59}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="IV_THE_KNIGHTHOOD" id="IV_THE_KNIGHTHOOD"></a>IV. THE KNIGHTHOOD.</h2> - -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">“Young knight whatever, that dost armes professe,<br /></span> -<span class="i1">And through long labours huntest after fame,<br /></span> -<span class="i1">Beware of fraud”——<br /></span> -<span class="authh"><i>Faerie Queene</i><br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<p class="nind"><span class="smcap">When</span> Rollo and his brave companions, emigrating from Northern Europe at -the end of the ninth century, got a firm hold of Rouen and the -surrounding district, they were as far from being satisfied us ever. -They ravaged every part of France, carrying their arms even into -Burgundy. Charles the Simple, who had already yielded Normandy to them, -harrassed by these unceasing hostilities, sought to purchase peace by -the cession of another portion of his dominions. He offered Rollo the -land between the river Epte and Brittany, if he would become a Christian -and live in peace; but, though Charles threw his daughter into the -scale, Rollo would not agree, for the territory was too small, and the -lands uncultivated. He next offered him Flanders, which, by the way, was -not his to give; but Rollo rejected it because it was boggy and full of -marshes. He then offered him Brittany, which Rollo accepted.<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> -Brittany, however, claimed to be a free state, and its inhabitants were -a spirited and energetic race, not likely to yield allegiance where none -was due.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_060" id="page_060"></a>{60}</span> In accepting Brittany, therefore, Rollo obtained little better -than an old quarrel. Continual wars, and a national enmity, between the -states, was the only result of the gift.</p> - -<p>We can here scarcely help observing by what a rare conjunction of -circumstances it was that William, who from his boyhood had been at war -with all the neighbouring states, and who a few months before the -invasion of England, was engaged in active hostilities with the Count of -Brittany, had leisure to undertake the great event of his life, could -leave his duchy and drain it of his troops, without being exposed to the -devastations of angry neighbours, and, not only so, but could obtain for -his great enterprise the powerful assistance of those rival chiefs with -whom he had so often been at variance, not even excepting the Counts of -Ponthieu and Brittany. The most careless observer cannot but mark in -this the finger of Providence.</p> - -<p>But to return to our worsted work. Conan Earl of Bretagne being at this -juncture at war with Duke William, and having drawn the Earl of Anjou -into alliance with him, the two naturally agreed upon a given day to -invade Normandy with their united forces. The Duke was however too much -upon his guard, and too lively, to wait for them in his own dominions. -He raised a considerable body of troops; and, knowing Harold to be a -brave soldier, and fond of showing his valour, invited him and his -companions to go with him upon this expedition; which Harold readily -agreed to do. This was a clever stroke of policy. He not only procured -the valuable assistance of Harold and his companions, all<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_061" id="page_061"></a>{61}</span></p> - -<p><a name="pl_V" id="pl_V"></a></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<a href="images/illu_opp_060_Plate_05_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/illu_opp_060_Plate_05_sml.jpg" width="500" height="327" alt="Image unavailable: PLATE V." /></a> -<br /> -<span class="caption">PLATE V.</span> -</div> - -<p class="nind">the more valuable in consequence of the experience they had gained in -Wales, but obtained ample opportunities of studying the character of the -man whom he could not but look upon as his great rival. He had the -means, in their lengthened intercourse, of showing him great attentions, -and thus of apparently laying him under great obligations. But, above -all, he induced Harold by this step to excite the enmity of the men of -Brittany against himself. That William should make war upon them was no -more than the custom of the country, but what right had the Saxon to -interfere in their affairs? They could not, and did not, forget this on -the field of Hastings.</p> - -<p>The campaign in Brittany is described more fully in the Tapestry than in -any of the chronicles, and some events are there depicted, such as the -surrender of Dinan, which are not mentioned in any of them. William and -his party setting out upon their expedition (<i><a href="#pl_V">Plate V.</a></i>) pass the -neighbourhood of Mount St. Michael. The inscription is, <small>HIC WILLEM DUX -ET EXERCITUS EJUS VENERUNT AD MONTEM MICHAELIS</small>—Here Duke William and -his army came to Mount St. Michael. This mount consists of a solitary -cone of granite rising out of a wide, level expanse of sand, which at -high tide is nearly covered by the sea. It is a very conspicuous object, -and is seen on all sides from a great distance. A little to the south of -St. Michael’s Mount, the river Coësnon, which forms the boundary between -Normandy and Brittany, joins the sea. At this point the waters of the -ocean, in consequence of the contracting boundaries of the bay lying -between Brest and Cape la Hogue, rise with<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_062" id="page_062"></a>{62}</span> great impetuosity and to a -great height. The fording of the river, therefore, in the vicinity of -the sea is often a hazardous undertaking. To add to the difficulties of -travellers, the sand which covers the plain around St. Michael’s Mount, -and extends some distance inland and along the bed of the river, is an -exceedingly fine, white, marly dust, which, when covered with water, -affords most treacherous footing. The beds of sand, moreover, frequently -shift according to the varying currents of the tide, so that even a well -accustomed traveller may get wrong. These statements have prepared us -for the disasters which befel the party in crossing into Brittany. The -legend here is, <small>ET HIC TRANSIERUNT FLUMEN COSNONIS</small>—And here they -crossed the river Coësnon—Most of the group, mistrusting the -treacherous ford, have dismounted. One individual more venturesome than -the rest reaps the consequences of his rashness. All those on foot do -not, however, entirely escape. Harold is represented rescuing two of -them from their difficulties; one he bears upon his back, the other he -drags by the hand. The inscription is—<small>HIC HAROLD DUX TRAHEBAT EOS DE -ARENA</small>—Here Harold the Earl dragged them out of the quicksand.</p> - -<p>The fishes and the eels in the lower border are an appropriate ornament. -The draftsman has here indulged in a little play of fancy. A man, with -knife in hand, in trying to catch one of the eels, tumbles; his toe is -caught by a wolf, whose tail is in turn seized by an eagle, and so the -chapter of accidents proceeds.</p> - -<p>The difficulty of the ford being got over, our party continued their -march towards Dol, which is here represented by a castle. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_063" id="page_063"></a>{63}</span> -inscription is, <small>ET VENERUNT AD DOL</small>—And they came to Dol. The present -town of Dol is a remarkable place, bearing thoroughly the aspect of -ancient days. Its walls are tolerably perfect. However antique its walls -and houses, its market presents us with traces of an antiquity greatly -exceeding theirs. Large quantities of pottery, resembling in form and -substance the commoner kinds used by the Romans, are here exposed for -sale. It is curious to see Roman taste, as exhibited in such fragile -articles, outliving the lapse of so many centuries.</p> - -<p>As has been already stated, Conan intended to invade William, who, -however, anticipated him. The Duke moreover came upon him unexpectedly, -and found him engaged in settling a private quarrel with Rual, to whom -the seigneury of the city of Dol belonged. The moment the forces of -William made their appearance before the gates of Dol, Conan was -constrained to flee, and take refuge in Rennes, the capital of Brittany. -His army is represented in the Tapestry as fleeing to the city, pursued -by the troops of the Norman Duke. Over this scene is the legend, <small>ET -CONAN FUGA VERTIT</small>—And Conan betakes himself to flight.</p> - -<p>Rual, the lord of Dol, was but little benefited by the retreat of Conan. -William’s forces scoured the country, and supplied their own wants at -the expense of the inhabitants. Rual very politely thanked William for -his deliverance, but hinted that if his army continued making such -depredations everywhere, it was the same to him whether his country was -ruined by Bretons or Normans. William issued orders prohibiting further -devastation. A man is<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_064" id="page_064"></a>{64}</span> seen in the Tapestry letting himself down by a -cord from the battlements of the castle; this, it has been conjectured, -is the messenger sent to Duke William. A castle represents the city of -Rennes, over which is inscribed the word <small>REDNES</small>.</p> - -<p>We next meet with the town of Dinan. The inscription reads, <small>HIC MILITES -WILLELMI DUCIS PUGNANT CONTRA DINANTES</small>—Here the soldiers of William -attack Dinan. The place is undergoing all the calamities of a siege. -Some of William’s party are assailing it, but their onset is met by the -exertions of the garrison. Others apply flames to the structure. We -learn from the Tapestry that the castle was obliged to yield, and we see -that the act of surrender is conducted in a very formal manner (<i><a href="#pl_VI">Plate -VI</a></i>). An inhabitant of the town, probably Conan himself, (<i>ET CUNAN -CLAVES PORREXIT</i>—And Conan reached out the keys) is seen handing out -the keys upon a lance, and they are received in a similar way by one of -the chiefs of the attacking party. Both spears are adorned with a pennon -or banner.<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> As we have no account of this siege in the chronicles, we -can only gather its history from the stitches before us. Most likely -William was satisfied with the formal submission of Conan, and quietly -withdrew his forces. We do not in the Tapestry observe any of the -invading troops entering the town.</p> - -<p>Before proceeding further, we may notice some of the prominent<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_065" id="page_065"></a>{65}</span></p> - -<p><a name="pl_VI" id="pl_VI"></a></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<a href="images/illu_opp_064_Plate_06_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/illu_opp_064_Plate_06_sml.jpg" width="500" height="332" alt="Image unavailable: PLATE VI." /></a> -<br /> -<span class="caption">PLATE VI.</span> -</div> - -<p class="nind">features of the castles which have been presented to our view. All of -them are built upon elevated mounds. This was certainly one of the -characteristics of an early Norman fortress. Further, we see that they -were surrounded by a fosse, the section of which, in the Tapestry, is -very boldly marked. In the case of Dinan, we have a barricade on the -outside of this entrenchment. Besides these outworks, the castles -consist of an outer fortification, or bailey, and of an interior -building, or keep. The colouring of these structures may be purely -fanciful, but I am disposed to think that the vertical stripes which we -see upon some of them represent timber. The remains of some castles in -Cornwall incontestably prove that, occasionally at least, the outside of -the walls was braced with timber.<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> The walls of Guildford Castle are -pierced with holes, which we are told were made for the scaffolding, and -in order to hasten the drying of the mortar were left unfilled, and have -since remained so. Is it not more likely that these cavities were -formerly occupied by bolts for fastening an outside timber-casing to the -walls?</p> - -<p>But to proceed with Queen Matilda’s narrative. The campaign in Brittany -being brought to a satisfactory conclusion, the honours of knighthood -awaited the Saxon Earl. William himself confers upon him the envied -dignity. The superscription is <small>HIC WILELMUS DEDIT<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_066" id="page_066"></a>{66}</span> HAROLDO ARMA</small>—Here -William gave arms to Harold. Both parties are shown in the Tapestry -armed cap-a-pie. Harold holds in his hand the banner which, by virtue of -the rank now bestowed upon him, he is entitled to bear. William is seen -placing with one hand the helmet on Harold’s head, and with the other -bracing the straps of his hauberk.</p> - -<p>The Norman Duke, in conferring the honour of knighthood upon his adopted -son in arms, doubtless exhorted him to fight valiantly in the cause of -God and the ladies, and especially to bear himself gallantly against any -one who should disparage the beauty of that one lady to whom he had -plighted his troth. In this way William strengthened the meshes which he -had already cast over Harold.</p> - -<p>It has been noticed that the mode of conferring knighthood used on this -occasion is a compromise between the Norman and Saxon methods. Ingulphus -tells us that the ministrations of a priest were required when -knighthood was conferred among the Saxons, but that the Normans regarded -it entirely as a military ceremony.<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> Further, whilst the Normans, -whose military strength lay in cavalry, performed the ceremony on -horseback, the Saxons, who had no cavalry, always performed it on foot. -In the case before us the ceremony is performed on foot, but without the -agency of a priest. According to Wace, the ceremony of knighthood took -place before the commencement of the campaign in Brittany. This is one -of those variations which prove the independence of each authority.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_067" id="page_067"></a>{67}</span></p> - -<p>William and Harold, who had been sojourning so long together, fighting -side by side, living in the same tent, eating at the same board, now -came to Bayeux (<small>WILLELMVS VENIT BAGIAS</small>—William came to Bayeux), and -here the Saxon Earl came under that obligation the breach of which -filled men’s minds with horror and indignation. William could not but be -aware that Harold intended to seize the crown of England on the death of -the Confessor; he resolved therefore to avail himself of the present -opportunity of throwing as many obstacles in his path as possible. -Considering that Harold had come over professedly to announce to William -that he was to be the successor to the Confessor, considering the very -friendly terms on which they had now for some time been, and the very -great obligations under which the Norman Duke had laid him, he could not -refuse to take the oath. He no doubt felt, moreover, that he was in -William’s power, and knew full well that unless he complied with his -demand he would not be allowed to return to his native shores. He -therefore swore to support his rival’s claims to the English throne. As -the perjury of Harold was one of the pleas most successfully urged by -William against his opponent, it invites our careful attention. Our -faithful chronicler Wace gives us a full account of the transaction.—</p> - -<p>“To receive the oath William caused a parliament to be called. It is -commonly said that it was at Bayeux that he had his great council -assembled. He sent for all the holy bodies thither, and put so many of -them together as to fill a whole chest, and then covered them with a -pall; but Harold neither saw them, nor knew<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_068" id="page_068"></a>{68}</span> of their being there; for -nought was shown or told him about it; and over all was a philactery, -the best that he could select.... When Harold placed his hand upon it, -the hand trembled and the flesh quivered; but he swore and promised upon -his oath to take Ele to wife, and to deliver up England to the Duke; and -thereunto to do all in his power, according to his might and wit, after -the death of Edward, if he should live, so help him God and the holy -relics there! Many cried ‘God grant it!’ and when Harold had kissed the -saints and had risen upon his feet, the Duke led him up to the chest and -made him stand near it, and took off the chest the pall that had covered -it, and showed Harold upon what holy relics he had sworn; he was sorely -alarmed at the sight.”<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a></p> - -<p>In this account there is a little inconsistency. We are told of Harold’s -amazement when he had seen the relics, but we were previously informed -that when he first placed his hand upon the chest “the hand trembled and -the flesh quivered.” If he did not know that dead men’s bones were under -the pall he must have suspected it; he must have known that this was the -customary mode of taking an oath.<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_069" id="page_069"></a>{69}</span></p> - -<p>In the Tapestry, Harold stands between two objects. One of them is a -reliquary of the usual form, to which two staves are attached for the -purpose of carriage. This reliquary has, however, a <i>superaltare</i> -attached to it, such as is usually placed upon altars for the purpose of -containing the consecrated wafer. The other object is an altar of the -usual form and character. There does not seem to have been much -temptation to William to practise a trick upon Harold, for he had so -completely committed himself to the Duke that he could not avoid taking -the oath, even though no covering had concealed the bones. But whether -William did or did not practise this base artifice upon the Earl, it was -natural that the Tapestry, being the work of Matilda, should endeavour -to throw a veil over it. He is certainly in the Tapestry exhibited as -swearing by the relics in the chest and by the host upon the altar, and -he evidently touches them as if he knew they contained something very -dreadful—he could not approach red-hot iron much more charily. We can -readily conceive that after the ceremony William, by way of making as -lively an impression as possible upon the mind of his victim, displayed -the bones to him in all their sepulchral hideousness, and told them out -in full tale before him. In such a case Harold might readily shrink from -the exhibition, and be surprised at the number of martyrs which -William’s diligence had brought together. William was too brave a man to -attempt the mean artifice which historians ascribe to him. Harold never -accused him of it. When reminded before the battle of Hastings, by a -messenger of the Duke’s, of the oath he had taken,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_070" id="page_070"></a>{70}</span> he sent this answer -back, “Say to the Duke that I desire he will not remind me of my -covenant nor of my oath; if I ever foolishly made it and promised him -any thing, I did it for my liberty. I swore in order to get my freedom; -whatever he asked I agreed to; and I ought not to be reproached, for I -did nothing of my own free will.”<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a></p> - -<p>But after all, this oath of Harold’s was not in the estimation of the -men of that day the serious thing that has been represented. Men whom an -oath taken in the name and in the presence of the living God could not -bind, were not to be restrained by any moral influence. A little -ingenuity only was requisite to release a man from an oath taken upon -the relics. In the <i>Roman de Rou</i> we have a case in point.<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> At Val de -Dunes the rebel lords of Normandy appeared in arms against the Duke. -Before the opposing hosts joined, Raol Tesson, who was arrayed against -William, was seen to act with hesitancy. His men besought him not to -make war upon his lawful lord, whatever he did, reminding him that the -man who would fight against his lord had no right to fief or barony. -Raol could understand this argument, but what was he to do? he “had -pledged himself, and sworn upon the saints at Bayeux to smite William -wherever he should find him.” The difficulty was however got over. -Ordering his men to rest where they were, “he came spurring over the -plain, struck his lord with his glove, and said laughingly to him, ‘What -I have sworn to do that I perform; I had sworn to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_071" id="page_071"></a>{71}</span> smite you as soon as -I should find you; and as I would not perjure myself, I have now struck -you to acquit myself of my oath, and henceforth I will do you no farther -wrong or felony.’ Then the Duke said, ‘Thanks to thee!’ and Raol -thereupon went on his way back to his men.” Success attended the side -which Raol thus espoused, and we hear nothing of his perjury. Harold -fell on the hard-fought field of Hastings, and heaven and earth -resounded with cries of horror at the foul sin. Had he won, a new abbey, -or the re-imposition of Peter’s pence, would have cleared off the score.</p> - -<p>Harold was now permitted to return home. The ship in which he sailed is -represented in the Tapestry. Over the scene is the inscription, <small>HIC -HAROLD DUX REVERSUS EST AD ANGLICAM TERRAM</small>—Here Harold the Earl -returned to England. His approach to the shore is anxiously looked for -by a watchman on the top of the gate-tower of his palace at Bosham. On -reaching the land of his nativity Harold lost no time in repairing to -court—<small>ET VENIT AD EDWARDVM REGEM</small>—And came to Edward the King. At the -beginning of Plate VII. we see him in the presence of his sovereign, who -reprimands him, as we have already observed (p. 28), for the miscarriage -of his Commission.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_072" id="page_072"></a>{72}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="V_THE_SUCCESSION" id="V_THE_SUCCESSION"></a>V. THE SUCCESSION.</h2> - -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">“Crowned but to die.”——<br /></span> -<span class="authh"><i>Rogers.</i><br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<p class="nind"><span class="smcap">The</span> latter days of Edward the Confessor were embittered by the prospect -of those evils which he saw were coming upon England. On the Easter day -before he died he held his court at Westminster. William of Malmesbury -tells us that “While the rest were greedily eating, and making up for -the long fast of Lent by the newly-provided viands, he was absorbed in -the contemplation of some divine matter, when presently he excited the -attention of the guests by bursting into profuse laughter.” On earnest -enquiry being made of him as to this unusual circumstance, he said “that -the seven sleepers in Mount Cœlius, who had lain for two hundred years -on their right side, had now turned upon their left; that they would -continue to lie in this manner for seventy-four years, which would be a -dreadful omen to wretched mortals. Nation would rise against nation, and -kingdom against kingdom; earthquakes would be in divers places; -pestilence and famine, terrors from heaven, and great signs; changes in -kingdoms; wars of the gentiles against the Christians, and also -victories of the Christians over the pagans.”<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a></p> - -<p>This was not the only vision he had. On one occasion he had<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_073" id="page_073"></a>{73}</span> lain two -days speechless; on the third, sadly and deeply sighing as he awoke from -his torpor, he said, that two monks from Normandy whom he had known in -his youth had appeared to him, and had spoken to the following -effect:—“Since the chiefs of England, the dukes, bishops, and abbots, -are not the ministers of God, but of the devil, God, after your death, -will deliver this kingdom, for a year and a day into the hands of the -enemy, and devils shall wander over all the land.”<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a></p> - -<p>Borne down by these painful anticipations, Edward rapidly sank. Feeling -death approach, he hastened the completion of the abbey church of -Westminster, in which he designed that his body should be laid. He lived -to realize this his last care. Roger of Wendover says, “Edward King of -England, held his court at Christmas (1065) at Westminster; and, on the -blessed Innocents’ day, caused the church which he had erected from its -foundations, outside the city of London, to be dedicated with great pomp -in honour of St. Peter, the prince of the apostles; but both before and -during the solemn festival of this dedication, the King was confined -with severe illness.” At length “the pacific King Edward, the glory of -England, the son of King Ethelred, exchanged a temporal for an eternal -kingdom, in the fourth indiction, on the vigil of our Lord’s Epiphany, -being the fifth day of the week. The day after his death the most -blessed King was buried at London, in the church which he himself had -built in a new and costly style of architecture, which was afterwards -adopted by numbers.”<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_074" id="page_074"></a>{74}</span></p> - -<p>The Tapestry exhibits to us the church of St. Peter at Westminster, and -the funeral procession of the recently departed monarch. The church is a -building of the Norman style in its greatest simplicity. As is usual in -cathedrals and conventual churches of the first class, it has its tower -in the centre, and is provided with transepts. The weathercock may -perhaps excite attention, as proving that this appendage of our churches -is no novelty. It appears in the Saxon illustrations of Cædmon. But what -is particularly worthy of our notice is, that a workman appears to be in -the act of affixing it. By this, the designer of the Tapestry means to -show that the church was but just completed when the interment of the -Confessor took place. A hand appears over the western end of the church -to denote the finger of Providence, and to indicate that it was the will -of God that the remains of the departed King should be deposited in that -building. A similar hand appears on the coins of some of the Roman -emperors, and in several of the sculptures of the catacombs at Rome. -This is another indication that the artist was acquainted with the Roman -method of treating such subjects.</p> - -<p>We next meet with the funeral of the King. The circumstance which -chiefly strikes us in it is its simplicity. No gilded cross is borne -before the body. No candles, lighted or unlighted, are carried in -procession. The attendants, clerical and lay, wear their ordinary -dresses. Two youths go by the side of the bier, ringing bells. That the -persons who follow the bearers are ecclesiastics is evident from their -shaven crowns. Two of them have books, from<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_075" id="page_075"></a>{75}</span></p> - -<p><a name="pl_VII" id="pl_VII"></a></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<a href="images/illu_opp_074_Plate_07_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/illu_opp_074_Plate_07_sml.jpg" width="500" height="325" alt="Image unavailable: PLATE VII." /></a> -<br /> -<span class="caption">PLATE VII.</span> -</div> - -<p class="nind">which they chant some requiem. Only one of them has a mantle, betokening -him to be a person of importance. The body, agreeably to the Saxon -custom, has been wound up in a cloth, fastened with transverse -bandages.<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> It is carried head-foremost. At a date not long subsequent -to the Conquest it was usual to carry the bodies of princes to the grave -fully exposed to view, dressed in all the habiliments of state. The -body, on arriving at the place of sepulture, would be deposited in the -stone coffin that was prepared to receive it.<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> The legend here is, -<small>HIC PORTATUR CORPUS EADWARDI REGIS AD ECCLESIAM SANCTI PETRI -APOSTOLI</small>—Here the body of King Edward is carried to the church of St. -Peter the Apostle.</p> - -<p>On proceeding to the next compartment we are surprised at being -introduced into the chamber of the dying King, whose remains we have -already seen conducted to the grave. Some writers think that here the -artist has been guilty of an oversight, or that the fair ladies who -carried out his design have been very inattentive to their instructions. -The seeming inconsistency is very easily explained. A new subject is now -entered upon, and that<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_076" id="page_076"></a>{76}</span> subject is the right of succession. One -important element in it is the grant of the King. The historian of the -Tapestry, in discussing this very important part of his design, found it -necessary to revert to the scenes which preceded the death of the -Confessor, and to the directions which in his last moments he had given.</p> - -<p>The narrative which Wace gives us of the last hours of the King agrees -well with the Tapestry. “The day came that no man can escape, and King -Edward drew near to die. He had it much at heart that William should -have his kingdom, if possible; but he was too far off, and it was too -long to tarry for him, and Edward could not defer his hour. He lay in -heavy sickness, in the illness whereof he was to die; and he was very -weak, for death pressed hard upon him. Then Harold assembled his -kindred, and sent for his friends and other people, and entered into the -King’s chamber, taking with him whomsoever he pleased. An Englishman -began to speak first, as Harold had directed him, and said, ‘Sire, we -sorrow greatly that we are about to lose thee; and we are much alarmed, -and fear that great trouble may come upon us. No heir of thine remains -who may comfort us after thy death. ....On this account the people weep -and cry aloud, and say they are ruined, and that they shall never have -peace again, if thou failest them. And in this I trow they say truly; -for without a king they will have no peace, and a king they cannot have, -save through thee.... Behold the best of thy people, the noblest of thy -friends; all are come to beseech thee, and thou must grant their prayer -before thou goest hence, or thou wilt not see God.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_077" id="page_077"></a>{77}</span> All come to implore -thee that Harold may be King of this land. We can give thee no better -advice, and no better canst thou do.’ As soon as he had named Harold, -all the English in the chamber cried out that he said well, and that the -King ought to give heed to him. ‘Sire!’ they said, ‘if thou dost it not -we shall never in our lives have peace.’ Then the King sat up in his -bed, and turned his face to the English there, and said, ‘Seigniors! you -well know, and have oft-times heard, that I have given my realm at my -death to the Duke of Normandy; and as I have given it, so have some -among you sworn that it shall go.’ But Harold, who stood by, said, -‘Whatever thou hast heretofore done, sire! consent now that I shall be -King, and that your land be mine. I wish for no other title, and want no -one to do any thing more for me.’ So the King turned round and said, -whether of his own free will I know not,—‘Let the English make either -the Duke or Harold king, as they please; I consent.’ So he let the -barons have their own will.”<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> This narrative bears all the marks of -probability, and is quite consistent with the representations of the -Tapestry. The circumstance of the dying monarch’s having been -clamorously assailed, at a time when peace is most required, by the -adherents of Harold, in order to induce him to alter the arrangements he -had already made respecting the succession, was calculated to win for -the Duke the sympathy of all right-minded persons.</p> - -<p>Still, the question remains, why should Harold have been so anxious to -be nominated the successor of the Confessor?<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_078" id="page_078"></a>{78}</span></p> - -<p>Three circumstances seem to have constituted a legal claim to the throne -among the Anglo-Saxons—heirship, the appointment of the departed -monarch, and the election of the nobles.</p> - -<p>That heirship alone did not constitute a valid claim to the throne is -plain from the will of King Alfred, which has been preserved by Asser. -He there styles himself king of the whole of Wessex, by the consent of -the nobility, <i>nobilitatis consensu pariter et assensu rex</i>; and in the -same public act declares that he inherited the kingdom, after his two -brothers Ethelbald and Ethelred, by the will of his father, <i>de -hereditate, quam pater meus Ethelwulphus ... delegavit</i>. It is quite -evident, therefore, that a thoroughly valid claim to the crown was of -the triple nature now represented. As neither Harold nor William -belonged to the royal line of England, the remaining sources of right -became of the more importance to them.</p> - -<p>Let us now revert to the Tapestry. The feeble condition of the King is -well represented. An attendant is supporting him behind with a pillow, -whilst he makes an attempt to speak. The blackness of death has settled -upon his shrunken countenance. A priest dressed in canonicals stands by, -whose uplifted hand and sorrow-stricken face seem to say that the grand -climax is at hand. A lady at the foot of the bed weeps; she is doubtless -the wife of the Confessor, the sister of Harold. Harold is eagerly -pressing his claim. The legend here is, <small>HIC EADWARDUS REX IN LECTO -ALLOQUIT: FIDELES</small>—Here King Edward on his bed addresses his faithful -attendants. Underneath is a scene, which the inscription explains,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_079" id="page_079"></a>{79}</span> <small>ET -HIC DEFUNCTUS EST</small>—And here he is dead. A priest in canonicals is again -present, probably the one we saw above, and two attendants wrap up the -body for burial.</p> - -<p>The compartment before us is the only one in the Tapestry in which two -scenes are given in one breadth. This is probably not without design. -The death and burial of Edward, and the election and coronation of -Harold, all took place within eight-and-forty hours. It was of great -importance to Harold to get actual possession of the crown before -William could put in his claim. It was usual in these times to perform -the ceremonies of coronation only at one of the great festivals of the -church. Edward died on the last day but one of Christmas, and for Harold -to wait till Easter, the next festival, was to throw away the important -advantage which he had gained over his rival. Hence the rapidity with -which the coronation of Harold followed the death of the Confessor. It -is to show, that no sooner had the vital spirit fled than preparations -for the burial were begun, that we have the two scenes in the same -compartment.</p> - -<p>The next pictures represent the election and coronation of Harold. -William of Malmesbury says, “While the grief for the King’s death was -yet fresh, Harold, on the very day of the Epiphany, seized the diadem, -and extorted from the nobles their consent; though the English say, that -it was granted him by the King.”</p> - -<p>In many respects the Tapestry is more candid than the Chroniclers. It -here says, <small>HIC DEDERUNT HAROLDO CORONAM REGIS</small>—Here they gave the crown -of the King to Harold; and the next legend<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_080" id="page_080"></a>{80}</span> is, <small>HIC RESIDET HAROLD REX -ANGLORUM</small>—Here is seated Harold, King of the English. One contemporary -writer denies that Harold was anointed at all, or had any claim but his -own usurpation. In the Doomsday Survey, Harold is mentioned as seldom as -possible, and when his name does occur it is not as King Harold, but -Harold the Earl. The Norman chroniclers, writing subsequently to the -time when William had established his conquest, seldom write his name -without appending some derogatory epithet to it, such as “the perfidious -and perjured King Harold.” All this seems to favour the idea that the -Tapestry was designed during the first visit of William to Normandy. He -had not then broken faith with the Saxon nobles who thronged his court; -he was not yet independent of their good will, so that in stating his -own claims to the crown, he found it necessary not entirely to ignore -their views. After he was firmly established, he cared not what women -stitched or clerks wrote.</p> - -<p>The artist has managed the election-scene very adroitly. One nobleman, -in the name of the people, offers Harold the crown, which, as he -intimates by the finger directed towards the death-scene of Edward, he -has just taken from the head of that monarch. Harold looks most -wistfully at it. He seems to say—I should like very much to have it, -but I know it does not belong to me. For a moment he forbears to extend -his hand to grasp it. His right elbow is towards it, but his hand -remains upon his belt. On a line with the crown is an axe, held by -another nobleman, somewhat significantly turned towards Harold. Harold -has his own<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_081" id="page_081"></a>{81}</span></p> - -<p><a name="pl_VIII" id="pl_VIII"></a></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<a href="images/illu_opp_080_Plate_08_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/illu_opp_080_Plate_08_sml.jpg" width="500" height="334" alt="Image unavailable: PLATE VIII." /></a> -<br /> -<span class="caption">PLATE VIII.</span> -</div> - -<p class="nind">axe in his left hand, and it too, though apparently by accident, is -turned towards himself. The Norman artist, in thus managing the subject, -manifestly serves the cause of William better than if he had altogether -disowned the fact of Harold’s election.</p> - -<p>That Harold should have been elected by the people is nothing wonderful. -The native population had groaned under the domination of a crowd of -foreigners, brought over by Edward the Confessor. They must have felt -that under William, a Norman by lineage as well as education, the evil -would be perpetuated and increased. Hence they gave their voices most -cordially and unanimously for the Saxon. Most of the English chroniclers -distinctly state, that Harold was duly elected to the office by the -nobles. Thus Roger of Hoveden, following Florence of Worcester, writes, -“After his burial, the Viceroy Harold, son of Earl Godwin, whom before -his decease the king had appointed his successor, was elevated to the -throne by all the chief men of England, and was on the same day, with -due honour, consecrated king.”<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> That Harold did not thrust himself -upon the people, is abundantly proved by the fact that not one man of -Saxon blood deserted him upon the landing of William.</p> - -<p>In our days the great reason which rendered a strictly hereditary -succession to the crown inexpedient does not exist. The adoption of that -wise maxim that a monarch can only rule by his ministers, renders the -personal qualifications of the monarch of less importance than in former -days. Still, even in our time, a remnant exists of the ancient form of -election. In the coronation service<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_082" id="page_082"></a>{82}</span> the king is directed, after -entering the church and attending to his private devotions, to take his -seat, not on the throne, but on the chair before and below the throne, -and there repose himself. Then the first part of the service, called the -“Recognition,” is to be proceeded with. In it the archbishop, -accompanied by the great officers of state, severally addresses the -assembly northwards and southwards, eastwards and westwards, saying, -with a loud voice, the king meanwhile standing up, “Sirs! I here present -unto you —— the undoubted king of this realm: wherefore all of you who -are come this day to do your homage, are you willing to do the same?” It -is not until the people, thus severally addressed, have signified their -assent by crying out, “God save the king!” that the ceremony is -proceeded with.</p> - -<p>Harold, though he well knew the dangers attending the step, accepted the -crown. Few could have rejected the tempting offer. He was moreover a -brave man, and thoroughly imbued with Saxon feeling. He was willing to -peril his life for the national peculiarities of his country. He was -accordingly straightway anointed, and the Tapestry next exhibits him -seated upon his throne, manifesting all the pomp and dignity of a king. -The throne is considerably elevated above the floor of the apartment. -The sceptre is in one hand, the ball in the other. His officers present -him with the sword of justice. On his left hand stands Stigand, in his -archiepiscopal robes. The superscription calls him Stigant, which seems -further to show that the artist was not an Englishman. Wace the -chronicler, who was a Norman, usually calls Harold,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_083" id="page_083"></a>{83}</span> Heraut. The -inscription gives Stigand his title of Archbishop—<span class="smcap">Archieps</span>, a -contraction for <span class="smcap">Archiepiscopus</span>. At a period later than that in which we -have supposed the Tapestry to have been prepared, he would not have been -so denominated. For a variety of reasons Stigand was distasteful to the -authorities of Rome. For some years prior to the Conquest, the payment -of Peter’s pence had been discontinued, and Stigand, in common with all -Englishmen, was looked upon coldly. Stigand, moreover, had succeeded the -Norman archbishop, Robert de Jumieges, who had been expelled the country -in the rising under Godwin. The Normans were at this time better -churchmen than the English. Stigand further, in common with the majority -of the Saxon clergy, was an advocate of “the older doctrine of the -eucharist;” Lanfranc, who superseded him, was, in common with the -authorities at Rome, an ardent maintainer of the doctrine of -transubstantiation. Under all these circumstances, Stigand, on being -made archbishop of Canterbury by the Confessor, was not very sanguine of -having the appointment confirmed by the Pope, and instead of making an -immediate application to Rome, quietly took possession of the <i>pallium</i>, -which his predecessor in his haste had left behind him. At length he did -apply, and Benedict X., for reasons arising out of his own peculiar -position, granted him the <i>pallium</i>. This, however, only made matters -worse. Benedict X. was speedily dethroned by an army from beyond the -mountains, and a new pope elected, who excommunicated his predecessor -and annulled all his acts. Stigand, therefore, found himself once more -without the <i>pallium</i>,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_084" id="page_084"></a>{84}</span> accused of usurpation, and charged with a new -and much more serious crime, that of having solicited the favour and -countenance of a false and excommunicated pope. If the Tapestry had been -constructed after Lanfranc had planted his foot upon the necks of the -English clergy, Stigand would not have been denominated archbishop. When -William of Malmesbury has occasion to name him, he calls him “the -pretended and false archbishop.”</p> - -<p>The Norman chroniclers, for the most part, agree with the Tapestry in -stating that Harold was crowned by Stigand, archbishop of Canterbury. -Florence of Worcester and Roger of Hoveden state, that the solemn -ceremony was performed by Aldred, Archbishop of York. Roger of Wendover -says that the King “placed the diadem on his own head.”</p> - -<p>The dress of the archbishop nearly resembles that of a Roman Catholic -prelate of the present day. The <i>stole</i> will be observed. The <i>pallium</i>, -which subsequently was made of pure white wool, is in Stigand’s case -purple.<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> The <i>maniple</i> which, at a later period was worn upon the arm -of the priest, is in the Tapestry, and other contemporaneous drawings, -placed on the wrist. But the circumstance most observable in the costume -of Stigand is the absence of the mitre. This distinctive decoration of -the episcopal office seems not to have been known at this period. It is -not met with in the Catacombs of Rome. In the illustrations of the -<i>Benedictional of St. Æthelwold</i> we have priests and apostles in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_085" id="page_085"></a>{85}</span> great -numbers, but none of them wear a mitre, unless the circle round the head -of St. Benedict be one. The same remark applies to the illustrations of -the metrical <i>Paraphrase</i> of Cædmon. The bishops of the Lewes chess-men, -which seem to have been executed about the middle of the twelfth -century, probably furnish us with the earliest British examples of a -mitre. The mitres worn by the ecclesiastics who support the head of the -sovereign on the tomb of King John, at Worcester, are also early -examples.<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a></p> - -<p>In an apartment next to that in which the ceremonies of the coronation -are being solemnized several spectators are assembled, expressing by -their gestures surprise and apprehension. In the spring of the year 1066 -an event occurred which filled the minds of men with alarm. At Easter a -comet appeared, which is noticed by nearly all the chroniclers. Wace -thus describes it:—“Now while these things were doing a great star -appeared, shining for fourteen days, with three long rays streaming -towards the earth; such a star as is wont to be seen when a kingdom is -about to change its king. I have seen many men who saw it, men of full -age at the time, and who lived many years after. Those who would -discourse of the stars call it a comet.” Our worsted astronomers have -produced a very brilliant meteor, with more than twice three streams of -fire issuing from it. Fear doubtless proved a multiplying glass in their -hands. This drawing is, however, remarkable, as furnishing us with the -earliest representation that we have of these erratic bodies.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_086" id="page_086"></a>{86}</span></p> - -<p>The discoveries of modern science have attached a peculiar degree of -interest to this comet. Halley, the astronomer, having noticed that a -brilliant comet had been seen in the years 1531, 1607 and 1682, -conceived the idea that it was the same body which had appeared on these -several occasions, and ventured to affirm that comets, like the other -heavenly objects with which we are acquainted, obeyed the laws of -gravitation. The reappearance of this comet in 1759 established his -position, and proved that its periodic time was about seventy-seven -years. These facts, together with the subsequent accurate calculation of -the orbit of the body, enable us to carry back our reckonings, so as to -render it highly probable that the comet which alarmed our ancestors is -that which bears the name of Halley, and whose return in the year 1835 -was looked forward to by the civilized world with so much delightful -anticipation. Mr. Hinde, in his recently published book on Comets, says, -“There is considerable probability in favour of the appearance of the -comet in the year of the Norman conquest, or in April 1066. This famous -body, which astonished Europe in that year, is minutely, though not very -clearly, described in the Chinese annals, and its path, there assigned, -is found to agree with elements which have great resemblance to those of -Halley’s comet.... It was equal to the full moon in size, and its train, -at first short, increased to a wonderful length. Almost every historian -and writer of the eleventh century bears witness to the splendour of the -comet of 1066, in which we are disposed to recognise the comet of -Halley.”<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_087" id="page_087"></a>{87}</span> The legend to this part of the Tapestry is, <small>ISTI MIRANT -STELLAM</small>—These men wonder at the star.</p> - -<p>The minds of men were not long kept in suspense. The next compartment -exhibits King Harold seated on his throne, bending down his ear very -eagerly to a messenger who has arrived with important intelligence. The -nature of it is explained by the dreamy-like flotilla which is shown in -the lower border.</p> - -<p>Harold, on succeeding to the throne, neglected to dispossess of their -offices the Norman favourites whom Edward left behind him. He no doubt -thought, by conciliation, to procure their good will. He was mistaken. A -ship is immediately fitted out, and messengers sent to Normandy to -acquaint the Duke with the important events which had just transpired. -This is shown in the Tapestry (<i><a href="#pl_VIII">Plate VIII.</a></i>) in a scene which is -superscribed, <small>HIC NAVIS ANGLICA VENIT IN TERRAM WILLELMI DUCIS</small>—Here an -English ship came to the territory of Duke William.</p> - -<p>William takes the news in terrible dudgeon. We see him in the next -compartment sitting erect upon his ducal throne wearing an air of great -indignation. His mantle seems to have partaken of the passion of its -wearer, and is expanded to its full dimensions.</p> - -<p>Wace tells us, “The Duke was in his park in Rouen. He held in his hand a -bow, which he had strung and bent, making it ready for the arrow ... -when, behold!... a serjeant appeared, who came journeying from England -... who went straight to the Duke, and told him privily that King Edward -was dead, and that Harold was raised to be king. When the Duke had -<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_088" id="page_088"></a>{88}</span>listened to him ... he became as a man enraged, and left the craft of -the woods. Oft he tied his mantle, and oft he untied it again; and spoke -to no man, neither dared any man speak to him. Then he crossed the Seine -in a boat, and came to his hall and entered therein; and sat down at the -end of a bench, shifting his place from time to time, covering his face -with his mantle, and resting his head against a pillar. Thus he remained -long, in deep thought, for no one dared to speak to him; but many asked -aside, ‘what ails the Duke? why makes he such bad cheer?’<span class="lftspc">”</span></p> - -<p>Once, in more recent history, a man standing on the shores of France was -similarly agitated. Napoleon had ordered his fleets to the West Indies, -in order that they might lead Nelson into a pursuit, and suddenly -returning gain possession of the English Channel. Long and anxiously did -he watch the signals which were to tell him that his point was -gained—but he saw them not. When it was hinted that Villeneuve, instead -of forcing his way to Brest, might possibly have steered for Cadiz, he -gave way to successive gusts of passion, and read and re-read the -despatches of Villeneuve and of Lauriston. When told, at last, that -beyond a doubt Villeneuve was at Cadiz, strong excesses of passion again -ensued, and the Army of England was transferred from the heights of -Boulogne to the plains of Austerlitz.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_089" id="page_089"></a>{89}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="VI_PREPARATIONS" id="VI_PREPARATIONS"></a>VI. PREPARATIONS.</h2> - -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">“Curate, ut splendor meo sit clypeo clarior,<br /></span> -<span class="i1">Quam solis radii esse olim, quum sudum ’st, solent:<br /></span> -<span class="i1">Ut, ubi usus veniat, contra conserta manu,<br /></span> -<span class="i1">Præstringat oculorum aciem in acie hostibus.”<br /></span> -<span class="authh"><i>Plautus.</i><br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<p class="nind"><span class="smcap">The</span> Duke of Normandy was a bold man, and was not disposed to attempt any -thing that he was not prepared to pursue to the end. He knew that -Harold, with the power of England at his disposal, was no despicable -enemy, and he resolved to fortify his cause in every possible way. The -sea was to him an object of great dread, as he knew it would be to his -followers. “If,” he said, “he could attack and punish them without -crossing the sea, he would willingly have done so; but he would rather -cross the sea than not revenge himself and pursue his right.”</p> - -<p>William sent messengers to Harold demanding the crown, and reminding him -of his oath. He would not have done this had he lost any time by it. -Harold’s reply was worthy of a constitutional monarch. “It is true that -I took an oath to William; but I took it under constraint. I promised -what did not belong to me; a promise which I could not in any way -perform. My royal authority is not my own; I could not lay it down -against the will of my country; nor can I, against the will of the -country, take a foreign<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_090" id="page_090"></a>{90}</span> wife.”<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> William referred the case to the -Pope. Harold, conscious that he was acting inconsistently with his oath, -fearing that the cause would not be impartially heard, or not choosing -to submit the destinies of England to the decision of a foreigner, made -no appeal to the Holy Father. The result of William’s application was, -that the Pope “granted his request, and sent him a gonfanon, and a very -precious, rich, and fair ring, which, he said, had under the stone one -of St. Peter’s hairs. With these tokens he commanded, and in God’s name -granted to him, that he should conquer England, and hold it of St. -Peter.”<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a></p> - -<p>William, however, relied neither upon the tenderness of Harold’s -conscience nor upon the Pope’s sense of justice—he looked mainly to his -barons and retainers. He summoned all who owed him suit and service to -meet him in his castle at Lillebone. He there opened to them his design -of invading England, and urged them to double for this occasion the -amount of their usual contributions of men and money. The account given -of this meeting affords us a good idea of the noisy nature of the -parliaments of that day—a feature which they still occasionally -exhibit. “They remained long in council, and the debate lasted a great -while; for they hesitated long among themselves what they should say, -what answer they should give, and what aid they would afford. They -complained much to each other, saying that they had been often -aggrieved; and they murmured much, conferring together in small parties; -here five, there fifteen, here forty, there thirty, sixty, a<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_091" id="page_091"></a>{91}</span> hundred. -Some said they feared the sea, and were not bound to serve beyond it. -Some said they were willing to bring ships and cross the sea with the -Duke; others said that they would not go, for they owed much, and were -poor. Some would, others would not, and there was great contention among -them.”</p> - -<p>William on this occasion acted upon his usual maxim, “divide and -conquer.” He dealt privately with such as he was most likely to -influence, and having induced them to enter zealously into his plans, -others were led by shame or sympathy to follow. He was lavish of his -promises. To the barons he proffered numerous manors, to the clerks he -held out the bait of rich benefices; to these who were amorously -inclined he promised wives with ample dowries; to such as were not to be -allured by prospective advantages he gave at once large sums of money. -It is said that he offered much more than he could possibly perform; for -he was well aware that the Saxon battle-axes would cancel many of his -bonds. Meanwhile the Pope’s sanction of the scheme arrived in Normandy, -and it inspired the invading hosts with fresh zeal. “The Duke rejoiced -greatly at receiving the gonfanon, and the license which the Apostle -[Pope] gave him. He got together carpenters, smiths, and other workmen; -so that great stir was seen in all the ports of Normandy, in the -collecting of wood and materials, cutting of planks, framing of ships -and boats, stretching sails, and rearing masts, with great pains and at -great cost. They spent all one summer and autumn in fitting up the fleet -and collecting the forces; and there was no knight in the land, no good -serjeant, archer,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_092" id="page_092"></a>{92}</span> nor peasant of stout heart, and of age for battle, -that the Duke did not summon to go with him to England.”</p> - -<p>The Tapestry represents these preparations. In the compartment which we -last noticed William is accompanied by his half-brother Odo, who is -busily employed in issuing orders to the master carpenter. This -functionary holds a peculiarly shaped axe in his hand, of which there -are some examples in the illustrations to <i>Cædmon’s Paraphrase</i>. The -superscription is, <small>HIC WILLELM DUX JUSSIT NAVES EDIFICARE</small>—Here Duke -William issues orders for the building of ships.</p> - -<p>Next we see the execution of the orders. Trees are being felled, and the -planks prepared. Presently the ships have assumed their proper shape, -and then we see them being drawn down to the shore. This operation is -effected by means of a rope passed through a pulley inserted in a post -driven into the shore below the water mark. The legend is <small>HIC TRAHUNT -NAVES AD MARE</small>—Here they draw the vessels to the sea. Afterwards the -stores and ammunition are taken on board, and when all is ready the -horses and troops embark.</p> - -<p>This may be a fitting place in which to introduce some observations upon -the ships and armour of the Normans.</p> - -<p>The vessels of this period were of small burden. This is proved by the -fact that they were drawn down to the sea, after being built, in the -manner shown in the Tapestry. The <i>Domesday Book</i> establishes the same -thing. There we find it stated that Dover and Sandwich (and probably the -other Cinque Ports also) were severally<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_093" id="page_093"></a>{93}</span></p> - -<p><a name="pl_IX" id="pl_IX"></a></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<a href="images/illu_opp_092_Plate_09_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/illu_opp_092_Plate_09_sml.jpg" width="500" height="331" alt="Image unavailable: PLATE IX." /></a> -<br /> -<span class="caption">PLATE IX.</span> -</div> - -<p class="nind">obliged to furnish the King with twenty ships for fifteen days, once -every year, each vessel having a crew of twenty-one persons.<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> The -gunwale of the vessels was low. In the Tapestry (<i><a href="#pl_X">Plate X.</a></i>) we see them -landing the horses, by making them leap over the sides of the ships on -to the shore. On the voyage the gunwale was practically heightened by -placing the shields of the soldiers along the sides of the vessel, one -shield partly lying over another. The prow and stern of the ships, which -are the same in form, are a good deal elevated, and are usually -decorated with the head of a dragon, lion, bull, or some fanciful -figure. We have several descriptions of the ship in which William sailed -on his ever-memorable expedition. Wace says, “The Duke placed a lantern -on the mast of his ship, that the other ships might see it, and hold -their course after it. At the summit was a vane of brass gilt. On the -head of the ship, in the front which mariners call the prow, there was a -figure of a child in brass, bearing an arrow with a bended bow. His face -was turned towards England, and thither he looked, as though he was -about to shoot.”<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> In an ancient MS. preserved in the British Museum, -and printed in the Appendix of Lyttleton’s <i>Henry II.</i>,<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> we are told -that this figure pointed towards England with his right fore-finger, and -held to his mouth an ivory horn with his left hand. With this -description the Tapestry nearly agrees; the figure is, however, placed -not on the prow, but at the stern of the vessel. The lamp would only be -required<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_094" id="page_094"></a>{94}</span> at night. On the top of the mast of William’s vessel the -sacred banner given him by the Pope is fixed, surmounted by a cross. The -banner, as it appears here and in other parts of the Tapestry, would be -described by heralds as “<i>argent</i>, a cross <i>or</i> in a bordure <i>azure</i>.” -The vessels have one mast, which is lowered forward as the land is -approached. To the mast, supported by a few shrouds, or rather stays, a -large square sail is suspended. The modern rudder was not known for some -time after the period of the Conquest;<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> the vessels are steered by a -paddle fixed to the quarter. The steersman, who was also the captain and -pilot, holds the paddle in one hand, and the sheet in the other. This -was exactly the position of Palinurus in the <i>Æneid</i> of Virgil.</p> - -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">“Ipse sedens clavumque regit, velisque ministrat.”<br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<p>The larger vessels of the ancients were provided with two paddle -rudders, one on each quarter. This arrangement is shown in the -recently-discovered sculptures of Nineveh and in many Roman coins. The -ship in which St. Paul was wrecked on the shore of Malta had two -rudders. The vessels in the Tapestry have only one paddle, probably<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_095" id="page_095"></a>{95}</span> on -account of their inferior size. It is perhaps worthy of the -consideration of modern navigators, whether, in cases where the hinged -rudder is displaced in a storm, the paddle-rudder might not -advantageously be resorted to as a temporary expedient. The anchors of -the Tapestry resemble those in modern use. The anchor of the ship in -which the spies of William sail to Normandy (<i><a href="#pl_VIII">Plate VIII.</a></i>) has no -stock—but this is probably merely an oversight of the draftsman, for in -an earlier case (<i><a href="#pl_II">Plate II.</a></i>) the stock is represented.</p> - -<p>The sides of the ships are painted of various colours in longitudinal -stripes, each stripe probably representing a plank. The sails of the -ships are also variously coloured. Roger of Wendover tells us that the -Conqueror’s ship had a crimson sail; probably this is nearly correct, -for in the Tapestry it is painted red, with a yellow stripe in the -middle.</p> - -<p>The effect of the whole fleet must have been very striking, and well -calculated to make a powerful impression upon spectators of that or any -age.</p> - -<p>Writers differ much as to the number of the vessels in William’s fleet, -as well as of the men they carried. Wace says, “I heard my father say—I -remember it well, though I was but a lad—that there were seven hundred -ships less four, when they sailed from St. Valeri; and that there were, -besides these, ships’ boats and skiffs for the purpose of carrying -harness. I have found it written (but I know not whether it be true) -that there were in all three thousand vessels bearing sails and masts. -Any one will know that<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_096" id="page_096"></a>{96}</span> there must have been a great many men to have -furnished out so many vessels.”</p> - -<p>The different computations of the chroniclers probably arise from some -of them including the small transport vessels in their reckoning and -others not. Most modern historians set down William’s army at sixty -thousand strong. The transport of so large a body of troops would -require a flotilla more numerous than had sailed upon any waters since -the decline of the Roman empire.</p> - -<p>The armour of the combatants in the Tapestry may now engage our -attention.</p> - -<p>Nearly all the combatants are provided with helmets. The precise shape -of them we learn from those which are being brought to the shore to be -placed with other military stores on board the fleet. The helmet has a -conical form, and is provided with a projection in front called the -nasal, to protect the face. In some of them there appears to be a -smaller projection at the back. It is a remarkable circumstance that -exceedingly few helmets have been found in the graves of the Franks and -Saxons, which are usually replete with military implements. Two however -have been found in this country, one near Cheltenham the other in -Derbyshire.<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> From these specimens, as well as from the appearance of -those in the Tapestry, we may suppose that the helmet consisted of a -framework of iron, over which a covering of leather was stretched. From -the fact, however, that so few helmets have been found in Saxon graves, -we may perhaps infer that the framework of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_097" id="page_097"></a>{97}</span> earlier specimens was of -wood. Wace makes express mention of one man who at the battle of -Hastings wore a wooden helmet:—“On the other side (he says) was an -Englishman who much annoyed the French, assaulting them with a -keen-edged hatchet. He had a helmet made of wood, which he had fastened -down to his coat and laced round his neck, so that no blows could reach -his head. The ravage he was making was seen by a gallant Norman knight, -who rode a horse that neither fire nor water could stop in its career -when its lord urged it on. The knight spurred, and his horse carried him -on till he charged the Englishman, striking him over the helmet, so that -it fell down over his eyes; and as he stretched out his hand to raise it -and uncover his face, the Norman cut off his right hand, so that his -hatchet fell to the ground. Another Norman sprung forward, and eagerly -seized the prize with both his hands, but he kept it little space and -paid dearly for it; for as he stooped to pick up the hatchet, an -Englishman with his long-handled axe struck him over the back, breaking -all his bones, so that his entrails and lungs gushed forth. The knight -of the good horse meantime retired without injury.”<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a></p> - -<p>The helmet speedily underwent several changes after the period of the -battle of Hastings. Flaps were affixed to the sides in order to protect -the ears and the cheeks. These appear in the chess-men found in the -island of Lewis, which, as already observed, belong to a period not -later than the middle of the twelfth century. Soon after the Conquest -the nasal being found to be inconvenient was<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_098" id="page_098"></a>{98}</span> frequently omitted; at -length the contrivance called the <i>ventaille</i> was introduced, which when -brought over the face fully protected it, and yet, as its name implies, -admitted air to the nostrils of the wearer, and when his convenience -required could be lifted up. That the <i>ventaille</i> was not known at the -battle of Hastings appears from the helmets which are being taken on -board the fleet. Another fact represented on the Tapestry (<i><a href="#pl_XV">Plate XV.</a></i>) -shows the same thing; William, when he wishes to show himself in order -to contradict the rumour that he has been killed, is obliged to lift his -helmet almost off his head. And yet Wace, who lived at the period just -subsequent to the Conquest, writes as though Harold’s helmet was -provided with a <i>ventaille</i>. He says, “Harold was sorely wounded in his -eye by the arrow, and suffered grievous pain from the blow. An armed man -came in the throng of the battle and struck him on the <i>ventaille</i> of -his helmet, and beat him to the ground.” This passage shows how -exceedingly difficult it is, when describing past events, to avoid -anachronisms. Sir Samuel Meyrick, in commenting upon this passage, says, -“By the <i>ventaille</i> is here meant merely the open part below his helmet. -The <i>ventaculum</i>, or <i>ventaille</i>, strictly speaking, was not invented at -this time, but was in full use when Wace lived; he adopts it therefore -merely for the sake of the rhyme, and as familiar to his -countrymen.”<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a></p> - -<p>The body armour consisted of a tunic of leather or stout linen, on which -was fastened some substance calculated to resist the stroke of a weapon. -Occasionally, as we have already seen, overlapping<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_099" id="page_099"></a>{99}</span> flaps of leather, -sometimes pieces of horn or horses’ hoofs, and not unfrequently plates -or rings of iron were employed. When rings were used they were laid side -by side, and not locked into each other, as was the case in the chain -armour of a subsequent date. When small plates of iron were used they -were generally lozenge-shaped; hence this species of armour has been -termed mascled. The ingenuity of man has had recourse to these and -similar contrivances in every age. Amongst the ruins of Nineveh scale -armour has been discovered, and on Trajan’s column the Sarmatian cavalry -and their horses are clad in it.</p> - -<p>The coat of mail comprehended body, legs, and arms all in one piece; the -legs and arms were however short and loose. It is difficult to -understand the mode of putting it on. It seems to have been drawn over -the head. We are expressly told that when William was preparing for the -battle he had his hauberk brought; but in <i>putting his head in</i>, to get -it on, he inadvertently turned it the wrong way, with the back part in -front;” and that seeing his error, “he crossed himself, <i>stooped his -head</i>, and put it on aright.” In the Tapestry (<i><a href="#pl_XVI">Plate XVI.</a></i>) we see some -persons stripping the slain; they uniformly draw the hauberk over the -head. The legs of the dress must in this case have been made to open. -When on, it was tightened by straps at the breast. This armour seems to -have been occasionally provided with a hood of the same material, which -covered the head. There are some examples of it in the Tapestry. The -legs in the Tapestry are for the most part left unprotected; -occasionally they are wrapped round<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_100" id="page_100"></a>{100}</span> with bandages of leather; in the -case of a few of the leading personages they are covered with mascled or -ring armour. The weight of the hauberk, or haubergeon, must have been -considerable. In taking the dresses down to the ships we observe two men -are employed to carry one; they bear it on a pole upon their shoulders. -One of William’s nobles, whilst waiting at Hastings for the onset of -Harold, complained of the weight of his armour. The Duke quietly desired -him to put it off, and then putting it on himself over his own hauberk, -mounted his horse without assistance, and rode off, to the great chagrin -of the noble and the astonishment of all.<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a></p> - -<p>The shields of the ancient knights formed an important part of their -equipment. The shield of the early Saxons was circular, having a boss in -the centre. The boss was concave on the inside of the shield, and of a -size sufficient to contain the hand of the warrior, which grasped the -shield by a handle put across the cavity. In the Tapestry we have some -examples of the circular shield, but by far the larger part of the -shields on the Saxon as well as the Norman side are of a different -character. It would appear that the intercourse subsisting between -Normandy and England during the reign of the Confessor had led to the -abandonment<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_101" id="page_101"></a>{101}</span> of the old Saxon shield. The shield of the Tapestry is of -large size, and of the shape of a kite. It is in every instance flat. -Here again we have another opportunity of judging of the minute accuracy -of the Tapestry. Towards the end of the eleventh century the shield of a -French knight is described<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> as having its surface not flat but -convex, so as to embrace the person of the wearer. Other changes were -speedily introduced; towards the close of the twelfth century it became -shorter, and the bow at the top was flattened into a straight line. Thus -it formed the “heater shield” of the middle ages.</p> - -<p>The Norman shield when in use was carried by the arm, not the fist -alone; two loops were placed on the inner side of it for the reception -of the arm; when not wanted it was slung from the neck of the warrior; -this is seen in several instances in the Tapestry. Many of the shields -were ornamented with studs of metal, which were kept bright, so as to -dazzle the sight of an antagonist. Others bear badges or devices, by -which the bearer might be distinguished in the field.</p> - -<p>From the earliest days, devices, answering the purpose of coats of arms, -have been adopted. The tribes of Israel had their insignia. The armorial -bearings of several Grecian chiefs are minutely described by the poets. -The Roman legions had their characteristic symbols.<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> It was probably -with this view that the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_102" id="page_102"></a>{102}</span> shields in the Tapestry were painted in the way -in which we see them. A dragon is a common device; so also is a cross, -the four arms of which proceed from the central stud in a sigmoidal -curve.</p> - -<p>Besides the insignia on the shields, ensigns and banners guided the -movements of the armies and their various detachments.<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> The banner of -the Norman army is invariably <i>argent</i>, a <i>cross or</i> in a <i>bordure -azure</i>. This is repeated over and over again. We meet with it in the war -against Conan, as well as at Pevensey and Hastings. There is no trace of -the leopards or lions which shortly afterwards made their appearance in -the arms of Normandy.</p> - -<p>The different chieftains assembling under the Norman standard had each -his pennon, gonfanon, or banner. None of these subsidiary standards are -square, as the banner of a baron always was when the feudal system was -developed. All the flags in the Tapestry have streamers attached to -them, like those of a knight’s pennon. It is not impossible, however, -that these may represent the ribbons given to the Norman lords, as -keepsakes by their ladies. Wace, in describing the battle of -Val-des-dunes, says of Raol Tesson, that “he stood on one side afar off, -having six score knights and six in his troop—all with their lances -raised, <i>and trimmed with silk tokens</i>.” It would thus appear that the -practice was not unusual, even in ordinary wars; how much more proper -and becoming in a hazardous undertaking like the present. We know that -the Norman lords had great difficulty in getting the leave of their -ladies<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_103" id="page_103"></a>{103}</span> to embark in the undertaking. Some feared the battle axes of the -Saxon men, others dreaded the influence of the bright eyes of the Saxon -ladies—a shrewd fear.<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a></p> - -<p>Harold also had a standard. He planted it on the highest part of the -eminence on which he marshalled his army for the fight, and by it he -fought unflinchingly until cut down by the overpowering strength of the -Norman chivalry. William of Malmesbury and several other writers tell us -that Harold’s standard was “in the form of a man fighting.”<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> In the -Tapestry it is a dragon. Wace does not describe it, but says, “His -gonfanon was in truth a noble one, sparkling with gems and precious -stones; after the victory William sent it to the Apostle to prove and -commemorate his great conquest and glory.”</p> - -<p>A glance at the Tapestry will shew that the Saxons were entirely -destitute of cavalry.<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> The comparatively limited size of the kingdom<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_104" id="page_104"></a>{104}</span> -had rendered cavalry unnecessary for police purposes, and the Danes, the -foreign enemies with whom the English had hitherto to contend, had too -wide and stormy an ocean to cross, to attempt the transport of horses -for the purposes of war. The great strength of the Norman army consisted -in cavalry. William had been accustomed to contend with the King of -France and other powerful chiefs in his immediate neighbourhood, and was -thus compelled to avail himself of every device which human ingenuity -had contrived for maintaining his cause.</p> - -<p>The saddles of the horses are peculiar, having a high peak before and -behind. We can readily understand how William, when he had become -corpulent, received a mortal injury by coming down with violence upon -the pommel of such a saddle. No horse armour is used, neither have any -of the horses a saddle-cloth. “On the seal of Henry I. is the first -representation of a saddle-cloth, and either during that reign or the -preceding one, the high peak behind the saddle was altered for a back of -greater breadth.”<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> Most of the riders are provided with stirrups and -with prick spurs. William’s own horse was either an Arabian or a cross -from an Arabian. It was presented to him by the King of Spain.</p> - -<p>The Normans were strong in another force, of which the Saxons were -almost entirely destitute—bowmen. In the Saxon lines there appears but -one solitary bowman, whilst on the Norman side there are many. The -Norman archers must have plied their shafts most diligently, for their -arrows are sticking in the shields, and to some<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_105" id="page_105"></a>{105}</span> extent in the bodies of -the Saxons, like pins in a lady’s pincushion. In the battle of Hastings -the great event of the day turned upon an arrow skilfully sped. Had -Harold’s eye not been pierced, the battle would have been a drawn one, -and in William’s peculiar circumstance such a result was defeat.</p> - -<p>The Saxon javelin differed from the Norman: it was short, and was used -as a missile. In the Tapestry we see that some of the English have a -bundle of spears in their hands, and that others are in the act of -throwing them at the enemy. The Norman spear was a long one, adapted for -use on horseback, and was employed in giving a thrust; one only -therefore was required by each horseman. The Saxons darted their -javelins at an approaching foe, and, when they came to close quarters, -relied chiefly upon the vigorous use of the dreadful battle axe. As -however at the battle of Hastings the Normans were on horseback, and -were armed with long spears, it was with no small difficulty that the -English could get within battle axe reach of their foes. In this way -many of the Saxons were picked off before they could strike a blow. In -Wace we have many examples of this—thus, he speaks of the knight of -Tregoz, who “killed two Englishmen; smiting the one through with his -lance, and braining the other with his sword; and then galloped his -horse back, so that no Englishman touched him.” In the Tapestry (<i><a href="#pl_XVI">Plate XVI.</a></i>) -we see a horseman thrusting Leofwin, the brother of Harold, -through with his lance, who in vain whirls his battle axe around him.</p> - -<p>The battle axe of the Saxons had one disadvantage. “A man,”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_106" id="page_106"></a>{106}</span> says Wace, -“when he wanted to strike with one of their hatchets, was obliged to -hold it with both his hands, and could not at the same time, as it seems -to me, both cover himself and strike with any freedom.” This fact will -account for the disastrous consequences of the retreat of the English at -the battle of Hastings, after having been lured by the Normans into a -pursuit.</p> - -<p>The statements of Agathias, a writer of the sixth century, throw some -light upon the Saxon mode of fighting. Speaking of the Franks (a kindred -race), he says, “The arms of the Franks are very simple: they wear -neither coat of mail nor greaves, but their legs and thighs are defended -by bands of linen or leather. Their cavalry is inconsiderable, but they -are formidable on foot; they wear a sword on the left thigh and carry a -buckler. They use neither bow nor sling, but they are armed with double -axes and <i>angones</i> [spears] with which they do most execution. These -<i>angones</i> are of a length that may be both used as a javelin or in close -fight against a charge of the enemy. The staff of this weapon is covered -with iron laminæ or hoops, so that but very little wood appears, even -down to the spike at the butt-end. On either side of the head of this -javelin are certain barbs projecting downward close together as far as -the shaft. The Frank soldier, when engaged with the enemy, casts his -<i>angon</i>, which, if it enter the body, cannot be withdrawn in consequence -of the barbs. Nor can the weapon be disengaged if it pierce the shield, -for the bearer of the shield cannot cut it off because of the iron -plates with which the staff is defended, while the Frank rushing forward -jumps upon it as it<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_107" id="page_107"></a>{107}</span> trails on the ground, and thus bearing down his -antagonist’s defence, cleaves his skull with his axe, or transfixes him -with a second javelin.”<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a></p> - -<p>In the Bayeux Tapestry the javelins in the hands of the Saxons are -chiefly barbed, whilst the most of those in the hands of the Normans are -lance-shaped, and are formed after the Roman model.</p> - -<p>In <i>Cædmon’s Paraphrase</i> and other Saxon illustrations the spears of the -warriors are generally barbed. To what extent the hosts of Harold were -armed with the true <i>angon</i>, the chief characteristic of which was a -long iron shank, does not of course appear from the Tapestry, the scale -being too small to allow of its minute delineation. The following cut -exhibits the head of an <i>angon</i>, found in the well of the Roman station -of Carvoran in Northumberland.</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/illu_107.png" width="450" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /> -</div> - -<p>The sword of the combatants is chiefly remarkable for its great size. -The Tapestry in this, as in other particulars, is strictly accurate. Mr. -Akerman, after stating that several swords of large size had been found -in Frank and Anglo-Saxon graves, says, “One of the finest examples which -has ever come under my notice is that found at Fairford, in -Gloucestershire, and recently exhibited by Mr. Wylie of that town. Its -length, including the handle, is just three feet, the blade broad, -two-edged, and pointed.”</p> - -<p>The only weapon that remains to be noticed is the mace or club.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_108" id="page_108"></a>{108}</span> This -was a comparatively rude weapon, which ceased to be used as an -instrument of offence after this period. At the battle of Hastings it -seems to have been employed by the Saxons only. One is seen in the -Tapestry (<i><a href="#pl_XIV">Plate XIV.</a></i>), which has been thrown against the advancing -line of the Normans, and at the close of the picture the retreating -Saxons are seen to be armed with this weapon only.</p> - -<p>From the review that we have taken of the equipment of the two armies, -it is apparent that the English laboured under very great disadvantages. -They were destitute of cavalry, with which the Normans were well -provided; they had few archers, and they had no weapon that was a match -for the long lance of the Normans. Strong in their insular position, -they had neglected to adopt those improvements in the art of war which -had been long adopted on the continent. We cannot wonder that, in -despite of their native courage and astonishing personal prowess, the -Saxons were overborne by the hosts of William on the field of Hastings.</p> - -<p>It is time now to attend to the movements of the contending parties, and -to trace them in their progress to the field on which their destiny was -to be decided.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_109" id="page_109"></a>{109}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="VII_THE_LANDING" id="VII_THE_LANDING"></a>VII. THE LANDING.</h2> - -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">“Et jam Argiva phalanx instructis navibus ibat.”<br /></span> -<span class="authh"><i>Æn. II.</i>, 254.<br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<p class="nind"><span class="smcap">The</span> vigorous manner in which William entered upon the preparations for -his grand campaign excited the enthusiasm of his continental neighbours. -“Reports,” says Ordericus Vitalis, “of the expedition drew many valiant -men from the adjoining countries, who prepared their arms for battle. -Thus the French and Bretons, the Poitevins and Burgundians, and other -people on this side the Alps, flocked together for the war over the sea, -and scenting the booty which the conquest of Britain offered, were -prepared to undergo the various perils and chances, both by sea and -land, attending the enterprise.” In the month of August William’s fleet -assembled at the mouth of the river Dive,<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> in the vicinity of which -it is probable most of his ships were built. Unfavourable weather -detained it here for some time, and when it did move, it was not able to -proceed further than St. Valery-sur-Somme. Adverse winds again prevailed -for a month. “At this,” says Wace, “the barons were greatly wearied. -Then they prayed the Convent to bring out the shrine of St. Valery, and -set it on a carpet<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_110" id="page_110"></a>{110}</span> on the plain; and all came praying the holy relics -that they might be allowed to pass over the sea. They offered so much -money, that the relics were buried beneath it; and from that day forth -they had good weather and a fair wind.”</p> - -<p>The long detention of the Norman forces on the French coast was a -fortunate circumstance for them. Harold had made ample provision for -resisting the landing of his opponent. With a fleet which he had -assembled at Harwich he sailed to the Isle of Wight, and there -throughout the summer and autumn months awaited William’s arrival. He -also kept a land force in suitable positions near the sea shore.<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> The -same wind however which detained William at St. Valery brought Harold -another foe which compelled him to withdraw his troops from the southern -coast. On his departure the fleet was dispersed. Some of the chroniclers -tell us that the seamen’s time of service had expired, others that they -were short of provisions. Harold’s absence no doubt materially -contributed to the demoralization of this important national safeguard.</p> - -<p>Here we are again called upon to notice the vanity of man’s policy. -Harold foreseeing that a struggle would ensue between William and -himself, and being, consequently, desirous of promoting friendly -alliances with some of the continental powers, encouraged his brother -Tostig to marry a daughter of the Earl of Flanders. This Tostig did, and -thereby became brother-in-law to William of Normandy. Tostig, during the -life of the Confessor,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_111" id="page_111"></a>{111}</span> was appointed to the earldom of Northumbria, but -the people having risen in arms against him, probably on account of the -harshness of his rule, he was removed, and Morcar appointed in his -place. When Harold became king, Tostig expected to be reinstated, but so -far from taking active measures in his favour, Harold married the sister -of the earl who had supplanted him. Tostig, enraged at this treatment, -conceived a violent hatred against his brother, and inflamed the minds -of the Earl of Flanders and the Duke of Normandy against him. Receiving, -moreover, the active support of Harold Hardrada, King of Norway, he -landed with a hostile force in Yorkshire, and ravaged the country. -Harold, while watching the proceedings of the Norman armada, heard of -his brother’s attempt. Hastening northwards, he came upon him unawares, -and slew both him and Hardrada, and scattered their forces. While Harold -was engaged in these operations, William landed unopposed in Sussex!</p> - -<p>It was on the night of the 29th September that the Norman expedition -crossed the sea, and early next morning it reached the port of Pavensey. -The Tapestry represents this important transaction. The Duke’s own ship -is distinguished by the consecrated banner at its mast head. This vessel -was called the Mora, and is stated to have been a present from the -Duchess Matilda. The legend in this part of the Tapestry (<i><a href="#pl_IX">Plate IX.</a></i>) -is, <small>HIC WELELM: DUX IN MAGNO NAVIGIO MARE TRANSIVIT ET VENIT AD -PEVENSÆ</small><a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a>—Here Duke William in a large ship crossed the sea, and -arrived at Pevensey.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_112" id="page_112"></a>{112}</span></p> - -<p>A glance at the map of Sussex will shew that Pevensey was a most fitting -place at which to effect a landing. Beachy Head projecting considerably -to the south, protects this ancient port from the swell occasioned by -the wind which most violently affects the English Channel—the -south-west. The beach, too, is of a nature well adapted for allowing -ships such as William’s were being safely drawn up upon it. This was the -port selected by the Conqueror for his embarkation when he returned to -Normandy after his coronation. In all probability William’s fleet would -line the shore for a considerable space on both sides of Pevensey in the -manner which they are represented as doing in the Tapestry, (<i><a href="#pl_X">Plate X.</a></i>) -It is curious to observe, that the remains of a vessel, which Mr. Lower -thinks is at least as old as the Conquest, has recently been discovered, -imbedded in the gravel of the ancient beach of Pevensey. The nature of -the position in which it is placed prevents its being excavated; we -might otherwise, perchance, have the pleasure of looking upon one of the -Conqueror’s own ships.</p> - -<p>William landed with great caution. Wace thus describes the -operation—“They arrived near Hastings, and there each ship was ranged -by the other’s side. There you might see the good sailors, the -sergeants, and squires, sally forth and unload the ships; cast the -anchors, haul the ropes, bear out shields and saddles, and land the -war-horses and palfreys. The archers came forth, and touched land the -foremost; each with his bow bent, and his quiver full of arrows slung at -his side. All were shaven and shorn, and all clad in short garments, -ready to attack, to shoot, to wheel about, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_113" id="page_113"></a>{113}</span></p> - -<p><a name="pl_X" id="pl_X"></a></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<a href="images/illu_opp_112_Plate_10_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/illu_opp_112_Plate_10_sml.jpg" width="500" height="349" alt="Image unavailable: PLATE X." /></a> -<br /> -<span class="caption">PLATE X.</span> -</div> - -<p class="nind">skirmish. All stood well equipped, and of good courage for the fight; -and they scoured the whole shore, but found not an armed man there. -After the archers had thus gone forth, the knights landed next, all -armed, with their hauberks on, their shields slung at their necks, and -their helmets laced. They formed together on the shore, each armed upon -his war-horse. All had their swords girded on, and passed into the plain -with their lances raised.”</p> - -<p>Our picture-chronicle does not neglect these transactions. The -inscription over them is, <small>HIC EXEUNT CABALLI DE NAVIBUS ET HIC MILITES -FESTINAVERUNT HASTINGA UT CIBUM RAPERENTUR</small><a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a>—Here the horses -disembark, and here the soldiers hurry forward to Hastings to seize -food.</p> - -<p>An incident is told respecting the landing of William which is best -related in the words of the Chronicler. “As the ships were drawn to -shore, and the Duke first landed, he fell by chance upon his two hands. -Forthwith all raised a loud cry of distress, ‘an evil sign’ said they, -‘is here.’ But he cried out lustily, ‘See seigniors, by the splendour of -God! I have seized England with my two hands; without challenge no prize -can be made; all is our own that is here; now we shall see who will be -the bolder man.’ Then one of his men ran forward and put his hand on a -hut, and took a handful of the thatch and turned to the Duke, saying -heartily, ‘Sire, come forward and receive seizin; of this land I give -you seizin;<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_114" id="page_114"></a>{114}</span> without doubt the country is yours.’ And the Duke said, ‘I -accept it; may God be with us.’<span class="lftspc">”</span><a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a></p> - -<p>The nature of the ground prevented William from proceeding directly up -the country from Pevensey. So late as the days of Queen Elizabeth, the -land inwards from this point was little better than a marsh. The -Ordnance map of Sussex shows, in this direction, a remarkable absence of -towns and villages, indicating pretty clearly what it must have been in -former times. William went cautiously along the shore to Hastings, where -he erected his fortifications, and refreshed his troops. In the Tapestry -we see them seizing the sheep and cattle in the fields, cooking their -food, and afterwards seating themselves at table. Wace says “Before -evening had set in they had finished a fort. Then you might see them -make their kitchens, light their fires, and cook their meat. The Duke -sat down to eat, and the barons and knights had food in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_115" id="page_115"></a>{115}</span> plenty; for -they had brought ample store. All ate and drank enough, and were right -glad that they were ashore.”</p> - -<p>The culinary operations of the invading force require some notice. -Although some huts have been erected on the shore, having been brought -in frame with the fleet, the cooks discharge their duties in the open -air.</p> - -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">“...... A kettle slung<br /></span> -<span class="i1">Between two poles upon a stick transverse<br /></span> -<span class="i1">Receives the morsel....”<br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<p class="nind">The pot may have been a metallic vessel brought over from Normandy with -the stores; its appearance, however, strongly reminds us of a plan which -Froissart tells us the Scotch adopted in one of their incursions into -England. Having seized an ox, they slaughtered it, and boiled its flesh -in its skin, supporting the extemporaneously-made cauldron after the -manner shown in the Tapestry. The rest of the cookery is done upon a -hearth. A spit, on which the wood is placed, is thrust into the ground, -so as to suspend the article to be cooked a short way above the fire. At -the present day much of the cookery of Normandy is done by placing the -food in earthenware vessels, which are brought into contact with the -embers without the intervention of a grate. The food when cooked was -usually, at this period, handed to the guests seated at the table, on -the spits, who took it off with their fingers, assisted with a knife -which they carried with them. Forks were comparatively unknown for some -centuries after the Conquest.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_116" id="page_116"></a>{116}</span></p> - -<p>In the Tapestry two tables are spread. The first of them seems to be -formed of shields set upon a frame. The persons seated at it are -probably some of William’s chief officers whose duty it is to arrange -the entertainment, and taste the food and wine previous to its being set -before the Duke. William sits at a table which was no doubt brought from -Normandy. It is of classic form, being like that called by the Romans -Sigma, from its resemblance to the Greek letter of that name, which in -the time of the Roman Emperors was formed like our C. The guests sit at -one side of it only, the inner or concave side being left open, to allow -the servants more readily to approach. All the operations of the table -are presented to us by the artist. Odo, with his thumb and two -forefingers extended, is blessing the food and the drink. William has -planted his hand upon the principal dish, as if to claim the lion’s -share for himself. Another person is tearing a fish to pieces with his -fingers, and conveying the morsels by the same medium to his mouth. An -old man with a beard, probably William’s Nestor, who refused to comply -with the tonsured fashion of the day, is drinking with his neighbour; -both of them have uplifted bowls. A servant upon bended knee is -presenting a covered dish to the party. These compartments are -respectively described, <small>HIC COQUITUR CARO ET HIC MINISTRAVERUNT -MINISTRI</small>—Here the food is being cooked and here the attendants have -served up the viands: <small>HIC FECERUNT PRANDIUM ET HIC EPISCOPUS CIBUM ET -POTUM BENEDICIT</small>—Here they have prepared the feast and here the bishop -is blessing the meat and drink.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_117" id="page_117"></a>{117}</span></p> - -<p><a name="pl_XI" id="pl_XI"></a></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<a href="images/illu_opp_116_Plate_11_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/illu_opp_116_Plate_11_sml.jpg" width="500" height="340" alt="Image unavailable: PLATE XI." /></a> -<br /> -<span class="caption">PLATE XI.</span> -</div> - -<p>The meal must necessarily have been a hasty one. One of the guests has -already risen from his seat, and calls the attention of the Duke to -something that is passing without.</p> - -<p>William was now fairly committed to a great and hazardous undertaking, -and retreat was not to be thought of; at the same time, the utmost -circumspection was necessary, and the Duke of Normandy was not the man -to neglect any precaution.</p> - -<p>We accordingly next find him in solemn consultation with his two uterine -brothers—Odo, Archbishop of Bayeux, and Robert, Count of Mortaine. -William has his sword elevated, and Robert is in the act of drawing his -from the scabbard—indications which strongly mark the nature of the -attempt before them. The legend over this group (<i><a href="#pl_XI">Plate XI.</a></i>) is simply, -<small>ODO EPISCOPUS: ROBERTUS</small>—Odo the Bishop: Robert.</p> - -<p>As the result, probably, of the deliberations of the three brothers, it -was resolved strongly to fortify the position occupied by William’s -army. Such was the importance of this work, that William, with the -consecrated banner in his hand, is seen personally superintending it. -The spades of the workmen are worthy of observation. They are evidently -made of wood, but shod with iron. They have a notch for the foot on one -side only. That they were adapted not merely for turning up the soil, -but for trenching the scull of an enemy, is evident not only from their -size and form, but from the use to which they are put by two of the -parties before us. The inscription over this part is, <small>ISTE JUSSIT UT -FODERETUR CASTELLUM AT HESTENGA[M]</small>—He has ordered an intrenchment to -be<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_118" id="page_118"></a>{118}</span> dug at Hastings; and over the castle itself is written, -<small>CEASTRA</small><a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a>—The camp.</p> - -<p>The camp in question could not be the castle, the ruins of which now -crown the heights of Hastings. However strong the position of Hastings -castle, there is not space enough on the rocky platform on which it -stands for the encampment of an army one fourth of the size of -William’s; besides, we cannot suppose that William in his present -circumstances would attempt the erection of a fort of solid masonry. The -camp which William constructed was, as the Tapestry leads us to believe, -formed of earth, strengthened with wooden palisades, the whole being -commanded at intervals by towers which had been brought in frame from -France. The phrase <i>ut foderetur</i>, that they might <i>dig</i> a castle, is -express, and the men are seen throwing up the soil. This agrees with -what Wace says, “They enclosed a fort and strengthened it round about -with palisades and a fosse.” Some extensive entrenchments, still to be -seen in the immediate vicinity of the railway station at Hastings, are -probably the remains of the Duke’s encampment.<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a></p> - -<p>An English knight, who had watched the landing of William,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_119" id="page_119"></a>{119}</span> hastened to -Harold with the alarming news. He found him rejoicing after the defeat -of Tostig and Hardrada. “Foolish” says Wace, “is he who glorifies -himself, for good fortune soon passeth away. The heart of man often -rejoiceth when ruin is nigh.”</p> - -<p>Bitterly did Harold grieve that he had not been at the spot when the -Normans landed, that he might have driven them into the sea. “It is a -sad mischance,” said he, “but thus it hath pleased our Heavenly King.”</p> - -<p>Harold had, by the rapidity of his marches, surprised his brother -Tostig, and come upon the troops of Hardrada unawares. He thought to -adopt the same policy with William; and, without taking time to refresh -or recruit his exhausted army, commenced his march southwards. In the -course of a few days he was in the vicinity of his enemy. William, -however, was not to be taken by surprise, and Harold was constrained to -take up a position at Battle, distant about six miles from Hastings, -where the Duke was encamped.</p> - -<p>The next compartment in the Tapestry exhibits to us William giving -audience to a messenger who announces to him the approach of Harold. The -legend is, <small>HIC NUNTIATUM EST WILLELMO DE HAROLD</small>—Here news is brought to -William respecting Harold.</p> - -<p>Whilst these movements were going on, the inhabitants of the southern -shore of Sussex were suffering severely. Not only were their cattle -taken from the folds, and their recently replenished granaries emptied, -but their dwellings were wantonly destroyed. Perhaps the Saxons may have -provoked the vengeance of the foe, for they were not men to take quietly -the spoiling of their goods.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_120" id="page_120"></a>{120}</span> In the Tapestry we see a soldier setting -fire to a house (one being the representative of many), from which a -female and child are escaping—escaping from present destruction to be -cast, with winter before them, houseless, friendless, and without food, -upon the wide world. The sufferings of the battle field form but a small -part of the horrors of war. This compartment of the work bears the -inscription, <small>HIC DOMUS INCENDITUR</small>—Here a house is set fire to. Some -outlined figures in the margin of this part of the work doubtless refer -to those distressing immoralities which too often attend the march of -armies.</p> - -<p>Whilst the two armies lay within a few miles of each other several -messages passed between the commanders. William was too good a soldier -to risk a battle if he could avoid it. He therefore sent a tonsured monk -to Harold, reminding him of his oath, and calling upon him to deliver up -the kingdom. Harold, flushed with recent victory, was with difficulty -restrained from cutting down the messenger; as it was, he sent him away -with insults. When his rage had subsided he saw his folly, and sent an -envoy, acquainted with the language of France, to duke William, offering -to make him a pecuniary recompense if he would recross the sea, telling -him however, if he did not, he would give him battle on the following -Saturday.</p> - -<p>Saturday, the 1st of October, was Harold’s birth day. He always regarded -it as his fortunate day; and he was anxious if he did enter into mortal -conflict with a desperate foe, that it should be when his propitious -star was in the ascendant. Like another of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_121" id="page_121"></a>{121}</span> England’s heroes—Oliver -Cromwell—the day of his birth was to prove the day of his death.</p> - -<p>A battle now being imminent, Gurth, the brother of Harold, was -exceedingly anxious that the king should retire from the host and give -the command to him. Gurth had taken no oath to William, and therefore -had not the punishment of perjury to fear. Besides, if he were slain, -England would still have her king; and army after army could be raised, -if need be, to resist the pretensions of any invader. Harold refused to -adopt the wise counsel of his brother. Though a brave man, he had not -the self-command of William, nor the same power of taking an enlarged -view of a subject.</p> - -<p>The day before the battle, Harold and Gurth rode out early in the -morning to descry the enemy. “They rode on, viewing and examining the -ground, till, from a hill where they stood, they could see the Norman -host, who were near. They saw a great many huts made of branches of -trees, tents well equipped, pavilions, and gonfanons; and they heard -horses neighing, and beheld the glittering of armour. They stood a long -while without speaking”—and at length returned in silence to their -tent. They had seen enough to awaken their apprehensions, and to make -them anxious for further information. Harold, therefore, sent out two -spies to reconnoitre. They fell into the hands of the Normans, who -brought them to William. He used them well, and ordered them to be -conducted through the host. On their return they reported that the -Normans, whom they had noticed to be close shaven and cropt, were an -army of priests and mass-sayers rather than<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_122" id="page_122"></a>{122}</span> knights. Harold, who knew -the habits of the Normans, replied, “These are valiant knights, bold and -brave warriors, though they bear not beards and mustaches as we do.”</p> - -<p>Notwithstanding the ill success of his former representations, William -persevered in negotiation. He lost no time by it, and if he did not -succeed in his immediate object, he induced his observers to believe, -that one who was so bent upon the investigation of his claims must have -right upon his side.</p> - -<p>On the same day that he entertained the spies of Harold, he sent a monk, -learned and wise, offering Harold one of three things—that he should -resign the kingdom, that he should submit to the judgment of the Pope, -or meet him singly and fight body for body. Harold declined every -alternative.</p> - -<p>Next day—the day before the battle—William attempted to obtain a -personal interview with Harold. Harold refused to meet him. By the -messenger who brought Harold’s negative to the proposal for a meeting, -William sent him word that if he would retire he would give him all -Northumberland, and whatever belonged to the kingdom beyond the Humber; -to his brother Gurth he promised the lands of Godwin their father. -Harold rejected this also: Northumberland was nothing worth; it was -chiefly peopled by Danes, and was liable to constant invasion. William, -when king, could not govern Northumberland. As a matter, not of feeling, -not of revenge, but of cool, calculating state policy, he swept it of -every living thing—he made it a desert, and such it continued for a -century after his time.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_123" id="page_123"></a>{123}</span></p> - -<p>At the same time that William sent his last message, he charged the -clerk who took it, in case of refusal, to sow the seeds of terror and -dissatisfaction among the English. “Tell them,” said he, “that all who -come with Harold, or support him in this affair, are excommunicated by -the Apostle and his clergy.” This was a javelin skilfully thrown. “At -this excommunication the English were much troubled; they feared it -greatly, and the battle still more.”</p> - -<p>Gurth, however, rallied them. He told them that their all was at stake, -that William had promised their lands to his followers, and that he had -already taken homage for them from many. “Defend yourselves then,” he -said, “and your children and all that belongs to you, while you may.”</p> - -<p>At these words the English were aroused, and cried out that the Normans -had come on an evil day, and had embarked on a foolish matter.</p> - -<p>“The Duke and his men tried no further negotiation, but returned to -their tents, sure of fighting on the morrow. Then men were to be seen on -every side straightening lances, fitting hauberks and helmets, making -ready the saddles and stirrups; filling the quivers, stringing the bows, -and making all ready for the battle.”</p> - -<p>The night before a battle must be a season of peculiar solemnity and -suspense. The shades of night, giving indistinctness to the landscape, -harmonize too well with the doubts which becloud the mind as to the -morrow’s destiny. He is a fool, not a hero, who would step from time -into eternity without solemn thought.</p> - -<p>The accounts which we have of the way in which the hosts spent<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_124" id="page_124"></a>{124}</span> the -night before the battle are all to the disadvantage of the English. Had -they been the winning instead of the losing party, the chroniclers would -doubtless have been less severe. As it is, they tell us that the troops -of Harold spent the night in eating and drinking and merriment—never -lying down in their beds. If this be true, how we are we to account for -the vigour with which they fought from nine o’clock in the morning until -nightfall next day? The Normans and French, on the other hand, we are -told, betook themselves to their orisons. “They made confession of their -sins, accused themselves to the priests, and vowed that they would never -more eat flesh on the Saturday” (the day of the battle). Many of them -kept the vow!</p> - -<p>At the dawn of day each party had completed its preparations. Before the -sun should set, a battle was to be fought on which hung not merely the -fate of an empire, but, as events have subsequently proved, the -destinies of the civilized world to this hour.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_125" id="page_125"></a>{125}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="THE_BATTLE" id="THE_BATTLE"></a>THE BATTLE.</h2> - -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">“Revolving in his altered soul<br /></span> -<span class="i3">The various turns of fate below.”<br /></span> -<span class="authh"><i>Dryden.</i><br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<p class="nind"><span class="smcap">The</span> room is still pointed out in the roofless donjon keep of Falaise, in -which Arlotte, the tanner’s daughter, gave birth to William the -Conqueror. It is a small comfortless apartment. When the newborn babe -was laid upon the floor, he grasped the straw which covered it with a -vigour that induced the bystanders to predict that he would ere long -take a foremost place amongst the ambitious potentates of his age. In -the course of our worsted narrative we have followed our hero to a point -in which he is about to justify the correctness of these surmisings.</p> - -<p>Harold, painfully conscious of the inferiority of his military -equipments, resolved to act on the defensive. He took up his position on -a round-topped hill, having on its summit a circular platform just -sufficient to contain his troops drawn up in close order. This hill was -anciently called Senlac; it afterwards became the site of the Abbey of -Battle. Harold further strengthened his position by earthen ramparts -crowned with palisades of wood. Wace, speaking of these precautions, -says, “They had built up a fence before them with their shields, and -with ash and other<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_126" id="page_126"></a>{126}</span> wood; and had well joined and wattled in their whole -work, so as not to leave even a crevice; and thus they had a barricade -in their front, through which any Norman who would attack them must -first pass. Being covered in this way by their shields and barricades, -their aim was to defend themselves; and if they had remained steady for -that purpose, they would not have been conquered that day; for every -Norman who made his way in lost his life in dishonour, either by hatchet -or bill, by club or other weapon.” In addition to these defences, Wace -tells us that Harold “made a fosse, which went across the field, -guarding one side of their army.” This was probably lower down the hill -than the position occupied by his camp, and was chiefly intended to -incommode the cavalry.</p> - -<p>Harold further feeling that he had not the power to prevent the enemy’s -horse outflanking him, ordered “that all should be ranged with their -faces towards the enemy”—that they should front three sides at least of -the square. We see them (<i><a href="#pl_XIV">Plate XIV.</a></i>) sustaining an attack from -opposite quarters, and in both cases fronting the foe. He moreover -issued directions “that no one should move from where he was; so that -whoever came might find them ready; and that whatever any one, be he -Norman or other, should do, each should do his best to defend his own -place.” He planted his standard—the dragon of Wessex—on the most -elevated part of the hill, and there he resolved to defend it to the -last. Nobly Harold fulfilled his purpose—nothing could tempt him from -his post—and ere the Saxon ensign bowed to the banner blessed by the -Pope, his blood had drenched the soil.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_127" id="page_127"></a>{127}</span></p> - -<p>Harold’s men consisted but in part of regularly trained troops. Amongst -them were many “villains called together from the villages, bearing such -arms as they found—clubs and great picks, iron forks and stakes.” These -undisciplined Saxons exhibited no lack of that indomitable energy for -which the English race is famous; but, as Harold’s brother, Gurth, -remarked, “a great gathering of vilanaille is worth little in battle.”</p> - -<p>The numbers of the two armies have been variously stated. Probably Wace -is right in saying that they were nearly equal. He sets down the army of -William at sixty thousand, and speaks thus of his opponent’s: “Many and -many have said that Harold had but a small force, and that he fell on -that account. But many others say, and so do I, that he and the Duke had -man for man. The men of the Duke were not more numerous, but he had -certainly more barons, and the men were better. He had plenty of good -knights, and great plenty of good archers.”</p> - -<p>The Norman forces, having finished their devotions by an early hour in -the morning, were ordered to form in three divisions, the Duke himself -commanding the centre, which consisted of Normans. William then -addressed his army, saying, “If I conquer, you will conquer; if I win -lands, you shall have lands”—telling them, at the same time, that he -came not merely to establish his own claims, but also to punish the -English for the massacre of the Danes, and other felonies which they had -committed against his people. Then they began to cry out, “You will not -see one coward; none here will fear to die for love of you if need be.” -And he answered<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_128" id="page_128"></a>{128}</span> them, “Strike hard at the beginning; stay not to take -spoil; all the booty shall be in common, and there will be plenty for -every one. There will be no safety in peace or flight. The English will -neither love nor spare Normans. Felons they were, and are; false they -were, and false they will be.”</p> - -<p>William was continuing his speech, when Fitz-Osborne, who had been one -of his principal advisers in the whole business, interrupted him: “Sire, -said he, we tarry here too long; let us arm ourselves. <i>Allons! -Allons!</i>”</p> - -<p>When William began to prepare for battle, he called first for his good -hauberk, and a man brought it on his arm and placed it before him; but, -in putting his head in to get it on, he inadvertently turned it the -wrong way, with the back in front. He quickly changed it; but when he -saw that those who stood by him were sorely alarmed, he said, “I never -believed in omens, and I never will. I trust in God. The hauberk which -was turned wrong and then set right, signifies that I who have hitherto -been but duke, shall be changed into a king. Then he crossed himself, -and straightway took his hauberk, stooped his head, and put it on -aright; and laced his helmet and girt his sword, which a varlet brought -him.”</p> - -<p>There is something poetical in the error which William made. He was too -good a general to be boastful—he had been too often in the field not to -know the difference between the putting on and the putting off of the -armour—he knew too well, moreover, the serious nature of the venture -which he had made to pay much attention to the duties of his military -toilet. His capacious mind<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_129" id="page_129"></a>{129}</span></p> - -<p><a name="pl_XII" id="pl_XII"></a></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<a href="images/illu_opp_128_Plate_12_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/illu_opp_128_Plate_12_sml.jpg" width="500" height="332" alt="Image unavailable: PLATE XII." /></a> -<br /> -<span class="caption">PLATE XII.</span> -</div> - -<p class="nind">was weighing the chances of victory or defeat, and for the last time -reviewing all the arrangements which he had made for either alternative. -The Norman Duke, notwithstanding his usual exemption from superstitious -influences, did not consider his preparation for battle complete until -he had strung around his neck a portion of the relics over which Harold -had taken his faithless vow. William entrusted the standard which the -Pope had given him to Turstin Fitz-Rou. His demeanour, rendered even -more than usually commanding by the greatness of the occasion, seems to -have attracted the attention of his companions in arms;—“Never (said -the Viscount of Toarz), never have I seen a man so fairly armed, nor one -who rode so gallantly, or bore his arms or became his hauberk so well; -neither any one who bore his lance so gracefully, or sat his horse or -manœuvred so nobly. There is no such knight under heaven! a fair knight -he is, and a fair king he will be!”</p> - -<p>We are now prepared for examining the Tapestry. Under the compartment -inscribed <small>HIC MILITES EXIERUNT DE HESTENGA</small>—Here the soldiers have -departed from Hastings—we see the Duke, armed cap-a-pie, preparing to -mount his charger, which is brought him by an attendant. Next we have a -well arranged group of horsemen, representing the whole Norman army, -proceeding onward at a steady pace. Some scouts in advance scour the -country, and guard against surprise. The inscription proceeds, <small>ET -VENERUNT AD PRELIUM CONTRA HAROLDUM REGEM</small>—And march to battle against -Harold the King.</p> - -<p>The country between Hastings and Battle is of an undulating<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_130" id="page_130"></a>{130}</span> nature. The -Duke had many defiles of a dangerous nature to pass, in which Harold -might have harassed him if he had possessed cavalry, and if he had had -troops to spare. As it was, he was allowed to proceed unmolested; -nevertheless, both parties sent out scouts to watch each other’s -movements. The horseman, Vitalis, seems to have been sent on this errand -by William. In the Tapestry he is represented as galloping up to his -chieftain with the news which he has gathered respecting the enemy, -towards whom his spear is pointed. The group is labelled, <small>HIC WILLELM: -DUX INTERROGAT VITAL: SI VIDISSET EXERCITUM HAROLDI</small>—Here Duke William -asks Vitalis, whether he had seen Harold’s army.</p> - -<p>Harold’s scout is next seen, on foot, endeavouring to obtain a glimpse -through the forests of the approaching foe; he then informs his king of -their advance. The legend is, <small>ISTE NUNTIAT HAROLDUM REGEM DE EXERCITU -WILLELM: DUCIS</small>—This man brings word to Harold the King respecting Duke -William’s army. “The line of the Normans’ march from the camp of -Hastings to the battle-field, must have lain on the south-western slope -of the elevated ridge of land extending from Fairlight to Battle; that -is, to the north of the village of Hollington, through what is now -Crowhurst Park, to the elevated spot called Hetheland, but now known as -Telham Hill.”<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> This hill is about a mile south of the one occupied by -Harold. Its ancient name seems to imply that it was covered with heath -rather than with wood; this circumstance, together with the fact of its -elevated position, would enable<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_131" id="page_131"></a>{131}</span></p> - -<p><a name="pl_XIII" id="pl_XIII"></a></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<a href="images/illu_opp_130_Plate_13_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/illu_opp_130_Plate_13_sml.jpg" width="500" height="327" alt="Image unavailable: PLATE XIII." /></a> -<br /> -<span class="caption">PLATE XIII.</span> -</div> - -<p>William’s host for the first time clearly to descry their enemy from its -summit, and render it a fitting place on which to make the final -preparations for the onslaught. This spot, according to local tradition, -derived its name of Telham, or Telman Hill, from William’s having told -off his men before advancing to the fight.</p> - -<p>We can readily conceive what would be the feelings of the two forces, as -on the morning of the 14th of October, 1066, they came in sight of each -other;—“Some with their colour rising, others turning pale; some making -ready their arms, others raising their shields; the brave man raising -himself to the fight, the coward trembling at the approaching danger.” -Who can stand upon the ground occupied by either party without -sympathizing, in part, with their fierce emotions? Happily, such -sympathy is vain. Not only have victor and vanquished long ceased to be -moved by earth’s concernments, but the descendants of each have long -been blended into one race, having common interests, common feelings.</p> - -<p>Before commencing the onslaught, William again addressed his troops. He -is represented in the Tapestry (<i><a href="#pl_XIII">Plate XIII.</a></i>) beside a tree, -representing probably the edge of the forest, with the baton of command -in his right hand. The legend here is, <small>HIC WILLELM: DUX ALLOQUITUR SUIS -MILITIBUS UT PREPARARENT SE VIRILITER ET SAPIENTER AD PRELIUM CONTRA -ANGLORUM EXERCITUM</small>—Here Duke William exhorts his soldiers to prepare -manfully and prudently for battle against the army of the English. Wace -says that the battlecry of the Normans was <i>Dex aie!</i> (God help!), that -of the English, <i>Ut!</i> (out!—begone!)<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_132" id="page_132"></a>{132}</span></p> - -<p>Harold was not less diligent than his antagonist in making preparations. -“He ordered the men of Kent to go where the Normans were likely to make -the attack; for they say that the men of Kent are entitled to strike -first, and that whenever the king goes to battle, the first blow belongs -to them. The right of the men of London is to guard the king’s body, to -place themselves around him, and to guard his standard; and they were -accordingly placed by the standard to watch and defend it.” “Each man -had a hauberk on, with his sword girt, and his shield at his neck. Great -hatchets were also slung at their necks, with which they expected to -strike heavy blows. They were on foot in close ranks, and carried -themselves right boldly. <i>Olicrosse</i> (holy cross) they often cried, and -many times repeated <i>Godamite</i> (God Almighty).”<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> “And now behold! -that battle was gathered whereof the fame is yet mighty.”</p> - -<p>Nearly all the chroniclers tell us that the minstrel-warrior Taillefer -was the first to begin the battle, and some of them inform us that as he -approached the English lines, he produced a sort of panic amongst them -by his juggling tricks. It says not a little for the correctness of the -delineations of the Tapestry, and of the authenticity of the <i>Roman de -Rou</i>, that neither of them refers to these improbable stories, however -great the pictorial effect of them might have been. As, however, the -verses of Gaimar, describing the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_133" id="page_133"></a>{133}</span></p> - -<p><a name="pl_XIV" id="pl_XIV"></a></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<a href="images/illu_opp_132_Plate_14_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/illu_opp_132_Plate_14_sml.jpg" width="500" height="332" alt="Image unavailable: PLATE XIV" /></a> -<br /> -<span class="caption">PLATE XIV</span> -</div> - -<p class="nind">apocryphal exploits of Taillefer, possess considerable interest, it may -be well to introduce them here in the garb in which they have been -clothed by Mr. Amyot, in the <i>Archæologia</i>,<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a></p> - -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="iq">“Foremost in the bands of France,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Arm’d with hauberk and with lance,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">And helmet glittering in the air,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">As if a warrior-knight he were,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Rushed forth the minstrel Taillefer.—<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Borne on his courser swift and strong,<br /></span> -<span class="i2">He gaily bounded o’er the plain,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">And raised the heart-inspiring song<br /></span> -<span class="i0">(Loud echoed by the warlike throng)<br /></span> -<span class="i2">Of Roland and of Charlemagne,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Of Oliver, brave peer of old,<br /></span> -<span class="i2">Untaught to fly, unknown to yield,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">And many a knight and vassal bold,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Whose hallowed blood, in crimson flood,<br /></span> -<span class="i2">Dyed Roncevalles’ field.<br /></span> -</div><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">Harold’s host he soon descried,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Clustering on the hill’s steep side:<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Then, turned him back brave Taillefer,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">And thus to William urged his prayer:<br /></span> -<span class="iq">‘Great Sire, it fits not me to tell<br /></span> -<span class="i0">How long I’ve served you, or how well;<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Yet if reward my lays may claim,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Grant now the boon I dare to name:<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Minstrel no more, be mine the blow<br /></span> -<span class="i0">That first shall strike yon perjured foe.’<br /></span> -<span class="iq">‘Thy suit is gained,’ the Duke replied,<br /></span> -<span class="iq">‘Our gallant minstrel be our guide.’<br /></span> -<span class="iq">‘Enough,’ he cried, ‘with joy I speed,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Foremost to vanquish or to bleed.’<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_134" id="page_134"></a>{134}</span><br /></span> -</div><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">And still of Roland’s deeds he sung,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">While Norman shouts responsive rung,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">As high in air his lance he flung,<br /></span> -<span class="i2">With well directed might;<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Back came the lance into his hand,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Like urchin’s ball, or juggler’s wand,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">And twice again, at his command,<br /></span> -<span class="i2">Whirled it’s unerring flight.—<br /></span> -<span class="i0">While doubting whether skill or charm<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Had thus inspired the minstrel’s arm,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">The Saxons saw the wondrous dart<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Fixed in their standard-bearer’s heart.<br /></span> -</div><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">Now thrice aloft his sword he threw,<br /></span> -<span class="i2">’Midst sparkling sunbeams dancing,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">And downward thrice the weapon flew,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Like meteor o’er the evening dew,<br /></span> -<span class="i2">From summer sky swift glancing:<br /></span> -<span class="i0">And while amazement gasped for breath,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Another Saxon groaned in death.<br /></span> -</div><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">More wonders yet!—on signal made,<br /></span> -<span class="i2">With mane erect, and eye-balls flashing,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">The well-taught courser rears his head,<br /></span> -<span class="i2">His teeth in ravenous fury gnashing;<br /></span> -<span class="i0">He snorts—he foams—and upward springs—<br /></span> -<span class="i2">Plunging he fastens on the foe,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">And down his writhing victim flings,<br /></span> -<span class="i2">Crushed by the wily minstrel’s blow.<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Thus seems it to the hostile band<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Enchantment all, and fairy land.<br /></span> -</div><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">Fain would I leave the rest unsung:—<br /></span> -<span class="i0">The Saxon ranks, to madness stung,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Headlong rushed with frenzied start,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Hurling javelin, mace, and dart;<br /></span> -<span class="i0">No shelter from the iron shower<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Sought Taillefer in that sad hour;<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_135" id="page_135"></a>{135}</span><br /></span> -<span class="i0">Yet still he beckoned to the field,<br /></span> -<span class="iq">‘Frenchmen, come on.—the Saxons yield—<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Strike quick—strike home—in Roland’s name—<br /></span> -<span class="i0">For William’s glory—Harold’s shame.’<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Then pierced with wounds, stretched side by side,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">The minstrel and his courser died.”<br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<p>The charge of Taillefer roused the mettle of both parties. “Forthwith -arose the noise and cry of war, and on either side the people put -themselves in motion.” “Some were striking, others urging onwards; and -all were bold, and cast aside fear.”</p> - -<p>“Loud and far resounded the bray of the horns and the shocks of the -lances; the mighty strokes of clubs, and the quick clashing of swords. -One while the Englishmen rushed on, another while they fell back; one -while the men from over the sea charged onwards, and again, at other -times, retreated. Then came the cunning manœuvres, the rude shocks and -strokes of the lance, and blows of the sword, among the sergeants and -soldiers, both English and Norman. When the English fall the Normans -shout. Each side taunts and defies the other, yet neither knoweth what -the other saith; and the Normans say the English bark, because they -understand not their speech.” In this way the struggle proceeded for -several hours. The Saxons had an arduous part to sustain; for, as shewn -in the Tapestry, they were attacked on all sides.</p> - -<p>Early in the battle the brothers of Harold, Gurth and Leofwin fell. The -fact is indicated by the superscription, <small>HIC CECIDERUNT LEWINE ET GURTH -FRATRES HAROLDI REGIS</small>—Here fell Leofwin and Gurth, the brothers of -Harold the King. Bravely had they sustained<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_136" id="page_136"></a>{136}</span> their brother in his -efforts to resist the invader, and doubtless they had, in the excess of -their zeal, needlessly hazarded their lives. According to Wace, they did -not fall until after Harold had been slain. This is one of the points in -which the worsted chronicle differs from the <i>Roman de Rou</i>. In a -battle, where all is confusion—where few can obtain a general view of -what passes—and where each is intensely occupied with his own -foeman—it is exceedingly difficult for any one to give a just account -of the whole scene, or to reconcile the conflicting statements of -others. All our historians agree that both the brothers of Harold were -slain in the battle of Hastings;—had it been otherwise William would -not have been crowned at Westminister that Christmas.</p> - -<p>Following, on the Tapestry, the death of Gurth and Leofwin (<i><a href="#pl_XV">Plate XV.</a></i>) -is a scene thus labelled: <small>HIC CECIDERUNT SIMUL ANGLI ET FRANCI IN -PRELIO</small>. The scene is here most animated. Saxons and Normans are mingled -in a close encounter. Horses and men exhibit the frantic contortions of -dying agony. At the further end of the compartment a party of Saxons, -posted on a hill, exposed to the enemy on one side, but protected by a -forest (represented by a tree) on the other, seem to be making head -against their assailants. The Normans had attacked the Saxon encampment -with the utmost impetuosity in front and in flank. The Saxons maintained -their ground well, but some, through fear or misadventure, were -constrained to flee. The victorious Normans, strongly armed and well -mounted, pursued the flying footmen. In doing so, they left not only -their own army, but that of Harold in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_137" id="page_137"></a>{137}</span></p> - -<p><a name="pl_XV" id="pl_XV"></a></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<a href="images/illu_opp_136_Plate_15_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/illu_opp_136_Plate_15_sml.jpg" width="500" height="326" alt="Image unavailable: PLATE XV." /></a> -<br /> -<span class="caption">PLATE XV.</span> -</div> - -<p class="nind">the rear. Soon a swampy valley was to be encountered. The retreating -English, climbing the opposite hill, paused, at once to take breath and -to examine their position. Finding the Normans struggling with the -difficulties of the morass, and conscious of the advantage which their -elevated position gave them, they wheeled about, and became the -attacking party. Their efforts were crowned with success; the invaders -were thrown into a state of confusion nearly inextricable. But it is -necessary now to refer to our authorities. The account given in the -<i>Roman de Rou</i> of this important part of the events of that eventful day -is the following: “In the plain was a fosse, which the Normans now had -behind them, <i>having passed it in the fight without regarding it</i>. But -the English charged, and drove the Normans before them, till they made -them fall back upon this fosse, overthrowing into it horses and men. -Many were to be seen falling therein, rolling one over the other, with -their faces to the earth, and unable to rise. Many of the English also, -whom the Normans drew down along with them, died there. At no time -during the day’s battle did so many Normans die as perished in that -fosse. So said they who saw the dead.” The account given in the -<i>Chronicle of Battle Abbey</i> is similar. “There lay between the hostile -armies a certain dreadful precipice.... It was of considerable extent, -and being overgrown with bushes or brambles, was not very easily seen, -and great numbers of men, principally Normans in pursuit of the English, -were suffocated in it. For, ignorant of the danger, as they were running -in a disorderly manner, they fell into the chasm, and were fearfully<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_138" id="page_138"></a>{138}</span> -dashed to pieces and slain. And this pit, from this deplorable accident, -is still called <i>Malfosse</i>.” With these statements that of William of -Malmesbury agrees—“By frequently making a stand, they slaughtered their -pursuers in heaps; for, getting possession of an eminence, they drove -down the Normans, when roused with indignation and anxiously striving to -gain the higher ground, into the valley beneath, when, easily hurling -their javelins and rolling down stones on them as they stood below, they -destroyed them to a man.” With these descriptions the delineation of the -Tapestry agrees in a remarkable manner. The only point which remains for -us is to identify the scene of this skirmish with some locality in the -vicinity of Battle. This Mr. Lower enables us to do. “There is no place -near Battle which can, with a due regard to the proprieties of language, -be called a ‘dreadful precipice’ (<i>miserabile præceipitium vaste -patens</i>), though, by comparing Malmesbury with the Monk of Battle, I -think I have succeeded in identifying the locality of this ‘bad -ditch.’<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> From all the probabilities of the case, it would seem that -the flight and pursuit must have lain in a north-westerly direction, -through that part of the district known as Mountjoy. Assuming this, the -eminence alluded to must have been the ridge rising from Mount Street to -Caldbeck Hill, and the <i>Malfosse</i> some part of the stream which, flowing -at its feet, runs in the direction of Watlington, and becomes a -tributary of the Rother. This rivulet occasionally overflows its banks, -and the primitive<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_139" id="page_139"></a>{139}</span> condition of the adjacent levels was doubtless that -of a morass, overgrown with flags, reeds, and similar bog vegetables. -Thanks, however, to good drainage, this ‘bad ditch’ no longer remains. -The name was corrupted, previously to 1279, to Manfosse, and a piece of -land called Wincestrecroft, in Manfosse, was ceded to the Abbey of -Battle in that year. Now Wincestrecroft is still well known, and lies in -the direction specified, west by north of the present town of -Battle.”<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a></p> - -<p>The English, after having exterminated their pursuers, regained the -eminence on which the main body was encamped.</p> - -<p>This was the most critical period of the day’s fight. The varlets who -had been set to guard the harness of the Normans, began to abandon it. -The priests who had confessed and blessed the army in the morning, and -had meanwhile retired to a neighbouring height, began to take themselves -off. In this extremity Odo interfered, and turned the fate of the -battle. The description in the <i>Roman de Rou</i> precisely corresponds with -the drawing in the Tapestry. Wace says, “Then Odo, the good priest, the -Bishop of Bayeux, galloped up, and said to them ‘Stand fast, stand fast! -be quiet and move not! fear nothing, for if it please God, we shall -conquer yet.’ So they took courage, and rested where they were; and Odo -returned galloping back to where the battle was most fierce, and was of -great service on that day. He had put a hauberk on, over a white aube, -wide in the body, with the sleeves tight; and sat on a white horse, so -that all might recognize him.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_140" id="page_140"></a>{140}</span> In his hand he held a mace, and wherever -he saw most need, he led up and stationed the knights, and often urged -them on to assault and strike the enemy.” With this description the -Tapestry exactly accords, except in the colour of the horse; it however -represents it as being sufficiently conspicuous.</p> - -<p>The inscription is <small>HIC ODO EPISCOPUS TENENS BACULUM CONFORTAT -PUEROS</small>—Here Odo holding a staff exhorts the soldiers.<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> The staff -which Odo wields is, I suspect, the badge of command—the marshal’s -baton as it were—and not a weapon, as some writers suppose. William -himself, in the next group, is represented with a similar implement. -During the middle ages the priests of the sanctuary were not -unfrequently to be found in the battle-field. Some of them were much -more at home in the midst of the <i>melée</i> than in guiding sin-stricken -souls to a Saviour. The bold Bishop of Durham, Anthony Beck, never left -the precincts of his castle but in magnificent military array. He fought -personally at the battle of Falkirk, and drew from a soldier, who felt -perhaps a superstitious dread at aiming a deadly blow at one invested -with the sacred office, the merited rebuke, “To your mass, O priest.” -Richard I., when at war with Philip of France, took a<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_141" id="page_141"></a>{141}</span> French Bishop -prisoner. The Pope sent to demand his liberation, claiming him as a son -of the church. Richard upon this sent the Bishop’s coat of mail to the -Pope, just as it was, besmeared with the blood of the slain, employing -the words of Jacob’s sons, “This have we found; know now whether it be -thy son’s coat or no.” The canon laws indeed forbade a priest to shed -blood; but this was evaded, it is said, by the use of a mace instead of -a sword. The warrior-priest did not stab a man; he only brained him. It -is on this ground that the baton held by Odo has been considered by some -writers to be a weapon.</p> - -<p>In consequence of the confusion and panic which attended the disasters -in the Malfosse, a report was spread among the Normans that William was -dead. At the same time, too, according to one writer,<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> Eustace Count -of Boulogne strongly urged the Duke to withdraw his forces from the -field, considering the battle to be lost beyond recovery. A Saxon shaft -at that moment laid Eustace low, and delivered William from his -importunity. The Duke, nothing daunted by this disaster, rushed among -his troops, encouraged his men to maintain the combat, and to assure -them of the falsehood of the report of his death, raised his helmet and -exhibited himself to his people. This act is exhibited in the Tapestry -(<i><a href="#pl_XV">Plate XV.</a></i>); at the same time, his standard-bearer, who never left him -throughout the day, draws attention to the circumstance. The group is -labelled, <small>HIC EST DVX WILEL</small>:—Here is Duke William. By these energetic -means the Normans returned to the onset.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_142" id="page_142"></a>{142}</span></p> - -<p>The Tapestry shows us the fearful slaughter which took place on that -hard-fought field. The border is filled with dead men and horses lying -in every conceivable position; a head is not unfrequently deposited at -some distance from the body to which it once belonged. We can scarcely -look upon the drawing without being impressed with the idea that the -designer of the Tapestry had been the witness of some fight. It is said -that when a man receives a mortal wound, his body is thrown for the -moment into violent spasmodic action. So much is this the case, that you -may tell the effect of a death-bringing volley by noticing how many -unhappy wretches make a sudden leap. In the Tapestry something of this -spasmodic action is manifested, and some of the men are coming to the -ground in such a posture as they could only do after having sprung up -from it.<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a></p> - -<p>The battle had now lasted the greater part of the day. “From nine -o’clock in the morning till three in the afternoon the battle was up and -down, this way and that, and no one knew who would conquer and win the -land. Both sides stood so firm and fought so<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_143" id="page_143"></a>{143}</span> well that no one could -guess which would prevail. The Norman archers with their bows shot -thickly upon the English; but they covered themselves with their -shields, so that the arrows could not reach their bodies.... Then the -Normans determined to shoot their arrows upwards into the air, so that -they might fall on their enemies’ heads and strike their faces. The -archers adopted this scheme, and shot up into the air towards the -English; and the arrows in falling struck their heads and faces, and put -out the eyes of many, and all feared to open their eyes or leave their -faces unguarded.” “The arrows now flew thicker than rain before the -wind. Then it was that an arrow that had been thus shot upwards struck -Harold above his right eye and put it out. In his agony he drew the -arrow (<i><a href="#pl_XVI">Plate XVI.</a></i>) and threw it away, breaking it with his hands; and -the pain to his head was so great that he leaned upon his shield.” Still -the English did not yield, and Harold, though grievously hurt, -maintained his ground.</p> - -<p>At length the device was adopted which put victory into the hands of the -Normans. Harold, knowing William’s skill in strategy, exhorted his -troops at the beginning of the fight to keep their ground, and not -suffer themselves to be drawn into a pursuit. Had his troops been -well-trained men, to whom obedience is a second nature, that battle had -probably not been lost. Many of them however had been brought from the -fields, and were unable to resist the prospect of inflicting deserved -vengeance upon their adversaries. Harold’s troops were the more likely -to fall into the snare laid for them, in consequence of the success -which attended,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_144" id="page_144"></a>{144}</span> in an earlier part of the day, the attack upon the -pursuing Normans in the Malfosse.</p> - -<p>William’s army fled by little and little, the English following them. -“As the one fell back, the other pressed after; and when the Frenchmen -retreated, the English thought and cried out that the men of France fled -and would never return. ‘Cowards,’ said they, ‘you came hither in an -evil hour, wanting our lands, and seeking to seize our property, fools -that you were to come! Normandy is too far off, and you will not easily -reach it ... your sons and daughters are lost to you!’ The Normans bore -these taunts very quietly, as indeed they easily might, for they did not -know what the English said.”</p> - -<p>At length the time arrived for the assailants to come to a stand. The -English had broken rank; the valley, too, had been crossed, and the -Normans were now standing above the Saxons on the flank of the hill on -the top of which they had formed in the morning.</p> - -<p>At the word of command, <span class="smcap">Dex aie</span>, the Normans halted, and turned their -faces towards the enemy. Now commenced the fiercest part of that bloody -day’s encounter. Neither party was wanting in courage. All the -chroniclers do justice to the contending forces. “One hits, another -misses; one flies, another pursues; one is aiming a stroke, while -another discharges his blow. Norman strives with Englishman again, and -aims his blows afresh. One flies, another pursues swiftly; the -combatants are many, the plain wide, the battle and the <i>melée</i> fierce. -On every hand they fight hard, the blows are heavy, and the struggle -becomes fierce.”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_145" id="page_145"></a>{145}</span></p> - -<p>As neither the horrors nor the gallantry exhibited on a battle-field can -be comprehended by a general description, it may be well here to -introduce an account of one or two of the individual encounters -occurring at this period, with which Wace supplies us.</p> - -<p>“The Normans were playing their part well, when an English knight came -rushing up, having in his company a hundred men furnished with various -arms. He wielded a northern hatchet, with the blade a full foot long; -and was well armed after his manner, being tall, bold, and of noble -carriage. In the front of the battle, where the Normans thronged most, -he came bounding on swifter than a stag, many Normans falling before him -and his company. He rushed straight upon a Norman, who was armed, and -riding on a war-horse, and tried with a hatchet of steel to cleave his -helmet; but the blow miscarried, and the sharp blade glanced down before -the saddle-bow, driving through the horse’s neck down to the ground, so -that both horse and master fell together to the earth. I know not -whether the Englishman struck another blow; but the Normans who saw the -stroke were astonished, and about to abandon the assault, when Roger de -Montgomery came galloping up, with his lance set, and heeding not the -long-handled axe which the Englishman wielded aloft, struck him down, -and left him stretched upon the ground. Then Roger cried out ‘Frenchmen, -strike; the day is ours!’ And again a fierce <i>melée</i> was to be seen, -with many a blow of lance and sword; the English still defending -themselves, killing the horses, and cleaving the shields.”</p> - -<p>“There was a French soldier of noble mien, who sat his horse<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_146" id="page_146"></a>{146}</span> gallantly. -He spied two Englishmen who were also carrying themselves boldly. They -were both of them men of great worth, and had become companions in arms -and fought together, the one protecting the other. They bore two long -and broad bills, and did great mischief to the Normans, killing both -horses and men. The French soldier looked at them and their bills, and -was sore alarmed; for he was afraid of losing his good horse, the best -that he had, and would willingly have turned to some other quarter, if -it would not have looked like cowardice. Fearing the two bills, he -raised his shield by the ‘enarmes,’ and struck one of the Englishmen -with his lance on the breast, so that the iron passed out at the back. -At the moment that he fell, the lance broke, and the Frenchman seized -the mace that hung at his right side, and struck the other Englishman a -blow that completely fractured his scull.”</p> - -<p>The slaughter at this period of the day must have been fearful. The -chronicler of Battle Abbey says, “Amid these miseries there was -exhibited a fearful spectacle: the fields were covered with dead bodies, -and on every hand nothing was to be seen but the red hue of blood. The -dales around sent forth a gory stream, which increased at a distance to -the size of a river! How great think you must have been the slaughter of -the conquered, when the conquerors’ is reported, upon the lowest -computation, to have exceeded ten thousand? Oh how vast a flood of human -gore was poured out in that place where these unfortunates fell and were -slain! What a dashing to pieces of arms, what a clashing of strokes; -what shrieks of dying men; what grief; what sighs were<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_147" id="page_147"></a>{147}</span> heard! How many -groans; how many bitter notes of direst calamity then sounded forth, who -can rightly calculate! What a wretched exhibition of human misery was -there to call forth astonishment! In the very contemplation of it our -heart fails us.”<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a></p> - -<p>Notwithstanding the horrors of the scene, and the hopelessness of their -efforts, the courage of the Saxons failed not; sometimes fleeing, and -sometimes making a stand, they slaughtered their pursuers in heaps.</p> - -<p>The place where this havoc took place is probably the southern front of -the eminence on which Battle Abbey was afterwards placed. The whole site -of the contest has sometimes been denominated “Sanguelac,” or the “Lake -of Blood,” but this designation properly belongs to that part in which -the street of the modern town of Battle called “the Lake” is situated. -Until a very recent period this place was supposed still occasionally to -reek with human gore. “Thereabout,” says Drayton, “is a place which -after rain always looks red, which some have attributed to a very bloody -sweat of the earth, as crying to heaven for revenge for so great a -slaughter.”</p> - -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">“ ... Asten once distained with native English blood;<br /></span> -<span class="i1">Whose soil, when wet with any little rain,<br /></span> -<span class="i1">Doth blush, as put in mind of those there sadly slain.”<br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<p>The truth is “the redness of the water here, and at many other places in -the neighbourhood, is caused by the oxydation of the iron which abounds -in the soil of the Weald of Sussex.”<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_148" id="page_148"></a>{148}</span></p> - -<p>To return to the battle, “Loud was now the clamour, and great the -slaughter; many a soul then quitted the body which it inhabited. The -living marched over the heaps of dead, and each side was weary of -striking. He charged on who could, and he who could no longer strike -still pushed forward. The strong struggled with the strong; some failed, -others triumphed; the cowards fell back, the brave pressed on; and sad -was his fate who fell in the midst, for he had little chance of rising -again; and many in truth fell who never rose at all, being crushed under -the throng. And now the Normans pressed on so far that at last they -reached the English standard.” The Tapestry represents the eager advance -of a body of horsemen. The compartment is inscribed, <small>HIC FRANCI PUGNANT -ET CECIDERUNT QUI ERANT CUM HAROLDO</small>—Here the French are fighting, and -have slain the men who were with Harold. “There Harold had remained, -defending himself to the utmost; but he was sorely wounded in the eye by -the arrow, and suffered grievous pain by the blow. An armed man came in -the throng of the battle, and struck him on the <i>ventaille</i> of his -helmet and beat him to the ground; and as he sought to recover himself, -a knight beat him down again, striking him on the thick of his thigh, -down to the bone.” This is shown in the Tapestry (<i><a href="#pl_XVI">Plate XVI.</a></i>) Harold -first of all appears standing by his standard, contending with a -horseman who is making a rush at him; then he is shown pulling the arrow -out of his eye; and lastly he is seen, falling—</p> - -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">“With his back to the field, and his feet to the foe,”<br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<p>—his battle axe has dropped from his nerveless grasp, and a Norman,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_149" id="page_149"></a>{149}</span></p> - -<p><a name="pl_XVI" id="pl_XVI"></a></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<a href="images/illu_opp_148_Plate_16_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/illu_opp_148_Plate_16_sml.jpg" width="500" height="333" alt="Image unavailable: PLATE XVI." /></a> -<br /> -<span class="caption">PLATE XVI.</span> -</div> - -<p class="nind">stooping from his horse, inflicts a wound upon his thigh. The group is -superscribed, <small>HIC HAROLD REX INTERFECTUS EST</small>—Here Harold the King is -slain.<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a></p> - -<p>“The English were in great trouble at having lost their King, and at the -Duke’s having conquered and beat down the standard; but they still -fought on, and defended themselves long, and in fact till the day drew -to a close. Then it clearly appeared to all that the standard was lost, -and the news had spread throughout the army that Harold for certain was -dead; and all saw now that there was no longer any hope, so they left -the field and those fled who could.” Ingulph tells us that all the -nobles that were in Harold’s army were slain;<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> we are hence led to -infer that it was the untrained peasantry only who betook themselves to -flight. The Tapestry is in consistency with this. The last compartment -represents a group of men unprotected by body armour, and supplied only -with a mace or club, retreating before a party of fully equipped -horsemen. The inscription is, <small>ET FUGA VERTERUNT ANGLI</small>—And the English -betake themselves to flight.</p> - -<p>Happily the exact spot on which the final struggle of the day took place -is clearly ascertained. The writer of the <i>Battle Abbey<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_150" id="page_150"></a>{150}</span> Chronicle</i> -tells us, that the King having resolved to commemorate his victory by -the erection of a Christian temple, the high altar was placed upon the -precise spot where the standard was observed to fall.<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> Long after -all traces of the Abbey Church had been obliterated, the finger of -tradition faithfully pointed to the spot so interesting to all -Englishmen. In the year 1817, the proprietor of the soil, anxious to -test the truth of the popular belief, made the necessary excavations, -and in the very place indicated, at the depth of several feet below the -surface, found the remains of an altar in the easternmost recess of the -crypt of the church.<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a></p> - -<p>William on that day fought well—as well he might, for he had engaged in -a desperate venture—“many a blow did he give, and many receive, and -many fell dead under his hand.” Two horses were killed under him. After -the English had been exterminated, or had forsaken the field, the Duke -returned thanks to God, and ordered his gonfanon to be erected where -Harold’s standard had stood. Here, too, he raised his tent. Amidst the -dying and the dead he partook of his evening meal and passed the night.</p> - -<p>The next morning which dawned upon that sad battle field was the -Sabbath. On that first day of the week no heavenly choir sang of peace -on earth and good will toward men. The human family<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_151" id="page_151"></a>{151}</span> was exhibited in -its most painful aspect, “hateful and hating one another”—that field -but recently covered over with the golden sheaves of harvest, now bore -upon its surface the gory fruits of man’s ambition.</p> - -<p>“When William called over the muster-roll, which he had prepared before -he left the opposite coast, many a knight, who on the day when he -sailed, had proudly answered to his name, was then numbered with the -dead. The land which he had done homage for was useless to him -now.”<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> He had come to win large domains and baronial honours—six -feet of common earth was all he got. “The Conqueror had lost more than -one-fourth of his army.”<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> Both parties spent the day in burying the -dead. “The noble ladies of the land also came, some to seek their -husbands, and others their fathers, sons, or brothers.”</p> - -<p>The account given by Ordericus of the disposal of Harold’s body is the -following: “Harold could not be discovered by his features, but was -recognized by other tokens, and his corpse being borne to the Duke’s -camp, was, by order of the Conqueror, delivered to William Mallet for -interment near the sea-shore, which had long been guarded by his -arms.”<a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> William of Poictiers gives a similar statement. Later -writers say that his body was interred with regal honours in Waltham -Abbey. This tradition, which probably had its origin in the wish of the -monks to attract visitors to the shrine at Waltham, cannot be -entertained, in opposition to the express<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_152" id="page_152"></a>{152}</span> statements of contemporaries. -Some venture, too, to assert that, though sorely wounded at Hastings, he -was not killed, and that, on escaping from the field, he first fled to -the continent, and afterwards led the life of a recluse at Chester. This -is a statement which may at once be rejected.</p> - -<p>The difficulty in discovering the body to which Ordericus refers was, it -is generally believed, overcome by Edith, surnamed, from her beauty, the -Fair. The keen eye of affection discerned his mangled form amidst heaps -of dead, which appeared to common observers an undistinguishable mass. -What will not woman’s love accomplish!</p> - -<p>Many writers have done great dishonour to this lady by stating that she -was the mistress of Harold. Sir Henry Ellis, in his <i>Introduction to -Domesday Book</i>, has proved that she was his Queen; “Aldith, Algiva or -Eddeva, being names which are all synonymous.” Unhappy Elfgyva, how -different her feelings now from what they were when the clerk announced -to her, in his own familiar way, the rescue of Harold from the capture -of Guy!<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_153" id="page_153"></a>{153}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="IX_THE_SEQUEL" id="IX_THE_SEQUEL"></a>IX. THE SEQUEL.</h2> - -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">“From seeming evil still educing good.”<br /></span> -<span class="authh"><i>Thomson.</i><br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<p class="nind"><span class="smcap">The</span> Saxons lost the battle of Hastings. Here, however, they left no blot -on their name. The old historian Daniel justly, as well as forcibly, -remarks, “Thus was tried, by the great assize of God’s judgment in -battle, the right of power between the English and Norman nations; a -battle the most memorable of all others; and, however miserably lost, -yet most nobly fought on the part of England.” The death of Harold, and -the absence of any other competitor, opened the way for William to the -throne. Presenting himself to the nobles of the land, assembled in -London, he was in due form elected to the vacant throne, and was crowned -by Aldred Archbishop of York, on Mid-winter’s day. William never claimed -the English crown by right of conquest. His quarrel was with Harold, not -with the English people, and he denounced him as interfering with his -just claims. The <i>Saxon Chronicle</i> expressly asserts that “Before the -Archbishop would set the crown upon his head, he required of him a -pledge upon Christ’s book, and also swore him, that he would govern this -nation as well as any king before him had at the best done, if they -would be faithful to him.” He never claimed to be the Conqueror of -England in the ordinary<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_154" id="page_154"></a>{154}</span> sense of the word. In his first charter to -Westminster Abbey, he founds his right to the crown upon the grant of -his relative Edward the Confessor. The <i>Domesday Book</i> was not compiled -until near the close of William’s reign (about the year 1086), yet in it -he is not spoken of as a conqueror. “Throughout the <i>Survey</i>,” says Sir -Henry Ellis, “Harold is constantly spoken of as the usurper of the -realm: ‘quando regnum <i>invasit</i>.’ Once only is it said ‘quando -<i>regnabat</i>.’ Of William it is as constantly said, ‘postquam <i>venit</i> in -Angliam,’ after he came to England. Once only does the expression occur, -‘W. rex <i>conquisivit</i> Angliam,’ when he conquered or acquired -England.”<a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> But whatever were William’s rights and original -intentions, it was impossible that he could long reign over England as a -constitutional monarch. It was not likely that the great chiefs who -survived the battle of Hastings would long submit to the rule of a -stranger—hosts of foreigners would necessarily be introduced into the -court, and this, as in the reign of the Confessor, would be a continual -source of heartburning and jealousy—and, above all, the followers of -the King were to be rewarded, and this could only be done by depriving -the Saxon noblemen of their patrimonies. When William won the battle of -Hastings, he bid farewell to peace for ever. His subsequent history was -a continued series of entanglements and broils. One chieftain after -another, one district and then another, became restless under his rule; -each<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_155" id="page_155"></a>{155}</span> he crushed in succession. At length he became in the strict sense -of the word the Conqueror. He ruled by the sword alone. His own Norman -barons, and even his brother Odo, felt the weight of his iron hand; but -it fell with peculiar force upon his native-born subjects. The writer in -the <i>Saxon Chronicle</i>, speaking from his own knowledge, says of William, -“He was a very wise and a great man, and more honoured and more powerful -than any of his predecessors. He was mild to those good men who loved -God, but severe beyond measure towards those who withstood his will.... -He was a very stern and wrathful man, so that none durst do anything -against his will, and he kept in prison those earls who acted against -his pleasure.... Truly there was much trouble in these times, and very -great distress; he caused castles to be built, and oppressed the -poor.... He made large forests for the deer, and enacted laws therewith, -so that whoever killed a hart or a hind should be blinded. He loved the -tall stags as if he had been their father. The rich complained and the -poor murmured, but he was so sturdy that he recked nought of them; they -must will all that the king willed, if they would live; or would keep -their lands; or would hold their possessions; or would be maintained in -their rights. Alas! that any man should so exalt himself, and carry -himself in his pride over all!”<a name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> Ingulph speaks of the entire -subjugation of the English people, and of their systematic exclusion -from offices of honour. “Many of the chief men of the land, for some -time, offered resistance to William, the new<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_156" id="page_156"></a>{156}</span> king, but, being -afterwards crushed by his might and overcome, they at last submitted to -the sway of the Normans.... So inveterately did the Normans at this -period detest the English, that, whatever the amount of their merits -might be, they were excluded from all dignities; and foreigners who were -far less fitted, be they of any other nation whatever under heaven, -would have been gladly chosen instead of them.”<a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> Henry of Huntingdon -uses language which the English of the present day, accustomed as they -are to rear their heads proudly among the nations, can hardly -understand. “In the twenty-first year of the reign of King William, when -the Normans had accomplished the righteous will of God on the English -Nation, and there was now no prince of the ancient regal race living in -England, and all the English were brought to a reluctant submission, so -that <i>it was a disgrace even to be called an Englishman</i>, the instrument -of Providence in fulfilling its designs was removed from the -world.”<a name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a> “Many of the people,” as Holinshed tells us, “utterly -refusing such an intolerable yoke of thraldom as was daily laid upon -them, chose rather to leave all, both goods and lands, and after the -manner of outlaws, got them to the woods with their wives, children, and -servants, meaning from henceforth to live upon the spoils of the country -adjoining, and to take whatsoever came next to hand.”</p> - -<p>Notwithstanding the heavy pressure of these evils good ensued. The -political tempest resulted in the increased purity, health, and peace, -of the national atmosphere.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_157" id="page_157"></a>{157}</span></p> - -<p>William established a strong government. Had Harold been unopposed from -without, he would have had rivals from within the nation. The opposition -of his own brother Tostig was but a prelude of what the general result -of his reign would have been. Ambitious men, such as Edwin and Morcar, -the Earls of Mercia and Northumbria, would on the least provocation have -espoused the cause of Edgar Atheling, and by rendering the land a scene -of internal discord, have made it an easy prey to new bands of -adventurers from Denmark, Norway, Flanders, and France. William, by the -vigour, and even harshness of his rule, quelled internal dissension, and -bid defiance to foreign rivalry.</p> - -<p>The Norman invasion hastened and perfected the establishment of the -feudal system in England. This system had one great defect, which -renders it unfit for the present condition of England—it altogether -overlooked the claims of the lower classes, who always form the great -bulk of the population; still, it produced most beneficial results in -the eleventh and twelfth centuries. It brought all the great barons of -the empire into subjection to the sovereign, and by defining the -corresponding duties of the mesne lords and inferior tenants, knit the -whole kingdom into one. By this unity the realm was prepared to put down -intestine broils, and to resist foreign aggression. A way too was -prepared for the elevation of the lower classes. The system had but to -be extended in order to define the duties, and to confer corresponding -privileges, upon every member of the community.</p> - -<p>Learning and civilization were greatly advanced by the Norman<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_158" id="page_158"></a>{158}</span> Conquest. -Italy at this time was the focus of the knowledge and refinement of the -world. The light kindled by the genius of Attica, and nurtured by the -philosophy and poetry of the Augustan era, still irradiated the -seven-hilled city. Britain, severed from the main-land by a stormy -channel, had less intercourse with Rome than the nations of the -continent. Though William of Malmesbury may have somewhat overdrawn the -statement, still there is much truth in the picture which he gives of -the social condition of the Saxons at the time of the Conquest. “In -process of time the desire after literature and religion had decayed, -for several years before the arrival of the Normans. The clergy, -contented with a very slight degree of learning, could scarcely stammer -out the words of the sacraments; and a person who understood grammar was -an object of wonder and astonishment. The nobility were given up to -luxury and wantonness. The commonalty, left unprotected, became a prey -to the most powerful, who amassed fortunes, by either seizing on their -property, or by selling their persons into foreign countries; although -it be an innate quality of this people to be more inclined to revelling, -than to the accumulation of wealth. Drinking was a universal practice, -in which they passed entire nights as well as days. They consumed their -whole substance in mean and despicable houses; unlike Normans and -French, who, in noble and splendid mansions, lived with frugality.”<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> -There cannot be a doubt that by the introduction of the refinements of -life the condition of the people was improved,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_159" id="page_159"></a>{159}</span> and that a check was -given to the grosser sensualities of our nature. Certain it is that -learning received a powerful stimulus by the conquest. At the period of -the Norman invasion, a great intellectual movement had commenced in the -schools on the continent. Normandy had beyond most other parts profited -by it. William brought with him to England some of the most -distinguished ornaments of the schools of his native duchy; the -consequence of this was that England henceforward took a higher walk in -literature than she had ever done before.<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a></p> - -<p>Another important advantage resulting from the Conquest was the -emancipation of the lower classes. At the period of the invasion the -great bulk of the population were in a servile condition. One class of -the people, the churls, were attached to the land, and were transferred -with it from one master to another without the power of choosing their -employer, or taking any steps to improve their condition—another large -class, the thews, were the absolute property of their owners. The -attempts which Alfred and some of the clergy made to remedy this -gigantic evil were attended with but partial success. The Conquest gave -it its death blow. The convulsions which ensued afforded great numbers -the wished-for opportunity of escaping from thraldom. Many of the -landowners, seeing the shipwreck of their fortunes inevitable, made a -virtue of necessity, and manumitted their serfs. One of William’s -regulations had a tendency quietly to complete what was thus -auspiciously begun. He passed a law declaring that every slave who<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_160" id="page_160"></a>{160}</span> had -resided unchallenged a year and a day in any city or walled town in the -kingdom, should be free for ever.<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> This law became a door of hope to -many, and in due time not one slave was left in England. It had another -very beneficial effect. Men were led to congregate in towns; knowledge -was promoted; a stimulus was given to the cultivation of the refinements -of social life; and the commoners, strong in their numbers, were induced -to assert and maintain their common rights.</p> - -<p>Even the despotic measures of the king had a beneficial influence upon -the lower grades of society. The thanes and aldermen of the Confessor’s -days being deprived of their lands, were glad to hold a small portion of -them as the inferior tenants of the great Norman barons. Hence sprung -the yeomanry of England, who, in days of difficulty and danger, have -often proved themselves the mainstay of the country. The Saxon noblemen, -in descending from their high estate, brought with them their -independence of feeling and high spirit. They were chastened but not -crushed. They not only maintained their own freedom of thought, but -infused a portion of their energy into the newly emancipated class below -them. Formerly the difference in social position between the landed -proprietor and the tiller of the soil was so great, that there could be -little friendly intercourse between them, and no unity of interest; but -now, by the formation of a middle class, the two extremes of society -were linked together, and all classes placed in a position to benefit -the rest, as well as to be benefited by them.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_161" id="page_161"></a>{161}</span> The hope of rising in the -social scale now dawned upon the lower orders.</p> - -<p>Another signal benefit resulted from the Conquest. It brought to our -English soil a host of men renowned in their own persons and those of -their descendants for all that is great in art and arms, for all that is -noble in knightly enterprise and chivalric feeling. Strike out from the -page of history the deeds of the Montfords, the Marmions, the Warrens, -the Nevilles, the Percys, the Beauchamps, the Bruces, the Balliols, the -Talbots, the Cliffords, and a host of others who fought with William at -Hastings, or followed in his wake, what a blank would be left. True, -they were not always found contending on the side of liberty and truth; -but, on the whole, they contributed to the developement of England’s -liberties and enlightenment and power, and left an example of -indomitable energy and manly bearing which mankind to the latest ages -will do well to copy.</p> - -<p>One other view of the subject we must take. England required -chastisement, but shall the oppressor on that account go free? The -chroniclers most favourable to William do not conceal the harshness and -covetousness which disfigured the latter part of his reign. They tell -us, too, of the evils which afflicted his age, and pursued him beyond -the tomb. His eldest son rose in rebellion against him. Many of his own -nobles joined the undutiful youth; even his beloved wife Matilda -favoured him. In the New Forest, which he had wrongfully appropriated to -his own pleasures, his son Richard was slain, during his lifetime. His -son William,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_162" id="page_162"></a>{162}</span> who succeeded him, came to a violent end in the same -place. A grandson also is said to have perished in it. Whilst ravaging -Mantes, in revenge for an idle jest, he met with his own death stroke. -No sooner had he ceased to breathe than his lifeless body was forsaken -by his family and domestics. When all that remained of the once potent -William was about to be committed to the tomb, the man from whom he had -wrested the site forbade his burial; some of the bystanders ‘of their -charity’ satisfied the claim, and the Conqueror was laid in an -eleemosynary grave. At a subsequent period that grave was violated, and -his bones dispersed.</p> - -<p>His followers, bent upon enriching themselves at the expense of justice, -did not escape. Many of them rose in rebellion, and were crushed. Others -suffered in the troubles which ensued upon his death. In the struggle -between Stephen and Matilda, dreadful was the havoc committed upon the -followers of William and their children. During the Wars of the Roses, -nearly all the great families founded at the Conquest suffered -calamities differing little in kind or degree from those which the -victors of Hastings inflicted upon the old nobility of the land. History -gives emphasis to the divine injunction, “Fret not thyself because of -evil doers, neither be thou envious against the workers of iniquity: for -they shall soon be cut down like the grass, and wither as the green -herb.”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_163" id="page_163"></a>{163}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="APPENDIX" id="APPENDIX"></a>APPENDIX.</h2> - -<h3><a name="NOTE_A" id="NOTE_A"></a>NOTE A.—<i><a href="#page_004">Page 4</a>.</i></h3> - -<p>The authority for the odd story of the Duke of Normandy’s courtship is -the following passage in the <i>Chronicle of Tours</i>, quoted in the -<i>Encyclopædia Metropolitana</i>, Vol. xi., p. 527, <i>n</i>.</p> - -<p>“Tunc Guillelmus, Dux Normanniæ, Mathildam, filiam Balduini Comitis -Flandriæ duxit in uxorem in hunc modum. Cum ipsa a Patre suo de sponso -recipiendo sæpius rogaretur, eique Guillelmus Normannicus a Patro, qui -eum longo tempore nutrierat, præ aliis laudaretur, respondit, nunquam -Nothum recipere se maritum. Quo audito, Guillelmus Dux elam apud Brugis, -ubi puella morabatur, cum paucis accelerat, eamque, regredientem ab -Ecclesiâ pugnis, calcibus, atque calcaribus verberet atque castigat, -sicque ascenso equo in patriam remeat. Quo facto, puella dolens ad -lectum decubat; ad quam Pater veniens illam de sponso recipiendo -interrogat et requirit; quæ respondens dixit se nunquam habere maritum -nisi Guillelinum Ducem Normanaiæ; quod et factum est.”</p> - -<h3><a name="NOTE_B" id="NOTE_B"></a>NOTE B.—<i><a href="#page_005">Page 5</a>.</i></h3> - -<p>As the following letter of M. Thierry’s is less accessible to the -English reader than most of the documents connected with the Bayeux -Tapestry it is here given in full. It is addressed to M. de la -Fontenelle de Vandoré:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>“<span class="smcap">Monsieur</span>,—Pardonnez-moi de répondre bien tard à une demande qui, -venant de vous, m’honore infiniment. Vous désirez savoir ce que je -pense des <i>Recherches et conjectures</i> de M. Bolton Corney <i>sur la -tapisserie de Bayeux</i>; je vais vous le dire, en aussi peu de mots -et aussi nettement que je le pourrai. L’opinion soutenue par M. -Bolton Corney comprend deux thèses principales: 1º que la -tapisserie de Bayeux n’est pas un don de la reine Mathilde, ni même -un don fait au chapitre de cette ville par un autre personne; -qu’elle a été fabriqué pour l’église cathédrale de Bayeux, sur -l’ordre et aux frais du chapitre; 2º que ce vénérable monument -n’est pas contemporain de la conquête de l’Angleterre par les -Normands, mais qu’il date du<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_164" id="page_164"></a>{164}</span> temps où la Normandie se trouvait -réunie à la France. De ces deux thèses, la première me semble vraie -de toute évidence, la seconde est inadmissible.</p> - -<p>“La tradition qui attribuait à la reine Mathilde la pièce de -tapisserie conservée à Bayeux, tradition, du reste, assez récente, -et que l’abbé de La Rue a réfutée, n’est plus soutenue par -personne. Quant à la seconde question, celle de savoir si cette -tapisserie fut ou non un présent fait à l’église de Bayeux, M. -Bolton Corney la résout négativement, et d’une façon qui me semble -péremptoire. Au silence des anciens inventaires de l’église il -joint des preuves tirées du monument lui-même, et démontre avec -évidence que ses détails portent une empreinte très-marquée de -localité, que la conquête de l’Angleterre par les Normands y a été -considérée en quelque sorte au point de vue de la ville et de -l’église de Bayeux. Un seul évêque y figure, et c’est celui de -Bayeux, très-souvent en scène et quelquefois désigné par son seul -titre: <i>episcopus</i>. De plus, parmi les personnages laïques qui -figurent à côté du duc Guillaume, pas un ne porte un nom -historique. Les noms qui reviennent sans cesse sont ceux de Turold, -Wadard et Vital, probablement connus et chéris à Bayeux, car les -deux derniers, Wadard et Vital, sont inscrits sur le Domesday-Book, -au nombre des feudataires de l’église de Bayeux, dans les comtés de -Kent, d’Oxford, et de Lincoln. Si l’on joint à ces raisons celles -que M. Bolton Corney déduit de la forme et de l’usage particuliers -du monument, il est impossible de ne pas croire avec lui que la -tapisserie fut commandée par le chapitre de Bayeux et exécutée pour -lui.</p> - -<p>“Je passe à la seconde proposition, savoir que la tapisserie de -Bayeux fut exécutée après la réunion de la Normandie à la France. -Cette hypothèse n’exige pas une longue réfutation, car l’auteur du -mémoire la fonde sur une seule preuve, l’emploi du mot <i>Franci</i> -pour désigner l’armée normande. ‘Guillaume de Poitiers, dit-il, -appelle ceux qui faisaient partie de l’armée <i>Normanni</i>, des -Normands; la tapisserie les nomme toujours <i>Franci</i>, des Français. -Je considère cela comme une bévue indicative du temps où le -monument a été exécute.’ Il n’y a là aucune bévue, ni rien qui -puisse faire présumer que la tapisserie de Bayeux n’est pas -contemporaine de la conquète de l’Angleterre par les Normands. En -effet, les Anglo-Saxons avaient coutume de désigner par le nom de -Français (<i>Frencan, Frencisce men</i>) tous les habitants de la Gaule, -sans distinction de province ou d’origine. La Chronique saxonne, -dans les mille endroits où elle parle des chefs et des soldats de -l’armée normande, les appelle Français. Ce nom servait en -Angleterre à distinguer les conquérants de la population indigène, -non-seulement dans le langage usuel, mais encore dans celui des -acts légaux. On lit dans les lois de Guillaume-le-Conquérant, à -l’article du meurtre, ces mots: <i>Ki Franceis occist</i>, et, dans la -version latine de ces lois:<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_165" id="page_165"></a>{165}</span> <i>Si Francigena interfectus fuerit</i>. -L’emploi du mot <i>Franci</i> au lieu de <i>Normanni</i>, ne prouve donc -point que la tapisserie de Bayeux date d’un temps posterieur à la -conquête. S’il prouve quelque chose, c’est que la tapisserie a été -exécutée non en Normandie, mais en Angleterre, et que c’est à des -ouvriers ou ouvrières de ce dernier pays que le chapitre de Bayeux -a fait sa commande.</p> - -<p>“Cette opinion, que je soumets au jugement des archéologues, est -confirmée d’ailleurs par l’orthographe de certains mots et par -l’emploi de certaines lettres dans les légendes du monument. On y -trouve, jusque dans le nom du duc Guilluame et dans celui de la -ville de Bayeux, des traces de prononciation anglo-saxonne: <i>Hic -Wido adduxit Haroldum ad Wilgelmum normannorum ducem; Willem venit -Bagias</i>; c’est le <i>g</i> saxon qui figure ici avec sa consonance -<i>hié</i>. <i>Wilgelm</i> pour <i>Wilielm</i>, <i>Bagias</i> pour <i>Bayeux</i>. La -dipthongue <i>ea</i>, l’une des particularités de l’orthographe -anglo-saxon, se rencontre dans les légendes qui offrent le nom du -roi Edward: <i>Hic portatur corpus</i> <span class="smcap">Eadwardi</span>. Une autre légende -présente cette indication de lieu, correctement saxonne: <i>Ut -foderetur castellum at</i> <span class="smcap">Hestenca castra</span>. Enfin le nom de <i>Gurth</i> -(prononcez <i>Gheurth</i>), frère du roi Harold, est orthographié avec -trois lettres saxonnes; le <i>g</i>, ayant le son de <i>ghé</i> l’<i>y</i>, ayant -le son d’<i>eu</i>, et le <i>d barré</i>, exprimant l’une des deux -consonnances que les Anglais figurent aujourd’hui par <i>th</i>.</p> - -<p>“Ainsi, je crois, avec la majorité des savants qui ont écrit sur la -tapisserie de Bayeux, que cette tapisserie est contemporaine du -grand événement qu’elle représente; je pense, avec M. Bolton -Corney, qu’elle a été exécutée sur l’ordre et aux frais du chapitre -de Bayeux; j’ajoute, pour ma part de conjectures, qu’elle fut -ouvrée en Angleterre et par des mains anglaises, d’après un plan -venu de Bayeux.</p> - -<p>“Agréez, Monsieur, l’assurance de ma considération la plus -distinguée.</p> - -<p class="r"> -“AUG. THIERRY.<br /> -</p> - -<p class="indd"> -“<i>Le 25 juin 1843.</i>”<br /> -</p> -</div> - -<h3><a name="NOTE_C" id="NOTE_C"></a>NOTE C.—<i><a href="#page_025">Page 25</a>.</i></h3> - -<p>In the <i>Northumberland Pipe Rolls</i>,<a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> we have an interesting trace of -Edgar Atheling.—He had been owing the crown 20 marks of silver, -probably for the right to institute some law proceeding. Of this sum he -paid 10 marks to the Sheriff of Northumberland in 1157 or 1158, and the -remainder in the following year. Ten years later he paid 2 marks to the -crown for the right to bring some plea. At this time he must have been -about 120 years of age. He came with his father to England in 1057, as a -child; supposing him to have been 10 years of age at this period,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_166" id="page_166"></a>{166}</span> he -would be of the great age already mentioned at the time the last payment -was made. How much longer he lived there is no evidence to show. The -exact place of his residence, at this time, is not known. Edlingham -Castle, situated about six miles to the south-west of Alnwick, has, upon -the supposition that the neighbouring village of Edlingham takes its -name from him (Ætheling’s ham), been by some considered to be the spot.</p> - -<h3><a name="NOTE_D" id="NOTE_D"></a>NOTE D.—<i><a href="#page_087">Page 87</a>.</i></h3> - -<p>The appearances presented on the examination of the remains of St. -Cuthbert in Durham Cathedral are in consistency with the opinion that -the mitre was not in vogue in Saxon times. Before the body of the saint -was put in the shrine in 1104, it was inspected. Reginald, who gives us -an account of this circumstance, says, “Upon the forehead of the holy -bishop there is a fillet of gold, not woven work, and of gold only -externally, which sparkles with most precious stones of different kinds, -scattered all over its surface.”<a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> In 1827, when the remains were -again examined, Mr. Raine tells us. “The scull of the saint was easily -moved from its place; and when this was done, we observed on the -forehead, and apparently constituting a part of the bone itself, a -distinct tinge of gold of the breadth of an ordinary fillet.” It would -thus seem that a gilded fillet was the only mitre, if such it can be -called, which St. Cuthbert wore.</p> - -<p class="c"> -FINIS.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_167" id="page_167"></a>{167}</span><br /> -<br /> -<br /> -<br /> -<small>NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE:<br /> -PRINTED BY J. G. FORSTER AND CO., CLAYTON STREET.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_168" id="page_168"></a>{168}</span></small><br /> -</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<a href="images/illu_backcover_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/illu_backcover_sml.jpg" width="394" height="500" alt="Image unavailable: the book's back cover" /></a> -</div> - -<div class="footnotes"><p class="cb">FOOTNOTES:</p> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Taylor’s Wace, p. xv.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Ibid. p. 3.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Archæologia, vol. xvii., p. 105.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Ordericus Vitalis, bk. IV., ch. ii.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Roscoe’s Life of the Conqueror, p. 92. <i>See</i> <a href="#NOTE_A">Note A</a>. at the -end of the volume.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> <i>See</i> <a href="#NOTE_B">Note B</a>. at the end of the volume.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Taylor’s Wace, p. xxviii.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Archæologia, vol. xix., p. 186.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Strutt thus disposes of a difficulty which may occur to -some minds.—“If any one should say, by way of objection to this -established rule, that though the illuminator has not given us the -customs, habits, &c., of those people he designed to picture out, yet is -it not most likely that such dresses as are given should be fictitious, -agreeable rather to his own wild fancy than to the real customs and -habits of his own times? To answer their objection, (and that because -the chief materials of the present work are collected from the ancient -MSS.) the reader must be informed, that many of these MSS. (especially -such as are illuminated) were done as presents, or at the command of -kings and noblemen, who are generally represented in the frontispiece in -their proper habits receiving the particular MS. done for them from the -author, and they are generally pictured attended by their court, or -retinue. That these figures should be habited in the true dress of the -times will not be doubted; and then, as far as the anonymous -illuminations which may chance to follow in the MS. shall agree with -those figures in the frontispiece, so far they may be allowed as -authentic; other MSS. were done for particular abbeys and monasteries, -in the embellishments of which no pains were spared. But a still greater -proof of the authenticity of these delineations is, that on examining -all the illuminated MSS. of the same century together, which, tho’ -various, every one written and ornamented by different hands, yet on -comparing the several delineations with each other, they will be found -to agree in every particular of dress, customs, &c., even in the -minutiæ, which perfect similitude it would have been impossible to have -preserved, had not some sure standard been regularly taken for the -whole; therefore the fancy of the painter will be found to have little -share in these valuable delineations. Besides, these pictures constantly -agree with the description of the habits and customs of the same period, -collected from the old historians.”—<i>Strutt’s Manners, Customs, &c., of -the Inhabitants of England</i>, vol. i, p. 3.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Taylor’s Wace, p. 162.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Ibid. p. 163. n.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> “All have hitherto treated the Bayeux Tapestry as a -‘Monument of the Conquest of England,’ following therein M. Lancelot, -and speaking of it as an unfinished work: whereas it is an apologetical -history of the claims of William to the crown of England, and of the -breach of faith, and fall of Harold; and is a perfect and finished -action.”—<i>Mr. Hudson Gurney</i>, Archæologia, vol. xvii., p. 361.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> The Abbé de la Rue, in an elaborate paper in the -<i>Archæologia</i> (vol. xvii, p. 85-109), supports the opinion that the -Tapestry was prepared at the command of Matilda, daughter of Henry I. -and wife of Henry V. Emperor of Germany. Lord Lyttleton (History of -Henry II., vol. i, p. 353) and Hume (History of England, vol. i, <i>note</i> -F.) entertain similar views.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Vol. i., p. 328, 8vo. edition.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> Archæologia, vol. xvii., p. 105.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> Some idea of the labour involved in the work may be -learned from the number of figures represented in it. It contains 623 -men, 202 horses, 55 dogs, 505 animals of various kinds not already -enumerated, 37 buildings, 41 ships and boats, and 49 trees—in all 1512 -figures.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> See <a href="#pl_III">Plate III</a>.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> Queens of England, vol. i., p. 66, edition 1851. I have -been unable to meet with any authority for this statement.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> In a short visit which I made to Italy in the winter of -1853-4, I paid some attention to this subject. I have seen a -<i>vettorino</i>, when protesting that his exorbitant charge was a most -reasonable one, throw himself into all the contortions exhibited in the -Tapestry.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> Lives of the Queens of England, edition 1853, p. 65. <i>n</i>.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> His words are “L’opinion commune à Bayeux est que ce fut -la reine Mathilde, femme de Guillaume-le-Conquérant, qui la fit faire. -Cette opinion, qui passe pour une tradition dans le pays, n’a rien que -de fort vraisemblable.”—<i>Jubinal’s Tapisserie de Bayeux</i>, p. 1.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> Letters from Normandy, vol. i. p. 241.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> Ducarel, Appendix I., p. 3.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> William of Malmesbury’s English Chronicle (Bohn’s -edition), p. 196.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> <i>See</i> <a href="#NOTE_C">Note C</a>., at the end of the Volume.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> Bohn’s edition, p. 253.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> Taylor’s Wace, p. 76.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> General Introduction to Domesday, vol. i., p. 312.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> Ducarel’s Antiquities of Normandy, Appendix, p. 4.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> The first account of the hood is in a book written in -Latin by the Emperor Frederic II. <i>See</i> History of Inventions and -Discoveries by John Beckmann, translated by William Johnston, vol. i. p. -330.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> Introduction to Domesday, vol. i, p. 295.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> <i>See</i> Archæologia, vol. xxiv.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> Rich’s Companion to the Latin Dictionary, art. -<i>Adoratio</i>.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> Quoted in Taylor’s Wace, p. 156.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> <i>See</i> Sir J. Gardner Wilkinson’s Popular Account of the -Ancient Egyptians, vol. i, p. 235; and Bonomi’s Nineveh, p. 136.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Archæologia, vol. 24, plate <small>LV</small>.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> Illustrations of Cædmon’s Paraphrase, Archæologia, vol. -xxiv., p. 339, plate <small>LXXV</small>. Hudson Turner’s Domestic Architecture of -England, vol. i., p. 4.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> Pictorial History of England, vol. i. p. 637.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> Taylor’s Wace, page 7.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> This observation, together with some others which may not -in every case require to be specially noted, has been taken from a -clever series of papers on the Bayeux Tapestry, which were published in -the <i>Ladies’ Newspaper</i> for 1851-2.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> Akerman on Celtic and Teutonic Weapons.—<i>Archæ.</i>, vol. -xxxiv.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> Mr. Charles Stothard in the Archæologia, vol. xix, p. -189.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> Taylor’s Wace, p. 11.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> Introduction to Domesday, vol. ii. p. 404.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> The Song of Roland, London, 1854.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> William of Malmesbury, (Bohn’s edition) p. 279.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> Thierry’s Norman Conquest (London, 1841), p. 41.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> The following passages from the <i>Chronicle of Florence of -Worcester</i> furnish distinct evidence as to the marriage of Harold with -Algitha:—“Regnavit autem Haraldus mensibus IX. et diebus totidem. Cujus -morte audita, comites Eadwinus et Morcarus, qui se cum suis certamini -subtraxere, Lundoniam venere, et sororem suam <i>Algitham reginam</i> sumptam -ad civitatem Legionum misere.” “Anno regni XXIII. rex Anglorum Eadwardus -decessit. Cui ex ipsius concessione comes Haroldus, filius Godwini -West-Saxonum ducis ... successit; qui de <i>regina Aldgitha</i>, comitis -Alfgari filia, habuit filium Haroldum; eodemque anno a Normanorum comite -Willelmo peremptus est in bello.”—<i>Monumenta Historica</i>, pp. 614, 642.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> Planche’s Strutt, vol. i., p. 14.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> Pict. Eng., vol. i., p. 637.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> Thierry’s History of the Normans, p. 36.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> It is often asserted that the house of Percy derived its -name from one of the family having slain Malcolm, King of Scotland, by -thrusting the spear into his eye when he came forward to demand the keys -of Alnwick Castle. That historic name occurs in the Battle Abbey Roll, -and is derived from the cradle of the family, the hamlet of Perci, in -Normandy.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> The walls of Tintagel Castle “were evidently constructed -in a framework of wood; the square holes which pierce the walls at -regular intervals, from the foundations upwards, show the places once -occupied by bond pieces, by which the wooden frames were held -together.”—<i>Notes by Rev. W. Haslam, in Report of Royal Inst. -Cornwall</i>, 1850.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> Ingulph’s Chronicle (Bohn), p. 14.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> Taylor’s Wace, p. 83.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> The Normans seem to have been particularly addicted to the -worship of relics. They carried them about their persons, and had them -enclosed in the handles of their swords. In the <i>Song of Roland</i> that -hero is represented, when dying, as addressing his sword thus:—“Ah, -Saint Durandal! in thy golden pommel what precious relics lie hid! A -tooth of Saint Peter!—Blood of Saint Basil!—Hair of Monseigneur Saint -Denis!—Vesture of the Virgin Mary! And shall a pagan possess thee?” -Being thus at all times provided with relics, they were never at a loss -as to the administration of an oath. In the Song already referred to we -have a case in point:—‘Be it as thou wilt,’ answered Ganelon, and upon -the relics of his sword he swore to the treason and consummated his -crime.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> Wace, p. 138.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> Wace, p. 20, 21.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> William of Malmesbury, p. 249.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> Malmesbury, p. 252.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> Vol. i. p. 322.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> “Having first washed the corpse, it was clothed in a -straight linen garment, or put into a bag or sack of linen, and then -wrapped closely round from head to foot with a strong cloth -wrapper.”—<i>Strutt</i>, vol. i., p. 66.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> The custom of carrying the dead in some slight envelope to -the sarcophagus which was to be its last resting place, accounts for the -mischance which occurred at the burial of William the Conqueror, force -being required to thrust the body into its too narrow cell. Bede tells -us (<i>Ecc. Hist.</i> b. iv. c. xi.) how the stone coffin for Sebba, King of -the East Saxons, was too small, and when the attendants were for bending -the knees of the corpse a miracle ensued, and the coffin elongated of -itself.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> Wace, p. 89.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> Annals of Roger de Hoveden, vol. i. p. 130.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> The <i>paludamentum</i>, or official dress of a Roman general, -to which the episcopal <i>pallium</i> is probably to be traced, was either of -a brilliant white, scarlet, or purple colour.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> See <a href="#NOTE_D">note D</a>, at the end of the volume.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> Hinde on Comets, p. 52.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> Thierry, p. 60.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> Taylor’s Wace.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> Sir N. Harris Nicolas’ Hist. Royal Navy, vol. i., p. 24.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> Wace, p. 123.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> Vol. i., p. 464.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> “This mode of steering was retained till a comparatively -late period. In a bass-relief over the doorway of the leaning tower of -Pisa, built in the twelfth century, ships are represented with paddle -rudders, as those in the Bayeux Tapestry representing the Norman -Invasion. They must have been in use till after the middle of the -thirteenth century; for in the contracts to supply Louis IX. with ships, -the contractors are bound to furnish them with two rudders. By the -middle of the following century we find the hinged rudders on the gold -noble of Edward III. The change in the mode of steering must, therefore, -have taken place about the end of the thirteenth, or early in the -fourteenth, century.”—<i>Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul.</i></p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> They are engraved in Smith’s Collectanea Antiqua, vol. -ii., p. 238.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> Wace, p. 210.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> Crit. Inquiry into Ancient Armour, vol. i., p. 8.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> When Harold, in 1063, conducted an expedition against the -Welch, he found the heavy armour of his troops unsuitable to the service -on which they were engaged, and immediately changed it. Ingulf says, -“Seeing that the activity of the Welch, proved remarkably effective -against the more cumbrous movements of the English and that, after -making an attack, they retreated into the woods, while our soldiers, -being weighed down with their arms, were unable to follow them, he -ordered all his soldiers to accustom themselves to wear armour made of -boiled leather, and to use lighter arms. Upon this the Welch were -greatly alarmed, and submitted.”</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> Archæologia, vol. xxiv., p. 270.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> <i>See</i> Fenwick’s Introduction to the <i>Slogans of the North -of England</i>, and the Notes to the Introduction.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> “And all had their cognizances, so that each might know -his fellow, and Norman might not strike Norman, nor Frenchman kill his -countryman, by mistake.” -</p> -<p> -<i>Taylor’s Wace</i>, p. 172.<br /> -</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> The Saxons as well as the Normans paid great attention to -the opinions of the ladies, even upon martial subjects. Strutt says, -they “would not go to battle or undertake any great expedition without -consulting their wives, to whose advice they paid the greatest regard.” -This excellent antiquary pays more regard to truth than gallantry when -in the same sentence he adds, “They also superstitiously placed great -faith in the neighing of horses.”—<i>Manners of the English</i>, vol i., p. -17.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> “This standard ... was sumptuously embroidered with gold -and precious stones, in the form of a man fighting.” Can Malmesbury have -had in view here the description which Æschylus gives us of the shield -of Polynices? -</p> - -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">“His well-orb’d shield he holds,<br /></span> -<span class="i1">New-wrought, and with double impress charged:<br /></span> -<span class="i1"><i>A warrior blazing all in golden arms</i>,<br /></span> -<span style="margin-left: 4em;">. . . . . . . . . .</span><br /> -<span class="i1">Such their devices.”<br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> Florence of Worcester distinctly states that it was -“contrary to the custom of the English to fight on horseback.”—<i>Bohn’s -Ed.</i> p. 157.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> Meyrick, vol. i., p. 27.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> Akerman, in the Archæologia, vol. xxxiv.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> A stream which enters the sea a few miles to the east of -the river Orne, upon which the city of Caen is situated.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> Roger de Hoveden, vol. i., 134. Ordericus Vitalis, vol. -i., p. 464.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> Perhaps this is an elipsis for <i>ad litus Pevensæ</i>; more -probably, however, these irregularities of construction are to be -ascribed to the low state of Latinity at the period.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> A stroke has probably been over the last <small>A</small> in <i>Hastinga</i>, -so as to make it <i>Hastingam</i>, which the construction requires. -<i>Raperentur</i> seems to have been used as a deponent verb, contrary to -classical usage.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> This was not the first occasion on which a similar -occurrence took place. The following passage bearing upon the subject -may interest the reader:—“Thou sayest well Sancho (quoth Don Quixote), -but I must tell thee that times are wont to vary and change their -course; and what are commonly accounted omens by the vulgar, though not -within the scope of reason, the wise will nevertheless regard as -incidents of lucky aspect. Your watcher of omens rises betimes, and -going abroad, meets a Franciscan friar, whereupon he hurries back again, -as if a furious dragon had crossed his way. Another happens to spill the -salt upon the table, and straightway his soul is overcast with the dread -of coming evil: as if nature had willed that such trivial accidents -should give notice of ensuing mischances. The wise man and good -christian will not, however, pry too curiously into the counsels of -heaven. Scipio, on arriving in Africa, stumbled as he leapt on shore; -his soldiers took it for an ill omen, but he, embracing the ground, -said, ‘Africa, thou canst not escape me—I have thee fast.’<span class="lftspc">”</span>—<i>Don -Quixote</i>, Part II. chap. lviii.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> It has been argued from the occurrence of <small>AT</small> instead of -<small>AD</small>, and of <small>CEASTRA</small> for <small>CASTRA</small>, in these inscriptions, that the clerk who -wrote them was an Englishman. It must, however, be borne in mind that -the original Norman language, which had a common origin with the Saxon, -was at the period of the Conquest spoken in comparative purity at -Bayeux. In other parts of the duchy French prevailed.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> It was my privilege when wandering over the ground -rendered memorable by the battle of Hastings to enjoy the companionship -of Mr. Lower, of Lewes. To his local knowledge, his extensive -acquaintance with antiquarian science, and his friendly attention, I am -largely indebted.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> Lower on the Battle of Hastings, ‘Sussex Arch. Col.,’ vi. -18.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> During the middle ages the English were much given to the -irreverent use of this great name; so much so was this the case, that -<i>Godamites</i> became, in France, synonymous with English. Joan of Arc -usually designates her enemies by this term.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> Vol. xix., p. 206. Mr. Amyot does not profess to adhere -strictly to the text of Gaimar, but has introduced into his translation -some incidents mentioned by other writers.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> On accompanying Mr. Lower to the spot, in January, 1853, I -was satisfied of the correctness of his views.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> Sussex Archæological Collections, vol. vi., p. 27.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> There has been a discussion respecting the word <i>pueros</i>, -some supposing that the parties thus addressed were young soldiers, -inexperienced recruits. It is probable, however, that the word is -equivalent to the phrase, “lads” among us, or the word “<i>boys</i>” in the -lines which carried so much terror to the heart of James the Second, -after he had seen a specimen of the stalwart youth which Cornwall -produces— -</p> - -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">“And must Trelawney die, and must Trelawney die?<br /></span> -<span class="i1">Then twenty thousand Cornish <i>boys</i> will ask the reason why.”<br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> Benoit de Saint-More. Taylor’s Wace, 193.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> The special correspondent of <i>The Times</i>, writing from -the Heights of Alma, Sep. 21st, 1854, says, “The attitudes of some of -the dead were awful. One man might be seen resting on one knee, with the -arms extended in the form of taking aim, the brow compressed, the lips -clinched—the very expression of firing at an enemy stamped on the face -and fixed there by death; a ball had struck this man in the neck. -Physiologists or anatomists must settle the rest. Another was lying on -his back with the same expression, and his arms raised in a similar -attitude, the Minié musket still grasped in his hands undischarged. -<i>Another lay in a perfect arch, his head resting on one part of the -ground and his feet on the other, but his back raised high above -it.</i>—<i>The Times</i>, Oct. 11th, 1854. <i>See</i> also Sir Charles Bell’s -<i>Anatomy of Expression</i>, 3rd edition, p. 160.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> M. A. Lower’s Battle Abbey Chronicle, p. 7.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> Ibid.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> The Tapestry represents the death of Harold as rapidly -succeeding the infliction of the wound in his eye. The impression left -by a perusal of Wace is, that at least an hour or two elapsed between -the one event and the other. The diversity of statement between these -authorities is probably more apparent than real. After Harold was -wounded in so important an organ as the eye, it was impossible that he -could long withstand the onset of William’s troops; his defeat, or, in -other words, his death, was certain. However manfully Harold may have -borne up under the inconvenience and pain of his wound, the artist of -the Tapestry is logically correct in at once bringing us to the -conclusion of the scene.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> Ingulph’s Chronicle, p. 139.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> Lower’s Chronicle of Battle Abbey, p. 11.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> Sussex Archæological Collections, vol. 1., page 33.—For -some years the public have been admitted to the Abbey grounds only on -one day of the week, and that the day (Monday) most inconvenient to -those who reside at a distance from Battle. Let us hope that henceforth -no one respectfully requesting permission to muse upon the spot where -the deed was done on which the modern history of the world has turned, -will meet with a denial.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> History of the Anglo-Saxons (European Library), p. 337.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> Lingard’s Hist. Eng., vol. i., p. 313.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> Vol. i., p. 487.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> General Introduction to Domesday, vol. i. p. 311. In all -probability William obtained the title of Conqueror from the Latin word -<i>conquiro</i>, which in its legal acceptation signified to acquire. It is -still used in this sense by the Scottish lawyers.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> Saxon Chronicle, Bohn’s edition, p. 462.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> Ingulph’s Chronicle, p. 140.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> Henry of Huntingdon, vol. i. p. 216.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> William of Malmesbury, p. 279.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> <i>See</i> Wright’s Biographia Britannica, vol. ii., p. 10.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> Would not the United States of America do well to notice -this?</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> Hodgson’s Northumberland, Vol. III., Part iii., pp. 3, -11.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> Raine’s St. Cuthbert, p. 88.</p> -</div> - -</div> - -</div> - -<hr class="full" /> - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Bayeux Tapestry Elucidated, by -John Collingwood Bruce - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY ELUCIDATED *** - -***** This file should be named 55614-h.htm or 55614-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/5/6/1/55614/ - -Produced by Norbert H. Langkau, Chuck Greif and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, -set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to -copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to -protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project -Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you -charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you -do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the -rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose -such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and -research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do -practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is -subject to the trademark license, especially commercial -redistribution. - - - -*** START: FULL LICENSE *** - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project -Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at -http://gutenberg.org/license). - - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy -all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. -If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the -terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or -entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement -and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic -works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" -or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the -collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an -individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are -located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from -copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative -works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg -are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project -Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by -freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of -this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with -the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by -keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project -Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in -a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check -the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement -before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or -creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project -Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning -the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United -States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate -access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently -whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, -copied or distributed: - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived -from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is -posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied -and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees -or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work -with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the -work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 -through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the -Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or -1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional -terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked -to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the -permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any -word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or -distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than -"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version -posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org), -you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a -copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon -request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other -form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided -that - -- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is - owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he - has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the - Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments - must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you - prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax - returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and - sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the - address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to - the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." - -- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or - destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium - and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of - Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any - money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days - of receipt of the work. - -- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set -forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from -both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael -Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the -Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm -collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic -works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain -"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or -corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual -property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a -computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by -your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with -your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with -the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a -refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity -providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to -receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy -is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further -opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER -WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO -WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. -If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the -law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be -interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by -the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any -provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance -with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, -promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, -harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, -that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do -or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm -work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any -Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. - - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers -including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists -because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from -people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need, are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. -To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation -and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 -and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org. - - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive -Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at -http://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent -permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. -Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered -throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at -809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email -business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact -information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official -page at http://pglaf.org - -For additional contact information: - Dr. Gregory B. Newby - Chief Executive and Director - gbnewby@pglaf.org - - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide -spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To -SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any -particular state visit http://pglaf.org - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. -To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate - - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic -works. - -Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm -concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared -with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project -Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. - - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. -unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily -keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. - - -Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: - - http://www.gutenberg.org - -This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. - - -</pre> - -</body> -</html> diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/cover.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/cover.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 4760cac..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/cover.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/cover_lg.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/cover_lg.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index ba2eef3..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/cover_lg.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_107.png b/old/55614-h/images/illu_107.png Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 7e0b54b..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_107.png +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_backcover_lg.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_backcover_lg.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 692ffe5..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_backcover_lg.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_backcover_sml.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_backcover_sml.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 499ffcc..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_backcover_sml.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_before_Foreword_handwritten_lg.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_before_Foreword_handwritten_lg.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index ea30583..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_before_Foreword_handwritten_lg.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_before_Foreword_handwritten_sml.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_before_Foreword_handwritten_sml.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 71b3d2b..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_before_Foreword_handwritten_sml.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_frontispice_Plate_17_lg.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_frontispice_Plate_17_lg.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 7dbcfbb..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_frontispice_Plate_17_lg.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_frontispice_Plate_17_sml.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_frontispice_Plate_17_sml.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 4604cf5..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_frontispice_Plate_17_sml.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_022_Plate_01_lg.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_022_Plate_01_lg.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 545d1fe..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_022_Plate_01_lg.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_022_Plate_01_sml.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_022_Plate_01_sml.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 1f8657d..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_022_Plate_01_sml.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_040_Plate_02_lg.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_040_Plate_02_lg.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index ded23f4..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_040_Plate_02_lg.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_040_Plate_02_sml.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_040_Plate_02_sml.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 1ccd99c..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_040_Plate_02_sml.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_044_Plate_03_lg.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_044_Plate_03_lg.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 45da793..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_044_Plate_03_lg.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_044_Plate_03_sml.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_044_Plate_03_sml.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 0aaa154..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_044_Plate_03_sml.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_052_Plate_04_lg.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_052_Plate_04_lg.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 350f7fa..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_052_Plate_04_lg.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_052_Plate_04_sml.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_052_Plate_04_sml.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 716ddce..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_052_Plate_04_sml.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_060_Plate_05_lg.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_060_Plate_05_lg.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 3713c70..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_060_Plate_05_lg.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_060_Plate_05_sml.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_060_Plate_05_sml.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 1831d32..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_060_Plate_05_sml.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_064_Plate_06_lg.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_064_Plate_06_lg.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 411f5dd..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_064_Plate_06_lg.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_064_Plate_06_sml.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_064_Plate_06_sml.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index f1912a8..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_064_Plate_06_sml.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_074_Plate_07_lg.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_074_Plate_07_lg.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 301147e..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_074_Plate_07_lg.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_074_Plate_07_sml.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_074_Plate_07_sml.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 0eb17c7..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_074_Plate_07_sml.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_080_Plate_08_lg.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_080_Plate_08_lg.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index a47d01f..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_080_Plate_08_lg.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_080_Plate_08_sml.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_080_Plate_08_sml.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index bc19c1c..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_080_Plate_08_sml.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_092_Plate_09_lg.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_092_Plate_09_lg.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 6438b42..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_092_Plate_09_lg.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_092_Plate_09_sml.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_092_Plate_09_sml.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index e0e1af0..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_092_Plate_09_sml.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_112_Plate_10_lg.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_112_Plate_10_lg.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index cdee601..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_112_Plate_10_lg.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_112_Plate_10_sml.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_112_Plate_10_sml.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 799d6de..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_112_Plate_10_sml.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_116_Plate_11_lg.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_116_Plate_11_lg.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 945809f..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_116_Plate_11_lg.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_116_Plate_11_sml.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_116_Plate_11_sml.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index dbead16..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_116_Plate_11_sml.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_128_Plate_12_lg.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_128_Plate_12_lg.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 23e9620..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_128_Plate_12_lg.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_128_Plate_12_sml.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_128_Plate_12_sml.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 9d2e2bc..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_128_Plate_12_sml.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_130_Plate_13_lg.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_130_Plate_13_lg.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index ffac980..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_130_Plate_13_lg.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_130_Plate_13_sml.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_130_Plate_13_sml.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 3de7b64..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_130_Plate_13_sml.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_132_Plate_14_lg.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_132_Plate_14_lg.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 74ac99f..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_132_Plate_14_lg.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_132_Plate_14_sml.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_132_Plate_14_sml.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 8e3cf77..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_132_Plate_14_sml.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_136_Plate_15_lg.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_136_Plate_15_lg.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 3e39e00..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_136_Plate_15_lg.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_136_Plate_15_sml.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_136_Plate_15_sml.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 0c0bd65..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_136_Plate_15_sml.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_148_Plate_16_lg.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_148_Plate_16_lg.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 58d82b0..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_148_Plate_16_lg.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_148_Plate_16_sml.jpg b/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_148_Plate_16_sml.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index e795926..0000000 --- a/old/55614-h/images/illu_opp_148_Plate_16_sml.jpg +++ /dev/null |
