summaryrefslogtreecommitdiff
diff options
context:
space:
mode:
authornfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org>2025-02-07 00:55:44 -0800
committernfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org>2025-02-07 00:55:44 -0800
commit1ae7f38e9aebc873dd401b7551fe2df0cd0c1c40 (patch)
treea14618e3f097c9dc240dd76d73c7fc8c7133fcf0
parent1473f9690a8de5f78efe45ff472ac156f66960b5 (diff)
NormalizeHEADmain
-rw-r--r--.gitattributes4
-rw-r--r--LICENSE.txt11
-rw-r--r--README.md2
-rw-r--r--old/54514-0.txt8605
-rw-r--r--old/54514-0.zipbin177395 -> 0 bytes
-rw-r--r--old/54514-h.zipbin354774 -> 0 bytes
-rw-r--r--old/54514-h/54514-h.htm12385
-rw-r--r--old/54514-h/images/cover.jpgbin43233 -> 0 bytes
-rw-r--r--old/54514-h/images/i_009.pngbin44740 -> 0 bytes
-rw-r--r--old/54514-h/images/titlepage.pngbin77530 -> 0 bytes
10 files changed, 17 insertions, 20990 deletions
diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..d7b82bc
--- /dev/null
+++ b/.gitattributes
@@ -0,0 +1,4 @@
+*.txt text eol=lf
+*.htm text eol=lf
+*.html text eol=lf
+*.md text eol=lf
diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6312041
--- /dev/null
+++ b/LICENSE.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
+This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements,
+metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be
+in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES.
+
+Procedures for determining public domain status are described in
+the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org.
+
+No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in
+jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize
+this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright
+status under the laws that apply to them.
diff --git a/README.md b/README.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9d78463
--- /dev/null
+++ b/README.md
@@ -0,0 +1,2 @@
+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #54514 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/54514)
diff --git a/old/54514-0.txt b/old/54514-0.txt
deleted file mode 100644
index 8cbc7ea..0000000
--- a/old/54514-0.txt
+++ /dev/null
@@ -1,8605 +0,0 @@
-The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Works of Richard Hurd, Volume 3 (of 8), by
-Richard Hurd
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
-other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
-the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have
-to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.
-
-Title: The Works of Richard Hurd, Volume 3 (of 8)
-
-Author: Richard Hurd
-
-Release Date: April 9, 2017 [EBook #54514]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: UTF-8
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WORKS OF RICHARD HURD, VOL 3 ***
-
-
-
-
-Produced by Charlene Taylor, Bryan Ness, Wayne Hammond and
-the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
-http://www.pgdp.net (This book was produced from scanned
-images of public domain material from the Google Books
-project.)
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-[Transcriber’s Note:
-
-Characters preceded by a caret (^) are in superscript, and are enclosed
-in curly brackets, i. e. {th}.
-
-Italicized text delimited by underscores.
-
-This project uses utf-8 encoded characters. If some characters are not
-readable, check your settings of your browser to ensure you have a
-default font installed that can display utf-8 characters.]
-
-
-
-
- THE
-
- WORKS
-
- OF
-
- RICHARD HURD, D. D.
-
- LORD BISHOP OF WORCESTER.
-
- VOL III.
-
- Printed by J. Nichols and Son,
- Red Lion Passage, Fleet Street, London.
-
-
-
-
- THE
-
- WORKS
-
- OF
-
- RICHARD HURD, D. D.
-
- LORD BISHOP OF WORCESTER.
-
- IN EIGHT VOLUMES.
-
- VOL. III.
-
-
- [Illustration]
-
- LONDON:
- PRINTED FOR T. CADELL AND W. DAVIES, STRAND
- 1811.
-
-
-
-
- MORAL AND POLITICAL
-
- DIALOGUES.
-
- VOL. I.
-
-
-
-
- MORAL AND POLITICAL
-
- DIALOGUES,
-
- WITH
-
- LETTERS
-
- ON
-
- CHIVALRY AND ROMANCE.
-
-
-
-
- SACRED TO THE MEMORY
-
- OF THE LATE
-
- RALPH ALLEN, ESQ.
-
- OF
-
- PRIOR-PARK.
-
-[Illustration]
-
- SI NOBIS ANIMVM BONI VIRI LICERET INSPICERE, O QVAM PVLCHRAM FACIEM,
- QVAM SANCTAM, QVAM EX MAGNIFICO PLACIDOQVE FVLGENTEM VIDEREMVS! NEMO
- ILLVM AMABILEM, QVI NON SIMVL VENERABILEM, DICERET.
-
- SENECA.
-
-
-
-
-CONTENTS.
-
-
- VOL. III.
-
-
- PREFACE,
-
- _On the Manner of writing Dialogue_.
-
-
- DIALOGUE I.
-
- _On Sincerity in the Commerce of the World._
-
- DR. MORE, MR. WALLER.
-
-
- DIALOGUE II.
-
- _On Retirement._
-
- MR. COWLEY, DR. SPRAT.
-
-
- DIALOGUE III.
-
- _On the Age of_ Q. ELIZABETH.
-
- MR. DIGBY, DR. ARBUTHNOT, MR. ADDISON.
-
-
- DIALOGUE IV.
-
- _On the Age of_ Q. ELIZABETH.
-
- MR. DIGBY, DR. ARBUTHNOT, MR. ADDISON.
-
-
- DIALOGUE V.
-
- _On the Constitution of the English Government._
-
- SIR J. MAYNARD, MR. SOMERS, BP. BURNET.
-
-
- VOL. IV.
-
-
- DIALOGUE VI.
-
- _On the Constitution of the English Government._
-
- SIR J. MAYNARD, MR. SOMERS, BP. BURNET.
-
-
- DIALOGUES VII, VIII.
-
- _On the Uses of Foreign Travel._
-
- LORD SHAFTESBURY, MR. LOCKE.
-
-
- XII LETTERS
-
- _On Chivalry and Romance_.
-
-
-
-
-CONTENTS
-
-OF
-
-THE THIRD VOLUME.
-
-
- Page
-
- PREFACE,
-
- _On the Manner of writing Dialogue_. 17
-
-
- DIALOGUE I.
-
- _On Sincerity in the Commerce of the World._
-
- DR. MORE, MR. WALLER. 51
-
-
- DIALOGUE II.
-
- _On Retirement._
-
- MR. COWLEY, DR. SPRAT. 95
-
-
- DIALOGUE III, IV.
-
- _On the Age of_ Q. ELIZABETH.
-
- MR. DIGBY, DR. ARBUTHNOT, MR. ADDISON. 165
-
-
- DIALOGUE V.
-
- _On the Constitution of the English Government._
-
- SIR J. MAYNARD, MR. SOMERS, BP. BURNET. 281
-
-
-
-
- PREFACE,
-
- ON
-
- THE MANNER
-
- OF WRITING DIALOGUE.
-
-
-
-
- PREFACE,
-
- ON THE
-
- MANNER OF WRITING DIALOGUE.
-
-
-The former editions of these Dialogues were given without a name, and
-under the fictitious person of an Editor: not, the reader may be sure,
-for any purpose so silly as that of imposing on the Public; but for
-reasons of another kind, which it is not difficult to apprehend.
-
-However, these reasons, whatever they were, subsisting no longer, the
-writer is now to appear in his own person; and the respect he owes to
-the public makes him think it fit to bespeak their acceptance of these
-volumes in another manner, than he supposed would be readily permitted
-to him, under his assumed character.
-
-I. In an age, like this, when most men seem ambitious of turning
-writers, many persons may think it strange that the kind of
-composition, which was chiefly in use among the masters of this
-numerous and stirring family, hath been hitherto neglected.
-
-When the ANCIENTS had any thing—
-
-“But what,” it will be said, “always the _Ancients_? And are we never
-to take a pen in hand, but the first question must still be, what our
-masters, the ancients, have been pleased to dictate to us? ONE man
-understands, that the ancient Ode was distinguished into several parts,
-called by I know not what strange names; and then truly an English Ode
-must be tricked out in the same fantastic manner. ANOTHER has heard of
-a wise, yet merry, company called a Chorus, which was always singing or
-preaching in the Greek Tragedies; and then, besure, nothing will serve
-but we must be sung and preached to in ours. While a THIRD is smitten
-with a tedious long-winded thing, which was once endured under the name
-of Dialogue; and strait we have Dialogues of this formal cut, and are
-told withal, that no man may presume to write them, on any other model.”
-
-Thus the modern critic, with much complacency and even gayety—But I
-resume the sentence I set out with, and observe, “WHEN THE ANCIENTS
-had any thing to say to the world on the subject either of morals
-or government, they generally chose the way of DIALOGUE, for the
-conveyance of their instructions; as supposing they might chance to
-gain a readier acceptance in this agreeable form, than any other.”
-
- Hæc adeo penitus curâ videre sagaci
- Otia qui studiis læti tenuere decoris,
- Inque ACADEMIA umbriferâ nitidoque LYCEO
- Fuderunt claras fœcundi pectoris artes.
-
-Such was the address, or fancy at least, of the wise ANCIENTS.
-
-The MODERNS, on the contrary, have appeared to reverence themselves,
-or their cause, too much, to think that either stood in need of this
-oblique management. No writer has the least doubt of being favourably
-received in all companies, let him come upon us in what shape he will:
-and, not to stand upon ceremony, when he brings so welcome a present,
-as what he calls _Truth_, with him, he obtrudes it upon us in the
-direct way of Dissertation.
-
-Nobody, I suppose, objects to this practice, when important truths
-indeed are to be taught, and when the abilities of the Teacher are such
-as may command respect. But the case is different, when writers presume
-to try their hands upon us, without these advantages. Nay, and even
-with them, it can do no hurt, when the subject is proper for familiar
-discourse, to throw it into this gracious and popular form.
-
-I have said, _where the subject is proper for familiar discourse_; for
-all subjects, I think, cannot, or should not be treated in this way.
-
-It is true, the inquisitive genius of the Academic Philosophy gave
-great scope to the freedom of debate. Hence the origin of the Greek
-Dialogue: of which, if PLATO was not the Inventor, he was, at least,
-the Model.
-
-This sceptical humour was presently much increased; and every thing was
-now disputed, not for PLATO’S reason (which was, also, his master’s)
-for the sake of exposing _Falsehood_ and discovering _Truth_; but
-because it was pretended that nothing could be certainly affirmed to be
-either _true_ or _false_.
-
-And, when afterwards CICERO, our other great master of Dialogue,
-introduced this sort of writing into Rome, we know that, besides his
-profession of the Academic Sect, now extended and indeed outraged into
-absolute scepticism, the very purpose he had in philosophizing, and the
-rhetorical uses to which he put his Philosophy, would determine him
-very naturally to the same practice.
-
-Thus all subjects, of what nature and importance soever, were equally
-discussed in the ancient Dialogue; till matters were at length brought
-to that pass, that the only end, proposed by it, was to shew the
-writer’s dexterity in disputing for, or against any opinion, without
-referring his disputation to any certain use or conclusion at all.
-
-Such was the character of the ancient, and especially of the Ciceronian
-Dialogue; arising out of the genius and principles of those times.
-
-But for us to follow our masters in this licence would be, indeed, to
-deserve the objected charge of _servile Imitators_; since the reasons,
-that led them into it, do not subsist in our case. They disputed every
-thing, because they believed nothing. We should forbear to dispute
-some things, because they are such as both for their sacredness, and
-certainty, no man in his senses affects to disbelieve. At least, the
-Stoic BALBUS may teach us a decent reserve in one instance, _Since_,
-as he observes, _it is a wicked and impious custom to dispute against
-the Being, Attributes, and Providence of God, whether it be under an
-assumed character, or in one’s own_[1].
-
-Thus much I have thought fit to say, to prevent mistakes, and to shew
-of what kind the subjects are which may be allowed to enter into
-modern Dialogue. They are only such, as are either, in the strict sense
-of the word, _not_ important, and yet afford an ingenuous pleasure
-in the discussion of them; or not _so_ important as to exclude the
-sceptical inconclusive air, which the decorum of polite dialogue
-necessarily demands.
-
-And, under these restrictions, we may treat a number of curious and
-useful subjects, in this form. The benefit will be that which the
-Ancients certainly found in this practice, and which the great master
-of life finds in the general way of candour and politeness,
-
- —parcentis viribus, atque
- Extenuantis eas consultò—
-
-For, though Truth be not formally delivered in Dialogue, it may
-be insinuated; and a capable writer will find means to do this so
-effectually as, in discussing both sides of a question, to engage the
-reader insensibly on that side, where the Truth lies.
-
-II. But _convenience_ is not the only consideration. The NOVELTY of the
-thing, itself, may well recommend it to us.
-
-For, when every other species of composition has been tried, and men
-are grown so fastidious as to receive with indifference the best
-modern productions, on account of the too common form, into which they
-are cast, it may seem an attempt of some merit to revive the only one,
-almost, of the ancient models, which hath not yet been made cheap by
-vulgar imitation.
-
-I can imagine the reader will conceive some surprise, and, if he be not
-a candid one, will perhaps express some disdain, at this pretence to
-Novelty, in cultivating the _Dialogue-form_. For what, he will say, has
-been more frequently aimed at in our own, and every modern language?
-Has not every art, nay, every science, been taught in this way? And, if
-the vulgar use of any mode of writing be enough to discredit it, can
-there be room even for wit and genius to retrieve the honour of this
-trite and hackneyed form?
-
-This, no doubt, may be said; but by those who know little of the
-ancient Dialogue, or who have not attended to the true manner in which
-the rules of good writing require it to be composed.
-
-We have what are called Dialogues in abundance; and the authors,
-for any thing I know, might please themselves with imagining, they
-had copied PLATO or CICERO. But in our language at least (and, if I
-extended the observation to the other modern ones of most estimation,
-I should perhaps do them no wrong) I know of nothing in the way of
-Dialogue that deserves to be considered by us with such regard.
-
-There are in English THREE Dialogues, and but Three, that are fit to be
-mentioned on this occasion: all of them excellently well composed in
-their way, and, it must be owned, by the very best and politest of our
-writers. And had that way been a true one, I mean that which antiquity
-and good criticism recommend to us, the Public had never been troubled
-with this attempt from me, to introduce another.
-
-The Dialogues I mean are, _The Moralists of Lord_ SHAFTESBURY; _Mr._
-ADDISON’S _Treatise on Medals_; _and the Minute Philosopher of Bishop_
-BERKELEY: and, where is the modesty, it will be said, to attempt the
-Dialogue-form, if it has not succeeded in such hands?
-
-The answer is short, and, I hope, not arrogant. These applauded persons
-suffered themselves to be misled by modern practice; and with every
-ability to excel in this nice and difficult composition, have written
-beneath themselves, only because they did not keep up to the ancient
-standard.
-
-An essential defect runs through them all. They have taken for their
-speakers, not real, but _fictitious_ characters; contrary to the
-practice of the old writers; and to the infinite disadvantage of this
-mode of writing in every respect.
-
-The love of truth, they say, is so natural to the human mind, that we
-expect to find the appearance of it, even in our amusements. In some
-indeed, the slenderest shadow of it will suffice: in others, we require
-to have the substance presented to us. In all cases, the degree of
-probability is to be estimated from the nature of the work. Thus, for
-instance, when a writer undertakes to instruct or entertain us in the
-way of Dialogue, he obliges himself to keep up to the _idea_, at least,
-of what he professes. The conversation may not have _really_ been such
-as is represented; but we expect it to have all the _forms_ of reality.
-We bring with us a disposition to be deceived (for we know his purpose
-is not to recite historically, but to feign probably); but it looks
-like too great an insult on our understandings, when the writer stands
-upon no ceremony with us, and refuses to be at the expence of a little
-art or management to deceive us.
-
-Hence the probabilities, or, what is called the _decorum_, of this
-composition. We ask, “Who the persons are, that are going to converse
-before us?” “where and when the conversation passed?” and “by what
-means the company came together?” If we are let into none of these
-particulars, or, rather if a way be not found to satisfy us in all
-of them, we take no interest in what remains; and give the speakers,
-who in this case are but a sort of Puppets, no more credit, than the
-opinion we chance to entertain of their Prompter demands from us.
-
-On the other hand, when _such_ persons are brought into the scene as
-are well known to us, and are entitled to our respect, and but so
-much address employed in shewing them as may give us a colourable
-pretence to suppose them really conversing together, the writer himself
-disappears, and is even among the first to fall into his own delusion.
-For thus CICERO himself represents the matter:
-
-“This way of discourse,” says he, “which turns on the authority of real
-persons, and those the most eminent of former times, is, I know not
-how, more interesting than any other: in so much that in reading my
-own Dialogue on _old age_, I am sometimes ready to conclude, in good
-earnest, it is not I, but CATO himself, who is there speaking[2].”
-
-So complete a deception, as this, requires the hand of a master. But
-such CICERO was; and had it been his design to make the highest
-encomium of his own Dialogues, he could not, perhaps, have done it so
-well by any other circumstance.
-
-But now this advantage is wholly lost by the introduction of
-_fictitious persons_. These may do in _Comedy_; nay, they do the best
-there, where _character_ only, or chiefly, is designed. In _Dialogue_,
-we must have real persons, and those only: for character here is but a
-secondary consideration; and there is no other way of giving weight and
-authority to the conversation of the piece.
-
-And here, again, CICERO may instruct us; who was so scrupulous on this
-head that he would not put his discourse on _old age_ into the mouth
-of TITHONUS, although a Greek writer of name had set him the example,
-_because_, as he observes, _a fabulous person would have had no great
-authority_[3]. What then would he have said of merely fancied and
-_ideal_ persons, who have not so much as that shadowy existence, which
-the plausibility of a current tale bestows?
-
-When I say that _character is but a secondary consideration_ in
-Dialogue, the reader sees I confine myself to that species only, which
-was in use among the _ancients_, properly so called; and of which
-PLATO and CICERO have left us the best models.
-
-It is true, in later times, a great wit took upon him to extend the
-province of Dialogue, and, like another Prometheus[4], (as, by an
-equivocal sort of compliment, it seems, was observed of him) created a
-new species; the merit of which consists in associating two things, not
-naturally allied together, _The severity of Philosophic Dialogue, with
-the humour of the Comic_.
-
-But as unnatural as the alliance may seem, this sort of composition has
-had its admirers. In particular, ERASMUS was so taken with LUCIAN’S
-Dialogue, that he has transfused its highest graces into his own; and
-employed those fine arms to better purpose against the Monks, than the
-forger of them had done, against the Philosophers.
-
-It must further be confessed, that this innovation of the Greek writer
-had some countenance from the genius of the old Socratic Dialogue;
-such I mean as it was in the hands of SOCRATES himself[5]; who took
-his name of IRONIST from the continued humour and ridicule which runs
-through his moral discourses. But, besides that the Athenian’s modest
-IRONY was of another taste, and better suited to this decorum of
-conversation, than the Syrian’s frontless buffoonery, there was this
-further difference in the two cases. SOCRATES employed this method of
-ridicule, as the only one by which he could hope to discredit those
-mortal foes of reason, the SOPHISTS: LUCIAN, in mere wantonness, to
-insult its best friends, the PHILOSOPHERS, and even the parent of
-Philosophy, himself. The Sage would have dropped his IRONY, in the
-company of the good and wise: The Rhetorician is never more pleased
-than in confounding both, by his intemperate SATIRE.
-
-However, there was likeness enough in the features of each _manner_,
-to favour LUCIAN’S attempt in compounding his new Dialogue. He was not
-displeased, one may suppose, to turn the comic art of SOCRATES against
-himself; though he could not but know that the ablest masters of the
-Socratic school employed it sparingly; and that, when the illustrious
-Roman came to philosophize in the way of Dialogue, he disdained to make
-any use of it at all.
-
-In a word, as it was taken up, to serve an occasion, so it was very
-properly laid aside with it. And even while the occasion lasted, this
-humorous manner was far enough, as I observed, from being pushed to a
-Scenic license; the great artists in this way knowing very well, that,
-when SOCRATES brought Philosophy from Heaven to Earth, it was not his
-purpose to expose her on the stage, but to introduce her into good
-company.
-
-And here, to note it by the way, what has been observed of the Ironic
-manner of the Socratic Dialogue, is equally true of its _subtle
-questioning dialectic genius_. This, too, had its rise from the
-circumstances of the time, and the views of its author, who employed it
-with much propriety and even elegance to entrap, in their own cobweb
-nets, the minute, quibbling captious sophists. How it chanced that
-this part of its character did not, also, cease with its use, but was
-continued by the successors in that school, and even carried so far as
-to provoke the ridicule of the wits, till, at length, it brought on the
-just disgrace of the Socratic Dialogue itself, all this is the proper
-subject of another inquiry.
-
-Our concern, at present, is with LUCIAN’S Dialogue; whether he were
-indeed the inventor of this species, or, after SOCRATES, only the
-espouser of it.
-
-The account, given above, that _it unites and incorporates the
-several virtues of the Comic and Philosophic manner_, is in LUCIAN’S
-own words[6]. Yet his Dialogue does not, as indeed it could not,
-correspond exactly to this idea. CICERO thought it no easy matter to
-unite _Philosophy with Politeness and Good-humour_[7]; what then would
-he have said of incorporating _Philosophy, with Comic Ridicule_?
-
-To do him justice, LUCIAN himself appears sensible enough of the
-difficulty. _I have presumed_, says he, _to connect and put together
-two things, not very obsequious to my design, nor disposed by any
-natural sympathy to bear the society of each other_[8]. And therefore
-we find him on all occasions more solicitous for the success of this
-hazardous enterprise, than for the credit of his invention. Every body
-was ready to acknowledge the novelty of the thing; but he had some
-reason to doubt with himself, whether it were gazed at as a monster,
-or admired as a just and reasonable form of composition. So that not
-being able to resolve this scruple to his satisfaction, he extricates
-himself, as usual, from the perplexity, by the force of his comic
-humour, and concludes at length, _that he had nothing left for it but
-to persevere in the choice he had once made_; that is, to preserve the
-credit of his own consistency at least, if he could not prevail to
-have his Dialogue accepted by the judicious reader, under the idea[9]
-of a consistent _composition_.
-
-The ingenious writer had, surely, no better way to take, in his
-distress. For the two excellencies he meant to incorporate in his
-Dialogue cannot, in a supreme degree of each, subsist together. The
-one must be sacrificed to the other. Either the philosophic part must
-give place to the dramatic; or the dramatic must withdraw, or restrain
-itself at least, to give room for a just display of the philosophic.
-
-And this, in fact, as I observed, is the case in LUCIAN’S own
-Dialogues. They are highly dramatic, in which part his force lay; while
-his Philosophy serves only to edge his wit, or simply to introduce
-it. They have, usually, for their subject, not a QUESTION DEBATED;
-but, a TENET RIDICULED, or a CHARACTER EXPOSED. In this view, they are
-doubtless inimitable: I mean when he kept himself, as too frequently he
-did not, to such _tenets_ or _characters_, as deserve to be treated in
-this free manner.
-
-But after all, the other species, the _serious, philosophic_ Dialogue,
-is the noblest and the best. It is the _noblest_, in all views;
-for the dignity of its subject, the gravity of its manner, and the
-importance of its end. It is the _best_, too; I mean, it excels most in
-the very truth and art of composition; as it governs itself entirely by
-the rules of decorum, and gives a just and faithful image of what it
-would represent: whereas the comic Dialogue, distorting, or, at least,
-aggravating the features of its original, pleases at some expence
-of probability; and at length attains its end but in part, for want
-of _dramatic action_, the only medium through which _humour_ can be
-perfectly conveyed.
-
-Thus the serious Dialogue is absolute in itself; and fully obtains its
-purpose: the humorous or characteristic, but partially; and is, at
-best, the faint copy of a higher species, the _Comic Drama_.
-
-However, the authority of LUCIAN is so great, and the manner itself so
-taking, that for these reasons, but chiefly for the sake of variety,
-the FIRST of the following Dialogues (and in part too, the SECOND)
-pretends to be of this class.
-
-But to return to our proper subject, THE SERIOUS OR PHILOSOPHIC
-DIALOGUE.
-
-1. I observed (and the reason now appears) that _character_ is a
-subordinate consideration, in this Dialogue. The _manners_ are to be
-given indeed, but sparingly, and, as it were, by accident. And this
-grace (which so much embellishes a well-composed work) can only be
-had by employing REAL, KNOWN, and RESPECTED speakers. Each of these
-circumstances, in the choice of a speaker, is important. The _first_,
-excites our curiosity: the _second_, affords an easy opportunity of
-painting the manners by those slight and careless strokes, which alone
-can be employed for this purpose, and which would not sufficiently mark
-the characters of unknown or fictitious persons: and the _last_ gives
-weight and dignity to the whole composition.
-
-By this means, the dialogue becomes, in a high degree, natural, and,
-on that account, affecting: a thousand fine and delicate allusions to
-the principles, sentiments, and history of the Dialogists keep their
-characters perpetually in view: we have a rule before us, by which
-to estimate the pertinence and propriety of what is said: and we are
-pleased to bear a part, as it were, in the conversation of such persons.
-
-Thus the old writers of Dialogue charm us, even when their subjects are
-unpleasing, and could hardly merit our attention: but when the topics
-are of general and intimate concern to the reader, by being discussed
-in this form, they create in him the keenest appetite; and are,
-perhaps, read with a higher pleasure, than we receive from most other
-compositions of literary men.
-
-2. It being now apprehended what _persons_ are most fit to be shewn
-in Dialogue, the next inquiry will be, concerning their _style or
-manner of expression_. And this, in general, must be suited to the
-condition and qualities of the persons themselves: that is, it must be
-grave, polite, and something raised above the ordinary pitch or tone
-of conversation; for, otherwise, it would not agree to the ideas we
-form of the speakers, or to the regard we owe to _real_, _known_, and
-_respected_ persons, seriously debating, as the philosophic dialogue
-imports in the very terms, on some useful or important subject.
-
-Thus far the case is plain enough. The conclusion flows, of itself,
-from the very idea of a philosophic conversation between such men.
-
-But as it appeared that the speaker’s _proper manners_ are to be
-given, in this Dialogue, it may be thought (and, I suppose, commonly
-is thought) that the speaker’s _proper style or expression_ should be
-given, too.
-
-Here the subject begins to be a little nice; and we must distinguish
-between the _general cast_ of expression, and its _smaller and more
-peculiar features_.
-
-As to the _general cast or manner of speaking_, it may be well to
-preserve some resemblance of it; for it results so immediately from
-the speaker’s character, and sometimes makes so essential a part of
-it, that the _manners_ themselves cannot, otherwise, be sufficiently
-expressed.
-
-Accordingly CICERO tells us, that, in his Dialogues of the _complete
-Orator_, he had _endeavoured to shadow out_, that is, give the
-outline, as it were, of the kind of eloquence, by which his chief
-speakers, CRASSUS and ANTONIUS, were severally distinguished[10]. This
-attention has certainly no ill effect when the _manners of speaking_,
-as here, are sufficiently distinct, and generally known. It was,
-besides, essentially necessary in this Dialogue, where the subject
-is, of eloquence itself; and where the principal persons appeared,
-and were accordingly to be represented, in the light and character of
-_speakers_; that is, where their different kinds or manners of speaking
-were, of course, to be expressed.
-
-In Dialogues on other subjects, CICERO himself either neglects this
-rule, or observes it with less care[11]; and this difference of conduct
-is plainly justified, from the reason of the thing.
-
-But now when the question is, of the _smaller features and more
-peculiar qualities of style or expression_, it will be found that the
-writer of Dialogue is under no obligation, either from the reason of
-the thing, or the best authorities, to affect a resemblance of that
-kind.
-
-Authorities, I think, there are none, or none at least that deserve
-to be much regarded; though I remember what has been observed of an
-instance or two of this sort, in some of PLATO’S Dialogues, where his
-purpose is, to _expose a character_, not to _debate a philosophic
-question_: and for _the impropriety of the thing itself_, it may appear
-from the following considerations.
-
-In general, the reason, why _character_ is preserved in this Dialogue,
-is, because such speakers, as are introduced in it, cannot be supposed
-to converse for any time on a subject of importance without discovering
-somethings of their own _peculiar manners_; though the occasion may
-not be warming enough to throw them out with that distinctness and
-vivacity, which we expect in the progress of a dramatic plot. But as to
-the _language of conversation_, it is so much the same between persons
-of education and politeness, that, whether the subject be interesting,
-or otherwise, all that you can expect is that the _general cast of
-expression_ will be somewhat tinctured by the _manners_, which shine
-through it; but by no means that the smaller differences, the nicer
-peculiarities of style, will be shewn.
-
-Or, we may take the matter thus:
-
-The reason, why the _general cast or kind of expression_ is different
-in two speakers, is, because their _characters_ are different, too.
-But _character_ has no manner of influence, in the ease and freedom of
-conversation, on the _idiomatic differences_ of expression; which flow
-not from the _manners_, but from some degree of study and affectation,
-and only characterize their written and artificial works.
-
-Thus, for instance, if SALLUST and CICERO had come together in
-conversation, the _former_ would certainly have dropped his _new
-words and pointed sentences_: and the _latter_ his _numerous oratorial
-periods_. All that might be expected to appear, is, that SALLUST’S
-expression would be shorter and more compact; CICERO’S more gracious
-and flowing, agreeably to the characters of the two men.
-
-But there is a further reason why these _characteristic peculiarities
-of style_ must not be exhibited, or must be infinitely restrained at
-least, in the sort of composition we are now considering. It is, that
-the studied imitation of such peculiarities would be what we call
-_mimickry_; and would therefore border upon _ridicule_, the thing of
-all others which the genius of this Dialogue most abhors. In Comedy
-itself, the most exact writers do not condescend to this minute
-imitation. TERENCE’S characters all express themselves, I think, with
-equal elegance: even his slaves are made to speak as good Latin, as
-their masters. In the serious Dialogue, then, which, from its nature,
-is, in a much lower degree, _mimetic_, that minute attention can by
-no means be required. It will be sufficient that the speakers express
-themselves in _the same manner_, that is, (provided the _general
-cast_ of expression be suited to their respective characters) _in the
-writer’s own_.
-
-If there be any exception from this rule, it must be, when the
-peculiarities of expression are so great, and so notorious, that the
-reader could hardly acknowledge the speaker in any other dress, than
-that of his own style. Hence it is possible, though CICERO has left us
-no example of this sort, that if, in the next age, any one had thought
-fit to introduce MÆCENAS into Dialogue, he might perhaps have been
-allowed to colour his language with some of those _spruce turns and
-negligent affectations_, by which, as a writer, he was so well known.
-It is, at least, on this principle that the Author of the following
-Dialogues must rest his apology for having taken such liberty, in
-_one or two instances, only_: in which, however, he has confined his
-imitation to the single purpose of exhibiting some degree of likeness
-to their acknowledged manner of expression, without attempting to
-expose it in any strong or invidious light. And, after all, if even
-this liberty, so cautiously taken, be thought too much, he will not
-complain of his critics; since the fault, if it be one, was committed
-rather in compliance with what he supposed might be the public
-judgment, than with his own.
-
-The reader has now before him a sketch of what I conceive to be the
-_character_ of the ancient philosophic Dialogue; which, in one word,
-may be said to be, “An imitated, and mannered conversation between
-certain real, known, and respected persons, on some useful or serious
-subject, in an elegant, and suitably adorned, but not characteristic
-style.”
-
-At least, I express, as I can, my notion of CICERO’S Dialogue, which
-unites these several characters; and, by such union, has effected, as
-it seems to me, all that the nature of this composition requires or
-admits.
-
-This, I am sensible, is saying but little, on the subject. But I
-pretend not to do justice to CICERO’S DIALOGUES; which are occasionally
-set off by that lively, yet chaste colouring of the _manners_, and are,
-besides, all over sprinkled with that exquisite grace of, what the
-Latin writers call, _urbanity_, (by which, they meant as well what was
-most polite in the _air_ of conversation, as in the language of it)
-that there is nothing equal to them, in Antiquity itself: and I have
-sometimes fancied, that even LIVY’S Dialogues[12], if they had come
-down to us, would perhaps have lost something, on a comparison with
-these master-pieces of CICERO’S pen.
-
-3. But to this apology for the ancient Dialogue, I suspect it will be
-replied, “That though, in the hands of the Greek and Latin writers, it
-might, heretofore, have all this grace and merit, yet who shall pretend
-to revive it in our days? or, how shall we enter into the spirit of
-this composition, for which there is no encouragement, nor so much as
-the countenance of example in real life? No man writes well, but from
-his own experience and observation: and by whom is the way of dialogue
-now practised? or, where do we find such precedents of grave and
-continued conversation in modern times?”
-
-A very competent judge, and one too, who was himself, as I have
-observed, an adventurer in this class of composition, puts the
-objection home in the following words:
-
-“The truth is,” says he, “it would be an abominable falsehood, and
-belying of the age, to put so much good sense together in any _one_
-conversation, as might make it hold out steadily, and with plain
-coherence, for an hour’s time, till any _one_ subject had been
-rationally examined[13].”
-
-Nor is this the only difficulty. _Another_ occurs, from the prevailing
-manners of modern times, which are over-run with respect, compliment,
-and ceremony. “Now put _compliments_,” says the same writer, “put
-_ceremony_ into a Dialogue, and see what will be the effect! This is
-the plain _dilemma_ against that ancient manner of writing—if we avoid
-ceremony, we are unnatural: if we use it, and appear as we naturally
-are, as we salute, and meet, and treat one another, we hate the
-sight[14].”
-
-These considerations are to the purpose; and shew perhaps in a
-mortifying manner, that the modern writers of Dialogue, the very best
-of them, cannot aspire to the unrivalled elegance of the ancient;
-as being wholly unfurnished of many advantages, to this end, which
-they enjoyed. But still the _form_ of writing itself is neither
-impracticable, nor unnatural: and there are certain _means_, by which
-the disadvantages, complained of, may be lessened at least, if not
-entirely removed.
-
-To begin with the LAST. It is very true, that the constraint of
-a formal and studied civility is foreign to the genius of this
-sort of composition; and it is, also, as true, that somewhat of
-this constrained civility is scarce separable from a just copy and
-faithful picture of conversation in our days. The reason of which is
-to be gathered from the nature of our policies and governments. For
-conversation, I mean the serious and manly sort, as well as eloquence,
-is most cultivated and thrives best amidst the quality of conditions in
-republican and popular states.
-
-And, though this inconvenience be less perceived by us of this free
-country than by most others, yet something of it will remain wherever
-monarchy, with its consequent train of subordinate and dependent ranks
-of men, subsists.
-
-Now the proper remedy in the case is, to bring such men only together
-in Dialogue as are of the same rank; or at least to class our speakers
-with such care as that any great inequality in that respect may be
-compensated by some other; such as the superiority of age, wisdom,
-talents, or the like. A Chancellor of _England_ and a Country Justice,
-or even a Lord and his Chaplain, could hardly be shewn in Dialogue,
-without incurring some ridicule. But a Judge and a Bishop, one would
-hope, might be safely brought together; and if a great Philosopher
-should enter into debate with a lettered Man of Quality, the indecorum
-would not be so violent as to be much resented.
-
-But the influence of modern manners reaches even to names and the
-ordinary forms of address. In the Greek and Roman Dialogues, it was
-permitted to accost the greatest persons by their obvious and familiar
-appellations. ALCIBIADES had no more addition, than SOCRATES: and
-BRUTUS and CÆSAR lost nothing of their dignity from being applied to
-in those direct terms. The moderns, on the contrary, have their guards
-and fences about them; and we hold it an incivility to approach them
-without some decent periphrasis, or ceremonial title—
-
- ——gaudent prænomine molles
- Auriculæ.
-
-It was principally, I believe, for this reason, that modern writers of
-Dialogue have had recourse to fictitious names and characters, rather
-than venture on the use of real ones: the _former_ absolving them from
-this cumbersome ceremony, which, in the case of the _latter_, could
-not so properly be laid aside. PALÆMON and PHILANDER, for instance,
-are not only well-sounding words; but slide as easily into a sentence,
-and as gracefully too, as CICERO and ATTICUS: while the _Mr’s_ and
-the _Sirs_, nay his _Grace_, his _Excellency_, or his _Honour_[15],
-of modern Dialogue, have not only a formality that hurts the ease of
-conversation, but a harshness too, which is somewhat offensive to a
-well-tuned Attic or Roman ear.
-
-All this will be allowed; and yet, to speak plainly and with that
-freedom which ancient manners indulge, the barbarity of these forms
-is not worse than the pedantry of taking such disgust at them. And
-there are ways, too, by which the most offensive circumstances in this
-account may be so far qualified as to be almost overlooked, or at least
-endured. What _these_ are, the capable and intelligent reader or writer
-is not to be told; and none but such would easily apprehend.
-
-To come then to the OTHER objection of Lord SHAFTESBURY, which is more
-considerable.
-
-It would be a manifest falsehood, he thinks, and directly against
-the truth both of art and nature, to engage the moderns in a grave
-discourse of any length. And it is true, the great men of our time do
-not, like the Senators of ancient _Rome_, spend whole days in learned
-debate and formal disputation: yet their meetings, especially in
-private parties, with their friends, are not so wholly frivolous, but
-that they sometimes discourse seriously, and even pursue a subject of
-learning or business, not with coherence only, but with some care. And
-will not this be ground enough for a capable writer to go upon, in
-reviving the way of Dialogue between such men?
-
-But, to give the most probable air to his fiction, he may find it
-necessary to recede from the strict imitation of his originals, in one
-instance.
-
-It may be advisable not to take for his speakers, _living persons_; I
-mean, persons, however respectable, of his own age. We may fancy of the
-dead, what we cannot so readily believe of the living. And thus, by
-endeavouring a little to deceive ourselves, we may come to think that
-natural, which is not wholly incredible; and may admit the writer’s
-invention for a picture, though a studied and flattering one, it may
-be, of real life.
-
-In short, it may be a good rule in modern Dialogue, as it was in
-ancient Tragedy, to take our subjects, and choose our persons, out
-of former times. And, under the prejudice of that opinion which is
-readily entertained of such subjects and characters, an artist may
-contrive to pass that upon us for _Fact_, which was only ingenious
-_Fiction_; and so wind up his piece to the perfection of ancient
-Dialogue, without departing too widely from the decorum and truth of
-conversation in modern life.
-
-Such at least is the IDEA, which the Author of these Dialogues has
-formed to himself of the manner in which this exquisite sort of
-composition may be attempted by more successful writers. For to
-conceive an excellence, and to copy it, he understands and laments, are
-very different things.
-
- THURCASTON.
- MDCCLXIV.
-
-
-
-
- MORAL AND POLITICAL
-
- DIALOGUES.
-
-
-
-
- DIALOGUE I.
-
- ON SINCERITY IN THE COMMERCE
-
- OF THE WORLD.
-
- BETWEEN
-
- DR. HENRY MORE,
-
- AND
-
- EDMUND WALLER, ESQ.
-
-
-
-
- DIALOGUE I.
-
- ON SINCERITY IN THE COMMERCE OF THE WORLD.
-
- DR. HENRY MORE, EDMUND WALLER, ESQ.
-
-
-MR. WALLER.
-
-Enough, enough, my friend, on the good old chapter of _Sincerity and
-Honour_. Your rhetoric, and not your reasoning, is too much for me.
-Believe it, your fine stoical lessons must all give way to a little
-common sense, I mean, to a prudent accommodation of ourselves to times
-and circumstances; which, whether you will dignify it with the name
-of philosophy, or no, is the only method of living with credit in the
-world, and even with safety.
-
-
-DR. MORE.
-
-Accommodation is, no doubt, a good word to stand in the place of
-insincerity. But, pray, in which of the great moral masters have you
-picked up this term, and, much more, the virtuous practice, it so well
-expresses?
-
-
-MR. WALLER.
-
-I learnt it from the great master of life, EXPERIENCE: A doctor, little
-heard of in the schools, but of more authority with men of sense, than
-all the solemn talkers of the porch, or cloister, put together.
-
-
-DR. MORE.
-
-After much reserve, I confess, you begin to express yourself very
-clearly. But, good Sir, not to take up your conclusion too hastily,
-have the patience to hear—
-
-
-MR. WALLER.
-
-Have I not, then, heard, and sure with patience enough, your studied
-harangues on this subject? You have discoursed it, I must own, very
-plausibly. But the impression, which fine words make, is one thing,
-and the conviction of reason, another. And, not to waste more time
-in fruitless altercation, let ME, if you please, read you a lecture
-of morals: not out of ancient books, or the visions of an unpractised
-philosophy, but from the schools of business and real life. Such a view
-of things will discredit these high nations, and may serve, for the
-future, to amend and rectify all your systems.
-
-
-DR. MORE.
-
-Commend me to a man of the world, for a rectifier of moral
-systems!—Yet, if it were only for the pleasure of being let into
-the secrets of this new doctrine of _Accommodation_, I am content to
-become a _patient_ hearer, in my turn; and the rather, as the day,
-which you see, wears apace, will hardly give leave for interruption, or
-indeed afford you time enough for the full display of your wit on this
-extraordinary subject.
-
-
-MR. WALLER.
-
-We have day enough before us, for the business in hand. ’Tis true, this
-wood-land walk has not the charms, which you lately bestowed on a
-certain _philosophical garden_[16]. But the heavens are as clear, and
-the air, that blows upon us, as fresh, as in that fine evening which
-drew your friends abroad, and engaged them in a longer debate, than
-that with which I am now likely to detain you. For, indeed, I have only
-to lay before you the result of my own experience and observation. All
-my arguments are plain facts, which are soon told, and about which
-there can be no dispute. You shall judge for yourself, how far they
-will authorize the conclusion I mean to draw from them.
-
-The point, I am bold enough to maintain against you philosophers, is,
-briefly, this; “That _sincerity_, or a scrupulous regard to _truth_ in
-all our conversation and behaviour, how specious soever it may be in
-theory, is a thing impossible in practice; that there is no living in
-the world on these terms; and that a man of business must either quit
-the scene, or learn to temper the strictness of your discipline with
-some reasonable accommodations. It is exactly the dilemma of the poet,
-
- Vivere si recte nescis, discede peritis;
-
-of all which I presume, as I said, to offer my own experience, as the
-shortest and most convincing demonstration.”
-
-
-DR. MORE.
-
-The subject, I confess, is fairly delivered, and nothing can be juster
-than this appeal to experience, provided you do not attempt to delude
-yourself or me by throwing false colours upon it.
-
-
-MR. WALLER.
-
-It will be your business to remonstrate against these arts, if you
-discover any such. My intention is to proceed in the way of a direct
-and simple recital.
-
-“I was born, as you know, of a good family, and to the inheritance of
-this paternal seat[17], with the easy fortune that belongs to it. To
-this, I succeeded but too soon by the untimely loss of an excellent
-father. His death, however, did not deprive me of those advantages
-which are thought to arise from a strict and virtuous education. This
-care devolved on my mother, a woman of great prudence, who provided for
-my instruction in letters and every other accomplishment. I was, of
-myself, enough inclined to books, and was supposed to have some parts
-which deserved cultivation. I was accordingly trained in the study of
-those writings, which are the admiration of men of elegant minds and
-refined morals. I was a tolerable master of the languages, in which
-they are composed; and, I may venture to say, was at least imbued with
-their notions and principles, if I was not able at that time to catch
-the spirit of their composition: all which was confirmed in me, by the
-constant attendance and admonitions of the best tutors, and the strict
-discipline of your colleges. I mention these things to shew you, that
-I was not turned loose into the world, as your complaint of men of
-business generally is, unprincipled and uninstructed; and that what
-austere men might afterwards take for some degree of libertinism in my
-conduct, is not to be charged on the want of a sober or even learned
-education.”
-
-
-DR. MORE.
-
-I understand you mean to take no advantage of that plea, if what
-follows be not answerable to so high expectations.
-
-
-MR. WALLER.
-
-The season was now come, when my rank and fortune, together with
-the solicitations of my friends, drew me forth, though reluctantly,
-from the college into the world. I was then, indeed, under twenty;
-but so practised in the best things, and so enamoured of the moral
-lessons which had been taught me, that I carried with me into the last
-parliament of king James, not the showy accomplishments of learning
-only, but the high enthusiasm of a warm and active virtue. Yet the
-vanity, it may be, of a young man, distinguished by some advantages,
-and conscious enough of them, was, for a time, the leading principle
-with me. In this disposition, it may be supposed, I could not be long
-without desiring an introduction to the court. It was not a school of
-that virtue I had been used to, yet had some persons in it of eminent
-worth and honour. A vein of poetry, which seemed to flow naturally from
-me, was that by which I seemed most ambitious to recommend myself[18].
-And occasions quickly offered for that purpose. But this was a play of
-ingenuity in which the heart had no share. I made complimentary verses
-on the great lords and ladies of the court, with as much simplicity
-and as little meaning as my bows in the drawing room, and thought it a
-fine thing to be taken notice of, as a wit, in the fashionable circles.
-In the mean time, the corruptions of a loose disorderly court gave me
-great scandal. And the abject flatteries, I observed in some of the
-highest stations and gravest characters, filled me with indignation.
-As an instance of this, I can never forget the resentment, that fired
-my young breast at the conversation you have often heard me say I was
-present at, betwixt the old king, and two of his court prelates[19].
-And if the prudent and witty turn, the venerable bishop of _Winchester_
-gave to the discourse, had not atoned, in some measure, for the rank
-offensive servility of the _other_, it had been enough to determine me,
-forthwith, to an implacable hatred of kings and courts for ever.
-
-
-DR. MORE.
-
-It must be owned the provocation was very gross, and the offence taken
-at it no more than a symptom of a generous and manly virtue.
-
-
-MR. WALLER.
-
-It left a deep impression on my mind; yet it did not hinder me from
-appearing at court in the first years of the following reign, when the
-vanity of a thoughtless muse, rather than any relaxation of my ancient
-manners, drew from me, again, some occasional panegyrics on greatness;
-which being presented in verse, I thought would hardly be suspected of
-flattery.
-
-
-DR. MORE.
-
-This indulgence of a _thoughtless muse_ (as you call it) was not
-without its danger. I am afraid this must pass for the first instance
-of your sacrificing to INSINCERITY.
-
-
-MR. WALLER.
-
-Your fears are too hasty. This was still a trial of my wit: and after
-a few wanton circles, as it were to breathe and exercise my muse, I
-drew her in from these amusements to a stricter manage and more severe
-discipline. The long interval of parliaments now followed; and in this
-suspension of business I applied myself to every virtuous pursuit that
-could be likely to improve my mind, or purify my morals. Believe me, I
-cannot to this day, without pleasure, reflect on the golden hours, I
-passed in the society of such accomplished men as FALKLAND, HYDE, and
-CHILLINGWORTH. And, for my more retired amusements at this place, you
-will judge of the good account I might render of these, when I add,
-they were constantly shared with that great prelate, who now, with so
-much dignity, fills the throne of _Winchester_[20].
-
-
-DR. MORE.
-
-This enthusiasm of your’s is catching, and raises in me an incredible
-impatience to come at the triumphs of a virtue, trained and perfected
-in her best school, the conversations of heroes and sages.
-
-
-MR. WALLER.
-
-You shall hear. The jealousies, that had alarmed the nation for
-twelve years, were now to have a vent given them, by the call of the
-parliament in _April 1640_. As the occasion, on which it met, was
-in the highest degree interesting, the assembly itself was the most
-august, that perhaps had ever deliberated on public councils. There
-was a glow of honour, of liberty, and of virtue in all hearts, in all
-faces: and yet this fire was tempered with so composed a wisdom, and
-so sedate a courage, that it seemed a synod of heroes; and, as some
-would then say of us, could only be matched by a senate of old Rome
-in its age of highest glory. To this parliament I had the honour to
-be deputed, whither I went with high-erected thoughts, and a heart
-panting for glory and the true service of my country. The dissolution,
-which so unhappily followed, served only to increase this ardour. So
-that, on our next meeting in _November_, I went freely and warmly into
-the measures of those, who were supposed to mean the best. I voted,
-I spoke, I impeached[21]. In a word, I gave a free scope to those
-generous thoughts and purposes which had been collecting in me for so
-many years, and was in the foremost rank of those, whose pulse beat
-highest for liberty, and who were most active for the interest of the
-public.
-
-
-DR. MORE.
-
-This was indeed a triumph, the very memory of which warms you to this
-moment. So bright a flame was not easily extinguished.
-
-
-MR. WALLER.
-
-It continued for some time in all its vigour. High as my notions were
-of public liberty, they did not transport me, with that zeal which
-prevailed on so many others, to act against the just prerogative of the
-crown, and the ancient constitution. I owe it to the conversation and
-influence of the excellent society, before-mentioned, that neither the
-spirit, the sense, nor, what is more, the relationship and intimate
-acquaintance of Mr. HAMPDEN[22], could ever bias me to his deeper
-designs, or any irreverence to the unhappy king’s person. Many things
-concurred to preserve me in this due mean. The violent tendencies of
-many councils on the parliament’s side; many gracious and important
-compliances on the king’s; the great examples of some who had most
-authority with good men; and, lastly, my own temper, which, in its
-highest fervours, always inclined to moderation; these and other
-circumstances kept me from the excesses, on either hand, which so few
-were able to avoid in that scene of public confusion.
-
-
-DR. MORE.
-
-This moderation carries with it all the marks of a real and confirmed
-virtue.
-
-
-MR. WALLER.
-
-I rather expected you would have considered it as another _sacrifice
-to Insincerity_. Such, I remember, was the language of many at that
-time. The enthusiasts on both sides agreed to stigmatize this temper
-with the name of _Neutrality_. Yet this treatment did not prevent me,
-when the war broke out, from taking a course, which I easily foresaw,
-would tend to increase such suspicions; for now, to open a fresh
-scene to you, I had assumed, if not new principles, yet new notions of
-the manner in which good policy required me to exert my old ones. The
-general virtue, or what had the appearance of it at least, had hitherto
-made plain-dealing an easy and convenient conduct. But things were now
-changed. The minds of all men were on fire: deep designs were laid,
-and no practice stuck at that might be proper to advance the execution
-of them. In this situation of affairs, what could simple honesty do,
-but defeat the purpose and endanger the safety of its master? I now,
-first, began to reflect that this was a virtue for other times: at
-least, that not to qualify it, in some sort, was, at such a juncture,
-not honesty, but imprudence: and when I had once fallen into this train
-of thinking, it is wonderful how many things occurred to me to justify
-and recommend it. The humour of acting always on one principle was, I
-said to myself, like that of sailing with one wind: whereas the expert
-mariner wins his way by plying in all directions, as occasions serve,
-and making the best of all weathers. Then I considered with myself
-the bad policy, in such a conjuncture, of CATO and BRUTUS, and easily
-approved in my own mind the more pliant and conciliating method of
-CICERO. Those stoics, thought I, ruined themselves and their cause by a
-too obstinate adherence to their system. The liberal and more enlarged
-conduct of the academic, who took advantage of all winds that blew in
-that time of civil dissension, had a chance at least for doing his
-country better service. Observation, as well as books, furnish me with
-these reflections. I perceived with what difficulty the Lord FALKLAND’S
-rigid principles had suffered him to accept an office of the greatest
-consequence to the public safety[23]: and I understood to what an
-extreme his scruples had carried him in the discharge of it[24]. This,
-concluded I, can never be the office of virtue in such a world, and in
-such a period. And then that of the poet, so skilled in the knowledge
-of life, occurred to me,
-
- —aut virtus nomen inane est,
- Aut decus et pretium recte petit EXPERIENS vir;
-
-that is, as I explained it, “The man of a ready and dexterous turn in
-affairs; one who knows how to take advantage of all circumstances,
-and is not restrained, by his bigotry, from varying his conduct, as
-occasions serve, and making, as it were, _experiments_ in business.”
-
-
-DR. MORE.
-
-You poets, I suppose, have an exclusive right to explain one another;
-or these words might seem to bear a more natural interpretation.
-
-
-MR. WALLER.
-
-You will understand from this account, which I have opened so
-particularly to you, on what reasons I was induced to alter my plan,
-or rather to pursue it with those arts of prudence and address, which
-the turn of the times had now rendered necessary. The conclusion
-was, I resolved to pursue steadily the king’s, which at the same
-time was manifestly the nation’s interest, and yet to keep fair with
-the parliament, and the managers on that side; for this appeared
-the likeliest way of doing him real service. And yet some officious
-scruples, which forced themselves upon me at first, had like to have
-fixed me in other measures. In the stream of those who chose to desert
-the houses rather than share in the violent counsels that prevailed in
-them, the general disgust had also carried me to withdraw myself. But
-this start of zeal was soon over. I presently saw, and found means to
-satisfy the king, that it would be more for his service that I should
-return to the parliament. I therefore resumed my seat, and took leave
-(to say the truth, it was not denied me by the house, who had their
-own ends to serve by this indulgence[25]) to reason and debate in all
-points with great freedom. At the same time my affections to the common
-interest were not suspected; for, having no connexion with the court,
-nobody thought of charging me with private views; and not forgetting,
-besides, to cultivate a good understanding with the persons of chief
-credit in the house, the plainness I used could only be taken for what
-it was, an honest and parliamentary liberty. This situation was, for a
-time, very favourable to me: for the king’s friends regarded me as the
-champion of their cause; whilst the prudence of my carriage towards the
-leading members secured me, in a good degree, from their jealousy.
-
-
-DR. MORE.
-
-Your policy, I observe, had now taken a more refined turn. The juncture
-of affairs might possibly justify this address: but the ground you
-stood upon was slippery; and I own myself alarmed at what may be the
-consequence of this solicitous pursuit of popularity.
-
-
-MR. WALLER.
-
-No exception, I think, can be fairly taken at the methods by which I
-pursued it. However, this _popularity_ it was, as you rightly divine,
-which drew upon me all the mischiefs that followed. For the application
-of all men, disposed to the king’s service, was now made to me. I had
-an opportunity, by this means, of knowing the characters and views
-of particular persons, and of getting an insight into the true state
-of the king’s affairs. And these advantages, in the end, drove me on
-the project, which, on the discovery, came to be called my _Plot_: an
-event, which, with all its particulars, you understand too well to need
-any information from me about it.
-
-
-DR. MORE.
-
-The story, as it was noised abroad, I am no stranger to: but this being
-one of those occasions, as they say, in which both your policy and
-virtue were put to the sharpest trial, it would be much to the purpose
-you have in view by this recital, to favour me with your own account of
-it.
-
-
-MR. WALLER.
-
-To lead you through all particulars, would not suit with the
-brevity you require of me. But something I will say to obviate the
-misconceptions you may possibly have entertained of this business[26].
-For the plot itself, the utmost of my design was only to form such a
-combination among the honest and well-affected of all sorts, as might
-have weight enough to incline the houses to a peace, and prevent the
-miseries that were too certainly to be apprehended from a civil war. It
-was never in my thoughts to surprize the parliament or city by force,
-or engage the army in the support and execution of my purpose. But my
-design in this affair, though the fury of my enemies, and the fatal
-jealousy of the time, would not suffer it to be rightly understood, is
-not that which my friends resented, and which most men were disposed
-to blame in me. It was my behaviour afterwards, and the obliquity of
-some means which I found expedient to my own safety, that exposed me
-to so rude a storm of censure. It continues, I know, to beat upon me
-even at this distance. But the injustice hath arisen from the force of
-vulgar prejudices, and from the want of entering into those enlarged
-principles, on which it was necessary for me to proceed in that
-juncture.
-
-
-DR. MORE.
-
-Yet the ill success of this plot itself might have shewn you, what the
-design of acting on these _enlarged principles_ was likely to come to.
-It was an unlucky experiment, this, you had made in the _new_ arts
-of living; and should have been a warning to you, not to proceed in
-a path which, at the very entrance of it, had involved you in such
-difficulties.
-
-
-MR. WALLER.
-
-No, it was not the new path, you object to me, but the good old road of
-Sincerity, which misled me into those brambles. I, in the simplicity
-of my heart, thought it my duty to adhere to the injured king’s
-cause, and believed my continuance in parliament the fairest, as well
-as the likeliest method, that could be taken to support it. Had I
-temporized so far as either to desert my prince, and strike in with
-the parliament, or, on the other hand, had left the house and gone with
-the seceders to _Oxford_, either way I had been secure. But resolving,
-as I did, to hold my principles, and follow my judgment, I fell into
-those unhappy circumstances, from which all the dexterity I afterwards
-assumed was little enough to deliver me.
-
-
-DR. MORE.
-
-But if your intentions were so pure, and the methods, by which you
-resolved to prosecute them, so blameless, how happened it that any plot
-could be worked up of so much danger to your life and person?
-
-
-MR. WALLER.
-
-This was the very thing I was going to explain to you. My intentions
-towards the parliament were fair and honourable: as I retained my seat
-there, I could not allow myself in the use of any but parliamentary
-methods to promote the cause I had undertaken. And this, as I said,
-was the whole purpose of the _combination_, which was made the
-pretence to ruin me: for my unhappy project of a reconciliation was
-so inextricably confounded with another of more dangerous tendency,
-the _commission of array_, sent at that time from _Oxford_, that
-nothing, I presently saw, could possibly disentangle so perplexed a
-business, or defeat the malice of my enemies, if I attempted, in the
-more direct way, to stand on my defence. Presumptions, if not proofs,
-they had in abundance: the consternation of all men was great; their
-rage, unrelenting; and the general enthusiasm of the time, outrageous.
-Consider all this, and see what chance there was for escaping their
-injustice, if I had restrained myself to the sole use of those means,
-which you men of the cloister magnify so much, under I know not what
-names of _Sincerity_ and _Honour_. And, indeed, this late experience,
-of what was to be expected from the way of plain dealing, had
-determined me, henceforth, to take a different route; and, since I had
-drawn these mischiefs on myself by _Sincerity_, to try what a little
-management could do towards bringing me out of them.
-
-
-DR. MORE.
-
-It was not, I perceive, without cause, that the subtlety you had begun
-to have recourse to, filled me with apprehensions. Sincerity and
-Honour, Mr. WALLER, are plain things, and hold no acquaintance with
-this ingenious casuistry.
-
-
-MR. WALLER.
-
-What, not in such a situation? It should seem then, as if you moralists
-conceived a man owed nothing to himself: that _self-preservation_ was
-not what God and Nature have made it, the first and most binding of all
-laws: that a man’s family, not to say his country, have no interest in
-the life of an innocent and deserving citizen; and, in one word, that
-_prudence_ is but an empty name, though you give it a place among your
-_cardinal virtues_. All this must be concluded before you reject, as
-unlawful, the means I was forced upon, at this season, for my defence:
-means, I presume to say, so sagely contrived, and, as my very enemies
-will own, executed so happily, that I cannot to this day reflect on my
-conduct in that affair without satisfaction.
-
-
-DR. MORE.
-
-Yet it had some consequences which a man of your generosity would a
-little startle at.—
-
-
-MR. WALLER.
-
-I understand you: my friends—But I shall answer that objection in its
-place.
-
-Let me at present go on with the particulars of my defence. The
-occasion, as you see, was distressful to the last degree. To deny or
-defend myself from the charge was a thing impossible. What remained
-then but to confess it, and in so frank and ample a manner, as might
-bespeak the pity or engage the protection of my accusers? I resolved
-to say nothing but the _truth_; and, if ever the _whole_ truth may
-be spoken, it is when so alarming an occasion calls for it. Besides,
-what had others, who might be affected by the discovery, to complain
-of? I disclaimed no part of the guilt myself: nor could any confession
-be made, that did not first and chiefly affect me. And if I, who was
-principal in the contrivance, had the best chance for escaping by such
-confession, what had they, who were only accomplices, to apprehend from
-it? Add to this, that the number and credit of the persons, who were
-charged with having a share in the design, were, of all others, the
-likeliest considerations to prevail with the houses to drop the further
-prosecution of it.
-
-Well, the discovery had great effects. But there was no stopping here.
-Penitence, as well as confession, is expected from a sinner. I had to
-do with hypocrites of the worst sort. What fairer weapons, then, than
-hypocrisy and dissimulation? I counterfeited the strongest remorse, and
-with a life and spirit that disposed all men to believe, and most to
-pity me. My trial was put off in very compassion to my disorder; which,
-in appearance, was so great, that some suspected my understanding had
-been affected by it. In this contrivance I had two views; to gain time
-for my defence, and to keep it off till the fury of my prosecutors was
-abated. In this interval, indeed, some of my accomplices suffered. But
-how was it possible for me to apprehend that, when, if any, I myself
-might expect to have fallen the first victim of their resentment?
-
-
-DR. MORE.
-
-If this apology satisfy yourself, I need not interrupt your story with
-any exceptions.
-
-
-MR. WALLER.
-
-It was, in truth, the only thing which afflicted me in the course of
-this whole business. But time and reflection have reconciled me to
-what was, in some sense, occasioned, but certainly not intended, by me.
-And it would be a strange morality that should charge a man with the
-undesigned consequences of his own actions.
-
-
-DR. MORE.
-
-And were all the symptoms of a disturbed mind, you made a shew of, then
-entirely counterfeit?
-
-
-MR. WALLER.
-
-As certainly as those of the Roman BRUTUS, who, to tell you the truth,
-was my example on that occasion. It was the business of both of us to
-elude the malice of our enemies, and reserve ourselves for the future
-service of our respective countries.
-
-But all I have told you was only a prelude to a further, and still
-more necessary, act of dissimulation. Had the house been left to
-itself, it might possibly have absolved me, on the merits of so large
-a confession, and so lively a repentance. But I had to do with another
-class of men, with holy inquisitors of sordid minds, and sour spirits;
-priestly reformers, whose sense was noise, and religion fanaticism,
-and that too fermented with the leven of earthly avarice and ambition.
-These had great influence both within doors and without, and would
-regard what had hitherto passed as nothing, if I went not much further.
-To these, having begun in so good a train, I was now to address myself.
-I had studied their humours, and understood to a tittle the arts that
-were most proper to gain them.
-
-The first step to the countenance and good liking of these restorers of
-primitive parity was, I well knew, the most implicit subjection both
-of will and understanding. I magnified their gifts, I revered their
-sanctity. I debased myself with all imaginable humility: I extolled
-them with the grossest flattery.
-
-Having thus succeeded to my wish in drawing the principal of these
-saints around me, I advanced further: I sought their instruction,
-solicited their advice, and importuned their ghostly consolation.
-This brought me into high favour; they regarded me as one, who wished
-and deserved to be enlightened: they strove which should impart most
-of their lights and revelations to me. I besought them to expound,
-and pray, and preach before me: nay, I even preached, and prayed,
-and expounded before them. I out-canted the best-gifted of them; and
-out-railed the bitterest of all their decriers of an anti-christian
-prelacy. In short, it would have moved your laughter or your
-indignation to observe, how submissively I demeaned myself to these
-spiritual fathers; how I hung on their words, echoed their coarse
-sayings, and mimicked their beggarly tones and grimaces.
-
-To complete the farce, I intreated their acceptance of such returns
-for their godly instructions, as fortune had enabled me to make
-them. I prevailed with them to give leave that so unworthy a person
-might be the instrument of conveying earthly accommodations to these
-dispensers of heavenly treasures; and it surpasses all belief, with
-what an avidity they devoured them! It is true, this last was a serious
-consideration: in all other respects, the whole was a perfect comedy;
-and of so ridiculous a cast, that, though my situation gave me power of
-face to carry it off gravely then, I have never reflected on it since
-without laughter.
-
-
-DR. MORE.
-
-Truly, as you describe it, it was no serious scene. But what I admire
-most, is the dexterity of your genius, and the prodigious progress you
-had now made in your favourite arts of _accommodation_.
-
-
-MR. WALLER.
-
-Necessity is the best master. Besides, can you blame me for taking more
-than common pains to outdo these miscreants in their own way; I might
-say, to excel in an art which surpasses, or at least comprises in it
-the essence of all true wisdom? The precept of your admired ANTONINUS,
-as you reminded me to-day, is SIMPLIFY YOURSELF[27]. That, I think,
-was the quaint expression. It had shewn his reach and mastery in the
-trade he professed, much more, if instead of it, he had preached up,
-ACCOMMODATE YOURSELF; the grand secret, as long experience has taught
-me, _bene beateque vivendi_.
-
-All matters thus prepared, there was now no hazard in playing my
-last game. I requested and obtained leave to make my defence before
-the parliament. I had acquired a knack in speaking; and had drawn
-on myself more credit, than fine words deserve, by a scenical and
-specious eloquence. If ever I acquitted myself to my wish, it was on
-this occasion. I soothed, I flattered, I alarmed: every topic of art
-which my youth had learned, every subject of address which experience
-had suggested, every trick and artifice of popular adulation, was
-exhausted. All men were prepared by the practices of my saintly
-emissaries to hear me with favour; and, which is the first and last
-advantage of a speaker, to believe me seriously and conscientiously
-affected.
-
-In the end I triumphed; and for a moderate fine obtained leave to
-shelter myself from the following storm, which almost desolated this
-unhappy country, by retiring into an exile, at that time more desirable
-than any employment of those I left behind me.
-
-
-DR. MORE.
-
-You retired, I think, to _France_, whither, no doubt, you carried with
-you all those generous thoughts and consolatory reflexions, which
-refresh the spirit of a good man under a consciousness of suffering
-virtue.
-
-
-MR. WALLER.
-
-Why not, if _prudence_ be a virtue? for what, but certain prudential
-regards (which in common language and common sense are quite another
-thing from vicious compliances) have hitherto, as you have seen,
-appeared in my conduct? But be they what they will, they had a very
-natural effect, and one which will always attend on so reasonable a
-way of proceeding. For, since you press me so much, I shall take leave
-to suggest an observation to you, more obvious as well as more candid
-than any you seem inclined to make on the circumstances of this long
-relation. It is, “that the _pretended_ penitence for my past life, and
-the readiness I shewed to acquiesce in the _false_ accounts which the
-parliament gave of my plot, saved my life, and procured my liberty;
-whilst the _real and true_ discoveries I made to gain credit to _both_,
-hurt my reputation.” But such a reflexion might have shocked your
-system too much. For it shews that all the benefit, I drew to myself
-in this affair, arose from those _prudential maxims_ you condemn; and
-that all the injury, I suffered, was owing to the _sincerity_ I still
-mixed with them.
-
-
-DR. MORE.
-
-Seriously, Sir——
-
-
-MR. WALLER.
-
-I can guess what you would say: but you promised to hear me out,
-without interruption.
-
-What remains I shall dispatch in few words, having so fully vindicated
-the most obnoxious part of my life, and opened the general principles,
-I acted upon, so clearly.
-
-I went, as you said, to _France_; where, instead of the churlish humour
-of a malcontent, or the unmanly dejection of a disgraced exile, I
-appeared with an ease and gaiety of mind, which made me welcome to the
-greatest men of that country. The ruling principle of my philosophy
-was, to make the best of every situation. And, as my fortune enabled me
-to do it, I lived with hospitality, and even splendour; and indulged
-myself in all the delights of an enlarged and elegant conversation.
-
-Such were my amusements for some years; during which time, however, I
-preserved the notions of loyalty, which had occasioned my disgrace,
-and waited some happier turn of affairs, that might restore me with
-honour to my country. But when all hopes of this sort were at an end,
-and the government, after the various revolutions which are well
-known, seemed fixed and established in the person of one man, it
-was not allegiance, but obstinacy, to hold out any longer. I easily
-succeeded in my application to be recalled, and was even admitted to
-a share in the confidence of the PROTECTOR. This great man was not
-without a sensibility of true glory; and, for that reason, was even
-ambitious of the honour, which wit and genius are ever ready to confer
-on illustrious greatness. Every muse of that time distinguished, and
-was distinguished by, him. Mine had improved her voice and accent in a
-foreign country: and what nobler occasion to try her happiest strain
-than this, of immortalizing a Hero?
-
- “Illustrious acts high raptures do infuse,
- And ev’ry conqueror creates a muse;”
-
-as I then said in a panegyric, which my gratitude prompted me to
-present to him[28].
-
-
-DR. MORE.
-
-This panegyric, presented in verse, could hardly, I suppose, be
-suspected of flattery!
-
-
-MR. WALLER.
-
-I expected this; but the occasion, as I said, might have suggested
-a fairer interpretation. And why impute as a fault to me, what the
-reverend SPRAT, as well as DRYDEN, did not disdain to countenance by
-their examples? Besides, as an argument of the unsullied purity of
-intention, you might remember, methinks, that I asked no recompence,
-and accepted none, for the willing honours my muse paid him.
-
-
-DR. MORE.
-
-It must be a sordid muse indeed, that submits to a venal prostitution.
-And, to do your profession justice, it is not so much avarice, or even
-ambition, as a certain gentler passion, the vanity, shall I call it? of
-being well with the _great_, that is fatal to you poets.
-
-
-MR. WALLER.
-
-I can allow for the satire of this reproof, in a man of ancient and
-bookish manners. But, to shew my disinterestedness still more, you may
-recollect, if you please, that I embalmed his memory, when neither his
-favour nor his smile were to be apprehended.
-
-
-DR. MORE.
-
-In the short reign of his son.—But what then? you made amends for all,
-by the congratulation on the happy return of his present majesty. You
-know who it was that somebody complimented in these lines:
-
- “He best can turn, enforce and soften things,
- To praise great conquerors, and flatter kings.”
-
-
-MR. WALLER.
-
-Was it for me to stem the torrent of a nation’s joys by a froward and
-unseasonable silence? Did not HORACE, who fought at _Philippi_, do
-as much for AUGUSTUS? And should I, who had suffered for his cause,
-not embrace the goodness, and salute the returning fortunes, of so
-gracious, so accomplished a master? His majesty himself, as I truly say
-of him, in the poem you object to me,
-
- “with wisdom fraught,
- Not such as books, but such as practice, taught,”
-
-did me the justice to understand my address after another manner. He,
-who had so often been forced by the necessities of his affairs to make
-compliances with the time, never resented it from me, a private man
-and a poet, that I had made some sacrifices of a like nature. All this
-might convince you of the great truth I meant to inculcate by this long
-recital, that not a sullen and inflexible _Sincerity_, but a fair and
-seasonable _accommodation of one’s self_, to the various exigencies of
-the times, is the golden virtue that ought to predominate in a man
-of life and business. All the rest, believe me, is the very cant of
-philosophy and unexperienced wisdom.
-
-
-DR. MORE.
-
-Wisdom—and must the sanctity of that name—
-
-
-MR. WALLER.
-
-Hear me, Sir—no exclamations against the evidence of plain fact. I
-have a right to expect another conduct from him, who is grown grey in
-the studies of moral science.
-
-
-DR. MORE.
-
-You learned another lesson in the school of FALKLAND, HYDE, and
-CHILLINGWORTH.
-
-
-MR. WALLER.
-
-Yes, one I was obliged to unlearn. But, since you remind me of that
-school, what was the effect of adhering pertinaciously to its false
-maxims? To what purpose were the lives of _two_ of them prodigally
-thrown away; and the honour, the wisdom, the talents of the _other_,
-still left to languish in banishment[29] and obscurity?
-
-
-DR. MORE.
-
-O! prophane not the glories of immortal, though successless virtue,
-with such reproaches.—Those adored names shall preach honour to future
-ages, and enthrone the majesty of virtue in the hearts of men, when
-wit and parts, and eloquence and poetry, have not a leaf of all their
-withered bays to recommend them.
-
-
-MR. WALLER.
-
-Raptures and chimeras!——Rather judge of the sentiments of future
-ages, from the present. Where is the man, (I speak it without
-boasting,) that enjoys a fairer fame; who is better received in all
-places; who is more listened to in all companies; who reaps the fruits
-of a reasonable and practicable virtue in every return of honour, more
-unquestionably, than he whose life and principles your outrageous
-virtue leads you to undervalue so unworthily? And take it from me as
-an oracle, which long age and experience enable me to deliver with all
-assurance, “Whoever, in succeeding times, shall form himself on the
-plan here given shall meet with the safety, credit, applause, and,
-if he chuses, honour and fortune in the world, which may be promised
-indeed, but never will be obtained, by any other method.”
-
-
-DR. MORE.
-
-You have spoken. But hear me now, I conjure you, whilst a poor despised
-philosopher—
-
-
-MR. WALLER.
-
-O! I have marked the emotion this discourse of mine hath awakened in
-you. I have seen your impatience: I have watched your eyes when they
-sparkled defiance and contradiction to my argument. But your warmth
-makes you forget yourself. I gave a patient hearing to all your
-eloquence could suggest in this cause. I even favoured your zeal, and
-helped to blow up your enthusiasm. The rest fell to my turn; and
-besides, the evening, as you see, shuts in upon us. Let us escape, at
-least, from its dews, which, in this decline of the year, they say, are
-not the most wholesome, into a warm apartment within doors; and then I
-shall not be averse, especially when you have taken a few minutes to
-recollect yourself, to debate with you what further remains upon this
-argument[30].
-
-
-
-
- DIALOGUE II.
-
- ON RETIREMENT.
-
- BETWEEN
-
- MR. ABRAHAM COWLEY,
-
- AND
-
- THE REV. MR. THOMAS SPRAT.
-
-
-
-
- DIALOGUE II.
-
- ON RETIREMENT.
-
- MR. ABRAHAM COWLEY—THE REV. MR. SPRAT.
-
-
-TO THE EARL OF ST. ALBANS[31].
-
-MY LORD,
-
-The duty I owe your LORDSHIP, as well as my friendship for Mr. COWLEY,
-determined me to lose no time in executing the commission you was
-pleased to charge me with by Mr. D***. I went early the next morning
-to _Barn Elms_[32]; intending to pass the whole day with him, and to
-try if what I might be able to suggest on the occasion, together with
-the weight of your lordship’s advice, could not divert him from his
-strange project of _Retirement_. Your lordship, no doubt, as all his
-other friends, had observed his bias that way to be very strong; but
-who, that knew his great sense, could have thought of it its carrying
-him to so extravagant a resolution? For my own part, I suspected it so
-little, that, though he would often talk of retiring, and especially
-since your lordship’s favour to him[33], I considered it only as the
-usual language of poets, which they take up one after another, and
-love to indulge in, as what they suppose becomes their family and
-profession. It could never come into my thoughts, that one, who knew
-the world so well as Mr. COWLEY, and had lived so long in it, who had
-so fair hopes and so noble a patron, could seriously think of quitting
-the scene at his years, and all for so fantastic a purpose as that of
-growing old in the corner of a country village.
-
-These, my lord, were my sentiments, when your friendly message alarmed
-me with the apprehension of there being more in the matter than I had
-suspected. Yet still I considered it only as a hasty thought, which
-a fit of the spleen, or of the muse it may be, had raised; and which
-the free remonstrance of a friend would easily disperse, or prevent at
-least from coming to any fixed and settled resolution. But how shall
-I express to your lordship the surprise I was in, to find that this
-resolution was not only taken, but rooted so deeply in him, that no
-arguments, nor even your lordship’s authority, could shake it? I have
-ever admired Mr. COWLEY, as a man of the happiest temper and truest
-judgment; but, to say the least, there was something so particular, I
-had almost said perverse, in what he had to allege for himself on this
-occasion, that I cannot think I acquit myself to your lordship, without
-laying before you the whole of this extraordinary conversation; and, as
-far as my recollection will serve, in the very words in which it passed
-betwixt us.
-
-I went, as I told your lordship, pretty early to _Barn Elms_; but my
-friend had gotten the start of me by some hours. He was busying himself
-with some improvements of his garden, and the fields that lie about
-his house. The whole circuit of his domain was not so large, but that
-I presently came up with him. “My dear friend,” said he, embracing
-me, but with a look of some reserve and disgust, “and is it you then
-I have the happiness to see, at length, in my new settlement? Though
-I fled hither from the rest of the world, I had no design to get out
-of the reach of my friends. And, to be plain with you, I took it a
-little amiss from one whose entire affection I had reckoned upon,
-that he should leave me to myself for these two whole months, without
-discovering an inclination, either from friendship or curiosity, to
-know how this retirement agreed with me. What could induce my best
-friend to use me so unkindly?”
-
-Surely, said I, you forget the suddenness of your flight, and the
-secresy with which the resolution was taken. We supposed you gone only
-for a few days, to see to the management of your affairs; and could
-not dream of your _rusticating_ thus long, at a time when the town
-and court are so busy; when the occasions of your friends and your
-own interests seemed to require your speedy return to us. However,
-continued I, it doth not displease me to find you so dissatisfied
-with this solitude. It looks as if the short experience, you have
-had of this recluse life, did not recommend it to you in the manner
-you expected. Retirement is a fine thing in imagination, and is apt
-to possess you poets with strange visions. But the charm is rarely
-lasting; and a short trial, I find, hath served to correct these
-fancies. You feel yourself born for society and the world, and, by your
-kind complaints of your friend, confess how unnatural it is to deny
-yourself the proper delights of a man, the delights of conversation.
-
-Not so fast, interrupted he, if you please, in your conclusions about
-the nature of retirement. I never meant to give up my right in the
-affections of those few I call my friends. But what has this to do
-with the general purpose of retreating from the anxieties of business,
-the intrigues of policy, or the impertinencies of conversation? I have
-lived but too long in a ceaseless round of these follies. The best part
-of my time hath been spent _sub dio_. I have served in all weathers,
-and in all climates, but chiefly in the torrid zone of politics, where
-the passions of all men are on fire, and where such as have lived the
-longest, and are thought the happiest, are scarcely able to reconcile
-themselves to the sultry air of the place. But this warfare is now
-happily at an end. I have languished these many years for the shade.
-Thanks to my Lord ST. ALBANS, and another noble lord you know of, I
-have now gained it. And it is not a small matter, I assure you, shall
-force me out of this shelter.
-
-Nothing is easier, said I, than for you men of wit to throw a ridicule
-upon any thing. It is but applying a quaint figure, or a well-turned
-sentence, and the business is done. But indeed, my best friend, it
-gives me pain to find you not so much diverting as deceiving yourself
-with this unseasonable ingenuity. So long as these sallies of fancy
-were employed only to enliven conversation, or furnish matter for an
-ode or an epigram, all was very well. But now that you seem disposed
-to _act_ upon them, you must excuse me if I take the matter a little
-more seriously. To deal plainly with you, I come to tell you my whole
-mind on this subject: and, to give what I have to say the greater
-consequence with you, I must not conceal from you, that I come
-commissioned by the excellent lord you honour so much, and have just
-now mentioned, to expostulate in the freest manner with you upon it.
-
-We had continued walking all this time, and were now ascending a
-sort of natural terras. It led to a small thicket, in the entrance
-of which was a seat that commanded a pleasant view of the country
-and the river. Taking me up to it, “Well,” said he, “my good friend,
-since your purpose in coming hither is so kind, and my Lord ST. ALBANS
-himself doth me the honour to think my private concerns deserving his
-particular notice, it becomes me to receive your message with respect,
-and to debate the matter, since you press it so home upon me, with all
-possible calmness. But let us, if you please, sit down here. You will
-find it the most agreeable spot I have to treat you with; and the shade
-we have about us will not, I suppose, at this hour, be unwelcome.”
-
-And now, turning himself to me, “Let me hear from you, what there
-is in my retreat to this place, which a wise man can have reason to
-censure, or which may deserve the disallowance of a friend. I know you
-come prepared with every argument which men of the world have at any
-time employed against retirement; and I know your ability to give to
-each its full force. But look upon this scene before you, and tell me
-what inducements I can possibly have to quit it for any thing you can
-promise me in exchange? Is there in that vast labyrinth, you call the
-world, where so many thousands lose themselves in endless wanderings
-and perplexities, any corner where the mind can recollect itself so
-perfectly, where it can attend to its own business, and pursue its
-proper interests so conveniently, as in this quiet and sequestered
-spot? Here the passions subside; or, if they continue to agitate,
-do not however transport the mind with those feverish and vexatious
-fervours, which distract us in public life. This is the seat of virtue
-and of reason; here I can fashion my life by the precepts of duty
-and conscience; and here I have leisure to make acquaintance, that
-acquaintance which elsewhere is so rarely made, with the ways and works
-of God.
-
-Think again, my friend. Doth not the genius of the place seize you? Do
-you not perceive a certain serenity steal in upon you? Doth not the
-aspect of things around you, the very stillness of this retreat, infuse
-a content and satisfaction which the world knows nothing of? Tell me,
-in a word, is there not something like enchantment about us? Do you not
-find your desires more composed, your purposes more pure, your thoughts
-more elevated, and more active, since your entrance into this scene?”
-
-He was proceeding in this strain, with an air of perfect enthusiasm,
-when I broke in upon him with asking, “Whether this was what he called
-_debating the matter calmly with me_. Surely,” said I, “this is poetry,
-or something still more extravagant. You cannot think I come prepared
-to encounter you in this way. I own myself no match for you at these
-weapons: which indeed are too fine for my handling, and very unsuitable
-to my purpose if they were not. The point is not which of us can say
-the handsomest things, but the truest, on either side of the question.
-It is, as you said, plain argument, and not rhetorical flourishes, much
-less poetical raptures, that must decide the matter in debate. Not but
-a great deal might be said on my side, and, it may be, with more colour
-of truth, had I the command of an eloquence proper to set it off.
-
-I might ask, in my turn, “Where is mighty charm that draws you to this
-inglorious solitude, from the duties of business and conversation,
-from the proper end and employment of man? How comes it to pass, that
-this stillness of a country landscape, this uninstructing, though
-agreeable enough, scene of fields and waters, should have greater
-beauty in your eye, than _flourishing peopled towns_, the scenes of
-industry and art, of public wealth and happiness? Is not the _sublime
-countenance_ of man, so one of your acquaintance terms it, a more
-delightful object than any of these humble beauties that lie before
-us? And are not the human virtues, with all their train of lovely and
-beneficial effects in society, better worth contemplating, than the
-products of inanimate nature in the field or wood? Where should we seek
-for REASON, but in the minds of men tried and polished in the school
-of civil conversation? And where hath VIRTUE so much as a being out of
-the offices of social life? Look well into yourself, I might say: hath
-not indeed the proper genius of solitude affected you! Doth not I know
-not what of chagrin and discontent hang about you? Is there not a gloom
-upon your mind, which darkens your views of human nature, and damps
-those chearful thoughts and sprightly purposes, which friendship and
-society inspire?”
-
-You see, Sir, were I but disposed, and as able as you are, to pursue
-this way of fancy and declamation, I might conjure up as many frightful
-forms in these retired walks, as you have delightful ones. And the
-enchantment in good hands would, I am persuaded, have more the
-appearance of reality. But this is not the way in which I take upon
-myself to contend with you. I would hear, if you please, what reasons,
-that deserve to be so called, could determine you to so strange, and,
-forgive me if at present I am forced to think it, so unreasonable a
-project, as that of devoting your health and years to this monastic
-retirement. I would lay before you the arguments, which, I presume,
-should move you to quit a hasty, perhaps an unweighted, resolution:
-so improper in itself, so alarming to all your friends, so injurious
-to your own interest, and, permit me to say, to the public. I would
-enforce all this with the mild persuasions of a friend; and with the
-wisdom, the authority of a great person, to whose opinion you owe a
-deference, and who deserves it too from the entire love and affection
-he bears you.”
-
-My dearest friend, replied he, with an earnestness that awed, and a
-goodness that melted me, I am not to learn the affection which either
-you or my noble friend bear me. I have had too many proofs of it from
-both, to suffer me to doubt it. But why will you not allow me to judge
-of what is proper to constitute my own happiness? And why must I be
-denied the privilege of choosing for myself, in a matter where the
-different taste or humour of others makes them so unfit to prescribe
-to me? Yet I submit to these unequal terms; and if I cannot justify the
-choice I have made, even in the way of serious reason and argument, I
-promise to yield myself to your advice and authority. You have taken me
-perhaps a little unprepared and unfurnished for this conflict. I have
-not marshalled my forces in form, as you seem to have done; and it may
-be difficult, on the sudden, to methodize my thoughts in the manner
-you may possibly expect from me. But come, said he, I will do my best
-in this emergency. You will excuse the rapture which hurried me at
-setting out, beyond the bounds which your severer temper requires. The
-subject always fires me; and I find it difficult, in entering on this
-argument, to restrain those triumphant sallies, which had better have
-been reserved for the close of it.
-
-Here he paused a little; and recollecting himself, “But first,” resumed
-he, “you will take notice, that I am not at all concerned in the
-general question, so much, and, I think, so vainly agitated, “_whether
-a life of retirement be preferable to one of action?_” I am not, I
-assure you, for unpeopling our cities, and sending their industrious
-and useful inhabitants into woods and cloisters. I acknowledge and
-admire the improvements of arts, the conveniencies of society, the
-policies of government[34]. I have no thought so mad or so silly, as
-that of wishing to see the tribes of mankind disbanded, their interests
-and connexions dissolved, and themselves turned loose into a single and
-solitary existence. I would not even wish to see our courts deserted
-of their homagers, though I cannot but be of opinion, that an airing
-now and then at their country houses, and that not with the view of
-diverting, but recollecting themselves, would prove as useful to their
-sense and virtue, as to their estates. But all this, as I said, is so
-far from coming into the scheme of my serious wishes, that it does not
-so much as enter into my thoughts. Let wealth, and power, and pleasure,
-be as eagerly sought after, as they ever will be: let thousands or
-millions assemble in vast towns, for the sake of pursuing their several
-ends, as it may chance, of profit, vanity, or amusement: All this
-is nothing to me, who pretend not to determine for other men, but to
-vindicate my own choice of this retirement.
-
-As much as I have been involved in the engagements of business, I
-have not lived thus long without looking frequently, and sometimes
-attentively into myself. I maintain, then, that to a person so moulded
-as I am; of the _temper and turn of mind_, which Nature hath given me;
-of _the sort of talents_, with which education or genius hath furnished
-me; and, lastly, of the _circumstances_, in which fortune hath placed
-me; I say, to a person so charactered and so situated, RETIREMENT is
-not only his choice, but his duty; is not only what his inclination
-leads him to, but his judgement. And upon these grounds, if you will, I
-venture to undertake my own apology to you.”
-
-Your proposal, said I, is fair, and I can have no objection to close
-with you upon these terms; only you must take care, my friend, that
-you do not mistake or misrepresent your own talents or character;
-a miscarriage, which, allow me to say, is not very rare from the
-partialities which an indulged humour, too easily taken for nature, is
-apt to create in us.
-
-Or what, replied he, if this humour, as you call it, be so rooted as to
-become a _second_ nature? Can it, in the instance before us, be worth
-the pains of correcting?
-
-I should think so, returned I, in your case. But let me first hear the
-judgement you form of yourself, before I trouble you with that which I
-and your other friends make of you.
-
-I cannot but think, resumed he, that my situation at present must
-appear very ridiculous. I am forced into an _apology_ for my own
-conduct, in a very nice affair, which it might become another, rather
-than myself, to make for me. In order to this, I am constrained to
-reveal to you the very secrets, that is, the foibles and weaknesses,
-of my own heart. I am to lay myself open and naked before you. This
-would be an unwelcome task to most men. But your friendship, and
-the confidence I have in your affection, prevail over all scruples.
-Hitherto your friend hath used the common privilege of wearing a
-disguise, of masking himself, as the poet makes his hero, in a _cloud_,
-which is of use to keep off the too near and curious inspection both of
-friends and enemies. But, at your bidding, it falls off, and you are
-now to see him in his just proportion and true features.
-
-My best friend, proceeded he with an air of earnestness and
-recollection, it is now above forty years that I have lived in this
-world: and in all the rational part of that time there hath not, I
-believe, a single day passed without an ardent longing for such a
-retreat from it, as you see me at length blessed with. You have heard
-me repeat some verses, which were made by me so early as the age of
-_thirteen_, and in which that inclination is expressed as strongly, as
-in any thing I have ever said or written on that subject[35]. Hence you
-may guess the proper turn and bias of my nature; which began so soon,
-and hath continued thus long, to shew itself in the constant workings
-of that passion.
-
-Even in my earliest years at school, you will hardly imagine how uneasy
-constraint of every kind was to me, and with what delight I broke away
-from the customary sports and pastimes of that age, to saunter the
-time away by myself, or with a companion, if I could meet with any
-such, of my own humour. The same inclination pursued me to college;
-where a private walk, with a book or friend, was beyond any amusement,
-which, in that sprightly season of life, I had any acquaintance with.
-It is with a fond indulgence my memory even now returns to these past
-pleasures. It was in those retired ramblings that a thousand charming
-perceptions and bright ideas would stream in upon me. The Muse was
-kindest in those hours: and, I know not how, Philosophy herself would
-_oftner_ meet me amidst the willows of the CAM, than in the formal
-schools of science, within the walls of my college, or in my tutor’s
-chamber.
-
-I understand, said I, the true secret of that matter. You had now
-contracted an intimacy with the poets, and others of the fanciful
-tribe. You was even admitted of their company; and it was but fit you
-should adopt their sentiments, and speak their language. Hence those
-day-dreams of _shade and silence_, and I know not what visions, which
-transport the minds of young men, on their entrance into these regions
-of _Parnassus_.
-
-It should seem then, returned he, by your way of expressing it, as if
-you thought this passion for _shade and silence_ was only pretended to
-on a principle of _fashion_; or, at most, was catched by the lovers of
-poetry from each other, in the way of _sympathy_, without nature’s
-having any hand at all in the production of it.
-
-Something like that, I told him, was my real sentiment: and that these
-agreeable reveries of the old poets had done much hurt by being taken
-too seriously. Were HORACE and VIRGIL, think you, as much in earnest
-as you appear to be, when they were crying out perpetually on their
-favourite theme of _otium_ and _secessus_, “they, who lived and died in
-a court?”
-
-I believe, said he, they were, and that the short accounts we have of
-their lives shew it, though a perfect dismission from the court was
-what they could not obtain, or had not the resolution to insist upon.
-But pray, upon your principles, that all this is but the enchantment of
-_example_ or _fashion_, how came it to pass, that the first seducers of
-the family, the old poets themselves, had fallen into these notions?
-They were surely no pretenders. They could only write from the heart.
-And methinks it were more candid, as well as more reasonable, to
-account for this passion, which hath so constantly shewn itself in
-their successors, from the same reason. It is likely indeed, and so
-much I can readily allow, that the early reading of the poets might
-contribute something to confirm and strengthen my natural bias[36].
-
-But let the matter rest for the present. I would now go on with the
-detail of my own life and experience, so proper, as I think, to
-convince you that what I am pleading for is the result of nature.
-
-I was saying how agreeably my youth passed in these reveries, if you
-will have it so, and especially _inter sylvas academi_:
-
- Dura sed emovere loco me tempora grato,
- Civilisque rudem belli tulit æstus in arma.
-
-You know the consequence. This civil turmoil drove me from the shelter
-of retirement into the heat and bustle of life; from those studies
-which, as you say, had enchanted my youth, into business and action
-of all sorts. I lived in the world: I conversed familiarly with the
-great. A change like this, one would suppose, were enough to undo the
-prejudices of education. But the very reverse happened. The further
-I engaged, and the longer I continued in this scene, the greater my
-impatience was of retiring from it.
-
-But you will say, my old vice was nourished in me by living in the
-neighbourhood of books and letters[37]. I was yet in the fairy land
-of the Muses; and, under these circumstances, it was no wonder that
-neither arms nor business, nor a court, could prevent the mind from
-returning to its old bias. All this may be true. And yet, I think,
-if that court had contained many such persons as some I knew in
-it, neither the distractions of business on the one hand, nor the
-blandishments of the Muse on the other, could have disposed me to leave
-it. But there were few LORD FALKLANDS—and unhappily my admiration of
-that nobleman’s worth and honour[38] created an invincible aversion to
-the rest, who had little resemblance of his virtues.
-
-I would not be thought, said I, to detract from so accomplished a
-character as that of the Lord FALKLAND; but surely there was something
-in his notions of honour—
-
-Not a word, interrupted he eagerly, that may but seem to throw a shade
-on a virtue the brightest and purest that hath done honour to these
-later ages.—But I turn from a subject that interests me too much, and
-would lead me too far. Whatever attractions there might be in such a
-place, and in such _friendships_, the iniquity of the times soon forced
-me from them. Yet I had the less reason to complain, as my next removal
-was into the family of so beneficent a patron as the Lord JERMYN, and
-into the court of so accomplished a princess as the QUEEN MOTHER.
-
-My residence, you know, was now for many years in _France_; a country,
-which piques itself on all the refinements of civility. Here the world
-was to appear to me in its fairest form, and, it was not doubted, would
-put on all its charms to wean me from the love of a studious retired
-life. I will not say I was disappointed in this expectation. All that
-the elegance of polished manners could contribute to make society
-attractive, was to be found in this new scene. My situation, besides,
-was such, that I came to have a sort of familiarity with greatness.
-Yet shall I confess my inmost sentiments of this splendid life to you?
-I found it empty, fallacious, and even disgusting. The outside indeed
-was fair. But to me, who had an opportunity of looking it through,
-nothing could be more deformed and hateful. All was ambition, intrigue,
-and falsehood. Every one intent on his own schemes, frequently wicked,
-always base and selfish. Great professions of honour, of friendship,
-and of duty; but all ending in low views and sordid practices. No
-truth, no sincerity: without which, conversation is but words; and the
-polish of manners, the idlest foppery.
-
-Surely, interposed I, this picture must be overcharged. Frailties
-and imperfections, no doubt, there will be in all societies of men,
-especially where there is room for competition in their pursuits of
-honour and interest. But your idea of a court is that of a den of
-thieves, only better dressed, and more civilized.
-
-That however, said he, is the idea under which truth obliges me to
-represent it. Believe me, I have been long enough acquainted with
-that country, to give you a pretty exact account of its inhabitants.
-Their sole business is to follow the humour of the prince, or of his
-favourite, to speak the current language, to serve the present turn,
-and to cozen one another. In short, their virtue is, civility; and
-their sense, cunning. You will guess now, continued he, how uneasy I
-must be in such company; I, who cannot lie, though it were to make a
-friend, or ruin an enemy; who have been taught to bear no respect to
-any but true wisdom; and, whether it be nature or education, could
-never endure (pardon the foolish boast) that hypocrisy should usurp the
-honours, and triumph in the spoils of virtue.
-
-Nay further, my good friend, (for I must tell you all I know of myself,
-though it expose me ever so much to the charge of folly or even
-vanity) I was not born for courts and general conversation. Besides
-the unconquerable aversion I have to knaves and fools (though these
-last, but that they are commonly knaves too, I could bring myself
-to tolerate); besides this uncourtly humour, I have another of so
-odd a kind, that I almost want words to express myself intelligibly
-to you. It is a sort of capricious delicacy, which occasions a wide
-difference in my estimation of those characters, in which the world
-makes no distinction. It is not enough to make me converse with ease
-and pleasure with a man, that I see no notorious vices, or even observe
-some considerable virtues in him. His good qualities must have a
-certain grace, and even his sense must be of a certain turn, to give me
-a relish of his conversation.
-
-I see you smile at this talk, and am aware how fantastic this
-squeamishness must appear to you. But it is with men and manners,
-as with the forms and aspects of natural things. A thousand objects
-recal ideas, and excite sensations in my mind, which seem to be not
-perceived, or not heeded, by other men. The look of a country, the
-very shading of a landskip, shall have a sensible effect on me, which
-they, who have as good eyes, appear to make no account of. It is just
-the same with the characters of men. I conceive a disgust at some,
-and a secret regard for others, whom many, I believe, would estimate
-just alike. And what is worse, a long and general conversation hath
-not been able to cure me of this foible. I question, said he, turning
-himself to me, but, if I was called upon to assign the reasons of that
-entire affection, which knits me to my best friend, they would be
-resolved at last into a something, which they, who love him perhaps as
-well, would have no idea of.
-
-He said this in a way that disarmed me, or I had it in my mind to have
-rallied him on his doctrine of _occult qualities_ and _unintelligible_
-forms. I therefore contented myself with saying, that I must not hear
-him go on at this strange rate; and asked him if it was possible he
-could suffer himself to be biassed, in an affair of this moment, by
-such whimsies?
-
-Those whimsies, resumed he, had a real effect. But consider further,
-the endless impertinencies of conversation; the dissipation, and loss
-of time; the diversion of the mind from all that is truly useful or
-instructive, from what a reasonable man would or should delight in:
-add to these, the vexations of business; the slavery of dependence,
-the discourtesies of some, the grosser injuries of others; the danger,
-or the scorn, to which virtue is continually subject; in short, the
-knavery, or folly, or malevolence, of all around you; and tell me,
-if any thing but the unhappy times, and a sense of duty, could have
-detained a man of my temper and principles so long in a station of life
-so very uneasy and disgusting to me.
-
-Nothing is easier, said I, than to exaggerate the inconveniencies of
-any situation. The world and the court have doubtless theirs. But you
-seem to forget one particular; that the _unhappy times_ you speak of,
-and the state of the court, were an excuse for part of the disagreeable
-circumstances you have mentioned. The face of things is now altered.
-The storm is over. A calm has succeeded. And why should not you take
-the benefit of these halcyon days, in which so many others have found
-their ease, and even enjoyment?
-
-These halcyon days, returned he, are not, alas! what unexperienced men
-are ready to represent them. The same vices, the same follies, prevail
-still, and are even multiplied and enflamed by prosperity. A suffering
-court, if any, might be expected to be the seedplot of virtues. But,
-to satisfy your scruples, I have even made a trial of these happier
-times. All I wished to myself from the happiest, was but such a return
-for my past services, as might enable me to retire with decency. Such
-a return I seem not to have merited. And I care not at this time of day
-to waste more of my precious time in deserving a better treatment.
-
-Your day, said I, is not so far spent, as to require this hasty
-determination. Besides, if this be all, the world may be apt to censure
-your retreat, as the effect of chagrin and disappointment.
-
-His colour rose, as I said this. The world, resumed he, will censure as
-it sees fit. I must have leave at length to judge for myself in what so
-essentially concerns my own happiness. Though if ever _chagrin_ may be
-pleaded as a reason for retirement, perhaps nobody had ever a better
-right than I have to plead it. You know what hath happened of late,
-to give me a disgust to courts. You know the view I had in my late
-comedy[39] and the grounds I had to expect that it would not be ill
-taken. But you know too the issue of that attempt. And should I, after
-this experience of courtly gratitude, go about to solicit their favours?
-
-But, to let you see that I am swayed by better motives than those of
-_chagrin_, I shall not conceal from you what I am proud enough to think
-of my TALENTS, as well as temper.
-
-There are but two sorts of men, pursued he, that should think of living
-in a court, however it be that we see animals of all sorts, clean and
-unclean, enter into it.
-
-The one is of those strong and active spirits that are formed for
-business, whose ambition reconciles them to the bustle of life, and
-whose capacity fits them for the discharge of its functions. These,
-especially if of noble birth and good fortunes, are destined to fill
-the first offices in a state; and if, peradventure, they add virtue to
-their other parts and qualities, are the blessings of the age they live
-in. Some few such there have been in former times; and the present, it
-may be, is not wholly without them.
-
-The OTHER sort, are what one may properly enough call, if the phrase
-were not somewhat uncourtly, the MOB OF COURTS; they, who have vanity
-or avarice without ambition, or ambition without talents. These, by
-assiduity, good luck, and the help of their vices (for they would scorn
-to earn advancement, if it were to be had, by any worthy practices),
-may in time succeed to the lower posts in a government; and together
-make up that showey, servile, selfish crowd, we dignify with the name
-of COURT.
-
-Now, though I think too justly of myself to believe I am qualified
-to enter into the _former_ of these lists, you may conclude, if you
-please, that I am too proud to brigue for an admission into the
-_latter_. I pretend not to great abilities of any kind; but let me
-presume a little in supposing, that I may have some too good to be
-thrown away on such company.
-
-Here, my lord, the unusual freedom, and even indecency, of Mr. COWLEY’S
-invective against courts, transported me so far, that I could not
-forbear turning upon him with some warmth. Surely, said I, my friend
-is much changed from what I always conceived of him. This heat of
-language, from one of your candour, surprises me equally with the
-injustice of it. It is so far from _calm reasoning_, that it wants
-but little, methinks, of downright railing. I believe, continued I,
-that I think more highly, that is, more justly, of Mr. COWLEY in every
-respect, than he allows himself to do. Yet I see not that either his
-time, or his talents, would be misemployed in the services he so much
-undervalues. Permit me to say, your resentment hath carried you too
-far; and that you do not enough consider the friends you left at court,
-or the noble lord that wishes your return thither.
-
-I do, said he hastily, consider both. But, with your leave, since I
-am forced to defend myself against an ignominious charge, I must do
-myself the right to assume what I think belongs to me. I repeat it; I
-have long thought my time lost in the poor amusements and vanities of
-the great world, and have felt an impatience to get into a quiet scene,
-where, slender as my talents are, I might employ them to better purpose.
-
-And think not, proceeded he, that I am carried to this choice by any
-thing so frivolous as the idleness of a poetical fancy. Not but the
-Muse, which hath been the darling of my youth, may deserve to be the
-companion of my riper age. For I am far from renouncing an art, which,
-unprofitable as it hath ever been to me, is always entertaining: and
-when employed, as I mean it shall be, in other services than those by
-which a voluptuous court seems willing to disgrace it, I see not what
-there is in this amusement of poetry, for the severest censor of life
-and manners to take offence at. Yet still I intend it for an amusement.
-My serious occupations will be very different; such as you, my friend,
-cannot disapprove, and should encourage. But I have opened to you my
-intentions more than once, and need not give you the trouble at this
-time to hear me explain them.
-
-You mean, interposed I, to apply yourself to _natural_ and _religious_
-inquiries. Your design is commendable; and I would not dissuade you
-from it. But what should hinder your pursuing this design as well in
-society as in this solitude?
-
-What, at COURT, returned he, where the only object, that all men are in
-quest of, is GAIN; and the only deity they acknowledge, FORTUNE? Or
-say that such idolatries did not prevail, there, how shall the mind be
-calm enough for so sublime inquiries? or where, but in this scene of
-genuine nature, is there an opportunity to indulge in them? Here, if
-any where, is the observation of the poet verified, DEUS EST QUODCUNQUE
-VIDES. Look round, my friend, on this florid earth, on the various
-classes of _animals_ that inhabit, and the countless _vegetable_ tribes
-that adorn it. Here is the proper school of wisdom,
-
- And this our life, exempt from public haunt,
- Finds tongues in trees, books in the running brooks,
- Sermons in stones, and good in every thing[40].
-
-Infinite are the uses, continued he, which would result from this
-method of applying experiment and observation to _Natural Science_.
-I have taken occasion, you know, to offer a slight sketch of them to
-the Public very lately[41]. But the principal I would draw from it to
-myself should be, to inure the mind to just conceptions of the divine
-nature; that so, with the better advantage, I might turn myself to
-the awful study of his _Word_. And here, my friend, I am sensible how
-much I may expect to be animated by your zeal, and enlightened by your
-instruction. In the mean time, I pretend to possess some qualities,
-which, if rightly applied, may not be unsuitable to so high an
-undertaking. I feel myself impelled by an eager curiosity: I have much
-patience, and some skill in making experiments. I may even be allowed
-to boast of a readiness in the learned languages; and am not without
-a tincture of such other studies, as the successful prosecution of
-PHYSICS, and still more of DIVINITY, requires. You may further impute
-to me, if you please, an ingenuous love of truth, and an ordinary
-degree of judgment to discern it.
-
-These, concluded he, are the TALENTS, of which I spoke to you so
-proudly; and with the help of these (especially if you allow me _one_
-other, the power of _communicating_ what I may chance to learn of
-natural or divine things), I might hope to render a better account of
-this solitude, than of any employments I could reasonably aspire to, in
-the world of men and of business.
-
-He said this with an air of solemnity, which left me a little at a
-loss what to reply to him, when he relieved my perplexity by adding,
-“but, though there was nothing of all this in the case, and my zeal for
-promoting knowledge in this private way were as lightly to be accounted
-of, as _that_, which led me to propose the more extensive scheme I
-before mentioned, probably will be, yet what should draw me from this
-leisure of a learned retirement? For though I please myself with the
-prospect of doing some _public_ service by my studies, yet need I blush
-to own, to my learned friend, the fondness I should still have for
-them, were they only to end in my own _private_ enjoyment? Yes, let me
-open my whole soul to you. I have ever delighted in letters, and have
-even found them, what the world is well enough content they should be,
-their own reward. I doubt, if this language would be understood in all
-companies. And let others speak as they find. But to me the year would
-drag heavily, and life itself be no life, if it were not quickened by
-these ingenuous pleasures.”
-
-Indeed, were it only for the very quiet and indolence of mind, which
-retirement promises, why should I be envied this calm in the decline of
-a troubled life? But let the Muse speak for me,
-
- “After long toils and voyages in vain,
- This quiet port let my tost vessel gain;
- Of heav’nly rest this earnest to me lend,
- Let my life sleep, and learn to love her end.”
-
-And what if they, who have not the means of enjoying this rest, submit
-to the drudgery of business? Is that a reason for me to continue in it,
-who have made my fortune, even to the extent of my wishes? I see you
-smile at this boast. But where would you have me stop in my desires; or
-what is it you would have me understand by the mysterious language of
-_making a fortune_? Is it two hundred a year, or four, or a thousand?
-Say, where shall we fix, or what limits will you undertake to prescribe
-to the vague and shifting notion of a competency? Or, shall we own
-the truth at once, that every thing is a _competency_ which a man is
-contented to live upon, and that therefore it varies only, as his
-desires are more or less contracted?
-
-To talk at any other rate of a _man’s fortune_, is surely to expose
-one’s self to the ridicule, which the philosopher, you know, threw on
-the restless humour of king Pyrrhus. ’Tis whim, chimera, madness, or
-what you will, except sober reason and common sense. Yet still the
-world cries, “What, sit down with a pittance, when the ways of honour
-and fortune are open to you? take up with what may barely satisfy, when
-you have so fair a chance for affluence, and even superfluity?”
-
-Alas! and will that _affluence_, then, more than satisfy? or can it be
-worth the while to labour, for a _superfluity_?
-
-’Tis true the violence of the times, in which it was my fortune to
-bear a part, had left me bare and unprovided even of those moderate
-accommodations, which my education and breeding might demand, and which
-a parent’s piety had indeed bequeathed to me. It was but fitting then
-I should strive to repair this loss; and the rather, as my honest
-services gave me leave to hope for a speedy reparation. And thus far
-I was contented to try my fortune in the court, though at the expence
-of much uneasy attendance and solicitation. But, seeing that this
-assiduity was without effect, and that the bounty of two excellent
-persons[42] hath now set me above the necessity of continuing it, what
-madness were it to embark again
-
- “Fluctibus in mediis et tempestatibus urbis!”
-
-So that if you will needs be urging me with the ceaseless exhortation of
-
- “I, bone, quo virtus tua te vocat: I pede fausto,
- Grandia laturus meritorum præmia:—”
-
-I must take leave to remind you of the sage reply that was made to
-it. It was, you know, by an old soldier, who found himself exactly in
-my situation. The purse, which he had lost by one accident, he had
-recovered by another. The conclusion was, that he had no mind, in this
-different state of affairs, to turn adventurer again, and expose
-himself to the same perilous encounters:
-
- “Post hæc ille catus, quantumvis RUSTICUS, ibit,
- Ibit eo, quo vis QUI ZONAM PERDIDIT, inquit.”
-
-In one word, my friend, I am happy here, as you see me, in my little
-farm, which yet is large enough to answer all my real necessities; and
-I am not in the humour of him in the fable[43], to fill my head with
-visions, and spend a wretched life in quest of the _flying island_.
-
-And now, added he, you have before you in one view the principal
-reasons that have determined me to this retreat. I might have enlarged
-on each more copiously; but I know to whom I speak: and perhaps to such
-a one I might even have spared a good deal of what I have now been
-offering, from the several considerations of my TEMPER, TALENTS, and
-SITUATION.
-
-Here he stopped. And now, my lord, it came to my turn to take the
-lead in this controversy. There was indeed an ample field before me.
-And, if the other side of the question afforded most matter for wit
-and declamation, mine had all the advantages of good sense and sound
-reason. The superiority was so apparent, and my victory over him, in
-point of argument, so sure, that I thought it needless and ungenerous
-to press him on every article of his defence, in which he had laid
-himself open to me.
-
-Your lordship hath, no doubt, observed, with wonder and with pity, the
-strange spirit that runs through every part of it: the confined way of
-thinking, which hath crept upon him; the cynical severity, he indulges
-against courts; the importance he would sometimes assume to his own
-character; the peevish turn of mind, that leads him to take offence at
-the lighter follies and almost excusable vices of the great; in short,
-the resentment, the pique, the chagrin, which one overlooks in the
-hopeless suitor, or hungry poet, but which are very unaccountable in
-one of Mr. COWLEY’S condition and situation.
-
-Here then, my lord, was a fair occasion for a willing adversary. But
-I spared the infirmities of my friend. I judged it best, too, to
-keep him in temper, and avoid that heat of altercation, which must
-have arisen from touching these indiscretions, as they deserved. Your
-lordship sees the reason I had for confining my reply to such parts
-of his apology, as bore the fairest shew of argument, and might be
-encountered without offence.
-
-When he had ended, therefore, with so formal a recapitulation of his
-discourse, I thought it not amiss to follow him in his own train; and,
-dissembling the just exceptions I had to his vindication in other
-respects, “You have proceeded, said I, in a very distinct method, and
-have said as much, I believe, on the subject, as so bad a cause would
-admit. But if this indeed be all you have to allege, for so uncommon
-a fancy, you must not think it strange, if I pronounce it, without
-scruple, very insufficient for your purpose.
-
-For, to give your several pleas a distinct examination, what is that
-TEMPER, let me ask, on which you insist so much, but a wayward humour,
-which your true judgement should correct and controul by the higher
-and more important regards of _duty_? Every man is born with some
-prevailing propensity or other, which, if left to itself, and indulged
-beyond certain bounds, would grow to be very injurious to himself
-and society. There is something, no doubt, amusing in the notion of
-_retirement_. The very word implies ease and quiet, and self-enjoyment.
-And who doubts, that in the throng and bustle of life, most men are
-fond to image to themselves, and even to wish for a scene of more
-composure and tranquillity? It is just as natural as that the labourer
-should long for his repose at night; or that the soldier, amidst the
-dust and heat of a summer’s march, should wish for the conveniencies
-of shade and shelter. But what wild work would it make if these so
-natural desires should be immediately gratified? if the labourer should
-quit his plow, and the soldier his arms, to throw themselves into the
-first shade or thicket that offered refreshment? All you have therefore
-said on this article can really stand for nothing in the eye of sober
-reason, whatever figure it may make in the dress of your eloquence[44].
-The inconveniencies of every station are to be endured from the
-obligations of duty, and on account of the services one is bound to
-render to himself and his country.
-
-True, replied he, if it appeared to be one’s duty, or even interest, to
-continue in that station. But what principle of conscience binds me to
-a slavish dependence at court? or what interest, public or private, can
-be an equivalent for wearing these chains, when I have it in my power
-to throw them off, and redeem myself into a state of liberty?
-
-What _Interest_, do you ask? returned I. Why that great and extensive
-one, which _society_ hath in an honest and capable man’s continuing to
-bear a part in public affairs. For as to inducements of another kind,
-I may find occasion hereafter to press them upon you more seasonably.
-Consider well with yourself, what would the consequence be, if all
-men of honour and ability were to act upon your principles? What a
-world would this be, if knaves and fools only had the management in
-their hands, and all the virtuous and wise, as it were by common
-consent, were to withdraw from it? Nay, the issue would even be fatal
-to themselves; and they would presently find it impossible to taste
-repose, even in their own sanctuary of retirement.
-
-Small need, replied he, to terrify one’s self with such apprehensions.
-The virtuous, at least they who pass for such, will generally have
-ambition enough to keep them in the road of public employments. So
-long as there are such things as riches and honours, courts will never
-be unfurnished of suitors, even from among the tribes of lettered
-and virtuous men. The desperately bad, at least, will never have the
-field left entirely to themselves. And, after all, the interest of
-men in office is, in the main, so providentially connected with some
-regard to the rules of honour and conscience, that there is seldom
-any danger that matters should come to extremities under the _worst_
-administration. And I doubt this is all we are to expect, or at least
-to reckon upon with assurance, under the very _best_.
-
-But my answer is more direct. It is not for your little friend to think
-of getting a seat in the cabinet-council, or of conducting the great
-affairs of the state. He knows himself to be as unfit for those high
-trusts, as he is incapable of aspiring to them. Besides, he does not
-allow himself to doubt of their being discharged with perfect ability,
-by the great persons who now fill them. HE, at least, who occupies
-the foremost place of authority, is, by the allowance of all, to be
-paralleled with any that the wisest prince hath ever advanced to that
-station[45]. And when so consummate a pilot sits at the helm, it seems
-a matter of little moment by what hands the vessel of the commonwealth
-is navigated.
-
-I could not agree with him in this concluding remark, and much less in
-the high-flown encomium which introduced it[46]. But, waving these
-lesser matters, I contented myself with observing, “That let him put
-what gloss he would on this humour of declining civil business, it must
-needs be considered by all unbiassed persons, as highly prejudicial to
-public order and government; that, if good men would not be employed,
-the bad must; and that, to say the least, the cause of learning and
-virtue must suffer exceedingly in the eyes of men, when they see those
-very qualities, which alone can render us useful to the world, dispose
-us to fly from it.”
-
-For as to the _plea_, continued I, of employing them to better purpose
-in the way of _private and solitary_ CONTEMPLATION, I can hold it for
-little better than enthusiasm. Several persons, I know, would give
-it a worse name, and say, as TACITUS somewhere does, that it serves
-only for a specious cover to that love of ease and self-indulgence,
-which he will have to be at the bottom of such pretences[47]. But even
-with the best construction the matter was capable of, he could never,
-I insisted, justify that plea to the understandings of prudent and
-knowing men. We allow the obscure pedant to talk high of the dignity
-of his office, and magnify, as much as he pleases, the importance of
-his speculations. Such an indulgence serves to keep him in humour with
-himself, and may be a means to convert a low and plodding genius to
-the only use of which it is capable. But for a man of experience in
-affairs, and who is qualified to shine in them, to hold this language,
-is very extraordinary.
-
-I saw with what impatience he heard me, and therefore took care to
-add, “’Tis true, the studies to which you would devote yourself, are
-the noblest in the world of science. For _Divinity_, the very name
-speaks its elogium. And the countenance which his majesty is pleased,
-in his true wisdom, to give to _natural science_, must be thought to
-ennoble that branch of learning beyond all others, that are merely
-of human consideration. Yet still, my friend, what need of taking
-these studies out of the hands of those, to whom they are properly
-intrusted? Religion is very safe in the bosom of the national church.
-And questions of natural science will doubtless be effectually cleared
-and ventilated in the _New Society_[48], and in the schools of our
-_Universities_. It could never be his majesty’s intention to thin his
-court, for the sake of furnishing students in natural philosophy.”
-
-And can you then, interposed he, in your concern for what you very
-improperly call my interests, allow yourself to speak so coolly of the
-great interests of natural and divine truth? Is religion a trade to
-be confined to the craftsmen? Or, are fellows of colleges and of the
-Royal Society, if such we are to have, the only persons concerned to
-adore God in the wonders of his creation? Pardon me, my friend: I know
-you mean nothing less; but the strange indifference of your phrase
-provokes me to this expostulation.
-
-You warm yourself, resumed I, too hastily. My design was only to
-suggest, that as there are certain orders of men appointed for the sole
-purpose of studying divinity, and advancing philosophy, I did not see
-that a man of business was obliged to desert his proper station for the
-sake of either.
-
-I suspect, said he, there may be some equivocation wrapped up in
-that word _obliged_. All I know is, that I shall spend my time more
-innocently, at least; and, I presume to think, more usefully in those
-studies, than in that slippery _station_, if it may deserve to be
-called one, of court-favour and dependence. And if I extended the
-observation to many others, that are fond to take up their residence in
-these quarters, I cannot believe I should do them any injustice.
-
-I cannot tell, returned I, against whom this censure is pointed. But
-I know there are many of the gravest characters, and even lights and
-fathers of the church, who do not consider it as inconsistent, either
-with their duty, or the usefulness of their profession, to continue in
-that station.
-
-O! mistake me not, replied he: I intended no reflection on any of the
-clergy, and much less on the great prelates of the church, for their
-attendance in the courts of princes. Theirs is properly an exempt
-case. They are the authorized guides and patterns of life. Their great
-abilities indeed qualify them, above all others, for serving the cause
-of science and religion, by their private studies and meditations.
-But they very properly consider too, that part of their duty is to
-enlighten the ignorant of all ranks, by their wise and pious discourse,
-and to awe and reclaim the wandering of all denominations, by their
-example. Hence it is, that I cannot enough admire the zeal of so many
-pastors of the church; who, though the slavish manners and libertinism
-of a court must be more than ordinarily offensive to men of their
-characters, continue to discharge their office so painfully, and yet so
-punctually, in that situation.
-
-Here, my lord, observing my friend for once to deliver himself
-reasonably, I was encouraged to add, that since he was so just to
-maintain the commerce of good and wise churchmen in the great world
-to be, as it truly was, a matter of duty, he should also have the
-candour to own, that his withdrawing from it was, at least, a work of
-_Supererogation_.
-
-It might be so, he said; but, though our church gave no encouragement
-to think we merit by such works, he did not know that it condemned and
-utterly forbad them.
-
-O! but, returned I, if that be all, and you acknowledge at last that
-your _retiring_ is no matter of duty, it will be easy to advance
-another step, and demonstrate to you, that such a project is, in your
-case, altogether unreasonable[49].
-
-For, notwithstanding all you have said, in the spirit and language
-of stoicism, of the comforts of your present SITUATION, will you
-seriously undertake to persuade me that they are in any degree
-comparable to what you might propose to yourself, by returning to a
-life of business? Is the littleness, the obscurity, and pardon me if I
-even say, the meanness of this retreat, to be put in competition with
-the liberal and even splendid provision, which your friends at court
-will easily be able to make for you? Is it nothing, my friend, (for
-let us talk common sense, and not bewilder ourselves with the visions
-of philosophy) is it nothing to live in a well-furnished house, to
-keep a good table, to command an equipage, to have many friends and
-dependants, to be courted by inferiors, to be well received by the
-great, and to be somebody even in the _presence_?
-
-And what if, in order to compass such things, some little devoirs and
-assiduities are expected? Is it not the general practice? And what
-every body submits to, can it be ignominious? Is this any thing more
-than conforming one’s self to the necessary subordination of society?
-Or, what if some time passes in these services, which a present humour
-suggests might be more agreeably spent in other amusements? The
-recompence cannot be far off; and, in the mean time, the lustre and
-very agitation of a life of business, hath somewhat in it sprightly
-and amusing. Besides, yours is not the case of one that is entering,
-for the first time, on a course of expectation. Your business is half
-done. The prince is favourable; and there are of his ministers that
-respect and honour you. Your services are well known; your reputation
-is fair; your connexions great; and the season inviting. What, with all
-these advantages, forego the court in a moping mood, or, as angry men
-use, run to moralize in a cloister!
-
-I was proceeding in the warmth of this remonstrance, when, with a
-reproachful smile, he turned upon me, and, in a kind of rapture,
-repeated the following lines of SPENSER:
-
- “Full little knowest thou, that hast not tried,
- What hell it is in suing long to bide:
- To lose good days, that might be better spent;
- To waste long nights in pensive discontent:
- To speed to-day, to be put back to-morrow;
- To feed on hope, to pine with fear and sorrow;
- To have thy prince’s grace, yet want his peeres[50];
- To have thy askings, yet wait many yeers[51];
- To fret thy soul with crosses and with cares;
- To eat thy heart through comfortless despaires;
- To faun, to crouche, to wait, to ride, to ronne;
- To spend, to give, to want, to be undonne.”
-
-This, said he, is my answer once for all to your long string of
-interrogatories. I learnt it of one that had much experience in courts:
-and I thought it worth imprinting on my memory, to have it in readiness
-on such an occasion. Or, if you would rather have my answer in my
-own words, the Muse shall give it you in a little poem, she dictated
-very lately[52]. It may shew you perhaps, that, though my nature be
-somewhat melancholy, I am not _moping_; and that I can moralize, and
-even _complain_, as I have reason to do, without being _angry_.
-
-The look and tone of voice, with which he said this, a little
-disconcerted me. But I recovered myself, and was going on to object to
-his unreasonable warmth, and the fascination of this wicked poetry,
-when he stopped me with saying, “Come, no more of these remonstrances
-and upbraidings. I have heard enough of your pleadings in a cause,
-which no eloquence can carry against my firm and fixed resolutions.
-I have seen, besides, the force you have done to yourself in this
-mock combat. Your extreme friendliness hath even tempted you to act a
-part which your true sense, and the very decorum of your profession,
-I have observed through all your disguises, has rendered painful to
-you. I will tell you my whole mind in one word. No inducements of what
-the world calls INTEREST, no views of HONOUR, no, nor what the poet
-aptly calls, SANCTISSIMA DIVITIARUM MAJESTAS[53], shall make me recede
-from the purpose I am bent upon, of consecrating the remainder of a
-comfortless distracted life, to the sweets of this obscure retirement.
-Believe me, I have weighed it well, with all its inconveniencies.
-And I find them such as are nothing to the agonies have long felt
-in that troubled scene, to which you would recal me. If it hath any
-ingredients, which I cannot so well relish, they are such as my
-friends, and, above all, such as you, my best friend, may reconcile to
-me. Let me but have the pleasure to see the few, I love and esteem, in
-these shades, and I shall not regret their solitude.
-
-And as for my much honoured friend, whose munificence hath placed me
-in them, I shall hope to satisfy him in the most effectual manner.
-Nothing, you will believe, could give me a pain equal to that of being
-suspected of ingratitude towards my best benefactor. It was indeed
-with the utmost difficulty, that I constrained myself at last to think
-of leaving his service. The truth is, he expostulated with me upon it
-pretty roundly; and though my resolution was taken, I left him with
-the concern of not being able to give him entire satisfaction. These
-repeated instances by you are a fresh proof of his goodness, and do me
-an honour I had little reason to expect from him. But his lordship’s
-notions of life and mine are very different, as is fitting in persons,
-whom fortune hath placed in two such different situations. It becomes
-me to bear the most grateful remembrance of his kind intentions; and,
-for the rest, I can assure myself, that his equity and nobleness
-of mind, will permit an old servant to pursue, at length, his own
-inclinations.
-
-However, to repay his goodness as I can, and to testify all imaginable
-respect to his judgment, I have purposed to write my own APOLOGY to his
-lordship; and to represent to him, in a better manner, than I have done
-in this sudden and unpremeditated conversation, the reasons that have
-determined me to this resolution. I have even made some progress in the
-design, and have digested into several _essays_ the substance of such
-reflections as, at different times, have had most weight with me[54].
-
-Hearing him speak in so determined a manner, I was discouraged from
-pressing him further with such other considerations, as I had, prepared
-on this argument. Only I could not help enforcing, in the warmest
-manner, and in terms your lordship would not allow me to use in this
-recital, what he himself had owned of your unexampled goodness to
-him; and the obligation which, I insisted, that must needs create in
-a generous mind, of paying an unreserved obedience to your lordship’s
-pleasure. He gave me the hearing very patiently; but contented himself
-with repeating his design of justifying himself to your lordship in the
-apology he had before promised.
-
-And now, resumed he with an air of alacrity, since you know my whole
-mind, and that no remonstrances can move me, confess the whole truth;
-acknowledge at last that you have dissembled with me all this while,
-and that, in reality, you approve my resolution. I know you do, my
-friend, though you struggle hard to conceal it. It cannot be otherwise.
-Nature, which linked our hearts together, had formed us in one mould.
-We have the same sense of things; the same love of letters and of
-virtue. And though I would not solicit one of your years and your
-profession to follow me into the shade, yet I know you so well[55],
-that you will preserve in the world that equal frame of mind, that
-indifference to all earthly things, which I pretend to have carried
-with me into this solitude.
-
-Go on, my friend, in this track; and be an example to the churchmen of
-our days, that the highest honours of the gown, which I easily foresee
-are destined to your abilities, are not incompatible with the strictest
-purity of life, and the most heroic sentiments of integrity and honour.
-Go, and adorn the dignities which are reserved for you; and remember
-only in the heights of prosperity to be what you are, to serve the
-world with vigour, yet so as to indulge with me
-
- “THE GENEROUS SCORN
- OF THINGS, FOR WHICH WE WERE NOT BORN[56].”
-
-I began to be a little uneasy at his long sermon, when he broke it off
-with this couplet. The day by this time was pretty far advanced; and
-rising from his seat, he proposed to me to walk into his hermitage (so
-he called his house); where, he said, I should see how a philosopher
-lived as well as talked. I staid to dine, and spent a good part of
-the afternoon with him. We discoursed of various matters; but not a
-word more of what had occasioned this visit. Only he shewed me the
-_complaining poem_ he had mentioned, and of which, for the pleasure so
-fine a composition will give you, I here send your lordship a copy.
-His spirits, he said, were enlivened by the face of an old friend; and
-indeed I never knew his conversation more easy and chearful[57]; which
-yet I could not perfectly enjoy for the regret the ill success of my
-negociation had given me.
-
-I returned to town in the evening, ruminating on what had passed, and
-resolving to send your lordship an exact account of our conversation.
-I particularly made a point of suppressing nothing which Mr. COWLEY
-had to say for himself in this debate, however it may sometimes seem
-to make against me. The whole hath grown under my pen into a greater
-length than I expected. But your Lordship wished to know the bottom of
-our friend’s mind; and I thought you would see it more distinctly and
-clearly in this way, than in any other. I am, my lord, with the most
-profound respect,
-
- Your Lordship’s most obedient
-
- and faithful servant,
-
- T. SPRAT.
-
-
-
-
- THE
-
- COMPLAINT[58].
-
- In a deep vision’s intellectual scene
- Beneath a bower for sorrow made,
- Th’ uncomfortable shade
- Of the black yew’s unlucky green,
- Mixt with the mourning willow’s careful gray,
- Where reverend CAM cuts out his famous way,
- The melancholy COWLEY lay:
- And lo! a Muse appear’d to’s closed sight,
- (The Muses oft in lands of visions play)
- Bodied, array’d, and seen by an internal light:
- A golden harp with silver strings she bore,
- A wonderous hieroglyphic robe she wore,
- In which all colours, and all figures were,
- That nature, or that fancy can create,
- That art can never imitate;
- And with loose pride it wanton’d in the air.
- In such a dress, in such a well-cloath’d dream,
- She us’d of old, near fair ISMENUS’ stream,
- PINDAR her THEBAN favourite to meet;
- A crown was on her head, and wings were on her feet.
-
-
-II.
-
- She touch’d him with her harp, and rais’d him from the ground;
- The shaken strings melodiously resound.
- Art thou return’d at last, said she,
- To this forsaken place and me?
- Thou prodigal, who didst so loosely waste
- Of all thy youthful years, the good estate?
- Art thou return’d here to repent too late;
- And gather husks of learning up at last,
- Now the rich harvest-time of life is past,
- And _Winter_ marches on so fast?
- But when I meant t’adopt thee for my son,
- And did as learn’d a portion thee assign,
- As ever any of the mighty Nine
- Had to her dearest children done;
- When I resolv’d t’exalt thy anointed name,
- Among the spiritual lords of peaceful fame[59];
- Thou changeling, thou, bewitch’d with noise and show,
- Would’st into courts and cities from me go;
- Would’st see the world abroad, and have a share
- In all the follies, and the tumults there.
- Thou would’st, forsooth, be something in a state,
- And business thou would’st find, and would’st create:
- Business! the frivolous pretence
- Of humane lusts to shake off innocence:
- Business! the grave impertinence:
- Business! the thing which I of all things hate:
- Business! the contradiction of thy fate.
-
-
-III.
-
- Go, renegado, cast up thy account,
- And see to what amount
- Thy foolish gains by quitting me:
- The sale of knowledge, fame, and liberty,
- The fruits of thy unlearn’d apostasy.
- Thou thought’st, if once the public storm were past,
- All thy remaining life should sun-shine be;
- Behold, the public storm is spent at last,
- The sovereign is tost at sea no more,
- And thou, with all the noble company,
- Art got at last to shore.
- But whilst thy fellow voyagers, I see,
- All march’d up to possess the promis’d land,
- Thou still alone (alas!) dost gaping stand
- Upon the naked beach, upon the barren sand.
-
-
-IV.
-
- As a fair morning of the blessed spring,
- After a tedious stormy night;
- Such was the glorious entry of our king:
- Enriching moisture dropp’d on every thing;
- Plenty he sow’d below, and cast about him light.
- But then (alas!) to thee alone,
- One of old GIDEON’S miracles was shown;
- For every tree, and every herb around,
- With pearly dew was crown’d,
- And upon all the quicken’d ground
- The fruitful seed of heaven did brooding lye,
- And nothing but the Muse’s fleece was dry.
- It did all other threats surpass
- When God to his own people said,
- (The men, whom thro’ long wanderings he had led)
- That he would give them ev’n a heaven of brass;
- They look’d up to that heaven in vain,
- That bounteous heaven, which God did not restrain,
- Upon the most unjust to shine and rain.
-
-
-V.
-
- The RACHAEL, for which twice seven years and more
- Thou didst with faith and labour serve,
- And didst (if faith and labour can) deserve,
- Though she contracted was to thee,
- Giv’n to another who had store
- Of fairer, and of richer wives before,
- And not a _Leah_ left, thy recompence to be.
- Go on, twice seven years more thy fortune try,
- Twice seven years more, God in his bounty may
- Give thee, to fling away
- Into the court’s deceitful lottery.
- But think how likely ’tis that thou,
- With the dull work of thy unwieldy plough,
- Should’st in a hard and barren season thrive,
- Should even able be to live;
- Thou, to whose share so little bread did fall,
- In the miraculous year, when MANNA rain’d on all.
-
-
-VI.
-
- Thus spake the Muse, and spake it with a smile,
- That seem’d at once to pity and revile,
- And to her thus, raising his thoughtful head,
- The melancholy COWLEY said:
- Ah, wanton foe, dost thou upbraid
- The ills which thou thyself hast made?
- When, in the cradle, innocent I lay,
- Thou, wicked spirit, stolest me away,
- And my abused soul didst bear
- Into thy new-found words I know not where,
- Thy golden _Indies_ in the air;
- And ever since I strive in vain
- My ravish’d freedom to regain:
- Still I rebel, still thou dost reign,
- Lo, still in verse against thee I complain.
- There is a sort of stubborn weeds,
- Which if the earth but once, it ever breeds;
- No wholesome herb can near them thrive,
- No useful plant can keep alive;
- The foolish sports I did on thee bestow,
- Make all my art and labour fruitless now;
- Where once such Fairies dance no grass doth ever grow.
-
-
-VII.
-
- When my new mind had no infusion known,
- Thou gav’st so deep a tincture of thine own,
- That ever since I vainly try
- To wash away the inherent dye:
- Long work perhaps may spoil thy colours quite,
- But never will reduce the native white;
- To all the ports of honour and of gain,
- I often steer my course in vain,
- Thy gale comes cross, and drives me back again.
- Thou slack’nest all my nerves of industry,
- By making them so oft to be
- The tinkling strings of thy loose minstrelsie.
- Whoever this world’s happiness would see,
- Must as entirely cast off thee,
- As they who only heaven desire,
- Do from the world retire.
- This was my error, this my gross mistake,
- Myself a demy-votary to make.
- Thus with SAPPHIRA, and her husband’s fate,
- (A fault which I like them am taught too late)
- For all that I gave up, I nothing gain,
- And perish for the part which I retain.
-
-
-VIII.
-
- Teach me not then, O thou fallacious Muse,
- The court, and better king, t’ accuse;
- The heaven under which I live is fair;
- The fertile soil will a full harvest bear;
- Thine, thine is all the barrenness; if thou
- Mak’st me sit still and sing, when I should plough;
- When I but think, how many a tedious year
- Our patient sov’reign did attend
- His long misfortunes fatal end;
- How chearfully, and how exempt from fear,
- On the Great Sovereign’s will he did depend,
- I ought to be accurst, if I refuse
- To wait on his, O thou fallacious Muse!
- Kings have long hands (they say) and though I be
- So distant, they may reach at length to me.
- However, of all princes, thou
- Should’st not reproach rewards for being small or slow;
- Thou, who rewardest but with popular breath,
- And that too after death.
-
-
-
-
- DIALOGUE III.
-
- ON THE
-
- GOLDEN AGE OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
-
- BETWEEN
-
- THE HON. ROBERT DIGBY,
-
- DR. ARBUTHNOT,
-
- AND
-
- MR. ADDISON.
-
-
-
-
- DIALOGUE III.
-
- ON THE AGE OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
-
- MR. DIGBY, DR. ARBUTHNOT, MR. ADDISON.
-
-
-It happened, in the summer of the year 1716, that Dr. ARBUTHNOT and Mr.
-ADDISON had occasion to take a journey together into _Warwickshire_.
-Mr. DIGBY, who had received intelligence of their motions, and was then
-at _Coleshill_, contrived to give them the meeting at _Warwick_; where
-they intended to pass a day or two, in visiting the curiosities of
-that fine town, and the more remarkable of these remains of antiquity
-that are to be seen in its neighbourhood. These were matter of high
-entertainment to all of them; to Dr. ARBUTHNOT, for the pleasure of
-recollecting the ancient times; to Mr. ADDISON, on account of some
-political reflexions, he was fond of indulging on such occasions; and
-to Mr. DIGBY, from an ingenuous curiosity, and the love of seeing and
-observing whatever was most remarkable, whether in the past ages, or
-the present.
-
-Amongst other things that amused them, they were much taken with the
-great church at _Warwick_. They entertained themselves with the several
-histories, which it’s many old monuments recalled to their memory[60].
-The famous inscription of Sir FULK GREVIL occasioned some reflexions;
-especially to Mr. DIGBY, who had used to be much affected with the
-fame and fortunes of the accomplished Sir PHILIP SIDNEY. The glory
-of the house of WARWICK was, also, an ample field of meditation. But
-what chanced to take their attention most, was the monument of the
-great earl of LEICESTER. It recorded his titles at full length, and
-was, besides, richly decorated with sculpture, displaying the various
-ensigns and trophies of his greatness. The pride of this minister had
-never appeared to them so conspicuous, as in the legends and ornaments
-of his tomb-stone; which had not only outlived his family, but seemed
-to assure itself of immortality, by taking refuge, as it were, at the
-foot of the altar.
-
-These funeral honours engaged them in some common reflexions on the
-folly of such expedients to perpetuate human grandeur; but at the same
-time, as is the usual effect of these things, struck their imaginations
-very strongly. They readily apprehended what must have been the state
-of this mighty favourite in his lifetime, from what they saw of it in
-this proud memorial, which continued in a manner to insult posterity
-so many years after his death. But understanding that the fragments at
-least of his supreme glory, when it was flourishing at its height, were
-still to be seen at KENELWORTH, which they knew could be at no great
-distance, they resolved to visit them the next day, and indulge to the
-utmost the several reflexions which such scenes are apt to inspire.
-On enquiry, they found it was not more than five or six miles to the
-castle; so that, by starting early in the morning, they might easily
-return to dinner at _Warwick_. They kept to their appointment so well,
-that they got to _Kenelworth_ in good time, and had even two or three
-hours on their hands to spend, in taking an exact view of the place.
-
-It was luckily one of those fine days, which our travellers would most
-have wished for, and which indeed are most agreeable in this season. It
-was clear enough to afford a distinct prospect of the country, and to
-set the objects, they wanted to take a view of, in a good light; and
-yet was so conveniently clouded as to check the heat of the sun, and
-make the exercise of walking, of which they were likely to have a good
-deal, perfectly easy to them.
-
-When they alighted from the coach, the first object that presented
-itself was the principal GATE-WAY of the Castle. It had been converted
-into a farm-house, and was indeed the only part of these vast ruins
-that was inhabited. On their entrance into the _inner-court_, they were
-struck with the sight of many mouldering towers, which preserved a
-sort of magnificence even in their ruins. They amused themselves with
-observing the vast compass of the whole, with marking the uses, and
-tracing the dimensions, of the several parts. All which it was easy
-for them to do, by the very distinct traces that remained of them, and
-especially by means of DUGDALE’S plans and descriptions, which they
-had taken care to consult.
-
-After rambling about for some time, they clambered up a heap of ruins,
-which lay on the west side the court: and thence came to a broken
-tower, which, when they had mounted some steps, led them out into a
-path-way on the tops of the walls. From this eminence they had a very
-distinct view of the several parts they had before contemplated; of the
-_gardens_ on the north-side; of the _winding meadow_ that encompassed
-the walls of the castle, on the west and south; and had, besides, the
-command of the country round about them for many miles. The prospect of
-so many antique towers falling into rubbish, contrasted to the various
-beauties of the landscape, struck them with admiration, and kept them
-silent for some time.
-
-At length recovering himself, I perceive, said Dr. ARBUTHNOT, we are
-all of us not a little affected with the sight of these ruins. They
-even create a melancholy in me; and yet a melancholy of so delightful
-a kind, that I would not exchange it, methinks, for any brisker
-sensation. The experience of this effect hath often led me to enquire,
-how it is that the mind, even while it laments, finds so great a
-pleasure in visiting these scenes of desolation. Is it, continued he,
-from the pure love of antiquity, and the amusing train of reflexions
-into which such remains of ancient magnificence naturally lead us?
-
-I know not, returned Mr. ADDISON, what pain it may give you to
-contemplate these triumphs of time and fortune. For my part, I am
-not sensible of the mixt sensation you speak of. I feel a pleasure
-indeed; but it is sincere, and, as I conceive, may be easily accounted
-for. ’Tis nothing more, I believe, than a fiction of the imagination,
-which makes me think I am taking a revenge on the once prosperous and
-overshadowing height, PRÆUMBRANS FASTIGIUM, as somebody expresses it,
-of inordinate Greatness. It is certain, continued he, this theatre of a
-great statesman’s pride, the delight of many of our princes, and which
-boasts of having given entertainment to one of them in a manner so
-splendid, as to claim a remembrance, even in the annals of our country,
-would now, in its present state, administer ample matter for much
-insulting reflexion.
-
-“Where, one might ask, are the tilts and tournaments, the princely
-shows and sports, which were once so proudly celebrated within these
-walls? Where are the pageants, the studied devices and emblems of
-curious invention, that set the court at a gaze, and even transported
-the high soul of our ELIZABETH? Where now, pursued he, (pointing to
-that which was formerly a canal, but at present is only a meadow with
-a small rivulet running through it) where is the floating island, the
-blaze of torches that eclipsed the day, the lady of the lake, the
-silken nymphs her attendants, with all the other fantastic exhibitions
-surpassing even the whimsies of the wildest romance? What now is become
-of the revelry of feasting? of the minstrelsy, that took the ear so
-delightfully as it babbled along the valley, or floated on the surface
-of this lake? See there the smokeless kitchens, stretching to a length
-that might give room for the sacrifice of a hecatomb; the vaulted
-hall, which mirth and jollity have set so often in an uproar; the
-rooms of state, and the presence-chamber: what are they now but void
-and tenantless ruins, clasped with ivy, open to wind and weather, and
-representing to the eye nothing but the ribs and carcase, as it were,
-of their former state? And see, said he, that proud gate-way, once the
-mansion of a surly porter[61], who, partaking of the pride of his
-lord, made the crowds wait, and refused admittance, perhaps, to nobles
-whom fear or interest drew to these walls, to pay their homage to their
-master: see it now the residence of a poor tenant, who turns the key
-but to let himself out to his daily labour, to admit him to a short
-meal, and secure his nightly slumbers. Yet, in this humble state, it
-hath had the fortune to outlive the glory of the rest, and hath even
-drawn to itself the whole of that little note and credit which time
-hath continued to this once pompous building. For, while the castle
-itself is crumbled into shapeless ruins, and is prophaned, as we there
-see, by the vilest uses, this outwork of greatness is left entire,
-sheltered and closed in from bird and beast, and even affords some
-decent room in which the _human face divine_ is not ashamed to shew
-itself.”
-
-While Mr. ADDISON went on in this vein, his two friends stood looking
-on each other; as not conceiving what might be the cause of his
-expressing himself with a vehemence, so uncommon, and not suited to his
-natural temper. When the fit was over, I confess, said Dr. ARBUTHNOT,
-this is no bad topic for a moralist to declaim upon. And, though it
-be a trite one, we know how capable it is of being adorned by him
-who, on a late occasion, could meditate so finely on the TOMBS AT
-WESTMINSTER[62]. But surely, proceeded he, you warm yourself in this
-contemplation, beyond what the subject requires of you. The vanity
-of human greatness is seen in so many instances, that I wonder to
-hear you harangue on this with so peculiar an exultation. There is
-no travelling ten miles together in any part of the kingdom without
-stumbling on some ruin, which, though perhaps not so considerable
-as this before us, would furnish occasion, however, for the same
-reflexions. There would be no end of moralizing over every broken
-tower, or shattered fabric, which calls to mind the short-lived glories
-of our ancestors.
-
-True, said Mr. ADDISON; and, if the short continuance of these
-glories were the only circumstance, I might well have spared the
-exultation, you speak of, in this triumph over the shattered remnants
-of _Kenelworth_. But there is something else that fires me on the
-occasion. It brings to mind the fraud, the rapine, the insolence, of
-the potent minister, who vainly thought to immortalize his ill-gotten
-glory by this proud monument. Nay, further, it awakens an indignation
-against the prosperous tyranny of those wretched times, and creates
-a generous pleasure in reflecting on the happiness we enjoy under a
-juster and more equal government. Believe me, I never see the remains
-of that greatness which arose in the past ages on the ruins of public
-freedom and private property, but I congratulate with myself on living
-at a time, when the meanest subject is as free and independent as
-those royal minions; and when his property, whatever it be, is as
-secure from oppression, as that of the first minister. And I own
-this congratulation is not the less sincere for considering that the
-instance before us is taken from the reign of the virgin queen, which
-it hath been the fashion to cry up above that of any other of our
-princes[63]. I desire no other confutation of so strange unthankful
-a preference, than the sight of this vast castle, together with the
-recollection of those means by which its master arrived at his enormous
-greatness.
-
-Your indignation then, replied Dr. ARBUTHNOT, is not so much of the
-moral, as _political_ kind[64]. But is not the conclusion a little too
-hasty, when, from the instance of one overgrown favourite, you infer
-the general infelicity of the time, in which he flourished? I am not,
-I assure you, one of those unthankful men who forget the blessings
-they enjoy under a prince of more justice and moderation than queen
-ELIZABETH, and under a better constitution of government than prevailed
-in the days of our forefathers. Yet, setting aside some particular
-dishonours of that reign (of which, let the tyranny of _Leicester_,
-if you will, be one), I see not but the acknowledged virtues of that
-princess, and the wisdom of her government, may be a proper foundation
-for all the honours that posterity have ever paid to her.
-
-Were I even disposed to agree with you, returned Mr. ADDISON, I should
-not have the less reason for triumphing, as I do, on the present state
-of our government. For, if such abuses could creep in, and be suffered
-for so many years under so great a princess, what was there not to fear
-(as what, indeed, did not the subject actually feel) under some of her
-successors? But, to speak my mind frankly, I see no sufficient grounds
-for the excessive prejudice, that hath somehow taken place, in favour
-of the GOLDEN REIGN, as it is called, OF ELIZABETH. I find neither the
-wisdom, nor the virtue in it, that can entitle it to a preference
-before all other ages.
-
-On the contrary, said Dr. ARBUTHNOT, I never contemplate the monuments
-of that time, without a silent admiration of the virtues that adorned
-it. Heroes and sages crowd in upon my memory. Nay, the very people were
-of a character above what we are acquainted with in our days. I could
-almost fancy, the soil itself were another face, and, as you poets
-imagine on some occasions, that our ancestors lived under a brighter
-sun and happier climate than we can boast of.
-
-To be sure! said Mr. ADDISON, smiling: or, why not affirm, in the
-proper language of romance, that the women of those days were all
-chaste, and the men valiant? But cannot you suspect at least that
-there is some enchantment in the case, and that your love of antiquity
-may possibly operate in more instances than those of your favourite
-_Greeks_ and _Romans_? Tell me honestly, pursued he, hath not this
-distance of a century and a half a little imposed upon you? Do not
-these broken towers, which moved you just now to so compassionate a
-lamentation over them, dispose you to a greater fondness for the times
-in which they arose, than can be fairly justified?
-
-I will not deny, returned Dr. ARBUTHNOT, but we are often very generous
-to the past times, and unjust enough to the present. But I think there
-is little of this illusion in the case before us. And, since you call
-my attention to these noble ruins, let me own to you, that they do
-indeed excite in me a veneration for the times of which they present
-so striking a memorial. But surely not without reason. For there is
-scarce an object in view, that doth not revive the memory of some
-distinguishing character of that age, which may justify such veneration.
-
-Alas! interrupted Mr. ADDISON, and what can these objects call to mind
-but the memory of barbarous manners and a despotic government?
-
-For the _government_, replied Dr. ARBUTHNOT, I do not well conceive how
-any conclusion about that can be drawn from this fabric. The MANNERS I
-was thinking of; and I see them strongly expressed in many parts of it.
-But whether barbarous or not, I could almost take upon me to dispute
-with you. And why, indeed, since you allowed yourself to declaim on
-the vices, so apparent, as you suppose, in this monument of antiquity,
-may not I have leave to consider it in another point of view, and
-present to you the virtues which, to my eye at least, are full as
-discernible?
-
-You cannot, continued he, turn your eyes on any part of these ruins,
-without encountering some memorial of the virtue, industry, or
-ingenuity, of our ancestors.
-
-Look there, said he, on that fine room (pointing to the HALL, that
-lay just beneath them); and tell me if you can help respecting the
-HOSPITALITY which so much distinguished the palaces of the great in
-those simpler ages. You gave an invidious turn to this circumstance
-when you chose to consider it only in the light of wasteful expence
-and prodigality. But no virtue is privileged from an ill name. And, on
-second thoughts, I persuade myself, it will appear you have injured
-this, by so uncandid an appellation. Can it deserve this censure,
-that the lord of this princely castle threw open his doors and spread
-his table for the reception of his friends, his followers, and even
-for the royal entertainment of his sovereign? Is any expence more
-proper than that which tends to conciliate[65] friendships, spread
-the interests of society, and knit mankind together by a generous
-communication in these advantages of wealth and fortune? The arts of
-a refined sequestered luxury were then unknown. The same bell, that
-called the great man to his table, invited the neighbourhood all
-around, and proclaimed a holiday to the whole country[66]. Who does not
-feel the decorum, and understand the benefits of this magnificence? The
-pre-eminence of rank and fortune was nobly sustained: the subordination
-of society preserved: and yet the envy, that is so apt to attend the
-great, happily avoided. Hence this weight and influence of the old
-nobility, who engaged the love, as well as commanded the veneration, of
-the people. In the mean time, rural industry flourished: private luxury
-was discouraged: and in both ways that frugal simplicity of life, our
-country’s grace and ornament in those days, was preserved and promoted.
-
-It would spoil your panegyric, I doubt, said Mr. ADDISON, to observe
-the factious use, that was made of this magnificence, and the tendency
-it had to support the pride and insolence of the old nobility. The
-interest of the great, I am afraid, was but another name for the
-slavery of the people[67].
-
-I see it, Dr. ARBUTHNOT said, in a different light; and so did our
-princes themselves, who could not but be well acquainted with the
-proper effects of that interest. They considered the weight of the
-nobility, as a counterpoise to their own sovereignty. It was on this
-account they had used all means to lessen their influence. But the
-consequence was beside their expectation. The authority of the crown
-fell with it: and, which was still less expected by political men, the
-liberty of the people, after it had wantoned for a time, sunk under the
-general oppression. It was then discovered, but a little of the latest,
-that public freedom throve best, when it wound itself about the stock
-of the ancient nobility. In truth, it was the defect, not the excess,
-of patrician influence, that made way for the miseries of the next
-century.
-
-You see then it is not without cause that I lay a stress, even in a
-political view, on this popular hospitality of the great in the former
-ages[68].
-
-But, lest you think I sit too long at the table, let us go on to the
-TILTYARD, which lies just before us; that school of fortitude and
-honour to our generous forefathers. A younger fancy, than mine, would
-be apt to kindle at the sight. And our sprightlier friend here, I
-dare say, has already taken fire at the remembrance of the gallant
-exercises, which were celebrated in that quarter.
-
-Mr. DIGBY owned, he had a secret veneration for the manly games of that
-time, which he had seen so triumphantly set forth in the old poets and
-romancers.
-
-Right, said Mr. ADDISON; it is precisely in that circumstance that the
-enchantment consists. Some of our best wits have taken a deal of idle
-pains to ennoble a very barbarous entertainment, and recommend it to
-us under the specious name of gallantry and honour. But Mr. DIGBY sees
-through the cheat. Not that I doubt, continued he, but the Doctor,
-now he is in the vein of panegyric, will lay a mighty stress on these
-barbarities; and perhaps compare them with the exercises in the _Roman_
-Circus, or the _Olympic_ Barriers.
-
-And why not? interrupted Dr. ARBUTHNOT. The tendency of all three was
-the same; to invigorate the faculties both of mind and body; to give
-strength, grace, and dexterity, to the limbs; and fire the mind with a
-generous emulation of the manly and martial virtues.
-
-Why truly, said Mr. ADDISON, I shall not deny that all _three_, as you
-observe, were much of the same merit. And, now your hand is in for this
-sort of encomium, do not forget to celebrate the sublime taste of our
-forefathers for _bear-baiting_[69], as well as _tilting_; and tell us
-too, how gloriously the mob of those days, as well as their betters,
-used to belabour one another.
-
-I confess, said Dr. ARBUTHNOT, the softness of our manners makes it
-difficult to speak on this subject without incurring the ridicule,
-you appear so willing to employ against me. But you must not think
-to discredit these gymnastics by a little raillery, which has its
-foundation only in modern prejudices. For it is no secret that the
-gravest and politest men of antiquity were of my mind. You will hardly
-suspect PLATO of incivility, either in his notions or manners. And
-need I remind you how much he insists on the gymnastic discipline;
-without which he could not have formed, or at least have supported, his
-Republic?
-
-It was upon this principle, I suppose then, said Mr. DIGBY, or perhaps
-in imitation of his _Græcian_ master, that our MILTON laid so great a
-stress on this discipline in his TRACTATE OF EDUCATION. And before him,
-in the very time you speak of, ASCHAM, I observe, took no small pains
-to much the same purpose in his TOXOPHILUS.
-
-It is very clear, resumed Dr. ARBUTHNOT, from these instances, and many
-more that might be given, that the ancients were not singular in their
-notions on this subject. But, since you have drawn me into a grave
-defence of these exercises, let me further own to you that I think the
-_Gothic_ Tilts and Tournaments exceeded, both in use and elegance, even
-the _Græcian_ gymnastics[70]. They were a more direct image of war,
-than any of the games at _Olympia_. And if _Xenophon_ could be so
-lavish in his praises on the _Persian_ practice of hunting, because it
-had some resemblance to the exercise of arms, what would he not have
-said of an institution, which has all the forms of a real combat?
-
-But there was an elegance, too, in the conduct of the tournament, that
-might reconcile it even to modern delicacy. For, besides the splendor
-of the shew; the dexterity, with which these exercises were performed;
-and the fancy, that appeared in their accoutrement, dresses, and
-devices; the whole contest was ennobled with an air of gallantry, that
-must have had a great effect in refining the manners of the combatants.
-And yet this gallantry had no ill influence on morals; for, as you
-insulted me just now, it was the odd humour of those days for the women
-to pride themselves in their chastity[71], as well as the men in their
-valour.
-
-In short, I consider the _Tournay_, as the best school of civility
-as well as heroism. “High-erected thoughts, seated in a heart of
-courtesy,” as an old writer[72] well expresses it, was the proper
-character of such as had been trained in this discipline.
-
-No wonder then, pursued he, the poets and romance-writers took so much
-pains to immortalize these trials of manhood. It was but what PINDAR
-and HOMER himself, those ancient masters of romance, had done before
-them. And how could it be otherwise? The shew itself, as I said,
-had something very taking in it; whilst every graceful attitude of
-person, with every generous movement of the mind, afforded the finest
-materials for description. And I am even ready to believe, that
-what we hear censured in their writings, as false, incredible, and
-fantastic, was frequently but a just copy of life, and that there was
-more of truth and reality[73] in their representations, than we are
-apt to imagine. Their notions of honour and gallantry were carried to
-an elevation[74], which, in these degenerate days, hurts the credit
-of their story; just as I have met with men that have doubted whether
-the virtues of the REGULI and the SCIPIOS of ancient fame were not the
-offspring of pure fancy.
-
-Nay now, Dr. ARBUTHNOT, said Mr. ADDISON, you grow quite extravagant.
-What you, who are used to be so quick at espying all abuses in science,
-and defects in good taste, turn advocate for these fopperies! Mr. DIGBY
-and I shall begin to think you banter us, in this apology for the
-ancient gymnastics, and are only preparing a chapter for the facetious
-memoirs[75], you sometimes promise us.
-
-Never more in earnest, assure you, replied the Doctor. I know what you
-have to object to these pictures of life and manners. But, if they
-will not bear examining as copies, they may deserve to be imitated as
-models. And their use, methinks, might atone for some defects in the
-article of probability.
-
-For my part, I consider the legends of ancient chivalry in a very
-serious light,
-
- As _niches_, fill’d with statues to invite
- Young valours forth—[76]
-
-as BEN JONSON, a valorous hardy poet, and who, himself, would have made
-a good knight-errant, justly says of them. For, it is certain, they had
-this effect. The youth, in general, were fired with the love of martial
-exercises. They were early formed to habits of fatigue and enterprise.
-And, together with this warlike spirit, the profession of chivalry was
-favourable to every other virtue. Affability, courtesy, generosity,
-veracity, these were the qualifications most pretended to by the men of
-arms, in the days of pure and uncorrupted chivalry. We do not perhaps,
-ourselves, know, at this distance of time, how much we are indebted to
-the force of this singular institution. But this I may presume to say,
-that the men, among whom it arose and flourished most, had prodigious
-obligations to it. No policy, even of an ancient legislator, could
-have contrived a better expedient to cultivate the manners and tame
-the spirits of a rude and ignorant people. I could almost fancy it
-providentially introduced among the northern nations, to break the
-fierceness of their natures, and prevent that brutal savageness and
-ferocity of character, which must otherwise have grown upon them in the
-darker ages.
-
-Nay, the generous sentiments, it inspired, perhaps contributed very
-much to awaken an emulation of a different kind; and to bring on
-those days of light and knowledge which have disposed us, somewhat
-unthankfully, to vilify and defame it. This is certain, that the first
-essays of wit and poetry, those harbingers of returning day to every
-species of good letters, were made in the bosom of chivalry, and amidst
-the assemblies of noble dames, and courteous knights. And we may even
-observe, that the best of our modern princes, such as have been most
-admired for their personal virtues, and have been most concerned
-in restoring all the arts of civility and politeness, have been
-passionately addicted to the feats of ancient prowess. In the number
-of these, need I remind you of the courts of FRANCIS I, and HENRY IV,
-to say nothing of our own EDWARDS and HENRYS, and that mirrour of all
-their virtues in one, our renowned and almost romantic ELIZABETH[77]?
-
-But you think I push the argument too far. And less than this may
-dispose you to conceive with reverence of the scene before us, which
-must ever be regarded as a nursery of brave men, a very seed-plot
-of warriors and heroes. I consider the successes at the barriers as
-preludes to future conquests in the field. And, as whimsical a figure
-as a young tilter may make in your eye, who will say that the virtue
-was not formed here, that triumphed at AXELL, and bled at ZUTPHEN?
-
-We shall very readily, replied Mr. ADDISON, acknowledge the bravery
-and other virtues of the young hero, whose fortunes you hint at. He
-was, in truth, to speak the language of that time, the very flower of
-knighthood, and contributed more than any body else, by his pen, as
-well as sword, to throw a lustre on the profession of chivalry. But
-the thing itself, however adorned by his wit and recommended by his
-manners, was barbarous; the offspring of _Gothic_ fierceness; and shews
-the times, which favoured it so much, to have scarcely emerged from
-their original rudeness and brutality. You may celebrate, as loudly
-as you please, the deeds of these wonder-working knights. Alas, what
-affinity have such prodigies to our life, and manners? The old poet,
-you quoted just now with approbation, shall tell us the difference:
-
- These were bold stories of our _Arthur’s_ age:
- But here are other acts, another stage
- And scene appears; it is not since as then;
- No giants, dwarfs, or monsters here, but MEN[78].
-
-Or, if you want a higher authority, we should not, methinks, on such an
-occasion, forget the admirable CERVANTES, whose ridicule hath brought
-eternal dishonour on the profession of knight-errantry.
-
-With your leave, interrupted Dr. ARBUTHNOT, I have reason to except
-against both your authorities. At best, they do but condemn the
-_abuses_ of chivalry, and the madness of continuing the old romantic
-spirit in times when, from a change of manners and policy, it was no
-longer in season. Adventures, we will say, were of course to cease,
-when giants and monsters disappeared. And yet have they totally
-disappeared, and have giants and monsters been no where heard of out
-of the castles and forests of our old romancers. ’Tis odds, methinks,
-but, in the sense of ELIZABETH’S good subjects, PHILIP II. might be a
-_giant_ at least: and, without a little of this adventurous spirit,
-it may be a question whether all her enchanters, I mean her BURLEIGHS
-and WALSINGHAMS, would have proved a match for him. I mention this the
-rather to shew you, how little obligation his countrymen have to your
-CERVANTES for laughing away the remains of that prowess, which was the
-best support of the _Spanish_ monarchy.
-
-As if, said Mr. ADDISON, the prowess of any people were only to be kept
-alive by their running mad. But let the case of the _Spaniards_ be what
-it will, surely we, of this country, have little obligation to the
-spirit of chivalry, if it were only that it produced, or encouraged
-at least, and hath now entailed upon us, the curse of duelling; which
-even yet domineers in the fashionable world, in spite of all that
-wit, and reason, and religion itself, have done to subdue it. ’Tis
-true, at present this law of arms is appealed to only in the case some
-high point of nice and mysterious honour. But in the happier days you
-celebrate, it was called in aid, on common occasions. Even questions of
-right and property, you know, were determined at the barriers[79]: and
-brute force was allowed the most equitable, as well as shortest, way of
-deciding all disputes both concerning a man’s estate and honour.
-
-You might observe too, interposed Dr. ARBUTHNOT, that this was the way
-in which those fiercer disputes concerning a mistress, or a kingdom,
-were frequently decided. And, if this sort of decision, in such cases,
-were still in use among Christian princes, you might call it perhaps
-a barbarous custom: but would it be ever the worse, do you think, for
-their good subjects?
-
-Perhaps it would not, returned Mr. ADDISON, in some instances. And
-yet will you affirm, that those _good subjects_ were in any enviable
-situation, under their fighting masters? After all, allowing you to put
-the best construction you can on these usages of our forefathers,
-
- “all we find
- Is, that they did their work and din’d.”
-
-And though such feats may argue a sound athletic constitution, you must
-excuse me, if I am not forward to entertain any high notions of their
-civility.
-
-Their civility, said Dr. ARBUTHNOT, is another consideration. The HALL
-and TILT-YARD are certainly good proofs of what they are alleged for,
-the hospitality and bravery of our ancestors. But it hath not been
-maintained, that these were their only virtues. On the contrary, it
-seems to me, that every flower of humanity, every elegance of art and
-genius, was cultivated amongst them. For an instance, need we look any
-further than the LAKE, which in the flourishing times of this castle
-was so famous, and which we even now trace in the winding bed of that
-fine meadow?
-
-I do not understand you, replied Mr. ADDISON. I can easily imagine what
-an embellishment that lake must have been to the castle; but am at a
-loss to conceive what flowers of wit and ingenuity, to use your own
-ænigmatical language, could be raised or so much as watered by it.
-
-And, have you then, returned Dr. ARBUTHNOT, so soon forgotten the large
-description, you gave us just now, of the shows and pageants displayed
-on this lake? And can any thing better declare the art, invention, and
-ingenuity, of their conductors? Is not this canal as good a memorial of
-the ardour and success with which the finer exercises of the mind were
-pursued in that time, as the tilt-yard, we have now left, is of the
-address and dexterity shewn in those of the body?
-
-I remember, said Mr. ADDISON, that many of the shows, intended for the
-queen’s entertainment at this place, were exhibited on that canal. But
-as to any art or beauty of contrivance—
-
-“You see none, I suppose.”
-
-Why truly none, resumed Mr. ADDISON. To me they seemed but well enough
-suited to the other barbarities of the time. “The Lady of the Lake and
-her train of Nereids,” was not that the principal? And can it pass for
-any thing better than a jumble of _Gothic_ romance and pagan fable?
-a barbarous modern conceit, varnished over with a little classical
-pedantry?
-
-And is that the best word you can afford, said Dr. ARBUTHNOT, to
-these ingenious devices? The business was, to welcome the Queen
-to this palace, and at the same time to celebrate the honours of
-her government. And what more decent way of complimenting a great
-Prince, than through the veil of fiction? or what so elegant way of
-entertaining a learned Prince, as by working up that fiction out of the
-old poetical story? And if something of the _Gothic_ romance adhered
-to these classical fictions, it was not for any barbarous pleasure,
-that was taken in this patchwork, but that the artist found means to
-incorporate them with the highest grace and ingenuity. For what, in
-other words, was the _Lady of the Lake_ (the particular that gives
-most offence to your delicacy), but the presiding nymph of the stream,
-on which these shews were presented? And, if the contrivance was to
-give us this nymph under a name that romance had made familiar, what
-was this but taking advantage of a popular prejudice to introduce his
-fiction with more address and probability?
-
-But see the propriety of the scene itself, for the designer’s purpose,
-and the exact decorum with which these fanciful personages were brought
-in upon it. It was not enough, that the pagan deities were summoned to
-pay their homage to the queen. They were the deities of the fount and
-ocean, the watery nymphs and demi-gods: and these were to play their
-part in their own element. Could any preparation be more artful for
-the panegyric designed on the naval glory of that reign? Or, could any
-representation be more grateful to the queen of the ocean, as ELIZABETH
-was then called, than such as expressed her sovereignty in those
-regions? Hence the sea-green Nereids, the Tritons, and Neptune himself,
-were the proper actors in the drama. And the opportunity of this
-spacious lake gave the easiest introduction and most natural appearance
-to the whole scenery. Let me add too, in further commendation of the
-taste which was shewn in these agreeable fancies, that the attributes
-and dresses of the deities themselves were studied with care; and the
-most learned poets of the time employed to make them speak and act in
-character. So that an old _Greek_ or _Roman_ might have applauded the
-contrivance, and have almost fancied himself assisting at a religious
-ceremony in his own country.
-
-And, to shew you that all this propriety was intended by the designer
-himself, and not imagined at pleasure by his encomiast; I remember,
-that when, some years after, the earl of HERTFORD had the honour to
-receive the queen at his seat in _Hampshire_, because he had no such
-canal as this in readiness on the occasion, he set on a vast number of
-hands to hollow a bason in his park for that purpose. With so great
-diligence and so exact a decorum were these entertainments conducted!
-
-Did not I tell you, interposed Mr. ADDISON, addressing himself to Mr.
-DIGBY, to what an extravagance the Doctor’s admiration of the ancient
-times would carry him? Could you have expected all this harangue
-on the art, elegance, and decorum of THE PRINCELY PLEASURES OF
-KENELWORTH[80]? And must not it divert you to see the unformed genius
-of that age tricked out in the graces of _Roman_ or even _Attic_
-politeness?
-
-Mr. DIGBY acknowledged, it was very generous in the Doctor to represent
-in so fair a light the amusements of the ruder ages. But I was
-thinking, said he, to what cause it could possibly be owing, that these
-pagan fancies had acquired so general a consideration in the days of
-ELIZABETH.
-
-The general passion for these fancies, returned Dr. ARBUTHNOT, was a
-natural consequence of the revival of learning. The first books, that
-came into vogue, were the poets. And nothing could be more amusing to
-rude minds, just opening to a taste of letters, than the fabulous story
-of the pagan gods, which is constantly interwoven in every piece of
-ancient poetry. Hence the imitative arts of _sculpture_, _painting_,
-and _poetry_, were immediately employed in these pagan exhibitions. But
-this was not all. The first artists in every kind were of _Italy_; and
-it was but natural for them to act these fables over again on the very
-spot that had first produced them. These too were the masters to the
-rest of _Europe_. So that _fashion_ concurred with the other prejudices
-of the time, to recommend this practice to the learned.
-
-From the men of art and literature the enthusiasm spread itself to
-the great; whose supreme delight it was to see the wonders of the
-old poetical story brought forth, and realized, as it were, before
-them[81]. And what, in truth, could they do better? For, if I were not
-a little afraid of your raillery, I should desire to know what courtly
-amusements even of our time are comparable to the shows and masques,
-which were the delight and improvement of the court of ELIZABETH.
-I say, the _improvement_; for, besides that these shows were not
-in the number of the INERUDITÆ VOLUPTATES, so justly characterized
-and condemned by a wise ancient, they were even highly useful and
-instructive. These devices, composed out of the poetical history, were
-not only the vehicles of compliment to the great on certain solemn
-occasions, but of the soundest moral lessons, which were artfully
-thrown in, and recommended to them by the charm of poetry and numbers.
-Nay, some of these masques were moral dramas in form, where the virtues
-and vices were impersonated. We know the cast of their composition by
-what we see of these fictions in the next reign; and have reason to
-conceive of them with reverence when we find the names of FLETCHER and
-JONSON[82] to some of them. I say nothing of JONES and LAWES, though
-all the elegance of their respective arts was called in to assist the
-poet in the contrivance and execution of these entertainments.
-
-And, now the poets have fallen in my way, let me further observe,
-that the manifest superiority of this class of writers in ELIZABETH’S
-reign, and that of her successor, over all others who have succeeded to
-them, is, among other reasons, to be ascribed to the taste which then
-prevailed for these moral representations. This taught them to animate
-and impersonate every thing. Rude minds, you will say, naturally give
-into this practice. Without doubt. But art and genius do not disdain to
-cultivate and improve it. Hence it is, that we find in the phraseology
-and mode of thinking of that time, and of that time only, the essence
-of the truest and sublimest poetry.
-
-Without doubt, Mr. ADDISON said, the poetry of that time is of a better
-taste than could well have been expected from its barbarism in other
-instances. But such prodigies as SHAKESPEAR and SPENSER would do great
-things in any age, and under every disadvantage.
-
-Most certainly they would, returned Dr. ARBUTHNOT, but not the things
-that you admire so much in these immortal writers. And, if you will
-excuse the intermixture of a little philosophy in these ramblings, I
-will attempt to account for it.
-
-There is, I think, in the revolutions of taste and language, a certain
-point, which is more favourable to the purposes of poetry, than any
-other. It may be difficult to fix this point with exactness. But we
-shall hardly mistake in supposing it lies somewhere between the rude
-essays of uncorrected fancy, on the one hand, and the refinements of
-reason and science, on the other.
-
-And such appears to have been the condition of our language in the
-age of ELIZABETH. It was pure, strong, and perspicuous, without
-affectation. At the same time, the high figurative manner, which fits
-a language so peculiarly for the uses of the poet, had not yet been
-controlled by the prosaic genius of philosophy and logic. Indeed, this
-character had been struck so deeply into the _English_ tongue, that
-it was not to be removed by any ordinary improvements in either: the
-reason of which might be, the delight which was taken by the _English_
-very early in their old MYSTERIES and MORALITIES; and the continuance
-of the same spirit in succeeding times, by means of their MASQUES and
-TRIUMPHS. And something like this, I observe, attended the progress of
-the _Greek_ and _Roman_ poetry; which was the _truest_ poetry, on the
-clown’s maxim in SHAKESPEAR, because it was _the most feigning_[83]. It
-had its rise, you know, like ours, from religion: and pagan religion,
-of all others, was the properest to introduce and encourage a spirit of
-allegory and moral fiction. Hence we easily account for the allegoric
-cast of their old dramas, which have a great resemblance to our ancient
-moralities. NECESSITY is brought in as a _person of the drama_, in one
-of ÆSCHYLUS’S plays; and DEATH in one of EURIPIDES: to say nothing
-of many shadowy persons in the comedies of ARISTOPHANES. The truth
-is, the pagan religion _deified_ every thing, and delivered these
-deities into the hand of their painters, sculptors, and poets. In like
-manner, Christian superstition, or, if you will, modern barbarism,
-_impersonated_ every thing; and these persons, in proper form,
-subsisted for some time on the stage, and almost to our days, in the
-masques. Hence the picturesque style of our old poetry; which looks so
-fanciful in SPENSER, and which SHAKESPEAR’S genius hath carried to the
-utmost sublimity.
-
-I will not deny, said Mr. ADDISON, but there may be something in this
-deduction of the causes, by which you account for the strength and
-grandeur of the _English_ poetry, unpolished as it still was in the
-hands of ELIZABETH’S great poets. But for the masques themselves—
-
-You forget, I believe, _one_, interrupted Dr. ARBUTHNOT, which does
-your favourite poet, MILTON, almost as much honour, as his _Paradise
-Lost_.—But I have no mind to engage in a further vindication of
-these fancies. I only conclude that the taste of the age, the state
-of letters, the genius of the _English_ tongue, was such as gave a
-manliness to their compositions of all sorts, and even an elegance to
-those of the lighter forms, which we might do well to emulate, and not
-deride, in this æra of politeness.
-
-But I am aware, as you say, I have been transported too far. My design
-was only to hint to you, in opposition to your invective against the
-memory of the old times, awakened in us by the sight of this castle,
-that what you object to is capable of a much fairer interpretation.
-You have a proof of it, in two or three instances; in their festivals,
-their exercises, and their poetical fictions: or, to express myself in
-the classical forms, you have seen by this view of their CONVIVIAL,
-GYMNASTIC, and MUSICAL character, that the times of ELIZABETH may pass
-for golden, notwithstanding what a fondness for this age of baser metal
-may incline us to represent it.
-
-In the mean time, these smaller matters have drawn me aside from
-my main purpose. What surprised me most, pursued he, was to hear
-you speak so slightly, I would not call it by a worse name, of the
-GOVERNMENT of ELIZABETH. Of the manners and tastes of different ages,
-different persons, according to their views of things, will judge very
-differently. But plain facts speak so strongly in favour of the policy
-of that reign, and the superior talents of the sovereign, that I could
-not but take it for the wantonness of opposition in you to espouse the
-contrary opinion. And, now I am warmed by this slight skirmish, I am
-even bold enough to dare you to a defence of it; if, indeed, you were
-serious in advancing that strange paradox. At least, I could wish to
-hear upon what grounds you would justify so severe an attack on the
-reverend administration of that reign, supported by the wisdom of such
-men as CECIL and WALSINGHAM, under the direction of so accomplished a
-princess as our ELIZABETH. Your manner of defending even the wrong side
-of the question will, at least, be entertaining. And, I think, I may
-answer for our young friend, that his curiosity will lead him to join
-me in this request to you.
-
-Mr. ADDISON said, He did not expect to be called to so severe an
-account for what had escaped him on this subject. But, though I was
-ever so willing, continued he, to oblige you, this is no time or place
-for entering on such a controversy. We have not yet compleated the
-round of these buildings. And I would fain, methinks, make the circuit
-of that pleasant meadow. Besides its having been once, in another
-form, the scene of those shows you described so largely to us, it will
-deserve to be visited for the sake of the many fine views which, as we
-wind along it, we may promise to ourselves of these ruins.
-
-You forget my bad legs, said Dr. ARBUTHNOT smiling; otherwise, I
-suppose, we can neither of us have any dislike to your proposal. But,
-as you please: let us descend from these heights. We may resume the
-conversation, as we walk along: and especially, as you propose, when we
-get down into that valley.
-
-
-
-
- DIALOGUE IV.
-
- ON THE
-
- GOLDEN AGE OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
-
- BETWEEN
-
- THE HON. ROBERT DIGBY,
-
- DR. ARBUTHNOT,
-
- AND
-
- MR. ADDISON.
-
-
-
-
- DIALOGUE IV.
-
- ON THE AGE OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
-
- MR. DIGBY, DR. ARBUTHNOT, MR. ADDISON.
-
-
-But do you consider, said Mr. ADDISON, as they descended into the
-valley, what an invidious task you are going to impose upon me? One
-cannot call in question a common opinion in any indifferent matter,
-without the appearance of some degree of perverseness. But to do it in
-a case of this importance, where the greatest authorities stand in the
-way, and the glory of one of our princes is concerned, will, I doubt,
-be liable to the imputation of something worse than singularity. For,
-besides that you will be apt to upbraid me, in the words of the poet,
-
- Nullum memorabile nomen
- Fœmineâ in pœnâ est, nec habet victoria laudem,
-
-such a liberty of censure is usually taken for an argument, not of
-discourtesy or presumption only, but of ill-nature. At best, the
-attempt to arraign the virtues and government of ELIZABETH will appear
-but like the idleness of the old sophists, who, you know, were never so
-well pleased as when they were controverting some acknowledged fact, or
-assaulting some established character.
-
-That censure might be just enough, Dr. ARBUTHNOT said, of the old
-sophists, who had nothing in view but the credit of their own skill
-in the arts of disputation. But in this friendly debate, which
-means nothing more than private amusement, I see no colour for such
-apprehensions.
-
-But what shall we say, interposed Mr. ADDISON, to another difficulty?
-The subject is very large; and it seems no easy matter to reduce
-it into any distinct order. Besides, my business is not so much to
-advance any thing of my own, as to object to what others have advanced
-concerning the fame and virtues of ELIZABETH. And to this end, I must
-desire to know the particulars on which you are disposed to lay the
-greatest stress, and indeed to have some plan of the subject delivered
-in to me, which may serve, as it were, for the groundwork of the whole
-conversation.
-
-I must not presume, said Dr. ARBUTHNOT, to prescribe the order in
-which your attack on the great queen shall be conducted. The subject,
-indeed, is large. But this common route of history is well known to all
-of us. To that, then, you may well enough refer, without being at the
-trouble, before you go to work, of laying foundations. Or, if you will
-needs have a basis to build upon, what if I just run over the several
-circumstances which I conceive to make most for the credit of that
-reign? A sketch of this sort, I suppose, will answer all the ends of
-the plan, you seem to require of me.
-
-Mr. ADDISON agreed to this proposal; which he thought would be of use
-to shorten the debate, or at least to render the progress of it more
-clear and intelligible.
-
-In few words then, resumed Dr. ARBUTHNOT, the reasons, that have
-principally determined me to an admiration of the government and
-character of queen ELIZABETH, are such as these: “That she came to the
-crown with all possible disadvantages; which yet, by the prudence and
-vigour of her counsels, she entirely overcame: that she triumphed over
-the greatest foreign and domestic dangers: that she humbled the most
-formidable power in _Europe_ by her arms; and composed, or checked at
-least, by the firmness of her administration, TWO, the most implacable
-and fiery factions at home: that she kept down the rebellious spirit
-of _Ireland_, and eluded the constant intrigues of her restless
-neighbours, the _Scots_: that she fixed our religious establishment on
-solid grounds; and countenanced, or rather conducted, the Protestant
-cause abroad: that she made her civil authority respected by her
-subjects; and raised the military glory of the nation, both by sea and
-land, to the greatest height: that she employed the ablest servants,
-and enacted the wisest laws: by all which means it came to pass that
-she lived in a constant good understanding with her parliaments, was
-idolized by her people, and admired and envied by all the rest of the
-world.”
-
-Alas, said Mr. ADDISON, I shall never be able to follow you through
-all the particulars of this encomium: and, to say the truth, it would
-be to little purpose; since the wisdom of her policy, in all these
-instances of her government, can only be estimated from a careful
-perusal of the histories of that time; too numerous and contradictory
-to be compared and adjusted in this conversation. All I can do,
-continued he, after taking a moment or two to recollect himself, is
-to abate the force of this panegyric by some general observations of
-the CIRCUMSTANCES and GENIUS of that time; and then to consider the
-personal QUALITIES of the queen, which are thought to reflect so great
-a lustre on her government.
-
-As you please, Dr. ARBUTHNOT replied. We shall hardly lose ourselves in
-this beaten field of history. And, besides, as your undertaking is so
-adventurous, it is but reasonable you should have the choice of your
-own method.
-
-You are in the common opinion, I perceive, resumed Mr. ADDISON, that
-ELIZABETH’S government was attended with all possible disadvantages.
-On the contrary, it appears to me that the security and even splendour
-of her reign is chiefly to be accounted for from the fortunate
-CIRCUMSTANCES of her situation.
-
-Of these the FIRST, that demands our notice, is the great affair of
-religion.
-
-The principles of PROTESTANTISM had now for many years been working
-among the people. They had grown to that head in the short reign of
-EDWARD VI. that the bloody severities of his successor served only to
-exasperate the zeal, with which these principles had been embraced
-and promoted. ELIZABETH, coming to the crown at this juncture, was
-determined, as well by interest as inclination, to take the side of
-the new religion. I say by _interest_, as well as inclination. And,
-I think, I have reason for the assertion. For though the persons in
-power, and the clergy throughout the kingdom, were generally professed
-papists; yet they were most of them such as had conformed in king
-EDWARD’S days, and were not therefore much to be feared for any tie,
-their _profession_ could really have on their consciences. Whereas,
-on the other hand, it was easy to see, from many symptoms, that the
-general bent of the nation was towards Protestantism; and that,
-too, followed with a spirit, which must in the end prevail over all
-opposition. Under these circumstances, then, it was natural for the
-queen, if she had not been otherwise led by her principles, and the
-interest of her title, to favour the Reformation.
-
-The truth is, she came into it herself so heartily, and provided so
-effectually for its establishment, that we are not to wonder she
-became the idol of the Reformed, at the same time that the papal power
-through all _Europe_ was confederated against her. The enthusiasm
-of her Protestant subjects was prodigious. It was raised by other
-considerations; but confirmed in all orders of the state by the ease
-they felt in their deliverance from the tyranny of the church; and in
-the great especially, by the sweets they tasted in their enjoyment
-of the church-revenues. It was, in short, one of those extraordinary
-conjunctures, in which the public danger becomes the public security;
-when religion and policy, conscience and interest, unite their powers
-to support the authority of the prince, and to give fidelity, vigour,
-and activity to the obedience of the subject.
-
-And thus it was, continued he, that so warm and unconquerable a zeal
-appeared in defence of the queen against all attempts of her enemies.
-Her people were so thoroughly Protestant, as to think no expence of
-her government too great, provided they could but be secured from
-relapsing into Popery. And her parliaments were disposed to wave all
-disputes about the stretch of her prerogative, from a sense of their
-own and the common danger.
-
-In magnifying this advantage of the zeal and union of ELIZABETH’S
-good subjects, you forgot, said Dr. ARBUTHNOT, that two restless and
-inveterate factions were contending, all her lifetime, within her own
-kingdom.
-
-I am so far from forgetting that circumstance, returned Mr. ADDISON,
-that I esteem it ANOTHER of the great advantages of her situation.
-
-The contrary tendencies of those factions in some respects defeated
-each other. But the principal use of them was, that, by means of their
-practices, some domestic plot, or foreign alarm, was always at hand,
-to quicken the zeal and inflame the loyalty of her people. But to be a
-little more particular about the factions of her reign.
-
-The PAPIST was, in truth, the only one she had reason to be alarmed at.
-The PURITAN had but just begun to shew himself, though indeed with that
-ferocity of air and feature, which signified clearly enough what spirit
-he was of, and what, in good time, he was likely to come to. Yet even
-he was kept in tolerable humour, by a certain commodious policy of the
-queen; which was, so to divide her regards betwixt the Church and the
-Puritans, as made it the interest of both to keep well with her. ’Tis
-true, these last felt the weight of her resentment sometimes, when they
-ventured too saucily to oppose themselves to the establishment. But
-this was rarely, and by halves: and, when checked with the most rigour,
-they had the satisfaction to see their patrons continue in the highest
-places at court, and, what is more, in the highest degree of personal
-favour.
-
-And what doth all this shew, interrupted Dr. ARBUTHNOT, but that she
-managed so well as to disarm a furious faction, or rather make it serve
-against the bent of its nature, to the wise ends of her government?
-
-As to any wise ends of government, I see none, replied Mr. ADDISON,
-deserving to be so called, that were answered by her uncertain conduct
-towards the Puritans. For she neither restrained them with that
-severity, which might perhaps have prevented their growth, at first;
-nor shewed them that entire indulgence, which might have disabled
-their fury afterwards. It is true, this temporizing conduct was well
-enough adapted to prevent disturbances in her own time. But large
-materials were laid in for that terrible combustion, which was soon to
-break forth under one of her successors.
-
-And so, instead of imputing the disasters that followed, said Dr.
-ARBUTHNOT, to the ill-government of the STUARTS, you are willing to lay
-the whole guilt of them on this last and greatest of the TUDORS. This
-is a new way of defending that royal house; and, methinks, they owe you
-no small acknowledgments for it. I confess, it never occurred to me to
-make that apology for them.
-
-Though I would not undertake, said Mr. ADDISON, to make their apology
-from this, or any other, circumstance; I do indeed believe that part
-of the difficulties the house of STUART had to encounter, were brought
-upon them by this wretched policy of their predecessor. But, waving
-this consideration, I desire you will take notice of what I chiefly
-insist upon, “That the ease and security of ELIZABETH’S administration
-was even favoured by the turbulent practices and clashing views of her
-domestic factions.” The PURITAN was an instrument, in her hands, of
-controuling the church, and of balancing the power of her ministers:
-besides that this sort of people were, of all others, the most
-inveterate against the common enemy. And for the PAPISTS themselves
-(not to insist that, of course, they would be strictly watched, and
-that they were not, perhaps, so considerable as to create any immediate
-danger[84]), the general abhorrence both of their principles and
-designs had the greatest effect in uniting more closely, and cementing,
-as it were, the affections of the rest of her subjects. So that,
-whether within or without, the common danger, as I expressed it, was
-the common safety.
-
-Still, said Dr. ARBUTHNOT, I must think this a very extraordinary
-conclusion. I have no idea of the security of the great queen,
-surrounded, as she was, by her domestic and foreign enemies.
-
-Her foreign enemies, returned Mr. ADDISON, were less formidable than
-they appear at first view. And I even make the condition of the
-neighbouring powers on the Continent, in her time, a THIRD instance of
-the signal advantages of her situation.
-
-It is true, if a perfect union had subsisted between the Catholic
-princes, the papal thunders would have carried terror with them. But,
-as it was, they were powerless and ineffectual. The civil wars of
-_France_, and its constant jealousy of _Spain_, left the queen but
-little to apprehend from that quarter. The _Spanish_ empire, indeed,
-was vast, and under the direction of a bigoted vindictive prince. But
-the administration was odious and corrupt in every part. So that wise
-men saw there was more of bulk than of force in that unwieldy monarchy.
-And the successful struggles of a handful of its subjects, inflamed by
-the love of liberty, and made furious by oppression, proclaimed its
-weakness to all the world.
-
-It may be true, interrupted Dr. ARBUTHNOT, that the queen had less to
-fear from the princes on the Continent, than is sometimes represented.
-But you forget, in this survey of the public dangers, the distractions
-of IRELAND, and the restless intrigues of her near neighbours, the
-SCOTS: both of them assisted by _Spain_; and these last under the
-peculiar influence and direction of the GUISES.
-
-You shall have my opinion, returned Mr. ADDISON, in few words.
-
-For the IRISH distractions, it was not the queen’s intention, or
-certainly it was not her fortune, to compose them: I mean, during the
-greatest part of her reign; for we are now speaking of the general
-tenor of her policy. Towards the close of it, indeed, she made some
-vigorous attempts to break the spirits of those savages. And it was
-high time she should. For, through her faint proceedings against them,
-they had grown to that insolence, as to think of setting up for an
-independency on _England_. Nay, the presumption of that arch-rebel
-TYRONE, countenanced and abetted by _Spain_, seemed to threaten
-the queen with still further mischiefs. The extreme dishonour and
-even peril of this situation roused her old age, at length, to the
-resolution of taking some effectual measures. The preparation was
-great, and suitable to the undertaking. It must, further, be owned, it
-succeeded: but so late, that she herself did not live to see the full
-effect of it. However, this success is reckoned among the glories of
-her reign. In the mean time, it is not considered that nothing but her
-ill policy, in suffering the disorders of that country to gather to a
-head, made way for this glory. I call it her _ill policy_, for unless
-it were rather owing to her excessive frugality[85] one can hardly help
-thinking she designed to perpetuate the _Irish_ distractions. At least,
-it was agreeable to a favourite maxim of hers, to check, and not to
-suppress them. And I think it clear, from the manner of prosecuting the
-war, that, till this last alarm, she never was in earnest about putting
-an end to it.
-
-SCOTLAND, indeed, demanded a more serious attention. Yet the weak
-distracted counsels of that court—a minor king—a captive queen—and
-the unsettled state of _France_ itself, which defeated in a good degree
-the malice of the GUISES—were favourable circumstances.
-
-But to be fair with you (for I would appear in the light of a
-reasonable objector, not a captious wrangler); I allow her policy in
-this instance to have been considerable. She kept a watchful eye on the
-side of _Scotland_. And, though many circumstances concurred to favour
-her designs, it must be owned they were not carried without much care
-and some wisdom.
-
-I understand the value of this concession, replied Dr. ARBUTHNOT. It
-must have been no common degree of both, that extorted it from you.
-
-I decline entering further, said Mr. ADDISON, into the public
-transactions of that reign; if it were only that, at this distance of
-time, it may be no easy matter to determine any thing of the policy,
-with which they were conducted. Only give me leave to add, as a FOURTH
-instance of the favourable circumstances of the time, “That the
-prerogative was then in its height, and that a patient people allowed
-the queen to use it on all occasions.” Hence the apparent vigour and
-firmness of her administration: and hence the opportunity (which is so
-rarely found in our country) of directing the whole strength of the
-nation to any end of government, which the glory of the prince or the
-public interest required.
-
-What you impute to the high strain of prerogative, returned Dr.
-ARBUTHNOT, might rather be accounted for from the ability of her
-government, and the wise means she took to support it. The principal
-of these was, by employing the GREATEST MEN in the several departments
-of her administration. Every kind of merit was encouraged by her
-smile[86], or rewarded by her bounty. Virtue, she knew, would
-thrive best on its native stock, a generous emulation. This she
-promoted by all means; by her royal countenance, by a temperate and
-judicious praise, by the wisest distribution of her preferments. Hence
-would naturally arise that confidence in the queen’s counsels and
-undertakings, which the servile awe of her prerogative could never have
-occasioned.
-
-This is the true account of the loyalty, obedience, and fidelity,
-by which her servants were distinguished. And thus, in fact, it was
-that, throughout her kingdom, there was every where that reverence of
-authority[87], that sense of honour, that conscience of duty, in a
-word, that gracious simplicity of manners, which renders the age of
-ELIZABETH truly GOLDEN: as presenting the fairest picture of humanity,
-that is to be met with in the accounts of any people.
-
-It is true, as you say, interposed Mr. ADDISON, that _this picture is a
-fair one_. But of what is it a copy? Of the GENIUS of the time, or of
-the queen’s virtues? You shall judge for yourself, after I have laid
-before you TWO remarkable events of that age, which could not but have
-the greatest effect on the public manners; I mean, THE REFORMATION OF
-RELIGION, and what was introductory of it, THE RESTORATION OF LETTERS.
-From these, as their proper sources, I would derive the ability and
-fidelity of ELIZABETH’S good subjects.
-
-The passion for LETTERS was extreme. The novelty of these studies, the
-artifices that had been used to keep men from them, their apparent
-uses, and, perhaps, some confused notion of a certain diviner virtue
-than really belongs to them; these causes concurred to excite a
-curiosity in all, and determined those, who had leisure, as well as
-curiosity, to make themselves acquainted with the _Greek_ and _Roman_
-learning. The ecclesiastics, who, for obvious reasons, would be the
-first and most earnest in their application to letters, were not
-the only persons transported with this zeal. The gentry and nobility
-themselves were seized with it. A competent knowledge of the old
-writers was looked upon as essential to a gentleman’s education. So
-that _Greek_ and _Latin_ became as fashionable at court in those days,
-as _French_ is in ours. ELIZABETH herself, which I wonder you did not
-put me in mind of, was well skilled in both[88]; they say, employed her
-leisure in making some fine translations out of either language. It
-is easy to see what effect this general attention to letters must have
-on the minds of the liberal and well-educated. And it was a happiness
-peculiar to that age, that learning, though cultivated with such zeal,
-had not as yet degenerated into pedantry: I mean, that, in those
-stirring and active times, it was cultivated, not so much for show, as
-use; and was not followed, as it soon came to be, to the exclusion of
-other generous and manly applications.
-
-Consider, too, the effects, which the alterations in RELIGION had
-produced. As they had been lately made, as their importance was great,
-and as the benefits of the change had been earned at the expence of
-much blood and labour: all these considerations begot a zeal for
-religion, which hardly ever appears under other circumstances. This
-zeal had an immediate and very sensible effect on the morals of the
-Reformed. It improved them in every instance; especially as it produced
-a cheerful submission to the government, which had rescued them from
-their former slavery, and was still their only support against the
-returning dangers of superstition. Thus religion, acting with all its
-power, and that, too, heightened by gratitude and even self-interest,
-bound obedience on the minds of men with the strongest ties[89]. And
-luckily for the queen, this obedience was further secured to her
-by the high uncontroverted notions of royalty, which, at that time,
-obtained amongst the people.
-
-Lay all this together; and then tell me where is the wonder that a
-people, now emerging out of ignorance; uncorrupted by wealth, and
-therefore undebauched by luxury; trained to obedience, and nurtured
-in simplicity; but, above all, caught with the love of learning and
-religion, while neither of them was worn for fashion-sake, or, what
-is worse, perverted to the ends of vanity or ambition; where, say, is
-the wonder that such a people should present so bright a picture of
-manner’s to their admiring panegyrist?
-
-To be fair with you; it was one of those conjunctures, in which the
-active virtues are called forth, and rewarded. The dangers of the time
-had roused the spirit, and brought out all the force and genius, of
-the nation. A sort of enthusiasm had fired every man with the ambition
-of exerting the full strength of his faculties, which way soever they
-pointed, whether to the field, the closet, or the cabinet. Hence such
-a crop of soldiers, scholars, and statesmen had sprung up, as have
-rarely been seen to flourish together in any country. And as all owed
-their duty, it was the fashion of the times for all to bring their
-pretensions, to the court. So that, where the multitude of candidates
-was so great, it had been strange indeed, if an ordinary discretion
-had not furnished the queen with able servants of all sorts; and the
-rather, as her occasions loudly called upon her to employ the ablest.
-
-I was waiting, said Dr. ARBUTHNOT, to see to what conclusion this
-career of your eloquence would at length drive you. And it hath
-happened in this case, as in most others where a favourite point is to
-be carried, that a zeal for it is indulged, though at the expence of
-some other of more importance. Rather than admit the personal virtues
-of the queen, you fill her court, nay, her kingdom, with heroes and
-sages: and so have paid a higher compliment to her reign, than I had
-intended.
-
-To her _reign_, if you will, replied Mr. ADDISON, so far as regards the
-qualities and dispositions of her subjects: for I will not lessen the
-merit of this concession with you, by insisting, as I might, that their
-_manners_, respectable as they were, were debased by the contrary,
-yet very consistent, vices of servility and insolence[90]; and their
-virtues of every kind deformed by, barbarism. But, for the queen’s own
-merit in the choice of her servants, I must take leave to declare my
-sentiments to you very plainly. It may be true, that she possessed a
-good degree of sagacity in discerning the natures and talents of men.
-It was the virtue by which, her admirers tell us, she was principally
-distinguished. Yet, that the high fame of this virtue hath been owing
-to the felicity of the times, abounding in all sorts of merit, rather
-than to her own judgment, I think clear from this circumstance, “That
-some of the most deserving of those days, in their several professions,
-had not the fortune to attract the queen’s grace, in the proportion
-they might have expected.” I say nothing of poor SPENSER. Who has any
-concern for a poet[91]? But if merit alone had determined her majesty’s
-choice, it will hardly at this day admit a dispute, that the immortal
-HOOKER and BACON[92], at least, had ranked in another class than that,
-in which this great discerner of spirits thought fit to leave them.
-
-And her character; continued he, in every other respect is just as
-equivocal. For having touched one part of it, I now turn from these
-general considerations on the circumstances and genius of the time,
-to our more immediate subject, the PERSONAL QUALITIES of ELIZABETH.
-Hitherto we have stood aloof from the queen’s person. But there is no
-proceeding a step further in this debate, unless you allow me a little
-more liberty. May I then be permitted to draw the veil of ELIZABETH’S
-court, and, by the lights which history holds out to us, contemplate
-the mysteries, that were celebrated in that awful sanctuary?
-
-After so reverend a preface, replied Dr. ARBUTHNOT, I think you may
-be indulged in this liberty. And the rather, as I am not apprehensive
-that the honour of the illustrious queen is likely to suffer by it. The
-secrets of her cabinet-council, it may be, are not to be scanned by the
-profane. But it will be no presumption to step into the drawing-room.
-
-Yet I may be tempted, said Mr. ADDISON, to use a freedom in this survey
-of her majesty, that would not have been granted to her most favoured
-courtiers. As far as I can judge of her character, as displayed in that
-solemn scene of her court, she had some apparent VIRTUES, but more
-genuine VICES; which yet, in the public eye, had equally the fortune to
-reflect a lustre on her government.
-
-Her gracious affability, her love of her people, her zeal for the
-national glory; were not these her more obvious and specious qualities?
-Yet I doubt they were not so much the proper effects of her nature, as
-her policy; a set of spurious virtues, begotten by the very necessity
-of her affairs.
-
-For her AFFABILITY, she saw there was no way of being secure amidst
-the dangers of all sorts, with which she was surrounded; but by
-ingratiating herself with the body of the people. And, though in her
-nature she was as little inclined to this condescension as any of her
-successors, yet the expediency of this measure compelled her to save
-appearances. And it must be owned, she did it with grace, and even
-acted her part with spirit. Possibly the consideration of her being a
-female actor, was no disadvantage to her.
-
-But, when she had made this sacrifice to interest, her proper temper
-shewed itself clearly enough in the treatment of her nobles, and of all
-that came within the verge of the court. Her caprice, and jealousy,
-and haughtiness, appeared in a thousand instances. She took offence so
-easily, and forgave so difficultly, that even her principal ministers
-could hardly keep their ground, and were often obliged to redeem her
-favour by the lowest submissions. When nothing else would do, they
-sickened, and were even at death’s door: from which peril, however, she
-would sometimes relieve them; but not till she had exacted from them,
-in the way of penance, a course of the most mortifying humiliations.
-Nay, the very ladies of her court had no way to maintain their credit
-with her, but by, submitting patiently to the last indignities.
-
-It is allowed, from the instances you have in view, returned Dr.
-ARBUTHNOT, that her nature was something high and imperious. But these
-sallies of passion might well enough consist with her general character
-of affability.
-
-Hardly, as I conceive, answered Mr. ADDISON, if you reflect that
-these sallies, or rather habits of passion, were the daily terror and
-vexation of all about her. Her very minions seemed raised for no other
-purpose, than the exercise of her ill-humour. They were encouraged, by
-her smile, to presume on the royal countenance, and then beaten down
-again in punishment of that presumption. But, to say the truth, the
-slavish temper of the time was favourable to such exertions of female
-caprice and tyranny. Her imperious father, all whose virtues, she
-inherited, had taught her a sure way to quell the spirit of her nobles.
-They had been long used to stand in awe of the royal frown. And the
-people were pleased to find their betters ruled with so high a hand,
-at a time when they themselves were addressed with every expression of
-respect, and even flattery.
-
-She even carried this mockery so far, that, as HARRINGTON observes
-well, “she converted her reign, through the perpetual love-tricks
-that passed between her and her people, into a kind of romance.” And
-though that political projector, in prosecution of his favourite
-notion, supposes the queen to have been determined to these intrigues
-by observing, that the weight of property was fallen into the popular
-scale; yet we need look no further for an account of this proceeding,
-than the inherent haughtiness of her temper. She gratified the
-insolence of her nature, in neglecting, or rather beating down, her
-nobility, whose greatness might seem to challenge respect: while the
-court, she paid to the people, revolted her pride less, as passing only
-upon herself, as well as others, for a voluntary act of affability.
-Just as we every day see very proud men carry it with much loftiness
-towards their equals, or those who and raised to some nearness of
-degree to themselves; at the same time that they affect a sort of
-courtesy to such, as are confessedly beneath them.
-
-You see, then, what her boasted affability comes to. She gave good
-words to her people, whom it concerned her to be well with, and whom
-her pride itself allowed her to _manage_: she insulted her nobles, whom
-she had in her power, and whose abasement flattered the idea, she doted
-upon, of her own superiority and importance[93].
-
-Let the queen’s manner of treating her subjects be what it would, Dr.
-ARBUTHNOT said, it appears to have given no offence in those days,
-when the sincerity of her intentions was never questioned. Her whole
-life is a convincing argument; that she bore the most entire affection
-to her people.
-
-HER LOVE OF HER PEOPLE, returned Mr. ADDISON hastily, is with me a very
-questionable virtue. For what account shall we give of the multitude of
-penal statutes, passed in her reign? Or, because you will say, there
-was some colour for these; what excuse shall we make for her frequent
-grants of monopolies, so ruinous to the public wealth and happiness,
-and so perpetually complained of by her parliaments? You will say,
-she recalled them. She did so. But not till the general indignation
-had, in a manner, forced her to recall them. If by her _people_, be
-meant those of the poorer and baser sort only, it may be allowed, she
-seemed on all occasions willing to spare them. But for those of better
-rank and fortune, she had no such consideration. On the other hand,
-she contrived in many ways to pillage and distress them. It was the
-tameness of that time, to submit to every imposition of the sovereign.
-She had only to command her gentry on any service she thought fit, and
-they durst not decline it. How many of her wealthiest and best subjects
-did she impoverish by these means (though under colour, you may be
-sure, of her high favour); and sometimes by her very visits! I will not
-be certain, added he, that her visit to this pompous castle of her own
-LEICESTER, had any other intention.
-
-But what, above all, are we to think of her vow of celibacy, and her
-obstinate refusal to settle the succession, though at the constant
-hazard of the public peace and safety?
-
-You are hard put to it, I perceive, interrupted. Dr. ARBUTHNOT, to
-impeach the character of the queen in this instance, when a few penal
-laws, necessary to the support of her crown in that time of danger; one
-wrong measure of her government, and that corrected; the ordinary use
-of her prerogative; and even her virginity; are made crimes of. But I
-am curious to hear what you have to object to her ZEAL FOR THE ENGLISH
-GLORY, carried so high in her reign; and the single point, as it seems
-to me, to which all her measures and all her counsels were directed.
-
-The _English_ glory, Mr. ADDISON said, may, perhaps, mean the state and
-independency of the crown. And then, indeed, I have little to object.
-But, in any other sense of the word, I have sometimes presumed to
-question with myself, if it had not been better consulted, by more
-effectual assistance of the Reformed on the Continent; by a more
-vigorous prosecution of the war against _Spain_[94]; as I hinted
-before, by a more complete reduction of _Ireland_. But say, we are
-no judges of those high matters. What glory accrued to the _English_
-name, by the insidious dealing with the queen of _Scots_; by the
-vindictive proceedings against the duke of _Norfolk_; by the merciless
-persecutions of the unhappy earl of _Essex_? The same spirit, you see,
-continued from the beginning of this reign to the end of it. And the
-observation is the better worth attending to, because some have excused
-the queen’s treatment of ESSEX by saying, “That her nature, in that
-decline of life, was somewhat clouded by apprehensions; as the horizon,
-they observe, in the evening of the brightest day, is apt to be
-obscured by vapours[95].” As if this fanciful simile, which illustrates
-perhaps, could excuse, the perverseness of the queen’s temper; or, as
-if that could deserve to pass for an incident of age, which operated
-through life; and so declares itself to have been the proper result of
-her nature.
-
-You promised, interposed Dr. ARBUTHNOT, not to pry too closely into
-the secrets of the cabinet. And such I must needs esteem the points
-to be, which you have mentioned. But enough of these beaten topics.
-I would rather attend you in the survey you promised to take of her
-court, and of the princely qualities that adorned it. It is from what
-passes in the inside of his palace, rather than from some questionable
-public acts, that the real character of a prince is best determined.
-And there, methinks, you have a scene opened to you, that deserves your
-applause. Nothing appears but what is truly royal. Nobody knew better,
-than ELIZABETH, how to support the decorum of her rank. She presided
-in that high orb with the dignity of a great queen. In all emergencies
-of danger, she shewed a firmness, and, on all occasions of ceremony,
-a magnificence, that commanded respect and admiration. Her very
-diversions were tempered with a severity becoming her sex and place,
-and which made her court, even in its lightest and gayest humours, a
-school of virtue.
-
-These are the points, concluded he, I could wish you to speak to. The
-rest may be left to the judgment of the historian, or rather to the
-curiosity of the nice and critical politician.
-
-You shall be obeyed, Mr. ADDISON said. I thought it not amiss to
-take off the glare of those applauded qualities, which have dazzled
-the public at a distance, by shewing that they were either feigned
-or over-rated. But I come now to unmask the real character of this
-renowned princess. I shall paint her freely indeed, but truly as she
-appears to me. And, to speak my mind at once; I think it is not so
-much to her virtues, which at best were equivocal, as to her very
-VICES, that we are to impute the popular admiration of her character
-and government.
-
-I before took notice of the high, indecent PASSION, she discovered
-towards her courtiers. This fierceness of temper in the softer sex was
-taken for heroism; and, falling in with the slavish principles of the
-age, begot a degree of reverence in her subjects, which a more equal,
-that is a more becoming, deportment would not have produced. Hence, she
-was better served than most of our princes, only because she was more
-feared; in other words, because she less deserved to be so. But high as
-she would often carry herself in this unprincely, I had almost said,
-unwomanly, treatment of her servants; awing the men by her oaths, and
-her women by blows; it is still to be remembered, that she had a great
-deal of natural TIMIDITY in her constitution.
-
-What! interrupted Dr. ARBUTHNOT hastily, the magnanimous ELIZABETH
-a coward? I should as soon have expected that charge against CÆSAR
-himself, or your own MARLBOROUGH.
-
-I distinguish, Mr. ADDISON said, betwixt a parade of courage, put on to
-serve a turn, and keep her people in spirits, and that true greatness
-of mind, which, in one word, we call _magnanimity_. For this last,
-I repeat it, she either had it not, or not in the degree in which
-it has been ascribed to her. On the contrary, I see a littleness,
-a pusillanimity, in her conduct on a thousand occasions. Hence it
-was, that both to her people and such of the neighbouring states as
-she stood in awe of, she used an excessive hypocrisy, which, in the
-language of the court, you may be sure, was called policy. To the
-_Hollanders_, indeed, she could talk big; and it was not her humour to
-manage those over whom she had gained an ascendant. This has procured
-her, with many, the commendation of a princely magnanimity. But, on the
-other hand, when discontents were apprehended from her subjects, or
-when _France_ was to be diverted from any designs against her, no art
-was forgotten that might cajole their spirits with all the professions
-of cordiality and affection. Then she was _wedded_, that was the tender
-word, to her people: and then the interest of religion itself was
-sacrificed by this Protestant queen to her newly-perverted brother on
-the Continent.
-
-Her foible, in this respect, was no secret to her ministers. But, above
-all, it was practised upon most successfully by the Lord BURGHLEY; “for
-whom, as I have seem it observed, it was as necessary that there should
-be treasons, as for the state that they should be prevented[96].” Hence
-it was, that he was perpetually raising her fears, by the discovery
-of some plot, or, when that was wanting, by the proposal of some
-law for her greater security. In short, he was for ever finding, or
-making, or suggesting, dangers. The queen, though she would look big
-(for indeed she was an excellent actress), startled at the shadows of
-those dangers, the slightest rumours. And to this convenient timidity
-of his mistress, so constantly alarmed, and relieved in turn by this
-wily minister, was owing, in a good degree, that long and unrivalled
-interest, he held in her favour.
-
-Still, further, to this constitutional _fear_ (which might be forgiven
-to her sex, if it had not been so strangely mixed with a more than
-masculine ferocity in other instances) must be ascribed those favourite
-maxims of policy, which ran through her whole government. Never was
-prince more attached to the Machiavelian doctrine, DIVIDE ET IMPERA,
-than our ELIZABETH[97]. It made the soul of her policies, domestic
-and foreign. She countenanced the two prevailing factions of the time.
-The Churchmen and Puritans divided her favour so equally, that her
-favourites were sure to be the chiefs of the contending parties. Nay,
-her court was a constant scene of cabals and personal animosities. She
-gave a secret, and sometimes an open, countenance to these jealousies.
-The same principle directed all her foreign[98] negociations.
-
-And are you not aware, interrupted Dr. ARBUTHNOT, that this objected
-policy is the very topic that I, and every other admirer of the
-queen, would employ in commendation of her great ability in the art
-of government? It has been the fate of too many of our princes (and
-perhaps some late examples might be given) to be governed, and even
-insulted, by a prevailing party of their own subjects. ELIZABETH was
-superior to such attempts. She had no bye-ends to pursue. She frankly
-threw herself on her people. And, secure in their affection, could
-defeat at pleasure, or even divert herself with, the intrigues of this
-or that aspiring faction.
-
-We understand you, Mr. ADDISON replied; but when two parties are
-contending within a state, and one of them only in its true interest,
-the policy is a little extraordinary that should incline the sovereign
-to discourage _this_, from the poor ambition of controuling _that_, or,
-as you put it still worse, from the dangerous humour of playing with
-_both_ parties. I say nothing of later times. I only ask; if it was
-indifferent, whether the counsels of the CECILS or of LEICESTER were
-predominant in that reign? But I mentioned these things before, and I
-touch them again now, only to shew you, that this conduct, however it
-may be varnished over by the name of wisdom, had too much the air of
-fearful womanish intrigue, to consist with that heroical firmness and
-intrepidity so commonly ascribed to queen ELIZABETH[99].
-
-And what if, after all, I should admit, replied Dr. ARBUTHNOT, that, in
-the composition of a woman’s courage, at least, there might be some
-scruples of discretion? Is there any advantage, worth contending for,
-you could draw from such a concession? Or, because you would be thought
-serious, I will put the matter more gravely. The arts of prudence,
-you arraign so severely, could not be taken for pusillanimity. They
-certainly were not, in her own time; for she was not the less esteemed
-or revered by all the nations of _Europe_ on account of them. The most
-you can fairly conclude is, that she knew how to unite address with
-bravery, and that, on occasion, she could _dissemble_ her high spirit.
-The difficulties of her situation obliged her to this management.
-
-Rather say at once, returned Mr. ADDISON, that the constant
-dissimulation, for which she was so famous, was assumed to supply
-the want of a better thing, which had rendered all those arts as
-unnecessary as they were ignoble.
-
-But _haughtiness_ and _timidity_, pursued he, were not the only vices
-that turned to good account in the queen’s hands. She was frugal
-beyond all bounds of decorum in a prince, or rather AVARICIOUS beyond
-all reasonable excuse from the public wants and the state of her
-revenue. Nothing is more certain than this fact, from the allowance
-both of friends and enemies. It seems as if, in this respect, her
-father’s example had not been sufficient; and that, to complete her
-character, she had incorporated with many of his, the leading vice of
-her grandfather.
-
-Here Dr. ARBUTHNOT could not contain himself; and the castle happening
-at that time, from the point where they stood, to present the most
-superb prospect, “Look there, said he, on the striking, though small,
-remnants of that grandeur you just now magnified so much; and tell me
-if, in your conscience, you can believe such grants are the signs,
-or were the effects, of avarice. For you are not to learn, that this
-palace before us is not the only one in the kingdom, which bears the
-memory of the queen’s bounty to her servants.”
-
-Mr. ADDISON seemed a little struck with the earnestness of this
-address: “It is true, said he, the queen’s fondness for one or two of
-her favourites made her sometimes lavish of her grants; especially
-of what cost her nothing, and did not, it seems, offend the delicacy
-of her scruples; I mean, of the _church-lands_. But at the same time
-her treasury was shut against her ambassadors and foreign ministers;
-who complain of nothing more frequently than the slenderness of their
-appointments, and the small and slow remittances that were made
-to them. This frugality (for I must not call it by a worse name)
-distressed the public service on many occasions[100]; and would have
-done it on more, if the zeal of her trusty servants had not been
-content to carry it on at the expence of their own fortunes. How many
-instances might be given of this, if ONE were not more than sufficient,
-and which all posterity will remember with indignation!
-
-You speak of WALSINGHAM, interposed Dr. ARBUTHNOT. But were it not more
-candid to impute the poverty of that minister to his own generous
-contempt of riches, which he had doubtless many, fair occasions of
-procuring to himself, than to any designed neglect of him by his
-mistress?
-
-The candour, returned Mr. ADDISON, must be very extraordinary, that
-can find an excuse for the queen in a circumstance that doubles her
-disgrace. But be it as you pretend. The uncommon moderation of the
-man shall be a cover to the queen’s parsimony. It was not, we will
-say, for this wise princess to provoke an appetite for wealth in her
-servants: it was enough that she gratified it, on proper occasions,
-where she found it already raised. And in this proceeding, no doubt,
-she was governed by a tender regard, for their honour, as well as her
-own interest. For how is her great secretary ennobled, by filling a
-place in the short list of those worthies, who, having lived and died
-in the service of their countries, have left not so much as a pittance
-behind them, to carry them to their graves! All this is very well. But
-when she had indulged this humour in one or two of her favourites,
-and suffered them, for example’s sake, to ascend to these heights of
-honour, it was going, methinks, a little too far, to expect the same
-delicacy of virtue in all her courtiers. Yet it was not her fault, if
-most of them did not reap this fame of illustrious poverty, as well as
-WALSINGHAM. She dealt by them, indeed, as if she had ranked poverty, as
-well as celibacy, among the cardinal virtues.
-
-In the mean time, I would not deny that she had a princely fondness for
-shew and appearance. She took a pride in the brilliancy of her court.
-She delighted in the large trains of her nobility. She required to be
-royally entertained by them. And she thought her honour concerned in
-the figure they made in foreign courts, and in the wars. But, if she
-loved this pomp, she little cared to furnish the expence of it. She
-considered in good earnest (as some have observed, who would have the
-observation pass for a compliment[101]) _the purses of her subjects
-as her own_; and seemed to reckon on their being always open to her on
-any occasion of service, or even ceremony. She carried this matter so
-far, that the very expences of her wars were rather defrayed out of the
-private purses of her nobility, than the public treasury. As if she had
-taken it for a part of her _prerogative_ to impoverish her nobles at
-pleasure; or rather, as if she had a mind to have it thought that one
-of their _privileges_ was, to be allowed to ruin themselves from a zeal
-to her service.
-
-But the queen’s avarice, proceeded he, did not only appear from her
-excessive parsimony in the management of the public treasure, but from
-her rapacity in getting what she could from particulars into her privy
-purse. Hence it was that all offices, and even personal favours, were
-in a manner set to sale. For it was a rule with her majesty, to grant
-no suit but for a reasonable consideration. So that whoever pretended
-to any place of profit or honour was sure to send a jewel, or other
-rich present beforehand, to prepare her mind for the entertainment
-of his petition. And to what other purpose was it that she kept her
-offices so long vacant, but to give more persons an opportunity of
-winning a preference in her favour; which for the most part inclined
-to those who had appeared, in this interval, to deserve it best? Nay,
-the slightest disgust, which she frequently took on very frivolous
-occasions, could not be got over but by the reconciling means of some
-valuable or well fancied present. And, what was most grievous, she
-sometimes accepted the present, without remitting the offence.
-
-I remember a ridiculous instance of this sort. When the Lady LEICESTER
-wanted to obtain the pardon of her unfortunate son, the Lord ESSEX, she
-presented the queen with an exceeding rich gown, to the value of above
-an hundred pounds. She was well pleased with the gift, but thought no
-more of the pardon. We need not, after this, wonder at what is said of
-her majesty’s leaving a prodigious quantity of jewels and plate behind
-her, and even a _crowded wardrobe_. For so prevalent was this thrifty
-humour in the queen’s highness, that she could not persuade herself to
-part with so much, as a cast-gown to any of her servants[102].
-
-You allow yourself to be very gay, replied Dr. ARBUTHNOT, on this
-foible of the great queen. But one thing you forget, that it never
-biased her judgment so far as to prevent a fit choice of her servants
-on all occasions[103]. And, as to her wary management of the public
-revenue, which you take a pleasure to exaggerate, this, methinks, is
-a venial fault in a prince, who could not, in her circumstances; have
-provided for the expences of government, but by the nicest and most
-attentive economy.
-
-I understand, said Mr. ADDISON, the full force of that consideration;
-and believe it was that _attention_ principally, which occasioned the
-popularity of her reign, and the high esteem, in which the wisdom of
-her government is held to this day. The bulk of her subjects were, no
-doubt, highly pleased to find themselves spared on all occasions of
-expence. And it served at the same time, to gratify their natural envy
-of the great, to find, that _their_ fortunes were first and principally
-sacrificed to the public service. Nay, I am not sure that the very
-rapacity of her nature, in the sale of her offices, was any objection
-with the people at large, or even the lower gentry of the kingdom.
-For these, having no pretensions themselves to those offices, would
-be well enough pleased to see them not _bestowed_ on their betters,
-but dearly purchased by them. And then this traffic at court furnished
-the inferior gentry with a pretence for making the most of their
-magistracies. This practice at least must have been very notorious
-amongst them, when a facetious member of the lower house could define
-a justice of peace to be, “A living creature, that for half a dozen of
-chickens, will dispense with a whole dozen of penal statutes[104].”
-But, however this be, the queen’s ends, in every view, were abundantly
-answered. She enriched herself: she gained the affections of the
-people, and depressed and weakened the nobility. And by all these ways
-she effectually provided for, what she had ever most at heart, her own
-supreme and uncontrolled authority.
-
-And is that to be wondered at in a great prince? returned Dr.
-ARBUTHNOT. Or, to take the matter in the light you place it, what if
-the queen had so much of her sex[105] and family in her disposition, as
-to like well enough to have her own way, is this such a crime as you
-would make of it? If she loved power, it was not to make a wanton or
-oppressive use of it. And if all princes knew as well to bound their
-own wills, as she did, we should not much complain of their impatience
-to be under the control of their subjects.
-
-I am sorry, said Mr. ADDISON, that the acts of her reign will not allow
-me to come into this opinion of her moderation. On the other hand, her
-government appears to me, in many instances, OPPRESSIVE, and highly
-prejudicial to the ancient rights and privileges of her people. For
-what other construction can we make of her frequent interposition
-to restrain the counsels of their representatives in parliament:
-threatening some, imprisoning others, and silencing all with the
-thunder of her prerogative? Or, when she had suffered their counsels to
-ripen into bills, what shall we say of her high and mighty rejection of
-them, and that not in single and extraordinary cases, but in matters
-of ordinary course, and by dozens? I pass by other instances. But was
-her _moderation_ seen in dilapidating the revenues of the church; of
-that church, which she took under the wing of her supremacy, and would
-be thought to have sheltered from all its enemies[106]. The honest
-archbishop PARKER, I have heard, ventured to remonstrate against this
-abuse, the cognizance of which came so directly within his province.
-But to what effect, may be gathered, not only from the continuance
-of these depredations, but her severe reprehension of another of her
-bishops, whom she threatened with an oath to UNFROCK—that was her
-majesty’s own word—if he did not immediately give way to her princely
-extortions.
-
-It may be hardly worth while to take notice of smaller matters. But
-who does not resent her capricious tyranny, in disgracing such of
-her servants as presumed to deviate, on any pretence, from her good
-pleasure; nay, such as gave an implicit obedience to her will, if it
-stood with her interest to disgrace them? Something, I know, may be
-said to excuse the proceedings against the queen of _Scots_. But the
-fate of DAVISON will reflect eternal dishonour on the policy, with
-which that measure was conducted.
-
-I run over these things hastily, continued Mr. ADDISON, and in no
-great order: but you will see what to conclude from these hints; which
-taken together, I believe, may furnish a proper answer to the most
-considerable parts of your apology.
-
-To sum it up in few words. Those two great events of her time, THE
-ESTABLISHMENT OF THE REFORMATION, and THE TRIUMPH OVER THE POWER OF
-SPAIN, cast an uncommon lustre on the reign of ELIZABETH. Posterity,
-dazzled with these obvious successes, went into an excessive admiration
-of her personal virtues. And what has served to brighten them the more,
-is the place in which we chance to find her, between the bigot queen on
-the one hand, and the pedant king on the other. No wonder then that, on
-the first glance, her government should appear able, and even glorious.
-Yet, in looking into particulars, we find that much is to be attributed
-to fortune, as well as skill; and that her glory is even lessened by
-considerations, which, on a careless view, may seem to augment it.
-The difficulties, she had to encounter, were great. Yet these very
-difficulties, of themselves, created the proper means to surmount
-them. They sharpened the wits, inflamed the spirits, and united the
-affections, of a whole people. The name of her great enemy on the
-continent, at that time, carried terror with it. Yet his power was, in
-reality, much less than it appeared. The _Spanish_ empire was corrupt
-and weak, and tottered under its own weight. But this was a secret
-even to the _Spaniard_ himself. In the mean time, the confidence,
-which the opinion of great strength inspires, was a favourable
-circumstance. It occasioned a remissness and neglect of counsel
-on one side, in proportion as it raised the utmost vigilance and
-circumspection on the other. But this was not all. The religious feuds
-in the Low Countries—the civil wars in _France_—the distractions of
-_Scotland_—all concurred to advance the fortunes of ELIZABETH. Yet all
-had, perhaps, been too little in that grand crisis of her fate, and, as
-it fell out, of her glory, if the conspiring elements themselves had
-not fought for her.
-
-Such is the natural account of her foreign triumphs. Her domestic
-successes admit as easy a solution. Those external dangers themselves,
-the genius of the time, the state of religious parties, nay, the very
-factions of her court, all of them directly, or by the slightest
-application of her policy, administered to her greatness. Such was the
-condition of the times, that it forced her to assume the resemblance,
-at least, of some popular _virtues_: and so singular her fortune, that
-her very _vices_ became as respectable, perhaps more useful to her
-reputation, than her virtues. She was vigilant in her counsels; careful
-in the choice of her servants; courteous and condescending to her
-subjects. She appeared to have an extreme tenderness for the interests,
-and an extreme zeal for the honour, of the nation. This was the bright
-side of her character; and it shone the brighter from the constant and
-imminent dangers, to which she was exposed. On the other hand, she was
-choleric, and imperious; jealous, timid, and avaricious: oppressive,
-as far as she durst; in many cases capricious, in some tyrannical.
-Yet these vices, some of them sharpened and refined her policy, and
-the rest, operating chiefly towards her courtiers and dependents,
-strengthened her authority, and rooted her more firmly in the hearts
-of the people. The mingled splendour of these qualities, good and bad
-(for even her worst had the luck, when seen but on one side, or in
-well-disposed lights to look like good ones) so far dazzled the eyes
-of all, that they did not, or would not, see many outrageous acts of
-tyranny and oppression.
-
-And thus it hath come to pass that, with some ability, more cunning,
-and little real virtue, the name of ELIZABETH is, by the concurrence
-of many accidental causes, become the most revered of any in the long
-roll of our princes. How little she merited this honour, may appear
-from this slight sketch of her character and government. Yet, when all
-proper abatement is made in both, I will not deny her to have been
-a great, that is, a _fortunate_, queen; in this, perhaps, the most
-fortunate, that she has attained to so unrivalled a glory with so few
-pretensions to deserve it.
-
-And so, replied Dr. ARBUTHNOT, you have concluded your invective in
-full form, and rounded it, as the ancient orators used to do, with
-all the advantage of a peroration. But, setting aside this trick of
-eloquence, which is apt indeed to confound a plain man, unused to such
-artifices, I see not but you have left the argument much as you took
-it up; and that I may still have leave to retain my former reverence
-for the good old times of queen ELIZABETH. It is true, she had some
-foibles. You have spared, I believe, none of them. But, to make amends
-for these defects, let but the history of her reign speak for her, I
-mean in its own artless language, neither corrupted by flattery, nor
-tortured by invidious glosses; and we must ever conceive of her, I
-will not say as the most faultless, perhaps not the most virtuous,
-but surely the most able, and, from the splendour of some leading
-qualities, the most glorious of our _English_ monarchs.
-
-To give you my notion of her in few Words.—For the dispute, I find,
-must end, as most others usually do, in the simple representation of
-our own notions.—She was discreet, frugal, provident, and sagacious;
-intent on the pursuit of her great ends, _the establishment of
-religion_, and _the security and honour of her people_: prudent in
-the choice of the best _means_ to effect them, the employment of able
-servants, and the management of the public revenue; dexterous at
-improving all advantages which her own wisdom or the circumstances
-of the times gave her: fearless and intrepid in the execution of
-great designs, yet careful to unite the deepest foresight with her
-magnanimity. If she seemed AVARICIOUS, let it be considered that the
-nicest frugality was but necessary in her situation: if IMPERIOUS,
-that a female government needed to be made respectable by a shew
-of authority: and if at any time OPPRESSIVE, that the _English_
-constitution, as it then stood, as well as her own nature, had a good
-deal of that bias.
-
-In a word, let it be remembered, that she had the honour of
-ruling[107], perhaps of forming, the wisest, the bravest, the most,
-virtuous people, that have adorned any age or country; and that she
-advanced the glory of the _English_ name and that of her own dignity to
-a height, which has no parallel in the annals of our nation.
-
-Mr. DIGBY, who had been very attentive to the course of this debate,
-was a little disappointed with the conclusion of it. He thought to have
-settled his judgment of this reign by the information his two friends
-should afford him. But he found himself rather perplexed by their
-altercations, than convinced by them. He owned, however, the pleasure
-they had given him; and said, he had profited so much at least by the
-occasion, that, for the future, he should conceive with something less
-reverence of the great queen, and should proceed with less prejudice to
-form his opinion of her character and administration.
-
-Mr. ADDISON did not appear quite satisfied with this sceptical
-conclusion; and was going to enforce some things, which he thought had
-been touched too slightly, when Dr. ARBUTHNOT took notice that their
-walk was now at an end; the path, they had taken, having by this time
-brought them round again to the walls of the castle. Besides, he said,
-he found himself much wearied with this exercise; though the warmth
-of debate, and the opportunities he took of resting himself at times,
-had kept him from complaining of it. He proposed, therefore, getting
-into the coach as soon as possible; where, though the conversation was
-in some sort resumed, there was nothing material enough advanced on
-either side to make it necessary for me to continue this recital any
-further.
-
-
-
-
- DIALOGUE V.
-
- ON THE
-
- CONSTITUTION
-
- OF THE
-
- ENGLISH GOVERNMENT.
-
- BETWEEN
-
- SIR JOHN MAYNARD, MR. SOMERS,
-
- AND
-
- BISHOP BURNET.
-
-
-
-
- DIALOGUE V.
-
- ON THE CONSTITUTION OF THE ENGLISH GOVERNMENT.
-
- SIR JOHN MAYNARD, MR. SOMERS, BISHOP BURNET[108].
-
-
-TO DR. TILLOTSON.
-
-Though the principles of nature and common sense do fully authorise
-resistance to the civil magistrate in extreme cases, and of course
-justify the late Revolution to every candid and dispassionate man; yet
-I am sensible, my excellent friend, there are many prejudices which
-hinder the glorious proceedings in that affair from being seen in
-their true light. The principal of them, indeed, are founded on false
-systems of policy, and those tied down on the consciences of men by
-wrong notions of religion. And such as these, no doubt, through the
-experience of a better government, and a juster turn of thinking, which
-may be expected to prevail in our times, will gradually fall away of
-themselves.
-
-But there is another set of notions on this subject, not so easy to be
-discredited, and which are likely to keep their hold on the minds even
-of the more sober and considerate sort of men. For whatever advantage
-the cause of liberty may receive from general reasonings on the origin
-and nature of civil government, the greater part of our countrymen will
-consider, and perhaps rightly, the inquiry into the constitution of
-_their_ own government, as a question of FACT; that must be tried by
-authorities and precedents only; and decided at last by the evidence of
-historical testimony, not by the conclusions of philosophy or political
-speculation.
-
-Now, though we are agreed that this way of managing the controversy
-must, when fully and fairly pursued, be much in favour of the new
-settlement, yet neither, I think, is it for every man’s handling, nor
-is the evidence resulting from it of a nature to compel our assent. The
-argument is formed on a vast variety of particulars, to be collected
-only from a large and intimate acquaintance with the antiquities,
-laws, and usages of the kingdom. Our printed histories are not only
-very short and imperfect; but the original records, which the curious
-have in their possession, are either so obscure or so scanty, that a
-willing adversary hath always in readiness some objection, or some
-cavil at least, to oppose to the evidence that may be drawn from them.
-Besides, appearances, even in the plainest and most unquestioned parts
-of our history, are sometimes so contradictory; arising either from
-the tyranny of the prince, the neglect of the people, or some other
-circumstance of the times; and, to crown all, the question itself hath
-been so involved by the disputations of prejudiced and designing men;
-that the more intelligent inquirer is almost at a loss to determine for
-himself, on which side the force of evidence lies.
-
-On this account I have frequently thought with myself, that a right
-good CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY of _England_ would be the noblest service
-that any man, duly qualified for the execution of such a work, could
-render to his country. For though, as I said, the subject be obscure in
-itself, and perplexed by the subtilties which contending parties have
-invented for the support of their several schemes; yet, from all I have
-been able to observe in the course of my own reading, or conversation,
-there is little doubt but that the form of the _English_ government
-hath, at all times, been FREE. So that, if such a history were drawn up
-with sufficient care out of our authentic papers and public monuments,
-it would not only be matter of entertainment to the curious, but
-the greatest security to every _Englishman_ of his religions and
-civil rights. For what can be conceived, more likely to preserve and
-perpetuate these rights, than the standing evidence which such a work
-would afford, of the genuine spirit and temper of the constitution? Of
-the principles of freedom[109], on which it was formed, and on which
-it hath been continually and uniformly conducted? Our youth, who at
-present amuse themselves with little more than the military part of our
-annals, would then have an easy opportunity of seeing to the bottom of
-all our civil and domestic broils. They would know on what pretences
-the PREROGATIVE of our kings hath sometimes aspired to exalt itself
-above controul; and would learn to revere the magnanimity of their
-forefathers, who as constantly succeeded in their endeavours to reduce
-it within the ancient limits and boundaries of the LAW. In a word,
-they would no longer rest on the surface and outside, as it were, of
-the _English_ affairs, but would penetrate the interior parts of our
-constitution; and furnish themselves with a competent degree of civil
-and political wisdom; the most solid fruit that can be gathered from
-the knowledge and experience of past times.
-
-And I am ready to think that such a provision as this, for the
-instruction of the _English_ youth, may be the more requisite, on
-account of that limited indeed, yet awful form of government, under
-which we live. For, besides the name, and other ensigns of majesty, in
-common with those who wear the most despotic crown, the whole execution
-of our laws, and the active part of government, is in the hands of the
-prince. And this pre-eminence gives him so respectable a figure in the
-eyes of his subjects, and presents him so constantly, and with such
-lustre of authority, to their minds, that it is no wonder they are
-sometimes disposed to advance him, from the rank of first magistrate of
-a free people, into that of supreme and sole arbiter of the laws.
-
-So that, unless these prejudices are corrected by the knowledge of our
-constitutional history, there is constant reason to apprehend, not only
-that the royal authority may stretch itself beyond due bounds; but may
-grow, at length, into that enormous tyranny, from which this nation
-hath been at other times so happily, and now of late so wonderfully,
-redeemed.
-
-But I suffer myself to be carried by these reflexions much further than
-I designed. I would only say to you, that, having sometimes reflected
-very seriously on this subject, it was with the highest pleasure I
-heard it discoursed of the other day by two of the most accomplished
-lawyers of our age: the venerable Sir JOHN MAYNARD, who, for a long
-course of years, hath maintained the full credit and dignity of his
-profession; and Mr. SOMERS, who, though a young man, is rising apace,
-and with proportionable merits, into all the honours of it.
-
-I was very attentive, as you may suppose, to the progress of this
-remarkable conversation; and, as I had the honour to bear a full share
-in it myself, I may the rather undertake to give you a particular
-account of it. I know the pleasure it will give you to see a subject,
-you have much at heart, and which we have frequently talked over in the
-late times, thoroughly, canvassed, and cleared up; as I think it must
-be, to your entire satisfaction.
-
-It was within a day or two after that great event, so pleasing to
-all true _Englishmen_, THE CORONATION OF THEIR MAJESTIES[110], that
-Mr. SOMERS and I went; as we sometimes used, to pass an evening with
-our excellent friend, my Lord Commissioner[111]. I shall not need
-to attempt his character to you, who know him so well. It is enough
-to say, that his faculties and spirits are, even in this maturity of
-age, in great vigour. And it seems as if this joyful Revolution, so
-agreeable to his hopes and principles, had given a fresh spring and
-elasticity to both.
-
-The conversation of course turned on the late august ceremony; the
-mention of which awakened a sort of rapture in the good old man, which
-made him overflow in his meditations upon it. Seeing us in admiration
-of the zeal which transported him, “Bear with me, said he, my young
-friends. Age, you know, hath its privilege. And it may be, I use it
-somewhat unreasonably. But I, who have seen the prize of liberty
-contending for through half a century, to find it obtained at last
-by a method so sure, and yet so unexpected, do you think it possible
-that I should contain myself on such an occasion? Oh, if ye had lived
-with me in those days, when such mighty struggles were made for public
-freedom, when so many wise counsels miscarried, and so many generous
-enterprises concluded but in the confirmation of lawless tyranny; if,
-I say, ye had lived in those days, and now at length were able to
-contrast with me, to the tragedies that were then acted, this safe,
-this bloodless, this complete deliverance: I am mistaken, if the
-youngest of you could reprove me for this joy, which makes me think I
-can never say enough on so delightful a subject.
-
-
-BP. BURNET.
-
-Reprove you, my lord? Alas! we are neither of us so unexperienced in
-what hath passed of late in these kingdoms, as not to rejoice with you
-to the utmost for this astonishing deliverance. You know I might boast
-of being among the first that wished for, I will not say projected, the
-measures by which it hath been accomplished. And for Mr. SOMERS, the
-church of _England_ will tell——
-
-
-MR. SOMERS.
-
-I confess, my warmest wishes have ever gone along with those who
-conducted this noble enterprise. And I pretend to as sincere a
-pleasure as any man, in the completion of it. Yet, if we were not
-unreasonable at such a time, I might be tempted to mention one
-circumstance, which, I know not how, a little abates the joy of these
-triumphant gratulations.
-
-
-SIR J. MAYNARD.
-
-Is not the settlement then to your mind? Or hath any precaution been
-neglected, which you think necessary for the more effectual security of
-our liberties?
-
-
-MR. SOMERS.
-
-Not that. I think the provision for the people’s right as ample as
-needs be desired. Or, if any further restrictions on the crown be
-thought proper, it will now be easy for the people, in a regular
-parliamentary way, to effect it. What I mean is a consideration of much
-more importance.
-
-
-BP. BURNET.
-
-The pretended prince of WALES, you think, will be raising some
-disturbance, or alarm at least, to the new government. I believe,
-I may take upon me to give you perfect satisfaction upon that
-subject[112].
-
-
-MR. SOMERS.
-
-Still your conjectures fall short or wide of my meaning. Our new
-MAGNA CHARTA, as I love to call the _Declaration of Rights_, seems
-a sufficient barrier against any future encroachments of the CROWN.
-And I think, the pretended prince of WALES, whatever be determined of
-his birth, a mere phantom, that may amuse, and perhaps disquiet, the
-weaker sort for a while; but, if left to itself[113], will soon vanish
-out of the minds of the PEOPLE. Not but I allow that even so thin a
-pretence as this may, some time or other, be conjured up to disturb the
-government. But it must be, when a certain set of principles are called
-in aid to support it. And, to save you the further trouble of guessing,
-I shall freely tell you, what those _principles_ are.—You will see, in
-them, the ground of my present fears and apprehensions.
-
-It might be imagined that so necessary a Revolution, as that which hath
-taken place, would sufficiently approve itself to all reasonable men.
-And it appears, in fact, to have done so, now that the public injuries
-are fresh, and the general resentment of them strong and lively. But it
-too often happens, that when the evil is once removed, it is presently
-forgotten: and in matters of government especially, where the people
-rarely think till they are made to feel, when the grievance is taken
-away, the false system easily returns, and sometimes with redoubled
-force, which had given birth to it.
-
-
-BP. BURNET.
-
-One can readily admit the principles. But the conclusion, you propose
-to draw from them—
-
-
-MR. SOMERS.
-
-This very important one, “That, if the late change of government was
-brought about, and can be defended only, on the principles of liberty;
-the settlement, introduced by it, can be thought secure no longer than
-while those principles are rightly understood, and generally admitted.”
-
-
-BP. BURNET.
-
-But what reason is there to apprehend that these principles, so
-commonly professed and publickly avowed, will not continue to be kept
-up in full vigour?
-
-
-MR. SOMERS.
-
-Because, I doubt, they are so commonly and publickly avowed, only to
-serve a present turn; and not because they come from the heart, or are
-entertained on any just ground of conviction.
-
-
-BP. BURNET.
-
-Very likely: and considering the pains that have been taken to possess
-the minds of men with other notions of government, the wonder is, how
-they came to be entertained at all. Yet surely the experience of better
-times may be expected to do much. Men will of course think more justly
-on these subjects in proportion as they find themselves more happy. And
-thus the principles, which, as you say, were first pretended to out of
-necessity, will be followed out of choice, and bound upon them by the
-conclusions of their own reason.
-
-
-MR. SOMERS.
-
-I wish your lordship be not too sanguine in these expectations. It is
-not to be conceived how insensible the people are to the blessings they
-enjoy, and how easily they forget their past miseries. So that, if
-their principles have not taken deep root, I would not answer for their
-continuing much longer than it served their purpose to make a shew of
-them.
-
-
-SIR J. MAYNARD.
-
-I must confess, that all my experience of mankind inclines me to this
-opinion. I could relate to you some strange instances of the sort
-Mr. SOMERS hints at. But after all, Sir, you do not indulge these
-apprehensions, on account of the general fickleness of human nature.
-You have some more particular reasons for concluding that the system
-of liberty, which hath worked such wonders of late, is not likely to
-maintain its ground amongst us.
-
-
-MR. SOMERS.
-
-I have: and I was going to explain those reasons, if my lord of
-SALISBURY had not a little diverted me from the pursuit of them.
-
-It is very notorious from the common discourse of men even on this
-great occasion (and I wish it had not appeared too evidently in the
-debates of the houses), that very many of us have but crude notions
-of the form of government under which we live, and which hath been
-transmitted to us from our forefathers. I have met with persons of
-no mean rank, and supposed to be well seen in the history of the
-kingdom, who speak a very strange language. They allow, indeed, that
-something was to be done in the perilous circumstances into which we
-had fallen. But, when they come to explain themselves, it is in a way
-that leaves us no _right_ to do any thing; at least, not what it was
-found expedient for the nation to do at this juncture. For they contend
-in so many words, “that the crown of _England is absolute_; that the
-form of government is an _entire and simple monarchy_; and that so it
-hath continued to be in every period of it down to the Abdication:
-that the CONQUEST, at least, to ascend no higher, invested the FIRST
-WILLIAM in absolute dominion; that from him it devolved of course
-upon his successors; and that all the pretended rights of the people,
-the GREAT CHARTERS of ancient and modern date, were mere usurpations
-on the prince, extorted from him by the necessity of his affairs,
-and revocable at his pleasure: nay, they insinuate that parliaments
-themselves were the creatures of his will; that their privileges were
-all derived from the sovereign’s grant; and that they made no part in
-the original frame and texture of the _English_ government.
-
-In support of this extraordinary system, they refer us to the constant
-tenor of our history. They speak of the Conqueror, as proprietary of
-the whole kingdom: which accordingly, they say, he parcelled out, as
-he saw fit, in grants to his _Norman_ and _English_ subjects: that,
-through his partial consideration of the church, and an excessive
-liberality to his favoured servants, this distribution was so ill made,
-as to give occasion to all the broils and contentions that followed:
-that the churchmen began their unnatural claim of independency on the
-crown; in which attempt they were soon followed by the encroaching
-and too powerful barons: that, in these struggles, many flowers of
-the crown were rudely torn from it, till a sort of truce was made,
-and the rebellious humour somewhat composed, by the extorted articles
-of RUNNING-MEDE: that these confusions, however, were afterwards
-renewed, and even increased, by the contests of the two houses of YORK
-and LANCASTER: but that, upon the union of the roses in the person
-of HENRY VII, these commotions were finally appeased, and the crown
-restored to its ancient dignity and lustre: that, indeed, the usage of
-parliaments, with some other forms of popular administration, which
-had been permitted in the former irregular reigns, was continued; but
-of the mere grace of the prince, and without any consequence to his
-prerogative: that succeeding kings, and even HENRY himself, considered
-themselves as possessed of an imperial crown; and that, though they
-might sometimes condescend to take the advice, they were absolutely
-above the control, of the people: in short, that the law itself was
-but the will of the prince, declared in parliament; or rather solemnly
-received and attested there, for the better information and more
-entire obedience of the subject.
-
-This they deliver as a just and fair account of the _English_
-government; the genius of which, they say, is absolute and despotic in
-the highest degree; as much so, at least, as that of any other monarchy
-in _Europe_. They ask, with an air of insult, what restraint our HENRY
-VIII, and our admired ELIZABETH, would ever suffer to be put on their
-prerogative; and they mention with derision the fancy of dating the
-high pretensions of the crown from the accession of the STUART family.
-They affirm, that JAMES I, and his son, aimed only to continue the
-government on the footing on which they had received it; that their
-notions of it were authorized by constant fact; by the evidence of our
-histories; by the language of parliaments; by the concurrent sense of
-every order of men amongst us: and that what followed in the middle of
-this century was the mere effect of POPULAR, as many former disorders
-had been of PATRICIAN, violence. In a word, they conclude with saying,
-that the old government revived again at the RESTORATION, just as, in
-like circumstances, it had done before at the UNION of the two houses:
-that, in truth, the voluntary desertion of the late king have given a
-colour to the innovation of the present year; but that, till this new
-settlement was made, the _English_ constitution, as implying something
-different from pure monarchy, was an unintelligible notion, or rather a
-mere whimsy, that had not the least foundation in truth or history.”
-
-This is a summary of the doctrines, which, I doubt, are too current
-amongst us. I do not speak of the bigoted adherents to the late king;
-but of many cooler and more disinterested men, whose _religious_
-principles, as I suppose (for it appears it could not be their
-_political_), had engaged them to concur in the new settlement. You
-will judge, then, if there be not reason to apprehend much mischief
-from the prevalence and propagation of such a system: a system, which,
-as being, in the language of the patrons of it, founded upon _fact_,
-is the more likely to impose upon the people; and, as referring to
-the practice of ancient times, is not for every man’s confutation.
-I repeat it, therefore; if this notion of the despotic form of our
-government become general, I tremble to think what effect it may
-hereafter produce on the minds of men; especially when joined to that
-false tenderness, which the people of _England_ are so apt to entertain
-for their princes, even the worst of them, under misfortune. I might
-further observe, that this prerogative system hath a direct tendency
-to produce, as well as heighten, this compassion to the sovereign. And
-I make no scruple to lay it before you with all its circumstances,
-because I know to whom I speak, and that I could not have wished for a
-better opportunity of hearing it confuted.
-
-
-BP. BURNET.
-
-I must own, though I was somewhat unwilling to give way to such
-melancholy apprehensions at this time, I think with Mr. SOMERS, there
-is but too much reason to entertain them. For my own part, I am apt
-to look no further for the _right_ of the legislature to settle the
-government in their own way, than their own free votes and resolutions.
-For, being used to consider all political power as coming originally
-from the people, it seems to me but fitting that they should dispose
-of that power for their own use, in what hands, and under what
-conditions, they please. Yet, as much regard is due to established
-forms and ancient prescription, I think the matter of _fact_ of great
-consequence; and, if the people in general should once conceive of
-it according to this representation, I should be very anxious for
-the issue of so dangerous an opinion. I must needs, therefore, join
-very entirely with Mr. SOMERS, in wishing to hear the whole subject
-canvassed, or rather finally determined, as it must be, if Sir JOHN
-MAYNARD will do us the pleasure to acquaint us what his sentiments are
-upon it.
-
-
-SIR J. MAYNARD.
-
-Truly, my good friends, you have opened a very notable cause, and in
-good form. Only, methinks, a little less solemnity, if you had so
-pleased, might have better suited the occasion. Why, I could almost
-laugh, to hear you talk of feats and dangers from a phantom of your
-own raising. I certainly believe the common proverb belies us; and
-that old age is not that dastardly thing it hath been represented.
-For, instead of being terrified by this conceit of a prescriptive
-right in our sovereigns to tyrannize over the subject, I am ready
-to think the contrary so evident from the constant course of our
-history, that the simplest of the people are in no hazard of falling
-into the delusion. I should rather have apprehended mischief from other
-quarters; from the influence of certain speculative points, which
-have been to successfully propagated of late; and chiefly from those
-pernicious glosses, which too many of my order have made on the letter
-or the law, and too many of yours, my lord of SALISBURY, on that of
-the gospel. Trust me, if the matter once came to a question of FACT,
-and the inquiry be only concerning ancient form and precedent, the
-decision will be in our favour. And for yourselves, I assure myself,
-this decision is already made. But since you are willing to put me upon
-the task, and we have leisure enough for such an amusement, I shall
-very readily undertake it. And the rather, as I have more than once in
-my life had occasion to go to the bottom of this inquiry; and now very
-lately have taken a pleasure to reflect on the general evidence which
-history affords of our free constitution, and to review the scattered
-hints and passages I had formerly set down for my private satisfaction.
-
-“I understand the question to be, not under what _form_ the government
-hath appeared at some particular conjunctures, but what we may conclude
-it to have been from the general current and tenor of our histories.
-More particularly, I conceive, you would ask, not whether the
-_administration_ hath not at some seasons been DESPOTIC, but whether
-the _genius_ of the government hath not at all times been FREE. Or, if
-you do not think the terms, in which I propose the question, strict
-enough, you will do well to state it in your own way, that hereafter we
-may have no dispute about it.
-
-
-BP. BURNET.
-
-I suppose, the question, as here put, is determinate enough for our
-purpose.—Or, have you, Mr. SOMERS, any exceptions to make to it?
-
-
-MR. SOMERS.
-
-I believe we understand each other perfectly well; the question being
-only this, “Whether there be any ground in history, to conclude that
-the prince hath a constitutional claim to absolute uncontrolable
-dominion; or, whether the liberty of the subject be not essential
-to every different form, under which the _English_ government hath
-appeared?”
-
-
-SIR J. MAYNARD.
-
-You expect of me then to shew, in opposition to the scheme just now
-delivered by you, that neither from the original constitution of the
-government, nor from the various forms (for they have, indeed, been
-various) under which it hath been administered, is there any reason
-to infer, that the _English_ monarchy is, or of right ought to be,
-despotic and unlimited.
-
-Now this I take to be the easiest of all undertakings; so very easy,
-that I could trust a plain man to determine the matter for himself
-by the light that offers itself to him from the slightest of our
-histories. ’Tis true, the deeper his researches go, his conviction
-will be the clearer; as any one may see by dipping into my friend NAT.
-BACON’S discourses; where our free constitution is set forth with that
-evidence, as must for ever have silenced the patrons of the other
-side, if he had not allowed himself to strain some things beyond what
-the truth, or indeed his cause, required. But, saving to myself the
-benefit of his elaborate work, I think it sufficient to take notice,
-that the system of liberty is supported even by that short sketch of
-our history, which Mr. SOMERS hath laid before us; and in spite of the
-disguises, with which, as he tells us, the enemies of liberty have
-endeavoured to cloak it.
-
-You do not, I am sure, expect from me, that I should go back to the
-elder and more remote parts of our history; that I should take upon
-me to investigate the scheme of government, which hath prevailed in
-this kingdom from the time that the _Roman_ power departed from us; or
-that I should even lay myself out in delineating, as many have done,
-the plan of the _Saxon_ constitution: though such an attempt might not
-be unpleasing, nor altogether without its use, as the _principles_
-of the _Saxon_ policy, and in some respects the _form_ of it, have
-been constantly kept up in every succeeding period of the _English_
-monarchy. I content myself with observing, that the spirit of liberty
-was predominant in those times: and, for proof of it, appeal at present
-only to one single circumstance, which you will think remarkable. Our
-_Saxon_ ancestors conceived so little of government, by the will of the
-magistrate, without fixed laws, that LAGA, or LEAGA, which in their
-language first and properly signified the same as LAW with us, was
-transferred[114] very naturally (for language always conforms itself
-to the genius, temper, and manners of a nation) to signify a country,
-district, or province; these good people having no notion of any
-inhabited country not governed by laws. Thus DÆNA-LAGA; MERKENA-LAGA;
-and WESTSEXENA-LAGA, were not only used in their laws and history to
-signify the _laws_ of the _Danes_, _Mercians_, and _West-Saxons_, but
-the _countries_ likewise. Of which usage I could produce to you many
-instances, if I did not presume that, for so small a matter as this,
-my mere word might be taken.
-
-You see then how fully the spirit of liberty possessed the very
-language of our _Saxon_ forefathers. And it might well do so; for it
-was of the essence of the _German_ constitutions; a just notion of
-which (so uniform was the genius of the brave people that planned them)
-may be gathered, you know, from what the _Roman_ historians, and, above
-all, from what TACITUS hath recorded of them.
-
-But I forbear so common a topic: and, besides, I think myself acquitted
-of this task, by the prudent method, which the defenders of the regal
-power have themselves taken in conducting this controversy. For, as
-conscious of the testimony which the _Saxon_ times are ready to bear
-against them, they are wise enough to lay the foundation of their
-system in the CONQUEST. They look, no higher than that event for the
-origin of the _constitution_, and think they have a notable advantage
-over us in deducing their notion of the _English_ government from
-the form it took in the hands of the _Norman_ invader. But is it not
-pleasant to hear these men calumniate the improvements that have been
-made from time to time in the plan of our civil constitution with
-the name of _usurpations_, when they are not ashamed to erect the
-_constitution_ itself on what _they_ must esteem, at least, a great and
-manifest usurpation?
-
-
-BP. BURNET.
-
-CONQUEST, I suppose, in their opinion, gives _right_. And since
-an inquiry into the origin of a constitution requires that we fix
-_somewhere_, considering the vast alterations introduced by the
-Conquest, and that we have never pretended to reject, but only to
-improve and complete, the duke of NORMANDY’S establishment; I believe
-it may be as proper to set out from that æra as from any other.
-
-
-SIR J. MAYNARD.
-
-Your lordship does not imagine that I am about to excuse myself from
-closing with them, even on their own terms. I intended that question
-only as a reproach to the persons we have to deal with; who, when
-a successful event makes, or but seems to make, for their idol of
-an absolute monarchy, call it a regular establishment: whereas a
-revolution brought about by the justest means, if the cause of liberty
-receive an advantage by it, shall be reviled by the name of usurpation.
-But let them employ what names they please, provided their facts be
-well grounded. We will allow them to dignify the _Norman_ settlement
-with the title of CONSTITUTION. What follows? That _despotism_ was of
-the essence of that constitution? So they tell us indeed; but without
-one word of proof, for the assertion. For what! do they think the
-name of conquest, or even the _thing_, implies an absolute unlimited
-dominion? Have they forgotten that WILLIAM’S claim to the crown was,
-not _conquest_ (though it enabled him to support his claim), but
-_testamentary succession_: a title very much in the taste of that
-time[115], and extremely reverenced by our _Saxon_ ancestors? That,
-even waving this specious claim, he condescended to accept the crown,
-as a free gift; and by his coronation-oath submitted himself to the
-same terms of administration, as his predecessors? And that, in one
-word, he confirmed the _Saxon_ laws, at least before he had been many
-years in possession of his new dignity[116].
-
-Is there any thing in all this that favours the notion of his erecting
-himself, by the sole virtue of his victory at _Hastings_, into an
-absolute lord of the conquered country? Is it not certain that he bound
-himself, as far as oaths and declarations could bind him, to govern
-according to law; that he could neither touch the honours nor estates
-of his subjects but by legal trial; and that even the many forfeitures
-in his reign are an evidence of his proceeding in that method?
-
-Still we are told “of his parcelling out the whole land, upon his own
-terms, to his followers;” and are insulted “with his famous institution
-of feudal tenures.” But what if the _former_ of these assertions
-be foreign to the purpose at least, if not false; and the _latter_
-subversive of the very system it is brought to establish? I think, I
-have reason for putting both these questions. For, what if he parcelled
-out most, or all, of the lands of _England_ to his followers? The fact
-has been much disputed. But be it, as they pretend, that the property
-of all the soil in the kingdom had changed hands: What is that to
-us, who claim under our _Norman_, as well as _Saxon_, ancestors?
-For the question, you see, is about the form of government settled
-in this nation at the time of the Conquest. And they argue with us,
-from a supposed act of tyranny in the Conqueror, in order to come at
-that settlement. The _Saxons_, methinks, might be injured, oppressed,
-enslaved; and yet the constitution, transmitted to us through his own
-_Normans_, be perfectly free.
-
-But their _other_ allegation is still more unfortunate. “He instituted,
-they say, the feudal law.” True. But the feudal law, and absolute
-dominion, are two things; and, what is more, perfectly incompatible.
-
-I take upon me to say, that I shall make out this point in the clearest
-manner. In the mean time, it may help us to understand the nature of
-the feudal establishment, to consider the practice of succeeding times.
-What that was, our adversaries themselves, if you please, shall inform
-us. Mr. SOMERS hath told their story very fairly; which yet amounts
-only to this, “That, throughout the _Norman_ and _Plantagenet_ lines,
-there was one perpetual contest between the prince and his feudatories
-for law and liberty:” an evident proof of the light in which our
-forefathers regarded the _Norman_ constitution. In the competition
-of the two ROSES, and perhaps before, they lost sight indeed of this
-prize. But no sooner was the public tranquillity restored, and the
-contending claims united in HENRY VII. than the old spirit revived.
-A legal constitution became the constant object of the people; and,
-though not always avowed, was, in effect, as constantly submitted to by
-the sovereign.
-
-It may be true, perhaps, that the ability of _one_ prince[117], the
-imperious carriage of _another_[118], and the generous intrigues of a
-_third_[119]; but, above all, the condition of the times, and a sense
-of former miseries, kept down the spirit of liberty for some reigns,
-or diminished, at least, the force and vigour of its operations. But
-a passive subjection was never acknowledged, certainly never demanded
-as a matter of right, till ELIZABETH now and then, and King JAMES, by
-talking continually in this strain, awakened the national jealousy;
-which proved so uneasy to himself, and, in the end, so fatal to his
-family.
-
-I cannot allow myself to mention these things more in detail to you,
-who have so perfect a knowledge of them. One thing only I insist upon,
-that, without connecting the system of liberty with that of prerogative
-in our notion of the _English_ government, the tenor of our history is
-perfectly unintelligible; and that no consistent account can be given
-of it, but on the supposition of a LEGAL LIMITED CONSTITUTION.
-
-
-MR. SOMERS.
-
-Yet that constitution, it will be thought, was at least ill defined,
-which could give occasion to so many fierce disputes, and those carried
-on through so long a tract of time, between the crown and the subject.
-
-
-SIR J. MAYNARD.
-
-The fault, if there was one, lay in the original plan of the
-constitution itself; as you will clearly see when I have opened the
-nature of it, that is, when I have explained the genius, views, and
-consequences of the FEUDAL POLICY. It must, however, be affirmed, that
-this policy was founded in the principles of freedom, and was, in
-truth, excellently adapted to an active, fierce, and military people;
-such as were all those to whom these western parts of _Europe_ have
-been indebted for their civil constitutions. But betwixt the burdensome
-services imposed on the subject by this tenure, or which it gave at
-least the pretence of exacting from him, and the too great restraint
-which an unequal and disproportioned allotment of feuds to the greater
-barons laid on the sovereign; but above all, by narrowing the plan of
-liberty too much; and, while it seemed to provide for the dependency
-of the prince on one part of his subjects, by leaving both him and
-them in a condition to exercise an arbitrary dominion over all others:
-hence it came to pass that the feudal policy naturally produced the
-struggles and convulsions, you spoke of, till it was seen in the end to
-be altogether unsuited to the circumstances of a rich, civilized, and
-commercial people. The event was, that the inconveniences, perceived in
-this form of government, gradually made way for the introduction of a
-better; which was not, however, so properly a new form, as the old one
-amended and set right; cleared of its mischiefs and inconsistencies,
-but conducted on the same principles as the former, and pursuing the
-same end, though by different methods.
-
-It is commonly said, “That the feudal tenures were introduced at the
-Conquest.” But how are we to understand this assertion? Certainly, not
-as if the whole system of military services had been created by the
-Conqueror; for they were essential to all the _Gothic_ or _German_
-constitutions. We may suppose then, that they were only new-modelled
-by this great prince. And who can doubt that the form, which was now
-given to them, would be copied from that which the _Norman_ had seen
-established in his own country? It would be copied then from the proper
-FEUDAL FORM; the essence of which consisted in the perpetuity of the
-feud[120]; whereas these military tenures had been elsewhere temporary
-only, or revocable at the will of the lord.
-
-But to enter fully into the idea of the feudal constitution; to see
-at what time, and in what manner, it was introduced: above all, to
-comprehend the reasons that occasioned this great change; it will be
-convenient to look back to the estate of _France_, and especially of
-_Normandy_, where this constitution had, for some years, taken place
-before it was transferred to us at the Conquest.
-
-Under the first princes of the _Carlovingian_ line, the lands of
-_France_ were of two kinds, ALLODIAL, and BENEFICIARY. The allodial,
-were estates of inheritance; the persons possessing them, were called
-HOMMES LIBRES. The beneficiary, were held by grants from the crown. The
-persons holding immediately under the emperor, were called LEUDES; the
-sub-tenants, VASSALS.
-
-Further, the allodial lands were alienable, as well as hereditary.
-The beneficiary were properly neither. They were held for life, or a
-term of years, at the will of the lord, and reverted to him on the
-expiration of the term for which they were granted.
-
-I do not stay to explain these institutions minutely. It is of more
-importance to see the alterations that were afterwards made in them.
-And the FIRST will be thought a strange one.
-
-The possessors of allodial lands, in _France_, were desirous to have
-them changed into _tenures_. They who held of the crown _in capite_
-were entitled to some distinctions and privileges, which the allodial
-lords wished to obtain; and therefore many of them surrendered their
-lands to the emperor, and received them again of him, in the way of
-_tenure_. This practice had taken place occasionally from the earliest
-times: but under CHARLES the Bald, it became almost general; and
-_free-men_ not only chose to hold of the emperor, but of other lords.
-This last was first allowed, in consequence of a treaty between the
-three brothers, after the battle of _Fontenay_ in 847.
-
-But these _free-men_ were not so ill-advised as to make their estates
-precarious, or to accept a life estate instead of an inheritance.
-It was requisite they should hold for a perpetuity. And this I take
-to have been the true origin of hereditary feuds. Most probably, in
-those dangerous times, little people could not be safe without a lord
-to protect them: and the price of this protection was the change of
-propriety into tenure.
-
-The SECOND change was by a law made under the same emperor in the year
-877, the last of his reign. It was then enacted, that beneficiary
-estates held under the crown should descend to the sons of the present
-possessors: yet not, as I conceive, to the eldest son; but to him whom
-the emperor should chuse; nor did this law affect the estates only, but
-_offices_, which had hitherto been also beneficiary; and so the sons of
-counts, marquises, _&c._ (which were all names of offices, not titles
-of honour) were to succeed to the authority of their fathers, and to
-the benefice annexed to it. The new feuds, created in allodial lands,
-had, I suppose, made the emperor’s tenants desirous of holding on the
-same terms; and the weakness of the reigning prince enabled them to
-succeed in this first step, which prepared the way for a revolution of
-still more importance. For,
-
-The THIRD change, by which the inheritance of beneficiary lands and
-offices was extended to perpetuity, and the possession rendered
-almost independent of the crown, was not, we may be sure, effected at
-once, but by degrees. The family of CHARLEMAGNE lost the empire: they
-resisted with great difficulty the incursions of the _Normans_; and,
-in the year 911, _Normandy_ was granted to them as an hereditary fee.
-The great lords made their advantage of the public calamities; they
-defended the king on what terms they pleased; if not complied with
-in their demands, they refused their assistance in the most critical
-conjunctures: and before the accession of HUGH CAPET, had entirely
-shaken off their dependence on the crown. For it is, I think, a vulgar
-mistake to say, that this great revolution was the effect of HUGH’S
-policy. On the contrary, the independence of the nobles, already
-acquired, was, as it seems to me, the cause of his success. The prince
-had no authority left, but over his own demesnes; which were less
-considerable than the possessions of some of his nobles. HUGH had one
-of the largest fiefs: and for this reason, his usurpation added to the
-power of the crown, instead of lessening it, as is commonly imagined.
-But to bring back the feuds of the other nobles to their former
-precarious condition was a thing impossible: his authority was partly
-supported by superior wisdom, and partly by superior strength, his
-vassals being more numerous than those of any other lord.
-
-I cannot tell if these foreigners, when they adopted the feudal plan,
-were immediately aware of all the consequences of it. An hereditary
-tenure was, doubtless, a prodigious acquisition; yet the advantage
-was something counter-balanced by the great number of impositions
-which the nature of the change brought with it. These impositions
-are what, in respect of the lord, are called his FRUITS of tenure;
-such as WARDSHIP, MARRIAGE, RELIEF, and other services: and were
-the necessary consequence of the king’s parting with his arbitrary
-disposal of these tenures. For now that the right of inheritance was
-in the tenant, it seemed but reasonable, and, without this provision,
-the feudal policy could not have obtained its end, that the prince,
-in these several ways, should secure to himself the honour, safety,
-and defence, which the very nature of the constitution implied and
-intended. Hence hereditary feuds were very reasonably clogged with the
-obligations. I have mentioned; which, though trifling in comparison
-with the disadvantages of a precarious tenure, were yet at least some
-check on the independency acquired. However, these services, which were
-due to the king under the new model, were also due to the tenant in
-chief from those who held of him by the like tenure. And so the barons,
-or great proprietaries of land, considering more perhaps the subjection
-of their own vassals, than that by which themselves were bound to their
-sovereign, reckoned these burdens as nothing, with respect to what they
-had gained by an hereditary succession.
-
-The example of these _French_ feudataries, we may suppose, would be
-catching. We accordingly find it followed, in due time, in _Germany_;
-where CONRAD II.[121] granted the like privilege of _successive_
-tenures, and at the pressing instance of his tenants.
-
-I thought it material to remind you of these things; because they prove
-the feudal institution on the continent to have been favourable to the
-cause of liberty; and because it will abate our wonder to find it so
-readily accepted and submitted to here in _England_.
-
-
-MR. SOMERS.
-
-The account you have given, and, I dare say, very truly, of the origin
-of feuds in _France_ and _Germany_, is such as shews them to have
-been an extension of the people’s liberty. There is no question that
-hereditary alienable estates have vastly the preference to beneficiary.
-But the case, I suspect, was different with us in _England_. The great
-offices of state, indeed, in this country, as well as in _France_, were
-beneficiary. But, if I do not mistake, the lands of the _English_,
-except only the church-lands, were all allodial. And I cannot think it
-could be for the benefit of the _English_ to change their old _Saxon_
-possessions, subject only to the famous triple obligation, for these
-new and burdensome tenures.
-
-
-SIR J. MAYNARD.
-
-Strange as it may appear, we have yet seen that the _French_ did not
-scruple to make that exchange even of their allodial estates. But to
-be fair, there was a great difference, as you well observe, in the
-circumstances of the two people. All the lands in _England_ were, I
-believe, allodial, in the _Saxon_ times: while a very considerable
-proportion of those in _France_ were beneficiary.
-
-Another difference, also, in the state of the two countries, is worth
-observing. In _France_, the allodial lands (though considerable in
-quantity) were divided into small portions. In _England_, they seem
-to have been in few hands; the greater part possessed by the King
-and his _Thanes_; some smaller parcels by the lesser _Thanes_; and a
-very little by the _Ceorles_. The consequence was, that, though the
-allodial proprietors in _France_ were glad to renounce their property
-for tenure, in order to secure the protection they much wanted; yet
-with us, as you say, there could not be any such inducement for the
-innovation. For, the lands being possessed in large portions by the
-nobility and gentry, the allodial lords in _England_ were too great to
-stand in need of protection. Yet from this very circumstance, fairly
-attended to, we shall see that the introduction of the feudal tenures
-was neither difficult nor unpopular. The great proprietors of land
-were, indeed, too free and powerful, to be bettered by this change. But
-their tenants, that is, the bulk of the people, would be gainers by it.
-For these tenants were, I believe, to a man beneficiaries. The large
-estates of the _Thanes_ were granted out in small portions to others,
-either for certain quantities of corn or rent, reserved to the lord,
-or on condition of stipulated services. And these grants, of whichever
-sort they were, were either at pleasure, or at most for a limited term.
-So that, though the proprietors of land in _England_ were so much
-superior to those in _France_; yet the tenants of each were much in the
-same state; that is, they possessed beneficiary lands on stipulated
-conditions.
-
-When, therefore, by right of forfeiture, the greater part of the lands
-in _England_ fell, as they of course would do, into the power of the
-king (for they were in few hands, and those few had either fought at
-_Hastings_, or afterwards rebelled against him), it is easy to see
-that the people would not be displeased to find themselves, instead of
-beneficiary tenants[122], feudatary proprietors.
-
-I say this on supposition that these great forfeited estates and
-signiories, so bountifully bestowed by the Conqueror on his favourite
-_Normans_, were afterwards, many of them at least, granted out in
-smaller parcels to _English_ sub-tenants. But if these sub-tenants
-were also _Normans_ (though the case of the _English_ or old _Saxon_
-freeholders was then very hard), the change of allodial into feudatary
-estates is the more easily accounted for.
-
-The main difficulty would be with the churchmen; who (though the
-greatest, and most of them were, perhaps, _Normans_ too) were well
-acquainted with the _Saxon_ laws, and for special reasons were much
-devoted to them. They were sensible that their possessions had been
-held, in the _Saxon_ times, in FRANC-ALMOIGN: a sort of tenure, they
-were not forward to give up for this of _feuds_. ’Tis true, the burdens
-of these tenures would, many of them, not affect them. But then neither
-could they reap the principal fruit of them, the fruit of inheritance.
-They, besides, considered every restraint on their privileges as
-impious; and took the subjection of the ecclesiastic to the secular
-power, which the feudal establishment was to introduce, for the vilest
-of all servitudes. Hence the churchmen were, of all others, the most
-averse from this law[123]. And their opposition might have given the
-Conqueror still more trouble, if the suppression of the great Northern
-rebellion had not furnished him with the power, and (as many of them
-had been deeply engaged in it) with the pretence, to force it upon
-them. And thus, in the end, it prevailed universally, and without
-exception.
-
-I would not go further into the history of these tenures. It may appear
-from the little I have said of them, that the feudal system was rather
-improved and corrected by the duke of NORMANDY, than originally planted
-by him in this kingdom: that the alteration made in it was favourable
-to the public interest; and that our _Saxon_ liberties were not so
-properly restrained, as extended by it. It is of little moment to
-inquire whether the nation was won, or forced, to a compliance with
-this system. It is enough to say, that, as it was accepted by the
-nation, so it was in itself no servile establishment, but essentially
-founded in the principles of liberty. The duties of lord and feudatary
-were reciprocal and acknowledged: services on the one part, and
-protection on the other. The institution was plainly calculated for the
-joint-interest[124] of both parties, and the benefit of the community;
-the proper notion of the feudal system being that “of a confederacy
-between a number of military persons, agreeing on a certain limited
-subordination and dependence on their chief, for the more effectual
-defence of his and their lives, territories, and possessions.”
-
-
-MR. SOMERS.
-
-I have nothing to object to your account of the feudal constitution.
-And I think you do perfectly right, to lay the main stress on the
-general nature and genius of it; as by this means you cut off those
-fruitless altercations, which have been raised, concerning the personal
-character of the _Norman_ Conqueror. Our concern is not with him, but
-with the government he established. And if that be free, no matter
-whether the founder of it were a tyrant. But, though I approve your
-method, I doubt there is some defect in your argument. _Freedom_ is a
-term of much latitude. The _Norman_ constitution may be free in one
-sense, as it excludes the sole arbitrary dominion of one man; and
-yet servile enough in another, as it leaves the government in few
-hands. For it follows, from what I understand of the feudal plan, that
-though its genius be indeed averse from absolute monarchy, yet it is
-indulgent enough to absolute _aristocracy_. And the notion of each is
-equally remote from what we conceive of true _English_ liberty.
-
-
-SIR J. MAYNARD.
-
-It is true, the proper feudal form, especially as established in this
-kingdom, was in a high degree oligarchical. It would not otherwise,
-perhaps, have suited to the condition of those military ages. Yet the
-principles it went upon, were those of public liberty, and generous
-enough to give room for the extension of the system itself, when a
-change of circumstances should require it.—But your objection will
-best be answered by looking a little more distinctly into the nature of
-these tenures.
-
-I took notice that the feudal system subjected the CHURCH more
-immediately to the civil power: and laid the foundation of many
-services and fruits of tenure to which the LAY-FEUDATARIES in the
-_Saxon_ times had been altogether strangers. It is probable that
-all the consequences of this alteration were not foreseen. Yet the
-churchmen were pretty quick-sighted. And the dislike, they had
-conceived of the new establishment, was the occasion of those
-struggles, which continued so long between the mitre and crown, and
-which are so famous more especially in the early parts of our history.
-The cause of these ecclesiastics was a bad one. For their aim was, as
-is rightly observed by the advocates for the prerogative, to assert an
-independency on the state; and for that purpose the pope was made a
-party in the dispute; by whose intrigues it was kept up in one shape
-or other till the total renunciation of the papal power. Thus far,
-however, the feudal constitution cannot be blamed. On the contrary, it
-was highly serviceable to the cause of liberty, as tending only to hold
-the ecclesiastic, in a due subordination to the civil, authority.
-
-The same thing cannot be said of the other instance, I mean the _fruits
-of tenure_, to which the lay-fees were subjected by this system. For
-however reasonable, or rather necessary, those _fruits_ might be, in
-a feudal sense, and for the end to which the feudal establishment was
-directed, yet, as the _measure_ of these fruits, as well as the manner
-of exacting them, was in a good degree arbitrary, and too much left to
-the discretion of the sovereign, the practice, in this respect, was
-soon found by the tenants in chief to be an intolerable grievance.
-Hence that other contest, so memorable in our history, betwixt the king
-and his barons: in which the former, under the colour of maintaining
-his feudal rights, laboured to usurp an absolute dominion over the
-persons and properties of his vassals; and the latter, impatient of
-the feudal burdens, or rather of the king’s arbitrary exactions under
-pretence of them, endeavoured to redeem themselves from so manifest an
-oppression.
-
-It is not to be denied, that, in the heat of this contest, the barons
-sometimes carried their pretensions still further, and laboured in
-their turn to usurp on the crown, in revenge for the oppressions
-they had felt from it. However, their first contentions were only
-for a mitigation of the feudal system. It was not the character of
-the _Norman_ princes to come easily into any project that was likely
-to give the least check to their pretensions. Yet the grievances,
-complained of, were in part removed, in part moderated, by HENRY the
-First’s and many other successive charters: though the last blow was
-not given to these feudal servitudes till after the Restoration, when
-such of them as remained, and were found prejudicial to the liberty of
-the subject, were finally abolished.
-
-Thus we see that ONE essential defect in the feudal policy, considered
-not as a military, but civil institution, was, the too great power
-it gave the sovereign in the arbitrary impositions, implied in this
-tenure. ANOTHER was accidental. It arose from the disproportionate
-allotment of those feuds, which gave the greater barons an ascendant
-over the prince, and was equally unfavourable to the cause of liberty.
-For the bounty of the duke of NORMANDY, in his distribution of the
-forfeited estates and signiories to his principal officers, had been so
-immense[125], that their share of influence in the state was excessive,
-and intrenched too much on the independency of the crown and the
-freedom of the people. And this undue poize in the constitution, as
-well as the tyranny of our kings, occasioned the long continuance of
-those civil wars, which for many ages harrassed and distressed the
-nation. The evil, however, in the end, brought on its own remedy. For
-these princely houses being much weakened in the course of the quarrel,
-HENRY VII. succeeded, at length, to the peaceable possession of the
-crown. And by the policy of this prince, and that of his successor,
-the barons were brought so low as to be quite disabled from giving any
-disturbance to the crown for the future.
-
-It appears then that TWO great defects in the feudal plan of
-government, as settled amongst us, were, at length, taken away. But a
-THIRD, and the greatest defect of all, was the narrowness of the plan
-itself, I mean when considered as a system of CIVIL polity; for, in its
-primary martial intention, it was perfectly unexceptionable.
-
-To explain this matter, which is of the highest importance, and will
-furnish a direct answer to Mr. SOMERS’ objection, we are to remember
-that in the old feudal policy the king’s barons, that is, such as
-held _in capite_ of the crown by barony or knight’s service, were the
-king’s, or rather the kingdom’s, great council. No public concerns
-could be regularly transacted, without their consent[126]; though
-the lesser barons, or tenants by knight’s service, did not indeed so
-constantly appear in the king’s court, as the greater barons; and
-though the public business was sometimes even left to the ordinary
-attendants on the king, most of them churchmen. It appears that,
-towards the end of the Conqueror’s reign, the number of these tenants
-in chief was about 700; who, as the whole property of the kingdom was,
-in effect, in their power, may be thought a no unfit representative
-(though this be no proper _feudal_ idea) of the whole nation. It was
-so, perhaps, in those rude and warlike times, when the strength of the
-nation lay entirely in the soldiery; that is, in those who held by
-military services, either immediately of the crown, or of the mesne
-lords. For the remainder of the people, whom they called tenants in
-socage, were of small account; being considered only in the light
-of servants, and contributing no otherwise to the national support
-than by their cultivation of the soil, which left their masters at
-leisure to attend with less distraction on their military services.
-At least, it was perfectly in the genius of the feudal, that is,
-military constitutions, to have little regard for any but the men of
-arms; and, as every other occupation would of course be accounted base
-and ignoble, it is not to be wondered that such a difference was made
-between the condition of _prædial_ and _military_ tenures.
-
-However, a policy, that excluded such numbers from the rank and
-privileges of citizens, was so far a defective one. And this defect
-would become more sensible every day, in proportion to the growth of
-arts, the augmentation of commerce, and the security the nation found
-itself in from foreign dangers. The ancient military establishment
-would now be thought unjust, when the exclusive privileges of the
-swordsmen were no longer supported by the necessities of the public,
-and when the wealth of the nation made so great a part of the force of
-it. Hence arose an important change in the legislature of the kingdom,
-which was much enlarged beyond its former limits. But this was done
-gradually; and was more properly an extension than violation of the
-ancient system.
-
-First, the number of tenants in chief, or the king’s freeholders, was
-much increased by various causes, but chiefly by the alienation which
-the greater barons made of their fees. Such alienation, though under
-some restraint, seems to have been generally permitted in the _Norman_
-feuds; I mean, till MAGNA CHARTA and some subsequent statutes laid it
-under particular limitations. But, whether the practice were regular or
-not, it certainly prevailed from the earliest times; especially on some
-more extraordinary occasions. Thus, when the fashionable madness of the
-CROISADES had involved the greater barons in immense debts, in order
-to discharge the expences of these expeditions, they alienated their
-fees, and even dismembered them; that is, they parted with their right
-in them, and made them over in small parcels to others, to hold of the
-superior lord. And what these barons did from necessity, the crown
-itself did, out of policy: for the _Norman_ princes, growing sensible
-of the inconvenience of making their vassals too great, disposed of
-such estates of their barons as fell in to them by forfeiture, and were
-not a few, in the same manner. The consequence of all this was, that,
-in process of time, the lesser military tenants _in capite_ multiplied
-exceedingly. And, as many of them were poor, and unequal to a personal
-attendance in the court of their lord, or in the common council of the
-kingdom (where of right and duty they were to pay their attendance),
-they were willing, and it was found convenient to give them leave,
-to appear in the way of _representation_. And this was the origin of
-what we now call THE KNIGHTS OF THE SHIRES; who, in those times, were
-appointed to represent, not all the free-holders of counties, but the
-lesser tenants of the crown only. For these not attending in person,
-would otherwise have had no place in the king’s council.
-
-The rise of CITIZENS AND BURGESSES, that is, representatives of the
-cities and trading towns, must be accounted for somewhat differently.
-These had originally been in the jurisdiction, and made part of the
-demesnes, of the king and his great lords. The reason of which appears
-from what I observed of the genius of the feudal policy. For, little
-account being had of any but martial men, and trade being not only
-dishonourable, but almost unknown in those ages; the lower people,
-who lived together in towns, most of them small and inconsiderable,
-were left in a state of subjection to the crown, or some other of the
-barons, and exposed to their arbitrary impositions and talliages.
-
-But this condition of burghers, as it sprang from the military genius
-of the nation, could only be supported by it. When that declined
-therefore, and, instead of a people of soldiers, the commercial spirit
-prevailed, and filled our towns with rich traders and merchants, it
-was no longer reasonable, nor was it the interest of the crown, that
-these communities and bodies of men should be so little regarded. On
-the contrary, a large share of the public burdens being laid upon them,
-and the frequent necessities of the crown, especially in foreign wars,
-or in the king’s contentions with his barons, requiring him to have
-recourse to their purses, it was naturally brought about that those, as
-well as the tenants _in capite_, should, in time, be admitted to have a
-share in the public councils.
-
-I do not stay to trace the steps of this change. It is enough to say,
-that arose insensibly and naturally out of the growing wealth and
-consequence of the trading towns; the convenience the king found in
-drawing considerable sums from them, with greater ease to himself, and
-less offence to the people; and, perhaps, from the view of lessening by
-their means the exorbitant power and influence of the barons.
-
-From these, or the like reasons, the great towns and cities, that
-before were royal demesnes, part of the king’s private patrimony, and
-talliable by him at pleasure, were allowed to appear in his council
-by their deputies, to treat with him of the proportion of taxes to be
-raised on them, and, in a word, to be considered it the same light as
-the other members of that great assembly.
-
-I do not inquire when this great alteration was first made. I find it
-subsisting at least under EDWARD III. And from that time, there is no
-dispute but that the legislature, which was originally composed of the
-sovereign and his feudal tenants, included also the representatives of
-the counties, and of the royal towns and cities. To speak in our modern
-style, the HOUSE OF COMMONS was, now, formed. And by this addition, the
-glorious edifice of _English_ liberty was completed.
-
-I am sensible, I must have wearied you with this deduction, which can
-be no secret to either of you. But it was of importance to shew, that
-the constitution of _England_, as laid in the feudal tenures, was
-essentially free; and that the very changes it hath undergone, were the
-natural and almost unavoidable effects of those tenures. So that what
-the adversaries of liberty object to us, as usurpations on the regal
-prerogative, are now seen to be either the proper result of the feudal
-establishment, or the most just and necessary amendments of it.
-
-
-BP. BURNET.
-
-I have waited with much pleasure for this conclusion, which entirely
-discredits the notion of an absolute, despotic government. I will not
-take upon me to answer for Mr. _Somers_, whose great knowledge in the
-laws and history of the kingdom enables him to see further into the
-subject than I do; but to me nothing appears more natural or probable
-than this account of the rise and progress of the _English_ monarchy.
-One difficulty, in particular, which seemed to embarrass this inquiry,
-you have entirely removed, by shewing how, from the aristocratical form
-which prevailed in the earlier times, the more free and popular one of
-our days hath gradually taken place, and that without any violence to
-the antient constitution[127].
-
-
-MR. SOMERS.
-
-At least, my lord, with so little, that we may, perhaps, apply to
-the _English_ government what the naturalists observe of the HUMAN
-BODY[128]; that, when it arrives at its full growth, it does not
-perhaps retain a single particle of the matter it originally set out
-with; yet the alteration hath been made so gradually and imperceptibly,
-that the system is accounted the same under all changes. Just so, I
-think, we seem to have shaken off the constituent parts of the FEUDAL
-CONSTITUTION; but, liberty having been always the informing principle,
-time and experience have rather completed the old system, than created
-a new one: and we may account the present and _Norman_ establishment
-all one, by the same rule as we say that HERCULES, when he became the
-deliverer of oppressed nations, was still the same with him who had
-strangled serpents in his cradle.
-
-
-SIR. J. MAYNARD.
-
-I know not what fanciful similes your younger wit may delight in. I
-content myself with observing, that the two great points, which they,
-who deny the liberty of the subject, love to inculcate, and on which
-the plausibility of all their reasonings depends, are, THE SLAVISH
-NATURE OF THE FEUDAL CONSTITUTION, and THE LATE RISE OF THE HOUSE OF
-COMMONS. And I have taken up your time to small purpose, if it doth
-not now appear, that the _former_ of these notions is false, and the
-_latter_ impertinent. If the learned inquirers into this subject had
-considered that the question is concerning the freedom itself of our
-constitution, and not the most convenient form under which it may be
-administered, they must have seen that, the feudal law, though it
-narrowed the system of liberty, was founded in it; that the spirit of
-freedom is as vital in this form, and the principles it goes upon as
-solid, as in the best-formed republic; and that _villanage_ concludes
-no more against the _feudal_, than _slavery_ against the _Greek_ or
-_Roman_, constitutions.
-
-
-MR. SOMERS.
-
-That is, Sir JOHN, you make _liberty_ to have been the essence of all
-THREE; though, to the perfection of an equal commonwealth, you suppose
-it should have been further spread out and dilated: as they say of
-_frankincense_ (if you can forgive another allusion), which, when
-lying in the lump, is of no great use or pleasure; but, when properly
-diffused, is the sweetest of all odours. But you was going on with the
-application of your principles.
-
-
-SIR J. MAYNARD.
-
-I was going to say that, as many have been misled by wrong notions of
-the _feudal tenures_, others had erred as widely in their reasonings
-on _the late origin of the lower house of parliament_. How have we
-heard some men triumph, in dating it no higher than the reign of
-EDWARD III? Let the fact be admitted. What follows? That this house
-is an usurpation on the prerogative? Nothing less. It was gradually
-brought forth by time, and grew up under the favour and good liking
-of our princes[129]. The constitution itself supposed the men of
-greatest consequence in the commonwealth to have a seat in the
-national councils. Trade and agriculture had advanced vast numbers
-into consequence, that before were of small account in the kingdom.
-The public consideration was increased by their wealth, and the public
-necessities relieved by it. Were these to remain for ever excluded from
-the king’s councils? or was not that council, which had liberty for its
-object, to widen and expand itself in order to receive them? It did, in
-fact, receive them with open arms; and, in so doing, conducted itself
-on the very principles of the old feudal policy.
-
-In short, the _feudal constitution_, different from all others that
-human policy is acquainted with, was of such a make, that it readily
-gave way, and fitted itself to the varying situations of society:
-narrow and contracted, when the public interest required a close
-connexion between the governor and the governed; large and capacious,
-when the same interest required that connexion to be loosened. Just as
-the skin (if you will needs have a comparison), the natural cincture
-of the body, confines the young limbs with sufficient tightness,
-and yet widens in proportion to their growth, so as to let the
-different parts of the body play with ease, and obtain their full
-size and dimensions. Whereas the other policies, that have obtained
-in the world, may be compared to those artificial coverings, which,
-being calculated only for one age and size; grow troublesome and
-insupportable in any other; and yet cannot, like these, be thrown off
-and supplied by such as are more suitable and convenient; but are worn
-for life, though with constant, or rather increasing, uneasiness.
-
-This then being the peculiar prerogative of the feudal policy, I think
-we may say with great truth, not that the House of Commons violated
-the constitution, but, on the contrary, that the constitution itself
-demanded, or rather generated, the House of Commons.
-
-So that I cannot by any means commend the zeal which some have shewn
-in seeking the origin of this house in the _British_ or even _Saxon_
-annals. Their aim was, to serve the cause of liberty; but, it must be
-owned, at the expence of truth, and, as we now perceive, without the
-least necessity.
-
-
-BP. BURNET.
-
-It hath happened then in this, as in so many other instances, that an
-excellent cause hath suffered by the ill judgment of its defenders.
-But, when truth itself had been disgraced by one sort of men in being
-employed by them to the worst purposes, is it to be wondered that
-others should not acknowledge her in such hands, but be willing to look
-out for her in better company?
-
-
-SIR J. MAYNARD.
-
-Let us say, my lord, they should have acknowledged her in whatever
-company she was found; and the rather, as ill-applied truths are seen
-to be full as serviceable to a bad cause, as downright falsehoods.
-Besides, this conduct had not only been fairer, but more politic. For
-when so manifest a truth was rejected, it was but natural to suspect
-foul play in the rest, and that none but a bad cause could want to be
-supported by so disingenuous a management.
-
-
-MR. SOMERS.
-
-I think so, Sir JOHN; and there is this further use of such candor,
-that it cuts off at once the necessity of long and laboured researches
-into the dark parts of our history; and so not only shortens the
-debate, but renders it much more intelligible to the people.
-
-
-SIR J. MAYNARD.
-
-I was aware of that advantage, and am therefore not displeased that
-truth allowed me to make use of it.—But to resume the main argument;
-for I have not yet done with my evidence for the freedom of our
-excellent constitution:—It seemed of moment to shew, from the nature
-and consequences of the _Norman_ settlement, that the _English_
-government was essentially free. But, because the freest form of
-government may be tamely given up and surrendered into the hands of a
-master, I hold it of consequence to prove, that the _English_ spirit
-hath always been answerable to the constitution, and that even the
-most insidious attempts on their liberties have never failed to awaken
-the resentment of our generous forefathers. In a word, I would shew
-that the jealously, with which the _English_ have ever guarded the
-national freedom, is at once a convincing testimony of their _right_,
-and of their constant _possession_ of it.
-
-And though I might illustrate this argument by many other instances, I
-chuse to insist only on ONE, THEIR PERPETUAL OPPOSITION TO THE CIVIL
-AND CANON LAWS; which, at various times and for their several ends, the
-crown and church have been solicitous to obtrude on the people.
-
-To open the way to this illustration, let it be observed that, from the
-time of HONORIUS, that is, when the _Roman_ authority ceased amongst
-us, the _Saxon_ institutions, incorporated with the old _British_
-customs, were the only standing laws of the kingdom. These had been
-collected and formed into a sort of digest by EDWARD the Confessor; and
-so great was the nation’s attachment to them, that WILLIAM himself was
-obliged to ratify them, at the same time that the feudal law itself was
-enacted. And afterwards, on any attempt to innovate on those laws, we
-hear of a general outcry and dissatisfaction among the people: which
-jealousy of theirs was not without good grounds; as we may see from
-an affair that happened in the Conqueror’s own reign, and serves to
-illustrate the policy of this monarch.
-
-It had been an old custom, continued through the _Saxon_ times, for
-the bishops and sheriffs to sit together in judicature in the county
-courts. This had been found a very convenient practice; for the
-presence of the churchmen gave a sanction to the determinations of
-the temporal courts, and drew an extraordinary reverence towards them
-from the people. Yet we find it abolished by the Conqueror; who, in a
-rescript to the bishop of _Lincoln_, ordained that, for the future,
-the bishops and aldermen of the shires should have separate courts
-and separate jurisdictions. The pretence for this alteration was the
-distinct nature of the two judicatures, and the desire of maintaining
-a strict conformity to the canons of the church. The real design was
-much deeper. There is no question but WILLIAM’S inclinations, at least,
-were for arbitrary government; in which project his _Norman_ lawyers,
-it was hoped, might be of good use to him. But there was a great
-obstacle in his way. The churchmen of those times had incomparably
-the best knowledge of the _Saxon_ laws. It matters not, whether those
-churchmen were _Normans_, or not. They were equally devoted, as I
-observed before, to the _Saxon_ laws, with the _English_; as favouring
-that independency, they affected, on the civil power. Besides, in
-the Confessor’s time, many and perhaps the greatest of the churchmen
-had been _Normans_; so that the study of the _Saxon_ laws, from the
-interest they promised themselves in them, was grown familiar to the
-rising ecclesiastics of that country. Hence, as I said, the churchmen,
-though _Normans_, were well instructed in the spirit and genius of the
-_Saxon_ laws; and it was not easy for the king’s glossers to interpret
-them to their own mind, whilst the bishops were at hand to refute and
-rectify their comments.
-
-Besides, the truth is (and my lord of SALISBURY will not be displeased
-with me for telling it), the ecclesiastics of that time were much
-indevoted to the court. They considered the king as the wickedest of
-all tyrants. He had brought them into subjection by their baronies, and
-had even set the pope himself at defiance. In this state of things,
-there was no hope of engaging the clergy in his plot. But when a
-separation of the two tribunals was made, and the civil courts were
-solely administered by his own creatures, the laws, it was thought,
-would speak what language he pleased to require of them.
-
-Such appears to have been the design of this prince in his famous
-distinction of the ecclesiastic and temporal courts. It was so artfully
-laid, and so well coloured, that the laity seem to have taken no
-umbrage at it. But the clergy saw his drift; and their zeal for the
-ancient laws, as well as their resentments, put them upon contriving
-methods to counteract it. They hit upon a very natural and effectual
-one. In a word, they all turned common lawyers; and so found means of
-introducing themselves into the civil courts. This expedient succeeded
-so well, and was so generally relished, that the clergy to a man almost
-in the next reign were become professors of the common law; NULLUS
-CLERICUS NISI CAUSIDICUS, as WILLIAM of _Malmesbury_ takes care to
-inform us[130].
-
-
-BP. BURNET.
-
-Whatever their motive might be, the churchmen, I perceive, interposed
-very seasonably in the support of our civil liberties. It was a
-generous kind of revenge, methinks, to repay the king’s tyranny over
-the church by vindicating the authority of the _English_ laws.
-
-
-SIR J. MAYNARD.
-
-It was so; and for this good service, I let them pass without any
-harsher reflection. Though the true secret is, perhaps, no more than
-this: Their main object was the church, of whose interests, as is
-fitting, we will allow them to be the most competent judges. And,
-as these inclined them, they have been, at different junctures, the
-defenders or oppressors of civil liberty.
-
-
-BP. BURNET.
-
-At _some_ junctures, it may be, they have. But, if you insist on so
-general a censure, I must intreat Mr. SOMERS, once more, to take upon
-him the defence of our order.
-
-
-SIR J. MAYNARD.
-
-All I intended by this instance, was, to shew the spirit of the
-_Saxon_ laws, which could excite the jealousy of the prince, and
-deserve, at such a season, the patronage of the clergy. It seems,
-however, for once, as if they had a little misconceived their true
-interests. For the distinction of the two judicatures, which occasioned
-their resentment, was, in the end, a great means of the hierarchical
-greatness and independency.
-
-Matters continued on this footing during the three first of the
-_Norman_ reigns. The prince did his utmost to elude the authority of
-the _English_ laws; and the nation, on the other hand, laboured hard to
-confirm it. But a new scene was opened under King STEPHEN, by means of
-the _Justinian_ laws; which had lately been recovered in _Italy_, and
-became at once the fashionable study over all _Europe_. It is certain,
-that the Pandects were first brought amongst us in that reign; and that
-the reading of them was much favoured by Archbishop THEOBALD[131],
-under whose encouragement they were publicly read in _England_ by
-VACARIUS, within a short time after the famous IRNERIUS had opened his
-school at _Bologna_. There is something singular in the readiness with
-which this new system of law was embraced in these Western parts of
-_Europe_. But my friend Mr. SELDEN used to give a plausible account of
-it. It was, he said[132], in opposition to INNOCENT II, who was for
-obtruding on the Christian states the _decretals_, as laws; manifestly
-calculated for the destruction of the civil magistrate’s power. And
-what seems to authorize the opinion of my learned friend, is, that
-the popes very early took the alarm, and, by their decrees, forbad
-churchmen to teach the civil law: as appears from the constitution of
-ALEXANDER III, so early as the year 1163, in the council of TOURS; and
-afterwards from the famous decretal of SUPER-SPECULA by HONORIUS III,
-in 1219, in which the clergy of all denominations, seculars as well as
-regulars, were prohibited the study of it. And it was, doubtless, to
-defeat the mischief which the popes apprehended to themselves, from
-the credit of the imperial laws, that GRATIAN was encouraged, about
-the same time, to compose and publish his DECREE; which, it is even
-said[133], had the express approbation of Pope EUGENIUS.
-
-Let us see, now, what reception this newly-recovered law, so severely
-dealt with by the pope, and so well entertained by the greatest part of
-_Europe_, had in _England_.
-
-VACARIUS had continued to teach it for some time, in the archbishop’s
-palace at _Lambeth_, to great numbers, whom first, the novelty of the
-study, and then, the fashion of the age, had drawn about him. The fame
-of the teacher was high, and the new science had made a great progress,
-when on a sudden it received a severe check, and from a quarter
-whence one should not naturally expect it. In short, the king himself
-interdicted the study of it. Some have imagined, that this inhibition
-was owing to the spite he bore to archbishop THEOBALD. But the truer
-reason seems to be, that the canon law was first read by VACARIUS at
-the same time, and under colour of the imperial. I think we may collect
-thus much very clearly from JOHN OF SALISBURY, who acquaints us with
-this edict. For he considers it as an offence against the church, and
-expressly calls the prohibition, an IMPIETY[134].
-
-It is true, the decretals of GRATIAN were not yet published. But Ivo
-had made a collection of them in the reign of HENRY I; and we may be
-sure that some code of this sort would privately go about amongst the
-clergy, from what was before observed of the pains taken by INNOCENT
-II, to propagate the decretals. We may further observe, that THEOBALD
-had been in high favour with INNOCENT; and that his school, at
-_Lambeth_, was opened immediately on his return from _Rome_, whither he
-had been to receive his pall from this pope, on his appointment to the
-see of _Canterbury_[135]. All which makes it probable, that STEPHEN’S
-displeasure was not so much at the civil, as _canon_ law, which he
-might well conclude had no friendly aspect on his sovereignty.
-
-And we have the greater reason to believe that this was the fact, from
-observing what afterwards happened in the reign of HENRY III, when
-a prohibition of the same nature was again issued out against the
-teachers of the _Roman_ laws in _London_[136]. The true cause of the
-royal mandate is well known. GREGORY IX had just then published a new
-code of the decretals; which, like all former collections of this sort,
-was calculated to serve the papal interest, and depress the rights of
-princes.
-
-However, these edicts, if we suppose them levelled against the civil
-law, had no effect, any more than those of the popes ALEXANDER and
-HONORIUS, before mentioned. For the imperial law, being generally well
-received by the princes of _Europe_, presently became a kind of _Jus
-gentium_. And the clergy, who aspired to power and dignities, either
-abroad or at home, studied it with an inconceivable rage; insomuch,
-that ROGER BACON tells us, that, in his time for forty years together,
-the seculars, who were the ecclesiastics employed in business, never
-published a single treatise in divinity[137].
-
-The truth is, whatever shew the popes or our own princes might make,
-at times, of discountenancing the civil law, it was not the design of
-either absolutely and universally to suppress it. It was properly, not
-the civil, but the canon law, which was discountenanced by our kings.
-And the case of the popes was, that, when they found the imperial law
-opposed to the _common_, they were ready to favour it; when it was
-opposed to the _canon_, and brought that into neglect, they forbad
-ecclesiastics the study of it.
-
-
-MR. SOMERS.
-
-In the mean time the poor people, methinks, were in a fine condition,
-between two laws, the one founded on civil, and the other on
-ecclesiastical, tyranny. If either had prevailed, there had been an end
-of their liberties.
-
-
-SIR J. MAYNARD.
-
-Certainly their situation was very critical. Yet in the end it was
-precisely this situation that saved them. For betwixt these contentions
-of the crown and mitre, each endeavouring to extend its dominion over
-the other, the people, who were of course to be gained by either side
-in its distress, found means to preserve themselves from both.
-
-To see how this happened, we must remember, what appears indeed from
-the two edicts of STEPHEN and HENRY, that the king himself was a
-bulwark betwixt them and the papal power. And when the king in his turn
-wanted to exalt his prerogative over all, the church very naturally
-took the alarm, as we saw in the case of WILLIAM’S separation of the
-two tribunals. And thus it happened, as NAT. BACON observes[138],
-“That many times the pope and the clergy became protectors of the
-people’s liberties, and kept them safe from the rage of kings.” The
-greatest danger was, when the two powers chanced to unite in one common
-design against them; as they did in their general inclination for the
-establishment of the civil law. But here the people had the courage
-always to defend themselves; and with that wisdom too, as demonstrates
-their attention to the cause of civil liberty, and the vigilance with
-which they guarded even its remotest outworks.
-
-Of their steady and watchful conduct, in this respect, I shall mention
-some of the many memorable examples, that occur in our history.
-
-I have said that from the time of STEPHEN, notwithstanding his famous
-edict, the imperial laws were the chief and favourite study of the
-clergy. They had good reason for applying themselves so closely to this
-science, and still further views than their own immediate advancement.
-They wanted to bring those laws into the civil courts, and to make
-them the standing rule of public administration; not merely from
-their good-will to the papal authority, which would naturally gain
-an advantage by this change, but for the sake of controlling the too
-princely barons, and in hopes, no doubt, that the imperial would in due
-time draw the canon laws into vogue along with them. Such, I think,
-were at least the secret designs of the ruling clergy; and they did not
-wait long before they endeavoured to put their project in execution.
-The plot was admirably laid, and with that deep policy as hath kept it,
-I believe, from being generally understood to this day.
-
-The great men of that time were, we may be sure, too like the great
-men of every other, to be very scrupulous about the commission of
-those vices to which they were most inclined. The truth is, their
-profligacy was in proportion to their greatness and their ignorance.
-They indulged themselves in the most licentious amours, and even prided
-themselves in this licence. The good churchmen, no doubt, lamented this
-corruption of manners; but, as they could not reform, they resolved at
-least to draw some emolument to themselves from it. The castles of the
-barons, they saw, were full of bastards. Nay, the courtesy of that time
-had so far dignified their vices, that the very same was had in honour.
-EGO GULIELMUS BASTARDUS, is even the preamble to one of WILLIAM the
-First’s charters.
-
-Yet, as respectable as it was become, there was one unlucky check
-on this favourite indulgence: and this, with the barons leave, the
-considerate bishops would presently take off. Subsequent marriage,
-by the imperial as well as canon laws, legitimated bastards, as to
-succession; whereas the common law kept them eternally in their
-state of bastardy. It is not to be doubted, but the barons would be
-sensible enough of this restraint. They earnestly wished to get rid
-of it. And could any thing bid so fair to recommend the imperial law
-to their good liking, as the tender of it for so desirable a purpose?
-At a parliament, therefore, under HENRY III[139], _Rogaverunt omnes
-episcopi, ut consentirent quod nati ante matrimonium essent legitimi_.
-What think ye now of this general supplication of the hierarchy?
-What could the barons do but comply with it, especially as it was so
-kindly intended for their relief, and the proposal was even made with
-a delicacy that might enable them to come into it with a good grace,
-and without the shame of seeming to desire it? All this is very true.
-Yet the answer of the virtuous barons is as follows: _Omnes comites et
-barons unâ voce responderunt_, QUOD NOLUMUS LEGES ANGLIÆ MUTARI.
-
-We see then what stuck with them. These barons, as licentious as they
-were, preferred their liberty to their pleasure. The bishops, they
-knew, as partisans of the pope, were for subjecting the nation to
-the imperial and papal laws. They offered, indeed, to begin with a
-circumstance very much to their taste. But if they accepted the benefit
-of them in one instance, with what decency could they object to them
-in others? They determined therefore to be consistent. They rejected
-a proposition, most agreeable in itself, lest their acceptance of it
-should make way for the introduction of foreign laws; whose very genius
-and essence, they well knew, was arbitrary, despotic power. Their
-answer speaks their sense of this matter, NOLUMUS LEGES ANGLIÆ MUTARI.
-They had nothing to object to the proposal itself. But they were afraid
-for the constitution.
-
-
-MR. SOMERS.
-
-I doubt, Sir JOHN, my lord of SALISBURY will bring a fresh complaint
-against you, for this liberty with the bishops. But I, who shall not
-be thought wanting in a due honour for that bench, must needs confess
-myself much pleased, as well with the novelty, as justice of this
-comment. I have frequently considered this famous reply of the old
-barons. But I did not see to the bottom of the contrivance. Their
-aversion to the imperial laws, as you say, must have been very great,
-to have put them on their guard against so inviting a proposal.
-
-
-BP. BURNET.
-
-One thing, however, is forgotten or dissembled in this account, that
-the law of JUSTINIAN, which allows the privilege of legitimation
-to subsequent marriage, is grounded on some reasons that might,
-perhaps, recommend it to the judgment, as well as interest of the old
-prelates. Besides, they doubtless found themselves much distressed
-by the contrariety of the two laws in this instance. For the ground
-of their motion, as I remember, was, _Quod esset secundum communem
-formam ecclesiæ_. But, to deal ingenuously with you, Sir JOHN, you have
-dressed up your hypothesis very plausibly. And I, who am no advocate
-for the civil or ecclesiastical laws, in this or any instance where
-they clash with those of my country, can allow your raillery on HENRY’S
-good bishops, if it were only that I see it makes so much for your
-general argument.
-
-
-SIR J. MAYNARD.
-
-Your lordship may the rather excuse this liberty with the _church_,
-as I propose, in due time, to deal as freely with WESTMINSTER-HALL;
-a similar plot, which I shall have occasion to mention presently,
-having been formed against the ancient constitution by the men of our
-profession.
-
-
-MR. SOMERS.
-
-In the mean time, Sir JOHN, you must give me leave, in quality of
-advocate for the church, to observe one thing, that does the churchmen
-honour. It is, that, in these attempts on the constitution, the judges
-and great officers of the realm, who in those times were of the clergy,
-constantly took the side of the _English_ laws; as my Lord COKE
-himself, I remember, takes notice in his commentary on this statute of
-MERTON.
-
-
-SIR J. MAYNARD.
-
-I believe the observation is very just. But I should incline to impute
-this integrity, not to the influence of church principles, but those
-of the common law, and so turn your compliment to the honour of our
-profession instead of theirs, if it were not too clear in fact that
-every profession, in its turn, hath been liable to this charge of
-corruption.
-
-But I was going on with my proofs of the national aversion to the
-imperial law.
-
-The next shall be taken from that famous dispute concerning the
-succession to the crown of _Scotland_ in the reign of EDWARD I. For a
-question arising about the kind of law by which the controversy should
-be decided, and it being especially debated, whether the _Cæsarean_
-law, as a sort of _jus gentium_, ought not in such a cause to have the
-preference to the law of _England_; it was then unanimously determined
-by the great council of NORHAM, that the authority of the _Cæsarean_
-law should by no means be admitted; NE INDE MAJESTATIS ANGLICANÆ JURI
-FIERET DETRIMENTUM[140].
-
-This determination was public, and given on a very solemn occasion.
-And in general we may observe, that at the junctures when the state
-hath been most jealous of its liberty and honour, it hath declared
-the loudest against the _imperial laws_: as in the WONDER-WORKING
-parliament under RICHARD II, when the duke of _Gloucester_ accused the
-archbishop of _York_, the duke of _Ireland_, and other creatures of
-the king, of high treason. The charge was so fully proved, that the
-court had no other way of diverting the storm, than by pretending an
-irregularity in the forms of procedure. To this end the lawyers were
-consulted with, or more properly directed. I will disguise nothing.
-They descended so much from the dignity of their profession, as to act
-in perfect subserviency to the views of the court; and therefore gave
-it as their opinion, that the proceedings against the lords were of
-no validity, as being contrary to the forms prescribed by the _civil
-law_. The barons took themselves to be insulted by these shifts of the
-lawyers. They insisted that the proceedings were agreeable to their own
-customs, and declared roundly that they would never suffer _England_ to
-be governed by the _Roman_ civil law[141].
-
-What think ye now of these examples? Are they not a proof that the
-spirit of liberty ran high in those times, when neither the intrigues
-of churchmen nor the chicane of lawyers could put a stop to it? It
-seems as if no direct attempts on the constitution could have been
-made with the least appearance of success; and that therefore the
-abettors of arbitrary power were obliged to work their way obliquely,
-by contriving methods for the introduction of a foreign law.
-
-In this project they had many advantages, which nothing but
-an unwearied zeal in the cause of liberty could have possibly
-counteracted. From the reign of STEPHEN to that of EDWARD III, that
-is, for the space of near 200 years, the _Roman_ law had been in great
-credit[142]. All the learning of the times was in the clergy, and that
-learning was little more than the imperial and canon laws. The fact is
-so certain, that some of the clergy themselves, when in an ill temper,
-or off their guard, complain of it in the strongest terms. And to see
-the height to which this humour was carried, not the seculars only who
-intended to rise by them, but the very monks in their cells studied
-nothing but these laws[143]. To complete the danger, the magistracies
-and great offices of the kingdom were filled with churchmen[144].
-
-Who would expect, now, with those advantages, but that the _Roman_
-law would have forced its way into our civil courts? It did indeed
-insinuate itself there as it were by stealth, but could never appear
-with any face of authority. The only service, that would be accepted
-from it, was that of illustration only in the course of their
-pleadings, whilst the lawyers quoted occasionally from the INSTITUTES,
-just as they might have done from any other ancient author[145].
-Yet, so long as the churchmen presided in the courts of justice,
-this intruder was to be respected; and it is pleasant to observe the
-wire-drawing of some of our ablest lawyers, in their endeavours to make
-the policy of _England_ speak the language of _Rome_.
-
-MR. SELDEN’S dissertation on FLETA[146], which lies open before me,
-affords a curious instance. The civil law says, “Populus ei [Cæsari]
-et in eum omne suum imperium et potestatem conferat;” meaning by
-_people_, the _Roman_ people, and so establishing the despotic rule of
-the prince. But BRACTON took advantage of the ambiguity, to establish
-that maxim of a free government, “That all dominion arises from the
-people.” This, you will say, was good management. But what follows is
-still better. “Nihil aliud, says he, potest rex in terris, cum sit Dei
-minister et vicarius, nisi quod JURE potest. NEC OBSTAT quod dicitur,
-QUOD PRINCIPI PLACET LEGIS HABET VIGOREM; quia sequitur in fine legis,
-CUM LEGE REGIA QUÆ DE IMPERIO EJUS LATA EST; id est, non quicquid de
-voluntate regis temerè præsumptum est, sed quod consilio magistratuum
-suorum, rege auctoritatem præstante, et habitâ super hoc deliberatione
-et tractatu, rectè fuerit definitum.” Thus far old BRACTON; who is
-religiously followed in the same gloss by THORNTON, and the author of
-FLETA. But what! you will say, this is an exact description of the
-present constitution. It is so, and therefore certainly not to be found
-in the civil law. To confess the truth, these venerable sages are
-playing tricks with us. The whole is a premeditated falsification, or,
-to say it softer, a licentious commentary, for the sake of _English_
-liberty. The words in the PANDECTS and INSTITUTIONS are these; “QUOD
-PRINCIPI PLACUIT, LEGIS HABET VIGOREM, UTPOTE CUM LEGE REGIA, QUÆ DE
-IMPERIO EJUS LATA EST, POPULUS EI ET IN EUM OMNE SUUM IMPERIUM ET
-POTESTATEM CONFERAT.”
-
-My honest friend, in mentioning this extraordinary circumstance, says,
-one cannot consider it _sine stupore_. He observes, that these lawyers
-did not quote the Pandects by hearsay, but had copies of them; and
-therefore adds (for I will read on) “Unde magis mirandum quânam ratione
-evenerit, ut non solùm ipse, adeò judiciis forensibus clarus, et (si
-Biographis scriptorum nostratium fides) professor juris utriusque
-Oxoniensis, verùm etiam THORNTONIUS juris aliàs peritissimus, et FLETÆ
-author, adeò diversam lectionem sensumque diversum atque interpretibus
-aliis universis adeò alienum in illustrissimo juris Cæsarei loco
-explicando tam fidentèr admiserint.” The difficulty, you see, increases
-upon him. But we shall easily remove it by observing, that the Cæsarean
-laws, though they had no proper authority with us, yet were much
-complimented in those times, and were to be treated on all occasions
-with ceremony. And therefore those lawyers that lived under and wanted
-to support a free constitution, saw there was no way of serving their
-cause so effectually, as by pretending to find it in the _Roman
-institutes_.
-
-
-MR. SOMERS.
-
-This management of BRACTON and his followers makes some amends for the
-ill conduct of RICHARD the Second’s lawyers. And as to their chicanery,
-the ingenuity of the gloss, we will suppose, was no more than necessary
-to correct the malignity of the text.
-
-
-SIR J. MAYNARD.
-
-They had, no doubt, consulted their honour much more, by insisting
-roundly, as they might have done, that the text had no concern at all
-in the dispute. But I mention these things only to shew the extreme
-reverence, that was then paid to the civil law, by the shifts the
-common lawyers were put to in order to evade its influence. From which
-we learn how rooted the love of liberty must have been in this nation,
-and how unshaken the firmness of the national councils in supporting
-it, when, notwithstanding the general repute it was of in those days,
-the imperial law could never gain authority enough to prescribe to
-us in any matters that concerned the rights of the crown, or the
-property of the subject. And this circumstance will be thought the more
-extraordinary, if it be considered, that, to the general esteem in
-which the _Roman_ law was held by the clergy, our kings have usually
-added the whole weight of their influence; except indeed at some
-particular junctures, when their jealousy of the _canon_ law prevailed
-over their natural bias to the _civil_.
-
-
-MR. SOMERS.
-
-I should be unwilling to weaken any argument you take to be of use
-in maintaining the noble cause you have undertaken. But, methinks,
-this charge on our princes would require to be made out by other
-evidence[147] than hath been commonly produced for it. There is no
-doubt but many of them have aimed at setting themselves above the laws
-of their country; but is it true (I mean, though FORTESCUE himself[148]
-has suggested the same thing) that for this purpose they have usually
-expressed a partiality to the _Roman_ laws?
-
-
-SIR J. MAYNARD.
-
-I believe it certain that they have, and on better reasons than the
-bare word of any lawyer whatsoever.
-
-What think you of RICHARD the Second’s policy in the instance before
-mentioned; that RICHARD, who used to declare, “That the laws were only
-in his mouth and breast, and that he himself could make and unmake them
-at his pleasure?” We may know for what reason a prince of this despotic
-turn had recourse to the _Roman_ law.
-
-But even his great predecessor is known to have been very indulgent
-towards it. And still earlier, EDWARD I. took much pains to establish
-the credit of this law; and to that end engaged the younger ACCURSIUS,
-the most renowned doctor of the age, to come over into _England_, and
-set up a school of it at _Oxford_. Or, to wave these instances, let
-me refer you to a certain and very remarkable fact, which speaks the
-sense, not of this or that king, but of the whole succession of our
-princes.
-
-The imperial law, to this day, obtains altogether in the courts of
-admiralty, in courts marescall, and in the universities[149]. On the
-contrary, in what we call the courts of law and equity, it never
-hath, nor ever could prevail. What shall we say to this remarkable
-difference? or to what cause will you ascribe it, that this law, which
-was constantly excluded with such care from the one sort of courts,
-should have free currency and be of sole authority in the other? I
-believe it will be difficult to assign any other than this: that the
-subjects of decision in the first species of courts are matters in
-the resort of the king’s prerogative, such as peace and war, and the
-distribution of honours; whilst the subjects of decision in the courts
-of common law are out of his prerogative, such as those of liberty
-and property. The king had his choice by what law the first sort of
-subjects should be regulated; and therefore he adopted the imperial
-law. He had not his choice in the latter instance; and the people were
-never satisfied with any other than the law of the land.
-
-
-MR. SOMERS.
-
-Yet Mr. SELDEN, you know, gives another reason of this preference: it
-was, he thinks, because foreigners are often concerned with the natives
-in those tribunals where the civil law is in use.
-
-
-SIR J. MAYNARD.
-
-True; but my learned friend, as I conceive, did not attend to this
-matter with his usual exactness. For foreigners are as frequently
-concerned in the courts of law and equity, as in the other tribunals.
-The case in point of reason is very clear. In all contests that are
-carried on between a native and a foreigner, as the subject of another
-state, the decision ought to be by the law of nations. But when a
-foreigner puts himself with a native under the protection of our
-state, the determination is, of course, by our law. The practice hath
-uniformly corresponded to the right in the courts of law and equity. In
-the other tribunals the right hath given way to the will of the prince,
-who had his reasons for preferring the authority of the imperial law.
-
-Upon the whole, if we consider the veneration, which the clergy usually
-entertained, and endeavoured to inculcate into the people, for the
-civil law; the indulgence shewn it by the prince; its prevalence in
-those courts which were immediately under the prerogative; and even the
-countenance shewn it at times in the course of pleading at common law;
-we cannot avoid coming to this short conclusion, “That the genius of
-the imperial laws was repugnant to our constitution; and that nothing
-but the extreme jealousy of the barons, lest they might prove, in
-pleas of the crown, injurious to civil liberty, hath kept them from
-being received in _England_ on the same footing that we every where
-find they are in the other countries of _Europe_, and as they are in
-_Scotland_ to this day.”
-
-But, if you think I draw this conclusion too hastily, and without
-grounding it on sufficient premises, you may further consider with me,
-if you please, THE FATE AND FORTUNES OF THE CIVIL LAW IN THIS KINGDOM
-DOWN TO THE PRESENT TIME.
-
-In the reigns of HENRY VII[150] and VIII, and the two first kings of
-the house of STUART, that is, the most despotic of our princes, the
-study of the civil law hath been more especially favoured; as we might
-conclude from the general spirit of those kings themselves, but as we
-certainly know from the countenance they shewed to its professors; from
-their chusing to employ them in their business, and from the salaries
-and places they provided for their encouragement. Yet see the issue of
-all this indulgence to a foreign law, and the treatment it met with
-from our parliaments and people! The oppressions of EMPSON and DUDLEY
-had been founded in a stretch of power, usurped and justified on the
-principles of the civil law; by which these miscreants had been enabled
-to violate a fundamental part of our constitution, the way of _trial
-by_ JURIES. The effect on the people was dreadful. Accordingly, in the
-entrance of the next reign, though the authority, by which they had
-acted, had even been parliamentary, these creatures of tyranny were
-indicted of high treason, were condemned and executed for having been
-instrumental in subverting LEGEM TERRÆ; and the extorted statute, under
-which they had hoped to shelter themselves, was with a just indignation
-repealed.
-
-Yet all this was considered only as a necessary sacrifice to the
-clamours of an incensed people. The younger HENRY, we may be sure,
-had so much of his father in him, or rather so far outdid him in the
-worst parts of his tyranny, that he could not but look with an eye of
-favour on the very law he had been constrained to abolish. His great
-ecclesiastical minister was, no doubt, in the secret of his master’s
-inclinations, and conducted himself accordingly. Yet the vengeance of
-the nation pursued and overtook him in good time. They resented his
-disloyal contempt of the original constitution; and made it one of the
-articles against this _Roman_ cardinal, “That he endeavoured to subvert
-_antiquissimas leges hujus regni, universumque hoc regnum_ LEGIBUS
-IMPERIALIBUS _subjicere_.”
-
-From this time, the study of the civil law was thought to languish in
-_England_, till it revived with much spirit in the reigns of those
-unhappy princes who succeeded to the house of TUDOR. Then indeed,
-by inclination and by pedantry, JAMES I. was led to patronize and
-encourage it. And the same project was resumed, and carried still
-further, by his unfortunate son. I speak now from my own experience and
-observation. The civil lawyers were most welcome at court. They were
-brought into the Chancery and court of Requests. The minister, another
-sort of man than WOLSEY, yet a thorough ecclesiastic, and bigoted, if
-not to the religion; yet to the policy of _Rome_, gave a countenance
-to this profession above that of the common law. He had found the
-spirit, and even the forms of it, most convenient for his purpose in
-the STAR-CHAMBER and HIGH-COMMISSION court, those tribunals of imperial
-justice, exalted so far above the controul of the common law; and by
-his good will, therefore, would have brought the same regimen into the
-other branches of the administration. Great civilians were employed to
-write elaborate defences of their science; to the manifest exaltation
-of the prerogative; to the prejudice of the national rights and
-privileges; and to the disparagement of the common law. The consequence
-of these proceedings is well known. The most immediate was, that they
-provoked the jealousy of the common lawyers; and, when the rupture
-afterwards happened, occasioned many of the most eminent of them to
-throw themselves into the popular scale[151].
-
-Yet, to see the uniformity of the views of tyranny, and the direct
-opposition which it never fails to encounter from the _English_ law, no
-sooner had a set of violent men usurped the liberties of their country,
-and with the sword in their hands determined to rule despotically
-and in defiance of the constitution, than the same jealousy of the
-common law, and the same contempt of it, revived. Nay, to such an
-extreme was the new tyranny carried, that the very game of EMPSON and
-DUDLEY was played over again. The trial of an _Englishman_ by his
-peers was disgraced and rejected; and (I speak from what I felt) the
-person imprisoned and persecuted, who dared appeal, though in his own
-case[152], to the ancient essential forms of the constitution. Under
-such a state of things, it is not to be wondered that much pains was
-taken to depreciate a law which these mighty men were determined not
-to regard. Invectives against the professors of the _English_ laws
-were the usual and favoured topics of parliamentary eloquence. These
-were sometimes so indecent, and pushed to that provoking length,
-that WHITLOCKE himself, who paced it with them through all changes,
-was forced in the end to hazard his reputation with his masters, by
-standing on the necessary defence of himself and his profession[153].
-
-I need not, I suppose, descend lower. Ye have both seen with your own
-eyes the occurrences of the late reign. Ye have heard the common
-language of the time. The practice was but conformable to such
-doctrines as were current at court, where it was generally maintained,
-that the king’s power of dispensing with law, was LAW; by which if
-these doctors did not intend the _imperial_ or _civil law_, the insult
-was almost too gross to deserve a confutation, It must be owned, and
-to the eternal shame of those who were capable of such baseness, there
-were not wanting some even of the common lawyers that joined in this
-insult.
-
-I but touch these things slightly; for I consider to whom I speak. But
-if, to these examples of the nation’s fondness for their laws, you
-add, what appears in the tenor of our histories, the constant language
-of the _coronation-oaths_, of the _oaths of our judges_, and, above
-all, of the _several great charters_; in all which express mention is
-made of the LEX TERRÆ, in opposition to every foreign, but especially
-the Cæsarean, law; you will conclude with me, “That, as certainly as
-the CÆSAREAN LAW is founded in the principles of slavery, our ENGLISH
-LAW, and the constitution to which it refers, hath its foundation in
-freedom, and, as such, deserved the care with which it hath been
-transmitted down to us from the earliest ages.”
-
-What think ye now, my good friends? Is it any longer a doubt, that the
-constitution of the _English_ government, such I mean as it appears to
-have been from the most unquestioned annals of our country, is a free
-constitution? Is there any thing more in the way of this conclusion?
-or does it not force itself upon us, and lie open to the mind of every
-plain man that but turns his attention upon this subject?
-
-You began, Mr. SOMERS, with great fears and apprehensions; or you
-thought fit to counterfeit them, at least. You suspected the matter
-was too mysterious for common understandings to penetrate, and too
-much involved in the darkness of ancient times to be brought into open
-day-light. Let me hear your free thoughts on the evidence I have here
-produced to you. And yet it is a small part only of that which might be
-produced, of that I am sure which yourself could easily have produced,
-and perhaps expected from me.
-
-But I content myself with these obvious truths, “That the liberty of
-the subject appears, and of itself naturally arose, from the very
-nature of the FEUDAL, which is properly (at least if we look no further
-back than the Conquest) the _English_ constitution; that the current
-of liberty has been gradually widening, as well as purifying, in
-proportion as it descended from its source; that charters and laws have
-removed every scruple that might arise about the reciprocal rights and
-privileges of prince and people; that the sense of that liberty which
-the nation enjoyed under their admirable constitution was so quick,
-that every the least attempt to deprive them of it gave an alarm;
-and their attachment to it so strong and constant, that no artifice,
-no intrigue, no perversion of law and gospel, could induce them to
-part with it: that, in particular, they have guarded this precious
-deposite of legal and constitutional liberty with such care, that,
-while the heedless reception of a foreign law, concurring with other
-circumstances, hath riveted the yoke of slavery on the other nations
-of _Europe_, this of _England_ could never be cajoled nor driven into
-any terms of accommodation with it; but, as NAT. BACON[154] said truly,
-_That the triple crown could never well solder with the English_, so
-neither could the _imperial_; and that, in a word, the ENGLISH LAW
-hath always been preserved inviolate from the impure mixtures of the
-canon and Cæsarean laws, as the sole defence and bulwark of our civil
-liberties.”
-
-These are the plain truths, which I have here delivered to you, and
-on which I could be content to rest this great cause; I mean, if
-it had not already received its formal, and, I would hope, final
-determination, in another way. For no pretences will surely prevail
-hereafter with a happy people to renounce that liberty, which so
-rightfully belonged to them at all times, and hath now so solemnly been
-confirmed to them by the great transactions of these days. I willingly
-omit therefore, as superfluous, what in a worse cause might have been
-thought of no small weight, the express testimony of our ablest lawyers
-to the freedom of our constitution. I do not mean only the COKES and
-SELDENS of our time (though in point of authority what names can be
-greater than theirs?); but those of older and therefore more reverend
-estimation, such as GLANVIL, BRACTON, the author of FLETA, THORNTON,
-and FORTESCUE[155]: men the most esteemed and learned in their several
-ages; who constantly and uniformly speak of the _English_, as a mixed
-and limited form of government, and even go so far as to seek its
-origin, where indeed the origin of all governments must be sought, in
-the free will and consent of the people.
-
-All this I might have displayed at large; and to others perhaps,
-especially if the cause had required such management, all this I should
-have displayed. But, independently of the judgments of particular men,
-which prejudice might take occasion to object to, I hold it sufficient
-to have proved from surer grounds, from the very form and make of our
-political fabric, and the most unquestioned, because the most public,
-monuments of former times, “THAT THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION IS ASSUREDLY
-AND INDISPUTABLY FREE[156].”
-
-
-BP. BURNET.
-
-You will read, Sir JOHN, in our attention to this discourse, the effect
-it has had upon us. The zeal, with which you have pleaded the cause
-of liberty, makes me almost imagine I see you again in the warmth and
-spirit of your younger years, when you first made head against the
-encroachments of civil tyranny. The same cause has not only recalled to
-your memory the old topics of defence, but restores your former vigour
-in the management of them. So that, for myself, I must freely own, your
-vindication of our common liberties is, at least, the most plausible
-and consistent that I have ever met with.
-
-
-MR. SOMERS.
-
-And yet, if one was critically disposed, there are still, perhaps, some
-things that might deserve a further explanation.—But enough has been
-said by you, Sir JOHN, to shew us where the truth lies: and, indeed,
-from such plain and convincing topics, that, whatever fears my love of
-liberty might suggest, they are much abated at least, if not entirely
-removed, by your arguments.
-
-
-BP. BURNET.
-
-Mr. SOMERS, I perceive, is not easily cured of his scruples and
-apprehensions. But for my own part, Sir JOHN, I can think but of one
-objection of weight that can be opposed to your conclusion. It is,
-“That, notwithstanding the clear evidence you have produced, both for
-the free nature of the _English_ constitution, and the general sense
-of the _English_ nation concerning it, yet, in fact, the government
-was very despotic under the TUDOR, and still more perhaps under the
-first princes of the STUART, line. How could this happen, may it be
-asked, on your plan, which supposes the popular interest to have been
-kept up in constant vigour, or rather to have been always gaining,
-insensibly indeed, but necessarily, on the power of the crown? Will
-not the argument then from historical evidence be turned against
-you, whilst it may be said that your theory, however plausible, is
-contradicted by so recent and so well-attested a part of our history?
-And, in particular, will not the partisans[157] of the late king and
-his family have to allege in their behalf, that their notions of the
-prerogative were but such as they succeeded to with the crown; and,
-whatever may be pretended from researches into remoter times, that they
-endeavoured only to maintain the monarchy on the footing on which it
-had stood for many successions, and on which it then stood when the
-administration fell into their hands? If this point were effectually
-cleared, I see nothing that could be further desired to a full and
-complete vindication of _English_ liberty.”
-
-
-SIR J. MAYNARD.
-
-Your lordship, I must own, has touched a very curious and interesting
-part of our subject. But you must not believe it was so much
-overlooked by me, as purposely left for your lordship’s better
-consideration. You, who have looked so minutely and carefully into the
-story of those times, will, better than any other, be able to unfold
-to us the mysteries of that affair. The fact is certain, as you say,
-that the _English_ government wore a more despotic appearance from the
-time of the TUDOR family’s accession to the throne, than in the reigns
-preceding that period. But I am mistaken, if your lordship will not
-open the reason of it so clearly as to convince us, that that increase
-of prerogative was no proof of a change in the constitution, and was
-even no symptom of declining liberty. I do not allow myself to speak my
-sentiments more plainly at present. But I am sure, if they are just,
-they will receive a confirmation from what your lordship will find
-occasion to observe to us in discoursing op this subject.
-
-
-MR. SOMERS.
-
-I will not disown that this was one of the matters I had in view, when
-I hinted some remaining doubts about your general conclusion. But I
-knew it would not escape my lord of SALISBURY, who, of all others, is
-certainly the most capable of removing it.
-
-
-BP. BURNET.
-
-So that I have very unwarily, it seems, been providing a fine task
-for myself. And yet, as difficult as I foresee it will be for me to
-satisfy two such Inquirers, I should not decline that task, if I was
-indeed prepared for it, or if I could boast of such a memory as Sir J.
-MAYNARD has shewn in the course of this conversation. But the truth is,
-though I have not wanted opportunities of laying in materials for such
-a design, and though I have not neglected to take some slight notes of
-them, yet I cannot pretend to have them at once in that readiness, as
-to venture on such a discourse as I know you expect from me. But if,
-against our next meeting, I shall be able to digest such thoughts as
-have sometimes occurred to me when I was engaged in the History of the
-Reformation, I shall take a pleasure to contribute all I can to the
-further and more entire elucidation of this subject.
-
-
- THE END OF THE THIRD VOLUME.
-
- Printed by J. Nichols and Son,
- Red Lion Passage, Fleet Street, London.
-
-
-
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[1] Mala et impia consuetudo est contra Deos disputandi, sive ex animo
-id fit, sive simulatè. _De Nat. D._ l. ii. c. 67.
-
-[2] Genus hoc sermonum, positum in hominum veterum auctoritate, et
-eorum illustrium, plus nescio quo pacto videtur habere gravitatis.
-Itaque ipse mea legens, sic afficior interdum, ut Catonem, non me loqui
-existímem. CIC. _De Amic._ c. 1.
-
-[3] Omnem sermonem tribuimus non Tithono, ut Aristo Chius; _parum enim
-esset auctoritatis in fabulâ_. De Senect. c. 1.
-
-[4] See the Dialogue intituled, Πρὸς τὸν εἰπόντα, ΠΡΟΜΗΘΕΥΣ εἶ ἐν
-λόγοις.
-
-[5] Ἔπαιζεν ἅμα σπουδάζων· Xen. Mem. l. i. c. 3.
-
-[6] Γέλωτα κωμικὸν ὑπὸ σεμνότητι φιλοσόφῳ. Προμηθ. c. 7.
-
-[7] Difficillimam illam societatem _Gravitatis cum Humanitate_. _Leg._ l.
-iii. c. 1.
-
-[8] Ἐτολμήσαμεν ἡμεῖς τὰ οὕτως ἔχοντα ϖρὸς ἄλληλα ξυναγαγεῖν καὶ
-ξυναρμόσαι, οὐ ϖάνυ ϖειθόμενα, οὐδὲ εὐμαρῶς ἀνεχόμενα τὴν κοινωνίαν.
-Προμηθ. c. 7.
-
-[9] Προμηθ. c. 7. to the end. Δὶς κατηγορούμενος. c. 33. and Ζεῦξις.
-
-[10] ——quo in genere orationis utrumque Oratorem cognoveramus, id
-ipsum sumus in eorum sermone _adumbrare conati_. De Orat. iii. 4.
-
-[11] A curious passage, or two, in his Letters to Atticus, will serve
-to illustrate this observation. The _academic questions_ were drawn
-up, and finished, when a doubt occurred to him, whether he should
-not change one of the speakers in that Dialogue, and, instead of
-Varro, introduce Brutus; who would suit his purpose, he said, just
-as well, because his philosophic principles were the same with those
-of Varro—_si addubitas_, says he to Atticus, _ad Brutum transeamus.
-Est enim is quoque Antiochius._ l. xiii. 25. Was this a change to
-be easily made, if it were necessary, in this kind of writing, to
-suit the _style_ and _manner of expression_ to the character of the
-speakers? Yet, hear how negligently he treats this matter—_Opinor
-igitur consideremus, etsi nomina jam facta sunt. Sed_ VEL INDUCI, VEL
-MUTARI POSSUNT. l. xiii. 14.—In other words, provided the _cast_ of
-the several parts was the same, the _language_ of the Dialogue would
-require no alteration. It was indifferent, in this respect, who were
-the speakers.
-
-[12] Scripsit enim et DIALOGOS quos non magis philosophiæ annumerare
-possis, quam HISTORIÆ. SENECA, EP. C.
-
-[13] Lord SHAFTESBURY’S _Moralists_, P. 1. S. I.
-
-[14] _Adv. to an Author_, P. 1. S. III.
-
-[15] _Adv. to an Author_, P. 1. towards the end.
-
-[16] The scene of Dr. MORE’S DIVINE DIALOGUES, printed in 1668.
-
-[17] At BEACONSFIELD in _Bucks_, the supposed scene of the Dialogue.
-
-[18] See his works, where are some pieces of a very early date; though
-Lord CLARENDON tells us, _he was near thirty years of age, before he
-was much taken notice of as a Poet_. Contin. of his Life, P. I. p. 25.
-
-[19] Dr. ANDREWS, bishop of _Winchester_, and Dr. NEAL, bishop of
-_Durham_. The story is well known.
-
-[20] Dr. GEORGE MORLEY.
-
-[21] This alludes to the impeachment of Mr. _Justice_ CRAWLEY, _July 6,
-1641_, for his extra-judicial opinion in the affair of _Ship-money_.
-Mr. WALLER’S speech on this occasion is extant amongst his works.
-
-[22] The famous Mr. HAMPDEN was his uncle.
-
-[23] That of _Secretary of State_. The Lord CLARENDON tells us it was
-with the utmost difficulty he persuaded him to accept it. “There were
-two considerations (says the historian) that made most impression on
-him; the _one_, lest the world should believe that his own ambition had
-procured this promotion, and that he had therefore appeared signally
-in the house to oppose those proceedings, that he might thereby render
-himself gracious to the court: The _other_, lest the king should expect
-such a submission and resignation of himself and his own reason and
-judgment to his commands as he should never give or pretend to give;
-for he was so severe an adorer of truth, that he would as easily have
-given himself leave to steal as to dissemble,” &c. B. iv.
-
-[24] The noble historian, before cited, gives us two instances of Lord
-FALKLAND’S scrupulosity. The _one_ was, “That he could never bring
-himself to employ spies, or give any countenance or entertainment to
-them:” The _other_, “That he could never allow himself the liberty of
-opening letters, upon a suspicion that they might contain matter of
-dangerous consequence.” B. viii.
-
-[25] To this purpose my Lord CLARENDON. “He [Mr. W.] spoke, upon all
-occasions, with great sharpness and freedom: which (now there were so
-few that used it, and there was no danger of being over-voted) was
-not restrained; and therefore used as an argument against those, who
-were gone upon pretence, that they were not suffered to declare their
-opinion freely in the house; which could not be believed, when all men
-knew what liberty Mr. WALLER took, and spoke every day with impunity,
-against the sense and proceedings of the house.” B. vii.
-
-[26] See Lord CLARENDON’S History.
-
-[27] Ἅπλωσον σεαυτόν, lib. iv. § 26, which Dr. MORE, in l. ii. c. 3. of
-his ENCHIRIDION ETHICUM, translates, _simplifica teipsum_.
-
-[28] In the year 1654.
-
-[29] Lord CLARENDON died in 1674.
-
-[30] The character of Mr. WALLER is given at large in the _Life of
-Lord Clarendon_, P. I. p. 25.—As for Dr. MORE, Bishop BURNET tells
-us, in one word, “That he was an open-hearted and sincere Christian
-philosopher.” _Hist. of his own Time_, vol. p. 273. 12^{mo}, _Edinb._
-1753.
-
-[31] This Dialogue is founded on a short passage in Mr. SPRAT’S Life of
-Mr. COWLEY, in which he observes, “That in his long dependence on my
-Lord St. ALBANS, there never happened any manner of difference between
-them; except a little at LAST, because he would leave his service.”
-
-[32] A small village on the _Thames_, which was Mr. COWLEY’S first
-retreat, before he removed to _Chertsea_.
-
-[33] Meaning an estate he had obtained by means of this lord. This
-particular is several times referred to in the course of the Dialogue.
-
-[34] The writer of the Dialogue has thought fit to soften the
-misanthropy of Mr. COWLEY in this instance. In one of his Essays he
-talks strangely. “It is the great boast,” says he, “of eloquence and
-philosophy, that they first congregated men dispersed, united them into
-cities, and built up the houses and the walls of cities. I wish they
-could unravel all they had woven, that we might have our woods and our
-innocence again, _instead of our castles and our policies_.”
-
-[35] These verses are inserted in one of his _Essays_, and in some
-editions of his works.
-
-[36] “Perhaps, says he (speaking of the poets), it was the immature and
-immoderate love of them, which stampt first, or rather engraved, the
-characters in me: they were like letters cut in the bark of a young
-tree, which with the tree, still grow proportionably.”
-
- [_Essay on himself._]
-
-[37] “When the civil war broke out, his [Mr. COWLEY’S] affection to the
-king’s cause drew him to _Oxford_, as soon as it began to be the chief
-seat of the royal party.” [Dr. SPRAT’S life of him.]
-
-[38] Dr. SPRAT tells us in _his Life_, “That, during his residence at
-_Oxford_, he had the entire friendship of my Lord FALKLAND, one of the
-principal secretaries of state. That affection was contracted by the
-agreement of their learning and manners. For you may remember, Sir,
-[addressing himself to Mr. M. CLIFFORD] we have often heard Mr. COWLEY
-admire him, not only for the profoundness of his knowledge, which was
-applauded by all the world, but more especially for those qualities
-which he himself more regarded, for _his generosity of mind, and his
-neglect of the vain pomp of human greatness_.”
-
-[39] _The Cutter of Coleman-street_; the occasion and purpose of
-which was this: At the Restoration, there was not a set of men more
-troublesome to the ministry than the cavalier officers; amongst whom
-had crept in all the profligate of broken fortunes, to share in the
-merits and rewards of that name. COWLEY writ this comedy to unmask
-these wretches, and might reasonably pretend to some thanks for it.
-But, contrary to expectation, this very attempt raised a storm against
-him even at court, which beat violently upon him. See his preface to
-that play in the later editions in 8vo.
-
-[40] SHAKESPEAR. _As you like it._ Act II. S. 1.—There is a quaintness
-in these lines of the great poet, which however are not unlike some of
-Mr. COWLEY’S addressed to J. EVELYNE, Esq.
-
- Where does the wisdom and the pow’r divine,
- In a more bright and sweet reflexion shine;
- Where do we finer strokes and colours see
- Of the Creator’s real poetry;
-
- Than when we with attention look
- Upon the third day’s volume of the book?
- If we could open and intend our eye,
- We all, like _Moses_, should espy,
- Ev’n in a _Bush_, the radiant Deity.
-
-[41] In the PREFACE to his _Proposition for the advancement of
-experimental philosophy_, first printed in 1661. _See the edition in
-24^{to}, Lond. for H. Herringham._
-
-[42] Dr. SPRAT tells us, “That he had obtained a plentiful estate by
-the favour of my Lord ST. ALBANS, and the bounty of my lord duke of
-BUCKINGHAM.” [See his _Life_.]
-
-[43] Meaning _The true history of_ Don Quixote; in which poor _Sancho
-Panca_ is drawn into all adventures, by the promise of his _knight_, to
-reward him in due time with the government of an _island_.
-
-[44] LORD BACON gives another account of this matter.—“As for the
-privateness of life of contemplative men, it is a theme so common
-to extol a private life, not taxed with sensuality and sloth, in
-comparison, and to the disadvantage of a civil life, for safety,
-liberty, pleasure, and dignity, _as no man handleth it, but handleth it
-well_: such a consonancy it hath to men’s conceits in the expressing,
-and to men’s consents in the allowing.” [_Adv. of Learning_, Book 1.]
-
-[45] The justness of this encomium on Lord CLARENDON will hardly be
-disputed by any man, whose opinion is worth regarding.—What pity,
-that Mr. COWLEY’S connexions with some persons, indevoted to the
-excellent Chancellor, kept him at a distance from a man, so congenial
-to himself, and for whom he could not but entertain the highest esteem!
-The Chancellor, though he could not be expected to take him out of the
-hands of his old patrons, seems, yet, to have been generous enough to
-Mr. COWLEY, not to resent those connexions: as may be gathered from
-the handsome testimony paid to his merit, in the _Continuation of the
-History of his own Life_. Speaking of B. JONSON, he says—“He [BEN
-JONSON] was the best judge of, and fittest to prescribe rules to,
-poetry and poets, of any man who had lived with, or before him, or
-since; _If Mr._ COWLEY _had not made a flight beyond all men_; with
-that modesty yet, to ascribe much of this, to the example and learning
-of BEN JONSON.”—Among the other infelicities of men of genius, ONE
-is, and not the least, that it rarely happens to them to have the
-choosing of the persons, to whom they would most wish to be obliged.
-The sensibility of their gratitude being equal to their other parts and
-virtues, the man, whose favour they chance first to experience, is sure
-of their constant services and attachment through life, how strongly
-soever their interest, and even their judgment, may _draw_ another way.
-
-[46] The reader is not to forget, that Mr. SPRAT is writing to the Lord
-ST. ALBANS, and was, at this time, chaplain to the Duke of BUCKINGHAM.
-
-[47] “Ingenium illustre altioribus studiis juvenis admodum dedit: non,
-ut PLERIQUE, UT NOMINE MAGNIFICO SEGNE OTIUM VELARET, sed quo firmior
-adversus fortuita rempublicam capesseret.” [_Hist._ IV. 5.]—Part of
-the fine character given us of HELVIDIUS PRISCUS.
-
-[48] THE ROYAL SOCIETY; not yet instituted, but much talked of at this
-time.
-
-[49] We have in this remonstrance that follows, the usual language of
-those we call our _friends_; which may sometimes be the _cause_, but
-is oftner the _pretence_, of ambition. Hear how gravely Sir DUDLEY
-CARLTON, who loved business, and drudged on in it all his life, is
-pleased, in an evil hour, to express himself: “The best is, I was never
-better, and were it not more for a necessity that is imposed by the
-EXPECTATION OF FRIENDS, not to stand at a stay and SENESCERE, whilst
-a man is young, than for ambition, I would not complain myself of my
-misfortune.” [Sir RALPH WINWOOD’S _Memorials_, vol. II. p. 45.]
-
-[50] That Mr. COWLEY _had_ his prince’s grace appears from what the
-king said of him, on the news of his death: “_That he had not left a_
-BETTER _man behind him in_ England.” And this with _grace_ enough, in
-reason, from SUCH a prince.—How it came to pass that he _wanted_ the
-grace of his peers (if, indeed, he _did_ want it), hath been explained
-in a note, p. 140.
-
-[51] The application of this line is the affair of the _Mastership of
-the_ Savoy; “which though granted, says Mr. Wood, to his highest merit
-by both the CHARLESES I. and II. yet by certain persons, enemies to the
-Muses, he lost that place.” But this was not the worst. For, such is
-the hard lot of unsuccessful men, the _Savoy-missing_ COWLEY became the
-object of ridicule, instead of pity, even to the wits themselves; as
-may be seen in “_The session of the poets_, amongst _the miscellaneous
-poems_ published by Mr. DRYDEN.”
-
- Quid DOMINI facient, audent si talia FURES?
-
-[52] Printed among his works, under the name of THE COMPLAINT. The
-relation it has to the subject debated, made me think it not amiss to
-print it at the end of this Dialogue—It must raise one’s indignation
-to find that so just, so delicate, and so manly a _complaint_ should be
-scoffed at, as it was by the wits before mentioned, under the name of
-THE PITIFUL MELANCHOLY.
-
-[53] Juvenal, _Sat._ i. ver. 112.
-
-[54] Whether it were owing to his other occupations, or that he had no
-great confidence in the success of this attempt, these _Essays_, which
-_were to give entire satisfaction_ to his court-friend in the affair of
-his retirement, went on very slowly. They were even left imperfect at
-his death, “a little before which (says Dr. SPRAT) he communicated to
-me his resolution, to have dedicated them all to my Lord ST. ALBANS, as
-a testimony of his entire respects to him; and a _kind of apology_ for
-having left human affairs in the strength of his age, while he might
-have been serviceable to his country.”——However, if this apology had
-not the _intended_ effect, it had a much better. Lords and wits may
-decide of the qualities of Mr. COWLEY’S _head_ as they please; but, so
-long as these _Essays_ remain, they will oblige all honest men _to love
-the language of his heart_.
-
-[55] Alas! he was mistaken.
-
-[56] A citation from one of his own poems.
-
-[57] Mr. SPRAT himself tells us, speaking of Mr. COWLEY’S retreat,
-that “some few friends and books, a _chearful heart_, and innocent
-conscience, were his constant companions.” _Life._
-
-[58] This is one of the prettiest of Mr. COWLEY’S smaller Poems. The
-plan of it is highly poetical: and, though the numbers be not the most
-pleasing, the expression is almost every where natural and beautiful.
-But its principal charm is that air of _melancholy_, thrown over the
-whole, so expressive of the poet’s character.
-
-The _address_ of the writer is seen in conveying his just reproaches on
-the _Court_, under a pretended vindication of it against the _Muse_.
-
-[59] An execrable line.
-
-[60] For the account of these _Monuments_, and of _Kenelworth-Castle_,
-see the plans and descriptions of DUGDALE.
-
-[61] The speaker’s idea of Lord LEICESTER’S porter agrees with the
-character he sustained on the queen’s reception at _Kenelworth_;
-as we find it described in a paper of good authority written at
-that time. “Here a PORTER, tall of person, big of limbs, stark of
-countenance—with club and keys of quantity according; in a rough
-speech, full of passion in metre, while the queen came within his ward,
-burst out in a great pang of impatience to see such uncouth trudging
-to and fro, such riding in and out, with such din and noise of talk,
-within his charge; whereof he never saw the like, nor had any warning
-once, ne yet could make to himself any cause of the matter. At last,
-upon better view and advertisement, he proclaims open gates and free
-passage to all; yields over his club, his keys, his office and all, and
-on his knees humbly prays pardon of his ignorance and impatience. Which
-her highness graciously granting, _&c._”—
-
- A letter from an attendant in court to his friend a citizen and
- merchant of _London_. From the court at _Worcester, 20 August 1575_.
-
-[62] In the first volume of the SPECTATOR.
-
-[63] The factious use, that was afterwards made of this humour of
-magnifying the character of ELIZABETH, may be seen in the _Craftsman_
-and _Remarks on the History of England_.
-
-[64] What the _political_ character of Mr. ADDISON was, may be seen
-from his _Whig-examiner_. This amiable man was keen and even caustic
-on subjects, where his party, that is, _civil liberty_, was concerned.
-Nor let it be any objection to the character I make him sustain in
-this Dialogue, that he treats ELIZABETH’S government with respect in
-the _Freeholder_. He had then the people to cajole, who were taught to
-reverence her memory. He is, here, addressing himself, in private, to
-his friends.
-
-[65] Lucian expresses this use of the Table prettily—ΦΙΛΙΑΣ ΜΕΣΙΤΗΝ
-ΤΡΑΠΕΖΑΝ, Ἔρωτες, c. 27.
-
-[66] Besides this sort of hospitality, there was another still
-more noble and disinterested, which distinguished the early times,
-especially the purer ages of chivalry. It was customary, it seems,
-for the great lords to fix up HELMETS on the roofs and battlements
-of their castles as a signal of hospitality to all adventurers and
-noble passengers. “Adoncques etoit une coustume en la Grant Bretagne
-(says the author of the old romance, called PERCEFOREST) et fut tant
-que charité regna illecque, tous gentils hommes et nobles dames
-faisoient mettre au plus hault de leur hostel ung heaulme, en SIGNE
-que tous gentils hommes et gentilles femmes trespassans les chemins,
-entrassent hardyement en leur hostel comme en leur propre; car leurs
-biens estoient davantage à tous nobles hommes et femmes trespassans le
-royaulme.” Vol. iii. fol. 103.
-
-[67] This is not said without authority: “Give me leave, says one, to
-hold this paradox, that the English were never more idle, never more
-ignorant in manual arts, never more factious in following the parties
-of princes or their landlords, never more base (as I may say) trencher
-slaves, than in that age, wherein great men kept open houses for all
-comers and goers: and that in our age, wherein we have better learned
-each man to live of his own, and great men keep not such troops of idle
-servants, not only the English are become very industrious and skilful
-in manual arts, but also the tyranny of lords and gentlemen is abated,
-whereby they nourished private dissensions and civil wars, with the
-destruction of the common people.” FYNES MORYSON’S _Itinerary_, Part
-III. Ch. v.
-
-[68] Dr. ARBUTHNOT, too, has his authority. A famous politician of the
-last century expresseth himself to much the same purpose, after his
-manner: “Henceforth, says he, [that is, after the statutes against
-retainers in HEN. VII’S reign] the country lives, and _great tables_
-of the nobility, which no longer nourished veins that would bleed
-for them, were fruitless and loathsome till they changed the air,
-and of princes became _courtiers_; where their revenues, never to
-have been exhausted by beef and mutton, were found _narrow_; whence
-followed racking of rents, and, at length, sale of lands.” SIR JAMES
-HARRINGTON’S OCEANA, p. 40. _Lond._ 1656.
-
-[69] True it is, that this divertisement of _bear-baiting_ was not
-altogether unknown in the age of ELIZABETH, and, as it seemeth, not
-much misliked of master STOW himself, who hath very graphically
-described it. He is speaking of the _Danish_ embassador’s reception and
-entertainment at _Greenwich_ in 1586. “As the better sort, saith he,
-had their convenient disports, so were not the ordinary people excluded
-from competent pleasure. For, upon a green, very spacious and large,
-where thousands might stand and behold with good contentment, their
-BEAR-BAITING and bull-baiting (tempered with other merry disports) were
-exhibited; whereat it cannot be spoken of what pleasure the people took.
-
-For it was a sport alone, of these beasts, continueth the historian,
-to see the bear with his pink-eyes leering after his enemies; the
-nimbleness and wait of the dog to take his advantage; and the force and
-experience of the bear again to avoid the assaults; if he were bitten
-in one place, how he would pinch in another to get free; and if he were
-once taken, then what shift with biting, clawing, roaring, tugging,
-grasping, tumbling, and tossing, he would work to wind himself away;
-and, when he was loose, to shake his ears with the blood and slaver
-about his phisnomy, was a pittance of good relief. The like pastime
-also of the bull.—And now the day being far spent, and the sun in
-his declination, the embassador withdrew to his lodging by barge to
-CROSBY’S place; where, no doubt, THIS DAY’S SOLEMNITY WAS THOUGHT UPON
-AND TALKED OF.”—p. 1562.
-
-[70] See the _Anarcharsis_ of LUCIAN.
-
-[71] If the reader be complaisant enough to admit the fact, it may be
-accounted for, on the ideas of chivalry, in the following manner. The
-knight forfeited all pretensions to the favour of the ladies, if he
-failed, in any degree, in the point of valour. And, reciprocally, the
-claim which the ladies had to protection and courtesy from the order
-of knights, was founded singly in the reputation of chastity, which
-was the female point of honour. “Ce droit que les dames avoient sur la
-chevalerie (says M. DE LA CURNE DE STE PALAYE) devoit étre conditionel;
-il supposoit que leur conduite et leur reputation ne les rendoient
-point indignes de l’espece d’association qui les unissoit à cet ordre
-uniquement fondé sur l’honneur.
-
-Par celle voye (says an old _French_ writer, the chevalier DE LA TOUR,
-about the year 1371) les bonnes se craignoient et se tenoient plus
-fermes de faire chose dont elles peussent perdre leur honneur et leur
-etat. _Si vouldroye que celûi temps fust revenu, car je pense qu’il
-n’en seroit pas tant de blasmées comme il est à present.”_
-
-[72] Sir PHILIP SYDNEY.
-
-[73] What is hinted, here, of the _reality_ of these representations,
-hath been lately shewn at large in a learned memoir on this subject,
-which the reader will find in the XX^{th} Tom. of HIST. DE L’ACAD. DES
-INSCRIPTIONS ET BELLES LETTRES.
-
-[74] This representation of things in the ages of chivalry agrees
-with what we are told by the author of the memoir just quoted: “Les
-premières leçons,” (says he, speaking of the manner in which the youth
-were educated in the houses of the Great, which were properly the
-schools of those times) “qu’on leur donnoit, regardoient principalement
-_l’amour de Dieu, et des dames_, c’est-à-dire, la religion, et la
-galanterie. Mais autant la dévotion qu’on leur inspiroit étoit
-accompagnée de puerilités et de superstitions, autant l’amour des
-dames, qu’on leur recommandoit, étoit il rempli de RAFFINEMENT et
-de FANATISME. Il semble qu’on ne pouvoit, dans ces siécles ignorans
-et grossiers, présenter aux hommes la religion sous une forme assez
-materielle pour la mettre à leur portée; ni leur donner, en même tems,
-une idée de l’amour assez pure, assez metaphysique, pour prevenir les
-desordres et les excès, dont etoit capable une nation qui conservoit
-par-tout le caractere impetueux qu’elle montroit à la guerre.” Tom. xx.
-p. 600.
-
-One sees then the origin of that furious gallantry which runs through
-the old romances. And so long as the _refinement and fanaticism_,
-which the writer speaks of, were kept in full vigour by the force of
-institution and the fashion of the times, the morals of these enamoured
-knights might, for any thing I know, be as pure as their apologist
-represents them. At the same time it must be confessed that this
-discipline was of a nature very likely to relax itself under another
-state of things, and certainly to be misconstrued by those who should
-come to look upon these pictures of a _refined and spiritual passion_,
-as incredible and fantastic. And hence, no doubt, we are to account
-for that censure which a famous writer, and one of the ornaments
-of ELIZABETH’S own age, passeth on the old books of chivalry. His
-expression is downright, and somewhat coarse. “In our fathers time
-nothing was read but books of chivalry, wherein a man by reading should
-be led to none other end, but only to _manslaughter_ and _baudrye_.
-If any man suppose they were good enough to pass the time withall, he
-is deceived. For surely vain words do work no small thing in vain,
-ignorant, and young minds, especially if they be given any thing
-thereunto of their own nature.” He adds, like a good Protestant, “These
-books, as I have heard say, were made the most part in abbayes and
-monasteries; a very likely and fit fruit of such an idle and blind kind
-of living.” _Præf._ to ASCHAM’S TOXOPHILUS, 1571.
-
-I thought it but just to set down this censure of Mr.
-ASCHAM over-against the candid representation of the French
-memorialist.—However, what is said of the influence, which this
-ancient institution had on the character of his countrymen, is not
-to be disputed. “Les preceptes d’amour repandoient dans le commerce
-des dames ces considerations et ces egards respectueux, qui, n’ayant
-jamais été effacés de l’esprit des François, ont toujours fait un des
-caractères distinctifs de nôtre nation.”
-
-[75] Of SCRIBLERUS. See the VI^{th} chapter of that learned work, _On
-the ancient Gymnastics_.
-
-[76] MASQUES, p. 181. WHALEY’S edition.
-
-[77] This romantic spirit of the Queen may be seen as well in her
-_amours_, as military achievements. “Ambiri, coli ob formam, et
-AMORIBUS, etiam inclinatâ jam ætate, videri voluit; de FABULOSIS
-INSULIS per illam relaxationem renovatâ quasi memoriâ in quibus EQUITES
-AC STRENUI HOMINES ERRABANT, et AMORES, fœditate omni prohibitâ,
-generosè per VIRTUTEM exercebant.”
-
- THUANI Hist. tom. vi. p. 172.
-
-The observation of the great historian is confirmed by FRANCIS OSBORNE,
-Esq., who, speaking of a contrivance of the Cecilian party to ruin
-the earl of ESSEX, by giving him a rival in the good graces of the
-queen, observes—“But the whole result concluding in a duel, did rather
-inflame than abate the former account she made of him: the opinion
-of a CHAMPION being more splendid (in the weak and romantic sense of
-women, that admit of nothing fit to be made the object of a quarrel
-but themselves) and far above that of a captain or general. So as Sir
-EDMUND CARY, brother to the Lord HUNSDON, then chamberlain and near
-kinsman to the Queen, told me, that though she chid them both, nothing
-pleased her better than a conceit she had, that her _beauty_ was the
-subject of this quarrel, when, God knows, it grew from the stock of
-honour, of which then they were very tender.”—MEM. OF Q. ELIZABETH, p.
-456.
-
-But nothing shews the romantic disposition of the Queen, and indeed
-of her times, more evidently than the TRIUMPH, as it was called;
-devised and performed with great solemnity, in honour of the _French_
-commissioners in 1581. The contrivance was for four of her principal
-courtiers, under the quaint appellation of “four foster-children of
-DESIRE,” to besiege and carry, by dint of arms, “THE FORTRESS OF
-BEAUTY;” intending, by this courtly ænigma, nothing less than the
-queen’s majesty’s own person.—The actors in this famous triumph were,
-the Earl of ARUNDEL, the Lord WINDSOR, Master PHILIP SIDNEY, and Master
-FULK GREVIL. And the whole was conducted so entirely in the spirit
-and language of knight errantry, that nothing in the Arcadia itself
-is more romantic. See the account at large in STOW’S continuation of
-HOLINSHED’S Chronicles, p. 1316-1321.
-
-To see the drift and propriety of this triumph, it is to be observed
-that the business which brought the _French_ commissioners into
-_England_ was, the great affair of the queen’s marriage with the duke
-of ALANÇON.
-
-[78] Speeches at Prince HENRY’S barriers.
-
-[79] There was an instance of this kind, and perhaps the latest upon
-record in our history, in the 13th year of the queen, when “a combat
-was appointed to have been fought for a certain manor, and demain
-lands belonging thereto, in _Kent_.” The matter was compromised in
-the end. But not till after the usual forms had been observed, by the
-two parties: of which we have a curious and circumstantial detail in
-_Holinshed’s_ Chronicles, p. 1225.
-
-[80] Alluding to a tract, so called, by GASCOIGNE, an attendant on the
-court, and poet of that time, who hath given us a narrative of the
-entertainments that passed on this occasion at _Kenelworth_.
-
-[81] Hence then it is that a celebrated dramatic writer of those
-days represents the entertainment of MASKS and SHOWS, as the highest
-indulgence that could be provided for a luxurious and happy monarch.
-His words are these;
-
- “Music and poetry are his delight.
- Therefore I’ll have _Italian_ masques by night,
- Sweet speeches, comedies, and pleasing shows;
- And in the day, when he shall walk abroad,
- Like SYLVAN NYMPHS, my pages shall be clad:
- My men, like SATYRS, grazing on the lawns,
- Shall, with their goat-feet dance the antic hay:
- Sometimes a lovely boy in DIAN’S shape,
- With hair, that gilds the water as it glides,
- Crownets of pearls about his naked arms,
- And in his sportful hands an olive-tree,
- Shall bathe him in a spring, and there hard-by
- One like ACTÆON, peeping through the grove,
- Shall by the angry Goddess be transform’d—
- Such things as these best please his Majesty.”
-
- MARLOW’S Edward II.
-
-And how exactly this dramatist painted the humour of the times, we may
-see from the entertainment provided, not many years after, for the
-reception of King JAMES at _Althorp_ in _Northamptonshire_; where this
-very design of _Sylvan Nymphs_, _Satyrs_, and ACTÆON, was executed in a
-masque by B. JONSON.
-
-[82] Whom his friend Mr. SELDEN characterizeth in this manner,
-
- “Omnia carmina doctus
- Et calles mythων plasmata et historiam.”
- TIT. OF HON. p. 466.
-
-[83] _Sacrifices_, says PLUTARCH, _without chorusses and without music,
-we have known: but for poetry, without fable and without fiction, we
-know of no such thing_. Θυσίας μὲν ἀχόρους καὶ ἀναύλους ἴσμεν· οὐκ
-ἴσμεν δὲ ἄμυθον οὐδὲ ἀψευδῆ ϖοίησιν. De aud. poët. vol. i. p. 16.
-
-[84] This will be admitted, if a calculation said to have been made by
-themselves of their number at that time may be relied on—“They make
-reasoning (saith Sir EDWIN SANDYS in his _Speculum Europæ_, written
-in 1699) forty hundred sure catholics in _England_, with four hundred
-_English Roman_ priests to maintain that militia,” p. 157.
-
-[85] Mr. CAMDEN owns that the _Irish_ rebellion, which in the end
-became so dangerous, had been “encouraged by a slighting of it, and
-a gripple-handedness of _England_.” [_Hist. of_ ELIZ. B. iv.]—To
-the same purpose another eminent writer of that time—“Before the
-transmitting of the last great army, the forces sent over by Q.
-ELIZABETH were NOT of sufficient power to break and subdue all the
-_Irishry_.” At last, however, “The extreme peril of losing the kingdom;
-the dishonour and danger that might thereby grow to the crown of
-_England_; together with a just disdain conceived by that great-minded
-queen, that so wicked and ungrateful a rebel should prevail against
-her, who had ever been victorious against all her enemies; did move and
-almost ENFORCE her to send over that mighty army.” [Sir. J. DAVIES,
-_Discovery of the State of Ireland_, p. 97. _Lond._ 1613.]
-
-[86] Sir ROBERT NAUNTON tells us, “The queen was never profuse in
-delivering out of her treasure; but paid her servants part in money,
-and the rest with GRACE; which, as the case stood, was then taken for
-good payment.” [FRAGM. REG. p. 89.] And NAT. BACON to the same purpose.
-“A wise man, that was an eye-witness of HER actions, and those that
-succeeded to her, many times hath said, That a courtier might make a
-better meal of one good LOOK from her, than of a gift from some other.”
-[DISC. P. ii. p. 266. _Lond._ 1651.]
-
-[87] This _reverence of authority_, one of the characteristics of that
-time, and which Mr. ADDISON presently accounts for, a great writer
-celebrates in these words—“It was an ingenuous uninquisitive time,
-when all the passions and affections of the people were lapped up in
-such an innocent and humble obedience, that there was never the least
-contestation nor capitulation with the queen, nor (though she very
-frequently consulted with her subjects) _any further reasons urged of
-her actions than_ HER OWN WILL.” See a tract intitled THE DISPARITY, in
-Sir H. WOTTON’S Remains, p. 46, supposed to have been written by the
-earl of CLARENDON.
-
-[88] PAULUS HENTZNERUS, a learned _German_, who was in _England_
-in 1598, goes still further in his encomium on the queen’s skill
-in languages. He tells us, that, “præterquam quòd Græcè et Latinè
-eleganter est docta, tenet, ultra jam memorata idiomata, etiam
-Hispanicum, Scoticum, et Belgicum.” See his ITINERARIUM.
-
-But this was the general character of the great in that reign: at
-least, if we may credit Master WILLIAM HARRISON, who discourseth on the
-subject before us in the following manner: “This further is not to be
-omitted, to the singular commendation of both sorts and sexes of our
-courtiers here in _England_, that there are very few of them, which
-have not the use and skill of sundry speeches, beside an excellent vein
-of writing, before time not regarded. Truly it is a rare thing with us
-now, to hear of a courtier which hath but his own language. And to say
-how many gentlewomen and ladies there are, that, beside sound knowledge
-of the _Greek_ and _Latin_ tongues, are thereto no less skilful in the
-_Spanish_, _Italian_, and _French_, or in some one of them, it resteth
-not in me; sith I am persuaded, that as the noblemen and gentlemen do
-surmount in this behalf, so these come very little or nothing behind
-them for their parts; which industry God continue, and accomplish that
-which otherwise is wanting.” DESCRIPT. of ENGLAND, p. 196.
-
-[89] One of these _ties_ was the _prejudice of education_; and some
-uncommon methods used to bind it fast on the minds of the people.—A
-book, called ΕΙΡΗΝΑΡΧΙΑ, sive ELIZABETH, was written in _Latin_ verse
-by one OCKLAND, containing the highest panegyrics on the queen’s
-character and government, and setting forth the transcendant virtues of
-her ministers. This book was enjoined by authority to be taught, as a
-classic author, in Grammar-schools, and was of course to be gotten by
-heart by the young scholars throughout the kingdom.
-
-This was a matchless contrivance to imprint a sense of loyalty on the
-minds of the people. And, though it flowed, as we are to suppose,
-from a tender regard, in the advisers of it, for the interests of
-Protestantism in that reign; yet its uses are so apparent in any reign,
-and under any administration, that nothing but the moderation of her
-successors, and the reasonable assurance of their ministers that their
-own acknowledged virtues were a sufficient support to them, could have
-hindered the expedient from being followed.
-
-But, though the stamp of public authority was wanting, private men
-have attempted, in several ways, to supply this defect. To instance
-only in one. The Protestant queen was to pass for a mirror of _good
-government_: hence the Εἰρηνάρχια. Her successor would needs be thought
-a mirror of _eloquence_: and hence the noble enterprise I am about to
-celebrate. “Mr. GEORGE HERBERT (I give it in the grave historian’s own
-words) being prelector in the rhetorique school in _Cambridge_, in
-1618, passed by those fluent orators, that domineered in the pulpits of
-_Athens_ and _Rome_, and insisted to read upon an oration of K. JAMES,
-which he analysed; shewed the concinnity of the parts; the propriety
-of the phrase; the height and power of it to move the affections; the
-style, UTTERLY UNKNOWN TO THE ANCIENTS, who could not conceive what
-kingly eloquence was, in respect of which those noted demigogi were
-but hirelings and tribolary rhetoricians.” Bishop HACKET’S Life of
-Archbishop WILLIAMS, p. 175.
-
-[90] A learned foreigner gives this character of the _English_ at that
-time: “Angli, ut ADDICTE SERVIUNT, ità evecti ad dignitates priorem
-humilitatem INSOLENTIA rependunt.” H. GROTII ANN. L. v. p. 95. _Amst._
-1657. Hence the propriety of those complaints, in our great poet, of,
-
- “The whips and scorns of th’ time,
- Th’ oppressor’s wrong, the proud man’s contumely,
- THE INSOLENCE OF OFFICE;”—
-
-_complaints_ so frequent, and so forcibly expressed by him, that we may
-believe he painted from his own observation, and perhaps experience, of
-this insolent misuse of authority. MEASURE FOR MEASURE, A. II. S. vii.
-
-[91] Yet it may seem probable, from this poet’s conduct in _Ireland_,
-and his _View of the state of that country_, that his talents for
-_business_ (such as CECIL himself must have approved) were no less
-considerable than for poetry. But he had served a disgraced man; and
-had drawn upon himself the admiration of the generous earl of _Essex_.
-So that, as the historian expresseth it, “by a fate which still follows
-poets, he always wrestled with poverty, though he had been secretary
-to the lord GRAY, lord deputy of _Ireland_.” All that remained for
-him was, “to be interred at _Westminster_, near to CHAUCER, at the
-charge of the earl of _Essex_; his hearse being attended by poets, and
-mournful elegies and poems, with the pens that wrote them, thrown into
-his grave.” CAMDEN, lib. iv.
-
-[92] As to Sir FRANCIS BACON, the queen herself gave a very plausible
-reason, and doubtless much approved by the grave lawyers and other
-judicious persons of that time, for her neglect of this gentleman.
-“She did acknowledge (says the earl of _Essex_ in a letter to Mr.
-FRANCIS BACON) you had a great wit, and an excellent gift of speech,
-and much other good learning. But in LAW, she rather thought you could
-make shew, to the utmost of your knowledge, than, that you were deep.”
-MEM. OF Q. ELIZABETH by Dr. BIRCH; to whom the public is exceedingly
-indebted for abundance of curious information concerning the history of
-those times.
-
-If it be asked, how the queen came to form this conclusion, the answer
-is plain. It was from Mr. BACON’S having a GREAT WIT, an excellent GIFT
-OF SPEECH, and much other GOOD LEARNING.
-
-It is true, Sir FRANCIS BACON himself gives another account of this
-matter. In a letter of advice to Sir. GEORGE VILLIERS, he says, “In
-this dedication of yourself to the public, I recommend unto you
-principally that which I think was never done since I was born—that
-you countenance and encourage and advance ABLE MEN, in all kinds,
-degrees, and professions. For in the time of the CECILS, father and
-son, ABLE MEN WERE BY DESIGN AND OF PURPOSE SUPPRESSED.” CABALA, p. 57,
-ed. 1691.—But either way, indeed, the queen’s character is equally
-saved.
-
-[93] The lord MOUNTJOY [then Sir CHARLES BLOUNT], being of a military
-turn, had stolen over into _France_, without the queen’s knowledge,
-in order to serve in _Bretagne_, under one of her generals. Upon his
-return, which was hastened too by her express command, “Serve me so
-again, said the queen, once more, and I will lay you fast enough for
-running. You will never leave, till you are knocked o’ the head, as
-that inconsiderate fellow SIDNEY was. You shall go when I send you. In
-the mean time see that you lodge in the Court, where you may FOLLOW
-YOUR BOOKS, HEAD, AND DISCOURSE OF THE WARS.” Sir ROBERT NAUNTON’S FR.
-REG. in L. BURLEIGH.
-
-[94] So good a judge of military matters, as Sir WALTER RALEIGH, was of
-this opinion with regard to the conduct of the _Spanish_ war. “If the
-late queen would have believed her men of war, as she did her scribes,
-we had, in her time, beaten that great empire in pieces, and made their
-kings, kings of figs and oranges, as in old times. But _her majesty
-did all by halves_, and, by petty invasions, taught the _Spaniard_
-how to defend himself, and to see his own weakness; which, till our
-attempts taught him, was hardly known to himself.” See his Works, vol.
-i. 273.—RALEIGH, it may be said, was of the CECIL faction. But the men
-of war, of the ESSEX faction, talked exactly in the same strain; which
-shews that this might probably be the truth.
-
-[95] See Sir HENRY WOTTON’S _Parallel of the earl of Essex and duke
-of Buckingham_. The words are these: “He [the earl of _Essex_] was to
-wrestle with a queen’s declining, or rather with her very setting age,
-as we may term it; which, besides other respects, is commonly even
-of itself the more umbratious and apprehensive; as for the most part
-all horizons are charged with certain vapours towards their evening.”
-REMAINS, p. 11.
-
-[96] THE DISPARITY, p. 43
-
-[97] This account of her policy is confirmed by what we read in the
-DISPARITY, before cited. “That trick of countenancing and protecting
-factions (as that queen, almost her whole reign, did with singular and
-equal demonstration of grace look upon several persons of most distant
-wishes one towards another) was not the least ground of much of her
-quiet and success. And she never doubted but that men, that were never
-so opposite in their good-will each to other, or never so dishonest in
-their projectments for each other’s confusion, might yet be reconciled
-in their allegiance towards her. Insomuch that, during her whole
-reign, she never endeavoured to reconcile any personal differences in
-the court, though the unlawful emulations of persons of nearest trust
-about her, were ever like to overthrow some of her chiefest designs:
-_A policy, seldom entertained by princes, especially if they have
-issues to survive them_,” p. 46. Her own historian, it is true, seems
-a little shy of acknowledging this conduct of the queen, with regard
-to her nobility and ministers. But he owns, “She now and then took a
-pleasure (and not unprofitably) in the emulation and privy grudges of
-her women.” CAMDEN’S ELIZABETH, p. 79. fol. _Lond._ 1688.
-
-[98] We find an intimation to this purpose, in a writer of credit, at
-least with respect to the _Dutch_ and _Ireland_—“Jam et _divulsam_
-Hiberniam, et in Batavis Angli militis _seditiones_, velut JUSSAS,
-erant qui exprobrarent.” GROTII ANNAL. l. xii. p. 432.
-
-[99] Something like this was observed of her disposition by Sir JAMES
-MELVIL. After having related to his mistress, the queen of _Scots_,
-the strong professions of friendship which the queen of _England_ had
-made to him, “She [the queen of _Scots_] inquired, says he, whether I
-thought that queen meant truly towards her inwardly in her heart, as
-she appeared to do outwardly in her speech. I answered freely, that, in
-my judgment, there was neither plain dealing, nor upright meaning; but
-great dissimulation, emulation, and FEAR, lest her princely qualities
-should over-soon chace her from her kingdom,” &c. MEMOIRS, p. 53.
-
-[100] Secretary WALSINGHAM, in a letter to the queen, Sept. 2,
-1581, amongst other things to the same purpose, has the following
-words—“_Remember_, I humbly beseech your majesty, _the respect of
-charges hath lost Scotland_: and I would to God I had no cause to
-think, that _it might put your highness in peril of the loss of
-England_.”—“And even the Lord Treasurer himself (we are told) in
-a letter still extant in the paper-office, written in the critical
-year 1588, while the _Spanish_ armada was expected against _England_,
-excuses himself to sir EDWARD STAFFORD, then embassador in _France_,
-for not writing to him oftener, _on account of her majesty’s
-unwillingness to be at the expence of messengers_.” Sir T. EDMONDES’
-State-papers, by Dr. BIRCH, p. 21.
-
-[101] One of these complaisant observers was the writer of _the
-Description of England_, who, speaking of the variety of the queen’s
-houses, checks himself with saying, “But what shall I need to take
-upon me to repeat all, and tell what houses the queen’s majesty hath?
-Sith ALL IS HIRS; and when it pleaseth hir in the summer season to
-recreate hirself abroad, and view the state of the countrie, and hear
-the complaints of hir unjust officers or substitutes, _every nobleman’s
-house is hir palace_, where she continueth during pleasure, and till
-she returne again to some of hir owne; in which she remaineth as long
-as pleaseth hir.” p. 196.
-
-[102] Perhaps they had no need of such favours: It seems as if they
-had provided for themselves another way. One of her ladies, the Lady
-EDMONDES, had been applied to for her interest with the queen in a
-certain affair of no great moment, then depending in the Court of
-Chancery. The person, commissioned to transact this matter with her
-ladyship, had offered her 100_l._ which she treated _as too small a
-sum_. The relater of this fact adds—“This ruffianry of causes I am
-daily more and more acquainted with, and see the manner of dealing,
-which cometh of the _queen’s straitness_ to give these women, whereby
-they presume thus to grange and truck causes.” See a letter in MEM. of
-Q. ELIZABETH, by Dr. BIRCH, vol. i. p. 354. But this 100_l._ as the
-virtuous Lady EDMONDES says, was _a small sum_. It appears, that bishop
-FLETCHER, on his translation to _London_, “bestowed in allowances
-and gratifications to divers attendants [indeed we are not expressly
-told, they were _female_] about her majesty, the sum of 3100_l._ which
-money was given by him, for the most part of it, _by her majesty’s
-direction and special appointment_.” Mem. vol. ii. p. 113. And the
-curiosity is, to find this minute of episcopal _gratifications_ in
-a petition presented to the queen herself, “To move her majesty in
-commiseration towards the orphans of this bishop.”—However, to do the
-ladies justice, the contagion of bribery was so general in that reign,
-that the greatest men in the court were infected by it. The lord-keeper
-PUCKERING, it seems, had a finger in the affair of the 100_l._; nay,
-himself speaks to the lady to get him commanded by the queen to favour
-the suit. And we are told, that Sir W. RALEIGH had no less than
-10,000_l._ for his interest with the queen on a certain occasion, after
-having been invited to this service by the finest letter that ever was
-written.—Indeed it is not said how much of this secret service money
-went _in allowances and gratifications to the attendants about the
-queen’s majesty_, vol. ii. p. 497.
-
-[103] Lord BACON made the same excuse for _his_ bribery; as he had
-learnt, perhaps, the trade itself from his royal mistress. It was a
-rule with this great chancellor, “Not to sell injustice, but never to
-let justice go scot-free.”
-
-[104] See _Hist. Collections_, by H. TOWNSHEND, Esq.; p. 268. _Lond._
-1680.—The lord-keeper too, in a speech in the star-chamber, confirms
-this charge on the country justices. “The thirst, says he, after this
-authority, proceedeth from nothing but an ambitious humour of gaining
-of reputation amongst their neighbours; that still, when they come
-home, _they may be presented with presents_.” Ibid. p. 355.
-
-[105] When the queen declared to Sir JAMES MELVIL her resolution of
-virginity, “I know the truth of that, madam, (said he); you need not
-tell it me. Your majesty thinks, if you were married, you would be but
-queen of _England_; and now you are both king and queen. _I know your
-spirit cannot endure a commander._” MEM. p. 49. This was frank. But Sir
-JAMES MELVIL was too well seen in courts to have used this language,
-if he had not understood it would be welcome. Accordingly, the queen’s
-highness did not seem displeased with the imputation.
-
-[106] This was a common topick of complaint against the queen; or at
-least her ministers, and gave occasion to that reproof of the poet
-SPENSER, which the persons concerned could hardly look upon as very
-decent,
-
- “Scarce can a bishoprick forepass them bye
- But that it must be gelt in privity.”
- Mother HUBBARD’S _Tale_.
-
-But a bishop of that time carries the charge still further. In one of
-his sermons at court before the queen, “Parsonages and vicarages, says
-he, seldom pass now-a-days from the patron, but either for the lease,
-or the present money. Such merchants are broken into the church of God,
-a great deal more intolerable than were they whom CHRIST whipped out
-of the temple.”—This language is very harsh, and surely not deserved
-by the Protestant patrons of those days, who were only, as we may
-suppose, for reducing the church of CHRIST to its pure and primitive
-state of indigence and suffering. How edifying is it to hear St. PAUL
-speak of his being—_In hunger and thirst, in fastings often, in cold
-and nakedness!_ And how perfectly reformed would our church be, if its
-ministers were but once more in this blessed apostolical condition!
-
-[107] It was this circumstance that seemed to weigh most with the
-Lord Chancellor BACON; who, in his short tract, _In felicem memoriam_
-ELIZABETHÆ, saith, “Illud cogitandum censeo, in quali populo imperium
-tenuerit: si enim in Palmyrenis, aut Asiâ imbelli et molli regnum
-sortita esset, minùs mirandum fuisset—verùm in ANGLIA, _natione
-ferocissimâ et bellicosissimâ_, omnia ex nutu fœminæ moveri et cohiberi
-potuisse, SUMMAM MERITO ADMIRATIONEM HABET.”
-
-[108] The subject of these Dialogues, on _the English Constitution_,
-is the most important in _English_ politics.—To cite all the passages
-from our best antiquaries and historians, out of which this work was
-formed, and which lay before the writer in composing it, would swell
-this volume to an immoderate size. It is enough to say, that nothing
-_material_ is advanced in the course of the argument, but on the best
-authority.
-
-[109] That is, of the _feudal law_: which was one of the subjects
-explained by the bishop to his royal pupil the duke of _Gloucester_. “I
-acquainted him, says he, with all the great revolutions that had been
-in the world, and gave him a copious account of the _Greek_ and _Roman_
-histories, and of PLUTARCH’S Lives: the last thing I explained to him
-was the Gothic constitution, and the BENEFICIARY AND FEUDAL LAWS.”
-[HIST. _of his own Times_, vol. iv. p. 357. _Edinb._ 1753.]
-
-[110] On _April 11, 1689_.
-
-[111] Of the great seal—The other lawyers in commission were KECK and
-RAWLINSON.
-
-[112] This was a favourite subject with our good bishop; and how
-qualified he was to discuss it, even in its minutest particularities,
-may be learnt from his history at large.
-
-[113] It was not thus _left to itself_, but was nursed and fostered
-with great care by the preachers of _divine indefeasible hereditary
-right_, in this and the following reign.
-
-[114] This casual remark seems to determine a famous dispute among
-the Antiquaries on the subject before us. Bishop NICOLSON attended
-so little to this tralatitious use of words, in which all languages
-abound, that finding LAGA in several places signified a _country_, he
-would needs have it that CAMDEN, LAMBARDE, SPELMAN, COWELL, SELDEN,
-and all our best Antiquaries, were mistaken, when they supposed _Laga_
-ever signified, in the compositions here mentioned, a _law_. However,
-his adversaries among the Antiquaries were even with him; and finding
-that _Laga_, in these compositions, did signify a law in several
-places of our ancient laws, historians, and lawyers, deny that it ever
-signifies a _country_. Each indeed had a considerable object in view;
-the one was bent on overthrowing a system; the other on supporting it;
-namely, that famous threefold body of laws, the _Danish_, _Mercian_,
-and _West-Saxon_. It must be owned, the bishop could not overthrow
-the common system, without running into his extreme: it seems, his
-opponents might have supported it without running into theirs.
-
-[115] See _Historical Law-Tracts_, vol. i. p. 294.
-
-[116] MILTON did not forget to observe, in his _Tenure of kings and
-magistrates_, That WILLIAM the _Norman_, though a Conqueror, and not
-unsworn at his Coronation, was compelled a second time to take oath at
-_St. Albans_, ere the people would be brought to yield obedience. Vol.
-i. _of his Prose works_, 4^{to}, 1753. p. 345.
-
-[117] HENRY VII.
-
-[118] HENRY VIII.
-
-[119] ELIZABETH.
-
-[120] PROPRIA FEUDI NATURA EST UT SIT PERPETUA.
-
- CUJACIUS, LITTLETON.
-
-[121] CRAIG’S _Jus feudale_, lib. i. p. 21. _Lond._ 1655.
-
-[122] This account of the _Saxon_ benefices is much confirmed by the
-famous charter of Bishop OSWALD, and the comment of Sir H. SPELMAN upon
-it. See his discourse on FEUDS and TENURES.
-
-[123] MATTHEW PARIS gives us the following account of this
-matter—“Episcopatus et Abbatias omnes, quæ baronias tenebant, et
-eatenus ab omni servitute sæculari libertatem habuerant, sub servitute
-statuit militari, inrotulans singulos episcopatus et abbatias pro
-voluntate suâ, quot milites sibi et successoribus suis, hostilitatis
-tempore, voluit à singulis exhiberi. Et ROTULOS HUJUS ECCLESIASTICÆ
-SERVITUTIS ponens in thesauris, multos viros ecclesiasticos HUIC
-CONSTITUTIONI PESSIMÆ reluctantes, à regno fugavit.”
-
- HIST. ANG. WILLIELMUS CONQÆSTOR.
-
-[124] The learned CRAIG, who has written so largely and accurately on
-the feudal law, was so far from seeing any thing servile in it, that he
-says, “The foundations of this discipline are laid in the most generous
-of all considerations, those of GRATITUDE. _Hujus feudalis disciplinæ
-fundamenta à gratitudine et ingratitudine descendunt._” EPIST. NUNCUP.
-to K. JAMES.
-
-[125] This bounty in so wise a prince as WILLIAM will be thought
-strange. I believe it may be, in part, accounted for, from what is
-observed above of the _Saxon_ allodial lords. These had possessed
-immense estates. And, as they fell in upon forfeiture, the great
-_Norman_ adventurers would of course expect to come into the entire
-succession.—Perhaps too, in that confusion of affairs, the prince
-might not always, himself, be apprized of the extent and value of these
-possessions.
-
-[126] The law of EDWARD the Confessor is express to this purpose, and
-it was ratified by the Conqueror—“Debet rex omnia ritè facere in regno
-et per judicium procerum regni.” Sir H. SPELMAN of Parliaments, p. 58.
-
-[127] M. DE MONTESQUIEU observes of the Gothic government—“Il fut
-d’abord melé de l’aristocratie, et de la monarchie. Il avoit cet
-inconvenient, que le bas-peuple y étoit esclave: _C’étoit un bon
-gouvernment, qui avoit en soi la capacité de devenir meilleur._” [l.
-xi. c. 8.]—the very idea, which is here inculcated.
-
-[128] See old FORTESCUE, in his book _De laudibus legum Angliæ_, where
-this sort of analogy is pursued at length through a great part of the
-XIII^{th} chapter.
-
-[129] Agreeably to what Sir H. SPELMAN asserts, in his Glossary, of
-its parent, the _feudal law_ itself; “DE LEGE FEUDALI—pronunciandum
-censeo, TEMPORIS eam esse filiam, sensimque succrescentem, EDICTIS
-PRINCIPUM auctam indies excultam.” In voce FEODUM.
-
-[130] DISS. AD FLET. 1091. and WILLIAM OF MALMESBURY, lib. iv. 1. 69.
-_Lond._ 1596.
-
-[131] SELDEN’S Works, vol. ii. p. 1082.
-
-[132] DISS. AD FLET. 1078.
-
-[133] Dr. DUCK, _De usu et authoritate juris civilis_, p. 103. _Lugd.
-Batav._ 1654.
-
-[134] POLICRATIC. lib. viii. c. 22. p. 672. _Lugd. Bat._ 1639.
-
-[135] DISS. AD FLET. 1082.
-
-[136] DISS. AD FLET. 1097.
-
-[137] Dr. DUCK, p. 364.
-
-[138] DISC. Part I. p. 78. _Lond._ 1739.
-
-[139] At MERTON, in the year 1236.
-
-[140] DISS. AD FLET. 1108.
-
-[141] See FORTESCUE, _De laudibus leg. Angl._ p. 74. _Lond._ 1741; and
-SELDEN’S JANUS ANGLORUM, 1610, vol. ii. tom. ii.
-
-[142] DISS. AD FLET. 1104.
-
-[143] Dr. DUCK, p. 365.
-
-[144] DISS. AD FLET. 1010.
-
-[145] DISS. AD FLET. 1106.
-
-[146] P. 1046.
-
-[147] Mr. SELDEN’S DISS. AD FLET. 1100.
-
-[148] _De laud. leg. Ang._ c. 33, 34.
-
-[149] DISS. AD FLET. 1102.
-
-[150] The speaker might have begun this account of the _fate and
-fortunes_ of the civil law still higher. NAT. BACON, speaking of
-HENRY the Fifth’s reign, observes, “The times were now come about,
-wherein light began to spring forth, conscience to bestir itself, and
-men to study the scriptures. This was imputed to the idleness and
-carelessness of the clergy, who suffered the minds of young scholars to
-luxuriate into errors of divinity, for want of putting them on to other
-learning; and gave no encouragement to studies of human literature,
-by preferring those that were deserving. The convocation taking this
-into consideration, do decree, that no person should exercise any
-jurisdiction in any office, as _vicar-general_, _commissary_, or
-_official_, or otherwise, unless he shall first in the university have
-taken degrees in the CIVIL OR CANON LAWS. A shrewd trick this was,
-to stop the growth of the study of divinity, and WICKLIFF’S way; and
-to embellish men’s minds with a kind of learning that may gain them
-preferment, or at least an opinion of abilities beyond the common
-strain, and dangerous to be meddled with. Like some gallants, that
-wear swords as badges of honour, and to bid men beware, because they
-possibly may strike, though in their own persons they may be very
-cowards. And no less mischievously intended was this against the rugged
-COMMON LAW, a rule so nigh allied to the gospel-way, as it favoureth
-liberty; and so far estranged from the way of the civil and canon law,
-as there is no hope of accommodation till Christ and Antichrist have
-sought the field.” DISC. Part II. p. 90. _Lond._ 1739.
-
-[151] It should however be observed, in honour of their patriotism,
-that “they afterwards took themselves out of it,” when they saw the
-extremities to which the popular party were driving.
-
-[152] This alludes to the proceedings against the _eleven members_ upon
-the charge of the Army. Sir JOHN MAYNARD was one of them. And when
-articles of high treason were preferred against him, and the trial was
-to come on before the lords, he excepted to the jurisdiction of the
-court, and, by a written paper presented to them, required to be tried
-by his peers according to _Magna Charta, and the law of the land_. See
-WHITLOCKE’S _Memorials_; and a short pamphlet written on that occasion,
-called THE ROYAL QUARREL, dated 9th of _Feb._ 1647.—Sir JOHN was, at
-this time, a close prisoner in the Tower.
-
-[153] See his speech, inserted in his _Memorials of English Affairs,
-Nov. 1649_.
-
-[154] DISC. Part I. p. 78.
-
-[155] The reader may not be displeased to see the words of old
-FORTESCUE on this subject of the origin of the _English_ government,
-which are very remarkable. In his famous book _De laudibus legum
-Angliæ_, he distinguishes between the REGAL and POLITICAL forms of
-government. In explaining the _latter_, which he gives us as the proper
-form of the _English_ government, he expresseth himself in these
-words—“Habes instituti omnis POLITICI REGNI formam, ex quâ metiri
-poteris potestatem, quam rex ejus in leges ipsius aut subditos valeat
-exercere: ad tutelam namque legis subditorum, ac eorum corporum et
-bonorum rex hujusmodi erectus est, et hanc potestatem A POPULO EFFLUXAM
-ipse habet, quo ei non licet potestate aliâ _suo populo dominari_.”
-CAP. xiii.
-
-[156] It may be of little moment to us, at this day, to inquire,
-how far the princes of the house of STUART were blameable for their
-endeavours to usurp on the constitution. But it must ever be of the
-highest moment to maintain, that we had a constitution to assert
-against them. Party-writers perpetually confound these two things. It
-is the author’s purpose, in these two Dialogues, to contend for the
-_latter_.
-
-[157] See the late History of England by DAVID HUME, esq.; who forms
-the apology of the house of STUART on these principles.
-
-
-[Transcriber’s Note:
-
-Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation are as in the original.
-
-Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation are as in the original.]
-
-
-
-
-
-End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Works of Richard Hurd, Volume 3
-(of 8), by Richard Hurd
-
-*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WORKS OF RICHARD HURD, VOL 3 ***
-
-***** This file should be named 54514-0.txt or 54514-0.zip *****
-This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
- http://www.gutenberg.org/5/4/5/1/54514/
-
-Produced by Charlene Taylor, Bryan Ness, Wayne Hammond and
-the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
-http://www.pgdp.net (This book was produced from scanned
-images of public domain material from the Google Books
-project.)
-
-Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will
-be renamed.
-
-Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright
-law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,
-so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United
-States without permission and without paying copyright
-royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part
-of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project
-Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm
-concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark,
-and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you receive
-specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of this
-eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook
-for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports,
-performances and research. They may be modified and printed and given
-away--you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks
-not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the
-trademark license, especially commercial redistribution.
-
-START: FULL LICENSE
-
-THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
-PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
-
-To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
-distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
-(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
-Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
-Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at
-www.gutenberg.org/license.
-
-Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project
-Gutenberg-tm electronic works
-
-1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
-electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
-and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
-(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
-the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
-destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your
-possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
-Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound
-by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the
-person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph
-1.E.8.
-
-1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be
-used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
-agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
-things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
-even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
-paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
-Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this
-agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm
-electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.
-
-1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the
-Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection
-of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual
-works in the collection are in the public domain in the United
-States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the
-United States and you are located in the United States, we do not
-claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing,
-displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as
-all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope
-that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting
-free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm
-works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the
-Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily
-comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the
-same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when
-you share it without charge with others.
-
-1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
-what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are
-in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States,
-check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this
-agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing,
-distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any
-other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no
-representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any
-country outside the United States.
-
-1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
-
-1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other
-immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear
-prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work
-on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the
-phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed,
-performed, viewed, copied or distributed:
-
- This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
- most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
- restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it
- under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this
- eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the
- United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you
- are located before using this ebook.
-
-1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is
-derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not
-contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the
-copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in
-the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
-redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project
-Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply
-either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or
-obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm
-trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
-
-1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
-with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
-must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
-additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
-will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works
-posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the
-beginning of this work.
-
-1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
-License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
-work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
-
-1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
-electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
-prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
-active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
-Gutenberg-tm License.
-
-1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
-compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including
-any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access
-to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format
-other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official
-version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site
-(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
-to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means
-of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain
-Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the
-full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
-
-1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
-performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
-unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
-
-1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
-access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
-provided that
-
-* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
- the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
- you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed
- to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has
- agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project
- Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid
- within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are
- legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty
- payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project
- Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in
- Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg
- Literary Archive Foundation."
-
-* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
- you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
- does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
- License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all
- copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue
- all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm
- works.
-
-* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of
- any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
- electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
- receipt of the work.
-
-* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
- distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
-
-1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project
-Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than
-are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing
-from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and The
-Project Gutenberg Trademark LLC, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm
-trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
-
-1.F.
-
-1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
-effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
-works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project
-Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm
-electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may
-contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate
-or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
-intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or
-other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or
-cannot be read by your equipment.
-
-1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
-of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
-Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
-Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
-Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
-liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
-fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
-LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
-PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
-TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
-LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
-INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
-DAMAGE.
-
-1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
-defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
-receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
-written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
-received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium
-with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you
-with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in
-lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person
-or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second
-opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If
-the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing
-without further opportunities to fix the problem.
-
-1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
-in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO
-OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT
-LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
-
-1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
-warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of
-damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement
-violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the
-agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or
-limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or
-unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
-remaining provisions.
-
-1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
-trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
-providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in
-accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the
-production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm
-electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,
-including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of
-the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this
-or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or
-additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any
-Defect you cause.
-
-Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
-
-Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
-electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
-computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It
-exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations
-from people in all walks of life.
-
-Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
-assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
-goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
-remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
-Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
-and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future
-generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary
-Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see
-Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at
-www.gutenberg.org
-
-
-
-Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
-
-The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
-501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
-state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
-Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
-number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary
-Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by
-U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
-
-The Foundation's principal office is in Fairbanks, Alaska, with the
-mailing address: PO Box 750175, Fairbanks, AK 99775, but its
-volunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous
-locations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt
-Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to
-date contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and
-official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact
-
-For additional contact information:
-
- Dr. Gregory B. Newby
- Chief Executive and Director
- gbnewby@pglaf.org
-
-Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
-Literary Archive Foundation
-
-Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
-spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
-increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
-freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
-array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
-($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
-status with the IRS.
-
-The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
-charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
-States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
-considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
-with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
-where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND
-DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular
-state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate
-
-While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
-have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
-against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
-approach us with offers to donate.
-
-International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
-any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
-outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
-
-Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
-methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
-ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To
-donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate
-
-Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works.
-
-Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
-Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be
-freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
-distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of
-volunteer support.
-
-Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
-editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
-the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
-necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
-edition.
-
-Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search
-facility: www.gutenberg.org
-
-This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
-including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
-Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
-subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
-
diff --git a/old/54514-0.zip b/old/54514-0.zip
deleted file mode 100644
index d61524e..0000000
--- a/old/54514-0.zip
+++ /dev/null
Binary files differ
diff --git a/old/54514-h.zip b/old/54514-h.zip
deleted file mode 100644
index 53bc65e..0000000
--- a/old/54514-h.zip
+++ /dev/null
Binary files differ
diff --git a/old/54514-h/54514-h.htm b/old/54514-h/54514-h.htm
deleted file mode 100644
index 1d6c525..0000000
--- a/old/54514-h/54514-h.htm
+++ /dev/null
@@ -1,12385 +0,0 @@
-<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.1//EN"
- "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml11/DTD/xhtml11.dtd">
-<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" xml:lang="en">
- <head>
- <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=utf-8" />
- <meta http-equiv="Content-Style-Type" content="text/css" />
- <title>
- The Works of Richard Hurd, D. D. Lord Bishop of Worcester, Volume 3 (of 8), by Richard Hurd.--a Project Gutenberg eBook
- </title>
- <style type="text/css">
-
-a {
- text-decoration: none}
-
-small {
- font-style: normal;
- font-size: small}
-
-body {
- padding: 4px;
- margin: auto 10%}
-
-p {
- text-align: justify}
-
-.i2 {
- padding-left: 1em}
-
-.i4 {
- padding-left: 2em}
-
-.i14 {
- padding-left: 7em}
-
-.i24 {
- padding-left: 12em}
-
-.medium {
- font-size: medium}
-
-.large {
- font-size: large}
-
-.x-large {
- font-size: x-large}
-
-.xx-large {
- font-size: xx-large}
-
-.gesperrt {
- letter-spacing: 5px}
-
-h1, h2 {
- page-break-before: always}
-
-h1, h2, h3, h4 {
- text-align: center; /* all headings centered */
- font-weight: normal;
- clear: both;
- margin: 2em auto 1em auto}
-
-.author {
- display: block;
- text-align: right;
- margin: auto 5%}
-
-.hang {
- text-indent: -2em;
- padding-left: 2em}
-
-p.drop:first-letter {
- float: left;
- clear: left;
- font-size: 300%;
- line-height: 70%;
- padding: 2px 6px 0 6px}
-
-p.drop {
- text-indent: -6px}
-
-.uppercase {
- text-transform: uppercase}
-
-/* Tables */
-.table {
- display: table;
- margin: auto}
-
-table {
- margin: 2em auto}
-
-th {
- padding-top: 20px}
-
-.tdrb {
- vertical-align: bottom;
- text-align: right}
-
-.tdc {
- text-indent: 0;
- text-align: center}
-
-/* End Tables */
-
-.copy {
- font-size: small;
- text-align: center}
-
-.smcap {
- font-variant: small-caps}
-
-/* Images */
-img {
- border: none;
- max-width: 100%}
-
-.figcenter {
- display: table;
- clear: both;
- margin: 2em auto}
-
-
-/* Footnotes */
-.footnotes {
- margin: 2em auto;
- border: 4px double #004200}
-
-.fnanchor {
- vertical-align: super;
- font-weight: normal;
- font-size: x-small;
- line-height: .1em;
- text-decoration: none;
- white-space: nowrap} /* keeps footnote on same line as referenced text */
-
-.footnote p:first-child {
- text-indent: -2.5em}
-
-.footnote p {
- margin: 1em;
- padding-left: 2.5em}
-
-.label {
- width: 2em;
- display: inline-block;
- text-align: right;
- text-decoration: none}
-
-.pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */
- /* visibility: hidden; */
- color: #004200;
- position: absolute;
- right: 5px;
- font-weight: normal;
- font-size: small;
- text-align: right;
-} /* page numbers */
-
-/* Transcriber's notes */
-.transnote {
- background-color: #E6E6FA;
- border: #004200 double 4px;
- color: black;
- margin: 2em auto;
- padding: 1em}
-
-/* Poetry */
-
-.poetry {
- margin: auto;
- text-align: center}
-
-.poem {
- margin: auto;
- display: inline-block;
- text-align: left}
-
-.poem .stanza {
- margin: 1em 0em 1em 0em}
- .poem span.i0 {display: block; margin-left: 0em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;}
- .poem span.i12 {display: block; margin-left: 6em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;}
- .poem span.i14 {display: block; margin-left: 7em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;}
- .poem span.i17 {display: block; margin-left: 8.5em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;}
- .poem span.i2 {display: block; margin-left: 1em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;}
- .poem span.i22 {display: block; margin-left: 11em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;}
- .poem span.i4 {display: block; margin-left: 2em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;}
-
-@media all {
-p.drop:first-letter {
- float: left;
- clear: left}
-}
- </style>
- </head>
-<body>
-
-
-<pre>
-
-The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Works of Richard Hurd, Volume 3 (of 8), by
-Richard Hurd
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
-other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
-the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have
-to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.
-
-Title: The Works of Richard Hurd, Volume 3 (of 8)
-
-Author: Richard Hurd
-
-Release Date: April 9, 2017 [EBook #54514]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: UTF-8
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WORKS OF RICHARD HURD, VOL 3 ***
-
-
-
-
-Produced by Charlene Taylor, Bryan Ness, Wayne Hammond and
-the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
-http://www.pgdp.net (This book was produced from scanned
-images of public domain material from the Google Books
-project.)
-
-
-
-
-
-
-</pre>
-
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_1">1</span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter">
-<img src="images/cover.jpg" alt="" />
-</div>
-
-<div class="transnote">
-
-<h3>Transcriber's Note:</h3>
-
-<p>This project uses utf-8 encoded characters. If some characters are
-not readable, check your settings of your browser to ensure you have a
-default font installed that can display utf-8 characters.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<h1>
-<small>THE</small><br />
-
-WORKS<br />
-
-<small>OF</small><br />
-
-<span class="large">RICHARD HURD, D. D.<br />
-
-LORD BISHOP OF WORCESTER.</span><br />
-
-<small>VOL III.</small></h1>
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_2">2</span></p>
-
-<p class="copy">
-Printed by J. Nichols and Son,<br />
-Red Lion Passage, Fleet Street, London.<br />
-</p>
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_3">3</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="xx-large">
-<small>THE</small><br />
-
-WORKS<br />
-
-<small>OF</small><br />
-
-<span class="large">RICHARD HURD, D. D.<br />
-
-LORD BISHOP OF WORCESTER.</span><br />
-
-<small>IN EIGHT VOLUMES.<br />
-
-VOL. III.</small><br />
-<br />
-<span class="figcenter"><img src="images/titlepage.png" alt="" /></span>
-<br />
-<span class="medium table">LONDON:<br />
-<small>PRINTED FOR T. CADELL AND W. DAVIES, STRAND<br />
-1811.</small></span></h2>
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_4">4</span><br />
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_5">5</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="xx-large">MORAL AND POLITICAL<br />
-
-DIALOGUES.<br />
-
-<small>VOL. I.</small></h2>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_6">6</span><br />
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">7</span></p>
-
-<h2>
-<span class="large">MORAL AND POLITICAL</span><br />
-
-DIALOGUES,<br />
-
-<small>WITH</small><br />
-
-LETTERS<br />
-
-<small>ON</small><br />
-
-<span class="large">CHIVALRY AND ROMANCE.</span><br />
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">8</span></h2>
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">9</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="xx-large">
-<span class="medium">SACRED TO THE MEMORY</span><br />
-
-<small>OF THE LATE</small><br />
-
-<span class="x-large gesperrt">RALPH ALLEN, ESQ.</span><br />
-
-<small>OF</small><br />
-
-<span class="x-large">PRIOR-PARK.</span><br />
-
-<img src="images/i_009.png" alt="" />
-</h2>
-
-<p class="hang">SI NOBIS ANIMVM BONI VIRI LICERET INSPICERE,
-O QVAM PVLCHRAM FACIEM, QVAM SANCTAM,
-QVAM EX MAGNIFICO PLACIDOQVE FVLGENTEM
-VIDEREMVS! NEMO ILLVM AMABILEM, QVI NON
-SIMVL VENERABILEM, DICERET.</p>
-
-<p class="author">
-<span class="smcap">Seneca.</span>
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">10</span><br />
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">11</span></p>
-
-<h2 id="CONTENTS">CONTENTS.</h2>
-
-<table>
- <tr>
- <th>VOL. III.</th>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="tdc"><a href="#PREFACE"><span class="smcap">Preface</span></a>,<br />
- <i>On the Manner of writing Dialogue</i>.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="tdc"><a href="#DIALOGUE_I"><span class="smcap">Dialogue I.</span></a><br />
- <i>On Sincerity in the Commerce of the World.</i><br />
- DR. MORE, MR. WALLER.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="tdc"><a href="#DIALOGUE_II"><span class="smcap">Dialogue II.</span></a><br />
- <i>On Retirement.</i><br />
- MR. COWLEY, DR. SPRAT.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="tdc"><a href="#DIALOGUE_III"><span class="smcap">Dialogue III.</span></a><br />
- <i>On the Age of</i> <span class="smcap">Q. Elizabeth</span>.<br />
- MR. DIGBY, DR. ARBUTHNOT, MR. ADDISON.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="tdc"><a href="#DIALOGUE_IV"><span class="smcap">Dialogue IV.</span></a><br />
- <i>On the Age of</i> <span class="smcap">Q. Elizabeth</span>.<br />
- MR. DIGBY, DR. ARBUTHNOT, MR. ADDISON.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="tdc"><a href="#DIALOGUE_V"><span class="smcap">Dialogue V.</span></a><br />
- <i>On the Constitution of the<br />
- English Government.</i><br />
- SIR J. MAYNARD, MR. SOMERS, BP. BURNET.
- <span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">12</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <th>VOL. IV.</th>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="tdc"><span class="smcap">Dialogue VI.</span><br />
- <i>On the Constitution of the<br />
- English Government.</i><br />
- SIR J. MAYNARD, MR. SOMERS, BP. BURNET.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="tdc"><span class="smcap">Dialogues VII, VIII.</span><br />
- <i>On the Uses of Foreign Travel.</i><br />
- LORD SHAFTESBURY, MR. LOCKE.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="tdc"><span class="smcap">XII Letters</span><br />
- <i>On Chivalry and Romance</i>.</td>
- </tr>
-</table>
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">13</span></p>
-
-<h2>CONTENTS<br />
-
-<small>OF</small><br />
-
-THE THIRD VOLUME.</h2>
-
-<table>
- <tr>
- <td />
- <td class="tdrb">Page</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="tdc"><a href="#PREFACE"><span class="smcap">Preface</span>,</a><br />
- <i>On the Manner of writing Dialogue</i>.</td>
- <td class="tdrb">17</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="tdc"><a href="#DIALOGUE_I"><span class="smcap">Dialogue I.</span></a><br />
- <i>On Sincerity in the Commerce of the World.</i><br />
- DR. MORE, MR. WALLER.</td>
- <td class="tdrb">51</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="tdc"><a href="#DIALOGUE_II"><span class="smcap">Dialogue II.</span></a><br />
- <i>On Retirement.</i><br />
- MR. COWLEY, DR. SPRAT.</td>
- <td class="tdrb">95</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="tdc"><span class="smcap"><a href="#DIALOGUE_III">Dialogue III</a>, <a href="#DIALOGUE_IV">IV.</a></span><br />
- <i>On the Age of</i> <span class="smcap">Q. Elizabeth</span>.<br />
- MR. DIGBY, DR. ARBUTHNOT, MR. ADDISON.</td>
- <td class="tdrb">165</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="tdc"><a href="#DIALOGUE_V"><span class="smcap">Dialogue V.</span></a><br />
- <i>On the Constitution of the<br />
- English Government.</i><br />
- SIR J. MAYNARD, MR. SOMERS, BP. BURNET.</td>
- <td class="tdrb">281</td>
- </tr>
-</table>
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">14</span><br />
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">15</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="xx-large">PREFACE,<br />
-
-<small>ON</small><br />
-
-<span class="x-large">THE MANNER<br />
-
-OF WRITING DIALOGUE.</span></h2>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">16</span><br />
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">17</span></p>
-
-<h2 id="PREFACE">PREFACE,<br />
-
-<small>ON THE</small><br />
-
-<span class="large">MANNER OF WRITING DIALOGUE.</span></h2>
-
-<p class="drop"><span class="uppercase">The</span> former editions of these Dialogues were given
-without a name, and under the fictitious person of
-an Editor: not, the reader may be sure, for any
-purpose so silly as that of imposing on the Public;
-but for reasons of another kind, which it is not difficult
-to apprehend.</p>
-
-<p>However, these reasons, whatever they were,
-subsisting no longer, the writer is now to appear in
-his own person; and the respect he owes to the public
-makes him think it fit to bespeak their acceptance
-of these volumes in another manner, than he
-supposed would be readily permitted to him, under
-his assumed character.</p>
-
-<p>I. In an age, like this, when most men seem
-ambitious of turning writers, many persons may
-think it strange that the kind of composition, which
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">18</span>
-was chiefly in use among the masters of this numerous
-and stirring family, hath been hitherto neglected.</p>
-
-<p>When the <small>ANCIENTS</small> had any thing&mdash;</p>
-
-<p>“But what,” it will be said, “always the <i>Ancients</i>?
-And are we never to take a pen in hand, but the
-first question must still be, what our masters, the
-ancients, have been pleased to dictate to us? <span class="smcap">One</span>
-man understands, that the ancient Ode was distinguished
-into several parts, called by I know
-not what strange names; and then truly an English
-Ode must be tricked out in the same fantastic
-manner. <span class="smcap">Another</span> has heard of a wise, yet
-merry, company called a Chorus, which was
-always singing or preaching in the Greek Tragedies;
-and then, besure, nothing will serve but
-we must be sung and preached to in ours. While
-a <span class="smcap">Third</span> is smitten with a tedious long-winded
-thing, which was once endured under the name
-of Dialogue; and strait we have Dialogues of this
-formal cut, and are told withal, that no man may
-presume to write them, on any other model.”</p>
-
-<p>Thus the modern critic, with much complacency
-and even gayety&mdash;But I resume the sentence I set
-out with, and observe, “<span class="smcap">When the ancients</span> had
-any thing to say to the world on the subject either
-of morals or government, they generally chose the
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">19</span>
-way of <span class="smcap">Dialogue</span>, for the conveyance of their instructions;
-as supposing they might chance to gain
-a readier acceptance in this agreeable form, than any
-other.”</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">H&aelig;c adeo penitus cur&acirc; videre sagaci<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Otia qui studiis l&aelig;ti tenuere decoris,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Inque <span class="smcap">Academia</span> umbrifer&acirc; nitidoque <span class="smcap">Lyceo</span><br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Fuderunt claras fœcundi pectoris artes.<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<p>Such was the address, or fancy at least, of the
-wise <small>ANCIENTS</small>.</p>
-
-<p>The <small>MODERNS</small>, on the contrary, have appeared to
-reverence themselves, or their cause, too much, to
-think that either stood in need of this oblique management.
-No writer has the least doubt of being
-favourably received in all companies, let him come
-upon us in what shape he will: and, not to stand
-upon ceremony, when he brings so welcome a present,
-as what he calls <i>Truth</i>, with him, he obtrudes
-it upon us in the direct way of Dissertation.</p>
-
-<p>Nobody, I suppose, objects to this practice, when
-important truths indeed are to be taught, and when
-the abilities of the Teacher are such as may command
-respect. But the case is different, when
-writers presume to try their hands upon us, without
-these advantages. Nay, and even with them, it can
-do no hurt, when the subject is proper for familiar
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">20</span>
-discourse, to throw it into this gracious and popular
-form.</p>
-
-<p>I have said, <i>where the subject is proper for familiar
-discourse</i>; for all subjects, I think, cannot,
-or should not be treated in this way.</p>
-
-<p>It is true, the inquisitive genius of the Academic
-Philosophy gave great scope to the freedom of debate.
-Hence the origin of the Greek Dialogue: of
-which, if <span class="smcap">Plato</span> was not the Inventor, he was, at
-least, the Model.</p>
-
-<p>This sceptical humour was presently much increased;
-and every thing was now disputed, not for
-<span class="smcap">Plato’s</span> reason (which was, also, his master’s) for
-the sake of exposing <i>Falsehood</i> and discovering
-<i>Truth</i>; but because it was pretended that nothing
-could be certainly affirmed to be either <i>true</i> or
-<i>false</i>.</p>
-
-<p>And, when afterwards <span class="smcap">Cicero</span>, our other great
-master of Dialogue, introduced this sort of writing
-into Rome, we know that, besides his profession of
-the Academic Sect, now extended and indeed outraged
-into absolute scepticism, the very purpose he
-had in philosophizing, and the rhetorical uses to
-which he put his Philosophy, would determine him
-very naturally to the same practice.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">21</span></p>
-
-<p>Thus all subjects, of what nature and importance
-soever, were equally discussed in the ancient
-Dialogue; till matters were at length brought to
-that pass, that the only end, proposed by it, was to
-shew the writer’s dexterity in disputing for, or
-against any opinion, without referring his disputation
-to any certain use or conclusion at all.</p>
-
-<p>Such was the character of the ancient, and especially
-of the Ciceronian Dialogue; arising out of the
-genius and principles of those times.</p>
-
-<p>But for us to follow our masters in this licence
-would be, indeed, to deserve the objected charge of
-<i>servile Imitators</i>; since the reasons, that led them
-into it, do not subsist in our case. They disputed
-every thing, because they believed nothing. We
-should forbear to dispute some things, because they
-are such as both for their sacredness, and certainty,
-no man in his senses affects to disbelieve. At least,
-the Stoic <span class="smcap">Balbus</span> may teach us a decent reserve in
-one instance, <i>Since</i>, as he observes, <i>it is a wicked
-and impious custom to dispute against the Being,
-Attributes, and Providence of God, whether it be
-under an assumed character, or in one’s own</i><a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">1</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Thus much I have thought fit to say, to prevent
-mistakes, and to shew of what kind the subjects are
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">22</span>
-which may be allowed to enter into modern Dialogue.
-They are only such, as are either, in the
-strict sense of the word, <i>not</i> important, and yet
-afford an ingenuous pleasure in the discussion of
-them; or not <i>so</i> important as to exclude the sceptical
-inconclusive air, which the decorum of polite dialogue
-necessarily demands.</p>
-
-<p>And, under these restrictions, we may treat a
-number of curious and useful subjects, in this form.
-The benefit will be that which the Ancients certainly
-found in this practice, and which the great master
-of life finds in the general way of candour and
-politeness,</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i14">&mdash;parcentis viribus, atque<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Extenuantis eas consultò&mdash;<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<p>For, though Truth be not formally delivered in
-Dialogue, it may be insinuated; and a capable
-writer will find means to do this so effectually as,
-in discussing both sides of a question, to engage the
-reader insensibly on that side, where the Truth
-lies.</p>
-
-<p>II. But <i>convenience</i> is not the only consideration.
-The <small>NOVELTY</small> of the thing, itself, may well
-recommend it to us.</p>
-
-<p>For, when every other species of composition has
-been tried, and men are grown so fastidious as to
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">23</span>
-receive with indifference the best modern productions,
-on account of the too common form, into
-which they are cast, it may seem an attempt of
-some merit to revive the only one, almost, of the
-ancient models, which hath not yet been made cheap
-by vulgar imitation.</p>
-
-<p>I can imagine the reader will conceive some surprise,
-and, if he be not a candid one, will perhaps
-express some disdain, at this pretence to Novelty,
-in cultivating the <i>Dialogue-form</i>. For what, he
-will say, has been more frequently aimed at in our
-own, and every modern language? Has not every
-art, nay, every science, been taught in this way?
-And, if the vulgar use of any mode of writing be
-enough to discredit it, can there be room even for
-wit and genius to retrieve the honour of this trite
-and hackneyed form?</p>
-
-<p>This, no doubt, may be said; but by those who
-know little of the ancient Dialogue, or who have
-not attended to the true manner in which the rules
-of good writing require it to be composed.</p>
-
-<p>We have what are called Dialogues in abundance;
-and the authors, for any thing I know, might please
-themselves with imagining, they had copied <span class="smcap">Plato</span>
-or <span class="smcap">Cicero</span>. But in our language at least (and, if I
-extended the observation to the other modern ones
-of most estimation, I should perhaps do them no
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">24</span>
-wrong) I know of nothing in the way of Dialogue
-that deserves to be considered by us with such
-regard.</p>
-
-<p>There are in English <span class="smcap">Three</span> Dialogues, and but
-Three, that are fit to be mentioned on this occasion:
-all of them excellently well composed in their
-way, and, it must be owned, by the very best and
-politest of our writers. And had that way been a
-true one, I mean that which antiquity and good
-criticism recommend to us, the Public had never
-been troubled with this attempt from me, to introduce
-another.</p>
-
-<p>The Dialogues I mean are, <i>The Moralists of Lord</i>
-<span class="smcap">Shaftesbury</span>; <i>Mr.</i> <span class="smcap">Addison’s</span> <i>Treatise on Medals</i>;
-<i>and the Minute Philosopher of Bishop</i> <span class="smcap">Berkeley</span>:
-and, where is the modesty, it will be said, to attempt
-the Dialogue-form, if it has not succeeded in such
-hands?</p>
-
-<p>The answer is short, and, I hope, not arrogant.
-These applauded persons suffered themselves to be
-misled by modern practice; and with every ability
-to excel in this nice and difficult composition, have
-written beneath themselves, only because they did
-not keep up to the ancient standard.</p>
-
-<p>An essential defect runs through them all. They
-have taken for their speakers, not real, but <i>fictitious</i>
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">25</span>
-characters; contrary to the practice of the old writers;
-and to the infinite disadvantage of this mode
-of writing in every respect.</p>
-
-<p>The love of truth, they say, is so natural to the
-human mind, that we expect to find the appearance
-of it, even in our amusements. In some indeed,
-the slenderest shadow of it will suffice: in others,
-we require to have the substance presented to us.
-In all cases, the degree of probability is to be estimated
-from the nature of the work. Thus, for instance,
-when a writer undertakes to instruct or entertain
-us in the way of Dialogue, he obliges himself
-to keep up to the <i>idea</i>, at least, of what he
-professes. The conversation may not have <i>really</i>
-been such as is represented; but we expect it to
-have all the <i>forms</i> of reality. We bring with us a
-disposition to be deceived (for we know his purpose
-is not to recite historically, but to feign probably);
-but it looks like too great an insult on our understandings,
-when the writer stands upon no ceremony
-with us, and refuses to be at the expence of a
-little art or management to deceive us.</p>
-
-<p>Hence the probabilities, or, what is called the
-<i>decorum</i>, of this composition. We ask, “Who the
-persons are, that are going to converse before us?”
-“where and when the conversation passed?” and
-“by what means the company came together?” If
-we are let into none of these particulars, or, rather
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">26</span>
-if a way be not found to satisfy us in all of them,
-we take no interest in what remains; and give the
-speakers, who in this case are but a sort of Puppets,
-no more credit, than the opinion we chance to entertain
-of their Prompter demands from us.</p>
-
-<p>On the other hand, when <i>such</i> persons are brought
-into the scene as are well known to us, and are entitled
-to our respect, and but so much address employed
-in shewing them as may give us a colourable
-pretence to suppose them really conversing together,
-the writer himself disappears, and is even among the
-first to fall into his own delusion. For thus <span class="smcap">Cicero</span>
-himself represents the matter:</p>
-
-<p>“This way of discourse,” says he, “which turns
-on the authority of real persons, and those the most
-eminent of former times, is, I know not how,
-more interesting than any other: in so much that
-in reading my own Dialogue on <i>old age</i>, I am
-sometimes ready to conclude, in good earnest, it
-is not I, but <span class="smcap">Cato</span> himself, who is there speaking<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">2</a>.”</p>
-
-<p>So complete a deception, as this, requires the
-hand of a master. But such <span class="smcap">Cicero</span> was; and had
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">27</span>
-it been his design to make the highest encomium of
-his own Dialogues, he could not, perhaps, have
-done it so well by any other circumstance.</p>
-
-<p>But now this advantage is wholly lost by the introduction
-of <i>fictitious persons</i>. These may do in
-<i>Comedy</i>; nay, they do the best there, where <i>character</i>
-only, or chiefly, is designed. In <i>Dialogue</i>, we
-must have real persons, and those only: for character
-here is but a secondary consideration; and there
-is no other way of giving weight and authority to
-the conversation of the piece.</p>
-
-<p>And here, again, <span class="smcap">Cicero</span> may instruct us; who
-was so scrupulous on this head that he would not
-put his discourse on <i>old age</i> into the mouth of
-<span class="smcap">Tithonus</span>, although a Greek writer of name had set
-him the example, <i>because</i>, as he observes, <i>a fabulous
-person would have had no great authority</i><a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">3</a>.
-What then would he have said of merely fancied and
-<i>ideal</i> persons, who have not so much as that shadowy
-existence, which the plausibility of a current tale
-bestows?</p>
-
-<p>When I say that <i>character is but a secondary
-consideration</i> in Dialogue, the reader sees I confine
-myself to that species only, which was in use among
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">28</span>
-the <i>ancients</i>, properly so called; and of which
-<span class="smcap">Plato</span> and <span class="smcap">Cicero</span> have left us the best models.</p>
-
-<p>It is true, in later times, a great wit took upon
-him to extend the province of Dialogue, and, like
-another Prometheus<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">4</a>, (as, by an equivocal sort of
-compliment, it seems, was observed of him) created
-a new species; the merit of which consists in associating
-two things, not naturally allied together, <i>The
-severity of Philosophic Dialogue, with the humour
-of the Comic</i>.</p>
-
-<p>But as unnatural as the alliance may seem, this
-sort of composition has had its admirers. In particular,
-<span class="smcap">Erasmus</span> was so taken with <span class="smcap">Lucian’s</span> Dialogue,
-that he has transfused its highest graces into
-his own; and employed those fine arms to better
-purpose against the Monks, than the forger of them
-had done, against the Philosophers.</p>
-
-<p>It must further be confessed, that this innovation
-of the Greek writer had some countenance from the
-genius of the old Socratic Dialogue; such I mean
-as it was in the hands of <span class="smcap">Socrates</span> himself<a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">5</a>; who
-took his name of <span class="smcap">Ironist</span> from the continued humour
-and ridicule which runs through his moral discourses.
-But, besides that the Athenian’s modest
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">29</span>
-<span class="smcap">Irony</span> was of another taste, and better suited to this
-decorum of conversation, than the Syrian’s frontless
-buffoonery, there was this further difference in the
-two cases. <span class="smcap">Socrates</span> employed this method of ridicule,
-as the only one by which he could hope to
-discredit those mortal foes of reason, the <span class="smcap">Sophists</span>:
-<span class="smcap">Lucian</span>, in mere wantonness, to insult its best friends,
-the <span class="smcap">Philosophers</span>, and even the parent of Philosophy,
-himself. The Sage would have dropped his
-<span class="smcap">Irony</span>, in the company of the good and wise: The
-Rhetorician is never more pleased than in confounding
-both, by his intemperate <span class="smcap">Satire</span>.</p>
-
-<p>However, there was likeness enough in the features
-of each <i>manner</i>, to favour <span class="smcap">Lucian’s</span> attempt in
-compounding his new Dialogue. He was not displeased,
-one may suppose, to turn the comic art
-of <span class="smcap">Socrates</span> against himself; though he could not
-but know that the ablest masters of the Socratic
-school employed it sparingly; and that, when the
-illustrious Roman came to philosophize in the way
-of Dialogue, he disdained to make any use of it
-at all.</p>
-
-<p>In a word, as it was taken up, to serve an occasion,
-so it was very properly laid aside with it.
-And even while the occasion lasted, this humorous
-manner was far enough, as I observed, from being
-pushed to a Scenic license; the great artists in this
-way knowing very well, that, when <span class="smcap">Socrates</span> brought
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">30</span>
-Philosophy from Heaven to Earth, it was not his
-purpose to expose her on the stage, but to introduce
-her into good company.</p>
-
-<p>And here, to note it by the way, what has been
-observed of the Ironic manner of the Socratic Dialogue,
-is equally true of its <i>subtle questioning dialectic
-genius</i>. This, too, had its rise from the circumstances
-of the time, and the views of its author,
-who employed it with much propriety and even
-elegance to entrap, in their own cobweb nets, the
-minute, quibbling captious sophists. How it chanced
-that this part of its character did not, also, cease
-with its use, but was continued by the successors in
-that school, and even carried so far as to provoke
-the ridicule of the wits, till, at length, it brought
-on the just disgrace of the Socratic Dialogue itself,
-all this is the proper subject of another inquiry.</p>
-
-<p>Our concern, at present, is with <span class="smcap">Lucian’s</span> Dialogue;
-whether he were indeed the inventor of this
-species, or, after <span class="smcap">Socrates</span>, only the espouser of it.</p>
-
-<p>The account, given above, that <i>it unites and incorporates
-the several virtues of the Comic and
-Philosophic manner</i>, is in <span class="smcap">Lucian’s</span> own words<a id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">6</a>.
-Yet his Dialogue does not, as indeed it could not,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">31</span>
-correspond exactly to this idea. <span class="smcap">Cicero</span> thought it
-no easy matter to unite <i>Philosophy with Politeness
-and Good-humour</i><a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">7</a>; what then would he have
-said of incorporating <i>Philosophy, with Comic Ridicule</i>?</p>
-
-<p>To do him justice, <span class="smcap">Lucian</span> himself appears sensible
-enough of the difficulty. <i>I have presumed</i>,
-says he, <i>to connect and put together two things,
-not very obsequious to my design, nor disposed by
-any natural sympathy to bear the society of each
-other</i><a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">8</a>. And therefore we find him on all occasions
-more solicitous for the success of this hazardous
-enterprise, than for the credit of his invention.
-Every body was ready to acknowledge the
-novelty of the thing; but he had some reason to
-doubt with himself, whether it were gazed at as a
-monster, or admired as a just and reasonable form
-of composition. So that not being able to resolve
-this scruple to his satisfaction, he extricates himself,
-as usual, from the perplexity, by the force of
-his comic humour, and concludes at length, <i>that
-he had nothing left for it but to persevere in the
-choice he had once made</i>; that is, to preserve the
-credit of his own consistency at least, if he could
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">32</span>
-not prevail to have his Dialogue accepted by the judicious
-reader, under the idea<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> of a consistent <i>composition</i>.</p>
-
-<p>The ingenious writer had, surely, no better way
-to take, in his distress. For the two excellencies
-he meant to incorporate in his Dialogue cannot, in
-a supreme degree of each, subsist together. The
-one must be sacrificed to the other. Either the
-philosophic part must give place to the dramatic;
-or the dramatic must withdraw, or restrain itself
-at least, to give room for a just display of the philosophic.</p>
-
-<p>And this, in fact, as I observed, is the case in
-<span class="smcap">Lucian’s</span> own Dialogues. They are highly dramatic,
-in which part his force lay; while his Philosophy
-serves only to edge his wit, or simply to
-introduce it. They have, usually, for their subject,
-not a <small>QUESTION DEBATED</small>; but, a <small>TENET RIDICULED</small>,
-or a <small>CHARACTER EXPOSED</small>. In this view, they are
-doubtless inimitable: I mean when he kept himself,
-as too frequently he did not, to such <i>tenets</i> or
-<i>characters</i>, as deserve to be treated in this free
-manner.</p>
-
-<p>But after all, the other species, the <i>serious, philosophic</i>
-Dialogue, is the noblest and the best. It
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">33</span>
-is the <i>noblest</i>, in all views; for the dignity of its
-subject, the gravity of its manner, and the importance
-of its end. It is the <i>best</i>, too; I mean, it
-excels most in the very truth and art of composition;
-as it governs itself entirely by the rules of decorum,
-and gives a just and faithful image of what
-it would represent: whereas the comic Dialogue,
-distorting, or, at least, aggravating the features of
-its original, pleases at some expence of probability;
-and at length attains its end but in part, for want
-of <i>dramatic action</i>, the only medium through which
-<i>humour</i> can be perfectly conveyed.</p>
-
-<p>Thus the serious Dialogue is absolute in itself;
-and fully obtains its purpose: the humorous or
-characteristic, but partially; and is, at best, the
-faint copy of a higher species, the <i>Comic Drama</i>.</p>
-
-<p>However, the authority of <span class="smcap">Lucian</span> is so great,
-and the manner itself so taking, that for these reasons,
-but chiefly for the sake of variety, the <small>FIRST</small>
-of the following Dialogues (and in part too, the
-<small>SECOND</small>) pretends to be of this class.</p>
-
-<p>But to return to our proper subject, <span class="smcap">the serious
-or philosophic Dialogue</span>.</p>
-
-<p>1. I observed (and the reason now appears) that
-<i>character</i> is a subordinate consideration, in this
-Dialogue. The <i>manners</i> are to be given indeed,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">34</span>
-but sparingly, and, as it were, by accident. And
-this grace (which so much embellishes a well-composed
-work) can only be had by employing <small>REAL</small>,
-<small>KNOWN</small>, and <small>RESPECTED</small> speakers. Each of these
-circumstances, in the choice of a speaker, is important.
-The <i>first</i>, excites our curiosity: the <i>second</i>,
-affords an easy opportunity of painting the
-manners by those slight and careless strokes, which
-alone can be employed for this purpose, and which
-would not sufficiently mark the characters of unknown
-or fictitious persons: and the <i>last</i> gives weight
-and dignity to the whole composition.</p>
-
-<p>By this means, the dialogue becomes, in a high
-degree, natural, and, on that account, affecting:
-a thousand fine and delicate allusions to the principles,
-sentiments, and history of the Dialogists
-keep their characters perpetually in view: we have
-a rule before us, by which to estimate the pertinence
-and propriety of what is said: and we are
-pleased to bear a part, as it were, in the conversation
-of such persons.</p>
-
-<p>Thus the old writers of Dialogue charm us, even
-when their subjects are unpleasing, and could hardly
-merit our attention: but when the topics are of general
-and intimate concern to the reader, by being
-discussed in this form, they create in him the
-keenest appetite; and are, perhaps, read with a
-higher pleasure, than we receive from most other
-compositions of literary men.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">35</span></p>
-
-<p>2. It being now apprehended what <i>persons</i> are
-most fit to be shewn in Dialogue, the next inquiry
-will be, concerning their <i>style or manner of expression</i>.
-And this, in general, must be suited to
-the condition and qualities of the persons themselves:
-that is, it must be grave, polite, and something
-raised above the ordinary pitch or tone of
-conversation; for, otherwise, it would not agree to
-the ideas we form of the speakers, or to the regard
-we owe to <i>real</i>, <i>known</i>, and <i>respected</i> persons, seriously
-debating, as the philosophic dialogue imports
-in the very terms, on some useful or important
-subject.</p>
-
-<p>Thus far the case is plain enough. The conclusion
-flows, of itself, from the very idea of a philosophic
-conversation between such men.</p>
-
-<p>But as it appeared that the speaker’s <i>proper manners</i>
-are to be given, in this Dialogue, it may be
-thought (and, I suppose, commonly is thought)
-that the speaker’s <i>proper style or expression</i> should
-be given, too.</p>
-
-<p>Here the subject begins to be a little nice; and
-we must distinguish between the <i>general cast</i> of
-expression, and its <i>smaller and more peculiar features</i>.</p>
-
-<p>As to the <i>general cast or manner of speaking</i>,
-it may be well to preserve some resemblance of it;
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">36</span>
-for it results so immediately from the speaker’s character,
-and sometimes makes so essential a part of
-it, that the <i>manners</i> themselves cannot, otherwise,
-be sufficiently expressed.</p>
-
-<p>Accordingly <span class="smcap">Cicero</span> tells us, that, in his Dialogues
-of the <i>complete Orator</i>, he had <i>endeavoured
-to shadow out</i>, that is, give the outline, as it were,
-of the kind of eloquence, by which his chief
-speakers, <span class="smcap">Crassus</span> and <span class="smcap">Antonius</span>, were severally distinguished<a id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">10</a>.
-This attention has certainly no ill
-effect when the <i>manners of speaking</i>, as here, are
-sufficiently distinct, and generally known. It was,
-besides, essentially necessary in this Dialogue,
-where the subject is, of eloquence itself; and where
-the principal persons appeared, and were accordingly
-to be represented, in the light and character of
-<i>speakers</i>; that is, where their different kinds or
-manners of speaking were, of course, to be expressed.</p>
-
-<p>In Dialogues on other subjects, <span class="smcap">Cicero</span> himself
-either neglects this rule, or observes it with less
-care<a id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">11</a>; and this difference of conduct is plainly justified,
-from the reason of the thing.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">37</span></p>
-
-<p>But now when the question is, of the <i>smaller
-features and more peculiar qualities of style or expression</i>,
-it will be found that the writer of Dialogue
-is under no obligation, either from the reason
-of the thing, or the best authorities, to affect a resemblance
-of that kind.</p>
-
-<p>Authorities, I think, there are none, or none at
-least that deserve to be much regarded; though I
-remember what has been observed of an instance or
-two of this sort, in some of <span class="smcap">Plato’s</span> Dialogues, where
-his purpose is, to <i>expose a character</i>, not to <i>debate
-a philosophic question</i>: and for <i>the impropriety of
-the thing itself</i>, it may appear from the following
-considerations.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">38</span></p>
-
-<p>In general, the reason, why <i>character</i> is preserved
-in this Dialogue, is, because such speakers,
-as are introduced in it, cannot be supposed to converse
-for any time on a subject of importance without
-discovering somethings of their own <i>peculiar
-manners</i>; though the occasion may not be warming
-enough to throw them out with that distinctness
-and vivacity, which we expect in the progress of a
-dramatic plot. But as to the <i>language of conversation</i>,
-it is so much the same between persons of
-education and politeness, that, whether the subject
-be interesting, or otherwise, all that you can expect
-is that the <i>general cast of expression</i> will be somewhat
-tinctured by the <i>manners</i>, which shine through
-it; but by no means that the smaller differences,
-the nicer peculiarities of style, will be shewn.</p>
-
-<p>Or, we may take the matter thus:</p>
-
-<p>The reason, why the <i>general cast or kind of expression</i>
-is different in two speakers, is, because
-their <i>characters</i> are different, too. But <i>character</i>
-has no manner of influence, in the ease and freedom
-of conversation, on the <i>idiomatic differences</i>
-of expression; which flow not from the <i>manners</i>,
-but from some degree of study and affectation, and
-only characterize their written and artificial works.</p>
-
-<p>Thus, for instance, if <span class="smcap">Sallust</span> and <span class="smcap">Cicero</span> had
-come together in conversation, the <i>former</i> would
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">39</span>
-certainly have dropped his <i>new words and pointed
-sentences</i>: and the <i>latter</i> his <i>numerous oratorial
-periods</i>. All that might be expected to appear, is,
-that <span class="smcap">Sallust’s</span> expression would be shorter and more
-compact; <span class="smcap">Cicero’s</span> more gracious and flowing, agreeably
-to the characters of the two men.</p>
-
-<p>But there is a further reason why these <i>characteristic
-peculiarities of style</i> must not be exhibited,
-or must be infinitely restrained at least, in the sort
-of composition we are now considering. It is, that
-the studied imitation of such peculiarities would be
-what we call <i>mimickry</i>; and would therefore border
-upon <i>ridicule</i>, the thing of all others which the
-genius of this Dialogue most abhors. In Comedy
-itself, the most exact writers do not condescend to
-this minute imitation. <span class="smcap">Terence’s</span> characters all express
-themselves, I think, with equal elegance:
-even his slaves are made to speak as good Latin, as
-their masters. In the serious Dialogue, then, which,
-from its nature, is, in a much lower degree, <i>mimetic</i>,
-that minute attention can by no means be required.
-It will be sufficient that the speakers express themselves
-in <i>the same manner</i>, that is, (provided the
-<i>general cast</i> of expression be suited to their respective
-characters) <i>in the writer’s own</i>.</p>
-
-<p>If there be any exception from this rule, it must
-be, when the peculiarities of expression are so great,
-and so notorious, that the reader could hardly
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">40</span>
-acknowledge the speaker in any other dress, than
-that of his own style. Hence it is possible, though
-<span class="smcap">Cicero</span> has left us no example of this sort, that if,
-in the next age, any one had thought fit to introduce
-<span class="smcap">M&aelig;cenas</span> into Dialogue, he might perhaps have
-been allowed to colour his language with some of
-those <i>spruce turns and negligent affectations</i>, by
-which, as a writer, he was so well known. It is, at
-least, on this principle that the Author of the following
-Dialogues must rest his apology for having
-taken such liberty, in <i>one or two instances, only</i>:
-in which, however, he has confined his imitation to
-the single purpose of exhibiting some degree of likeness
-to their acknowledged manner of expression,
-without attempting to expose it in any strong or invidious
-light. And, after all, if even this liberty,
-so cautiously taken, be thought too much, he will
-not complain of his critics; since the fault, if it be
-one, was committed rather in compliance with what
-he supposed might be the public judgment, than
-with his own.</p>
-
-<p>The reader has now before him a sketch of what
-I conceive to be the <i>character</i> of the ancient philosophic
-Dialogue; which, in one word, may be
-said to be, “An imitated, and mannered conversation
-between certain real, known, and respected
-persons, on some useful or serious subject, in an
-elegant, and suitably adorned, but not characteristic
-style.”
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">41</span></p>
-
-<p>At least, I express, as I can, my notion of <span class="smcap">Cicero’s</span>
-Dialogue, which unites these several characters;
-and, by such union, has effected, as it seems to me,
-all that the nature of this composition requires or
-admits.</p>
-
-<p>This, I am sensible, is saying but little, on the
-subject. But I pretend not to do justice to <span class="smcap">Cicero’s
-Dialogues</span>; which are occasionally set off by that
-lively, yet chaste colouring of the <i>manners</i>, and
-are, besides, all over sprinkled with that exquisite
-grace of, what the Latin writers call, <i>urbanity</i>, (by
-which, they meant as well what was most polite in
-the <i>air</i> of conversation, as in the language of it)
-that there is nothing equal to them, in Antiquity
-itself: and I have sometimes fancied, that even
-<span class="smcap">Livy’s</span> Dialogues<a id="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">12</a>, if they had come down to us,
-would perhaps have lost something, on a comparison
-with these master-pieces of <span class="smcap">Cicero’s</span> pen.</p>
-
-<p>3. But to this apology for the ancient Dialogue,
-I suspect it will be replied, “That though, in the
-hands of the Greek and Latin writers, it might,
-heretofore, have all this grace and merit, yet who
-shall pretend to revive it in our days? or, how shall
-we enter into the spirit of this composition, for which
-there is no encouragement, nor so much as the
-countenance of example in real life? No man writes
-well, but from his own experience and observation:
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">42</span>
-and by whom is the way of dialogue now practised?
-or, where do we find such precedents of grave and
-continued conversation in modern times?”</p>
-
-<p>A very competent judge, and one too, who was
-himself, as I have observed, an adventurer in this
-class of composition, puts the objection home in the
-following words:</p>
-
-<p>“The truth is,” says he, “it would be an abominable
-falsehood, and belying of the age, to put
-so much good sense together in any <i>one</i> conversation,
-as might make it hold out steadily, and with
-plain coherence, for an hour’s time, till any <i>one</i>
-subject had been rationally examined<a id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">13</a>.”</p>
-
-<p>Nor is this the only difficulty. <i>Another</i> occurs,
-from the prevailing manners of modern times, which
-are over-run with respect, compliment, and ceremony.
-“Now put <i>compliments</i>,” says the same
-writer, “put <i>ceremony</i> into a Dialogue, and see
-what will be the effect! This is the plain <i>dilemma</i>
-against that ancient manner of writing&mdash;if we
-avoid ceremony, we are unnatural: if we use it,
-and appear as we naturally are, as we salute, and
-meet, and treat one another, we hate the sight<a id="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">14</a>.”</p>
-
-<p>These considerations are to the purpose; and
-shew perhaps in a mortifying manner, that the modern
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">43</span>
-writers of Dialogue, the very best of them,
-cannot aspire to the unrivalled elegance of the ancient;
-as being wholly unfurnished of many advantages,
-to this end, which they enjoyed. But
-still the <i>form</i> of writing itself is neither impracticable,
-nor unnatural: and there are certain <i>means</i>,
-by which the disadvantages, complained of, may be
-lessened at least, if not entirely removed.</p>
-
-<p>To begin with the <small>LAST</small>. It is very true, that the
-constraint of a formal and studied civility is foreign
-to the genius of this sort of composition; and it is,
-also, as true, that somewhat of this constrained civility
-is scarce separable from a just copy and faithful
-picture of conversation in our days. The reason
-of which is to be gathered from the nature of our
-policies and governments. For conversation, I
-mean the serious and manly sort, as well as eloquence,
-is most cultivated and thrives best amidst
-the quality of conditions in republican and popular
-states.</p>
-
-<p>And, though this inconvenience be less perceived
-by us of this free country than by most others, yet
-something of it will remain wherever monarchy,
-with its consequent train of subordinate and dependent
-ranks of men, subsists.</p>
-
-<p>Now the proper remedy in the case is, to bring
-such men only together in Dialogue as are of the
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">44</span>
-same rank; or at least to class our speakers with
-such care as that any great inequality in that respect
-may be compensated by some other; such as the
-superiority of age, wisdom, talents, or the like. A
-Chancellor of <i>England</i> and a Country Justice, or
-even a Lord and his Chaplain, could hardly be
-shewn in Dialogue, without incurring some ridicule.
-But a Judge and a Bishop, one would hope, might
-be safely brought together; and if a great Philosopher
-should enter into debate with a lettered Man
-of Quality, the indecorum would not be so violent
-as to be much resented.</p>
-
-<p>But the influence of modern manners reaches
-even to names and the ordinary forms of address.
-In the Greek and Roman Dialogues, it was permitted
-to accost the greatest persons by their obvious
-and familiar appellations. <span class="smcap">Alcibiades</span> had no more
-addition, than <span class="smcap">Socrates</span>: and <span class="smcap">Brutus</span> and <span class="smcap">C&aelig;sar</span>
-lost nothing of their dignity from being applied to in
-those direct terms. The moderns, on the contrary,
-have their guards and fences about them; and we
-hold it an incivility to approach them without some
-decent periphrasis, or ceremonial title&mdash;</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i4">&mdash;&mdash;gaudent pr&aelig;nomine molles<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Auricul&aelig;.<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<p>It was principally, I believe, for this reason, that
-modern writers of Dialogue have had recourse to
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">45</span>
-fictitious names and characters, rather than venture
-on the use of real ones: the <i>former</i> absolving them
-from this cumbersome ceremony, which, in the
-case of the <i>latter</i>, could not so properly be laid
-aside. <span class="smcap">Pal&aelig;mon</span> and <span class="smcap">Philander</span>, for instance, are
-not only well-sounding words; but slide as easily
-into a sentence, and as gracefully too, as <span class="smcap">Cicero</span>
-and <span class="smcap">Atticus</span>: while the <i>Mr’s</i> and the <i>Sirs</i>, nay his
-<i>Grace</i>, his <i>Excellency</i>, or his <i>Honour</i><a id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">15</a>, of modern
-Dialogue, have not only a formality that hurts the
-ease of conversation, but a harshness too, which is
-somewhat offensive to a well-tuned Attic or Roman
-ear.</p>
-
-<p>All this will be allowed; and yet, to speak plainly
-and with that freedom which ancient manners indulge,
-the barbarity of these forms is not worse than
-the pedantry of taking such disgust at them. And
-there are ways, too, by which the most offensive
-circumstances in this account may be so far qualified
-as to be almost overlooked, or at least endured.
-What <i>these</i> are, the capable and intelligent reader
-or writer is not to be told; and none but such would
-easily apprehend.</p>
-
-<p>To come then to the <small>OTHER</small> objection of Lord
-<span class="smcap">Shaftesbury</span>, which is more considerable.</p>
-
-<p>It would be a manifest falsehood, he thinks, and
-directly against the truth both of art and nature, to
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">46</span>
-engage the moderns in a grave discourse of any
-length. And it is true, the great men of our time
-do not, like the Senators of ancient <i>Rome</i>, spend
-whole days in learned debate and formal disputation:
-yet their meetings, especially in private parties,
-with their friends, are not so wholly frivolous, but
-that they sometimes discourse seriously, and even
-pursue a subject of learning or business, not with
-coherence only, but with some care. And will not
-this be ground enough for a capable writer to go
-upon, in reviving the way of Dialogue between such
-men?</p>
-
-<p>But, to give the most probable air to his fiction,
-he may find it necessary to recede from the strict
-imitation of his originals, in one instance.</p>
-
-<p>It may be advisable not to take for his speakers,
-<i>living persons</i>; I mean, persons, however respectable,
-of his own age. We may fancy of the dead,
-what we cannot so readily believe of the living.
-And thus, by endeavouring a little to deceive ourselves,
-we may come to think that natural, which
-is not wholly incredible; and may admit the writer’s
-invention for a picture, though a studied and flattering
-one, it may be, of real life.</p>
-
-<p>In short, it may be a good rule in modern Dialogue,
-as it was in ancient Tragedy, to take our
-subjects, and choose our persons, out of former
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">47</span>
-times. And, under the prejudice of that opinion
-which is readily entertained of such subjects and
-characters, an artist may contrive to pass that upon
-us for <i>Fact</i>, which was only ingenious <i>Fiction</i>; and
-so wind up his piece to the perfection of ancient
-Dialogue, without departing too widely from the
-decorum and truth of conversation in modern life.</p>
-
-<p>Such at least is the <span class="smcap">Idea</span>, which the Author of
-these Dialogues has formed to himself of the manner
-in which this exquisite sort of composition may be
-attempted by more successful writers. For to conceive
-an excellence, and to copy it, he understands
-and laments, are very different things.</p>
-
-<p>
-<span class="i2 smcap">Thurcaston.</span><br />
-<span class="i4">MDCCLXIV.</span><br />
-</p>
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">48</span><br />
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">49</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="xx-large">MORAL AND POLITICAL<br />
-DIALOGUES.</h2>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">50</span><br />
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">51</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="xx-large">DIALOGUE I.<br />
-
-<span class="x-large">ON SINCERITY IN THE COMMERCE<br />
-OF THE WORLD.</span><br />
-
-<small>BETWEEN</small><br />
-
-<span class="large">DR. HENRY MORE,</span><br />
-
-<small>AND</small><br />
-
-<span class="large">EDMUND WALLER, ESQ.</span></h2>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">52</span><br />
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_53">53</span></p>
-
-<h2 id="DIALOGUE_I">DIALOGUE I.<br />
-
-<span class="large">ON SINCERITY IN THE COMMERCE
-OF THE WORLD.</span><br />
-
-<span class="medium"><span class="smcap">Dr. HENRY MORE, EDMUND WALLER, Esq.</span></span></h2>
-
-<h4>MR. WALLER.</h4>
-
-<p class="drop"><span class="uppercase">Enough</span>, enough, my friend, on the good
-old chapter of <i>Sincerity and Honour</i>. Your
-rhetoric, and not your reasoning, is too much
-for me. Believe it, your fine stoical lessons
-must all give way to a little common sense, I
-mean, to a prudent accommodation of ourselves
-to times and circumstances; which, whether
-you will dignify it with the name of philosophy,
-or no, is the only method of living with credit
-in the world, and even with safety.</p>
-
-<h4>DR. MORE.</h4>
-
-<p>Accommodation is, no doubt, a good word
-to stand in the place of insincerity. But, pray,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_54">54</span>
-in which of the great moral masters have you
-picked up this term, and, much more, the virtuous
-practice, it so well expresses?</p>
-
-<h4>MR. WALLER.</h4>
-
-<p>I learnt it from the great master of life, <small>EXPERIENCE</small>:
-A doctor, little heard of in the
-schools, but of more authority with men of
-sense, than all the solemn talkers of the porch,
-or cloister, put together.</p>
-
-<h4>DR. MORE.</h4>
-
-<p>After much reserve, I confess, you begin to
-express yourself very clearly. But, good Sir,
-not to take up your conclusion too hastily,
-have the patience to hear&mdash;</p>
-
-<h4>MR. WALLER.</h4>
-
-<p>Have I not, then, heard, and sure with patience
-enough, your studied harangues on this
-subject? You have discoursed it, I must own,
-very plausibly. But the impression, which
-fine words make, is one thing, and the conviction
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">55</span>
-of reason, another. And, not to waste
-more time in fruitless altercation, let <small>ME</small>, if
-you please, read you a lecture of morals: not
-out of ancient books, or the visions of an unpractised
-philosophy, but from the schools of
-business and real life. Such a view of things
-will discredit these high nations, and may serve,
-for the future, to amend and rectify all your
-systems.</p>
-
-<h4>DR. MORE.</h4>
-
-<p>Commend me to a man of the world, for a
-rectifier of moral systems!&mdash;Yet, if it were
-only for the pleasure of being let into the secrets
-of this new doctrine of <i>Accommodation</i>,
-I am content to become a <i>patient</i> hearer, in
-my turn; and the rather, as the day, which
-you see, wears apace, will hardly give leave for
-interruption, or indeed afford you time enough
-for the full display of your wit on this extraordinary
-subject.</p>
-
-<h4>MR. WALLER.</h4>
-
-<p>We have day enough before us, for the business
-in hand. ’Tis true, this wood-land walk
-has not the charms, which you lately bestowed
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_56">56</span>
-on a certain <i>philosophical garden</i><a id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">16</a>. But the
-heavens are as clear, and the air, that blows
-upon us, as fresh, as in that fine evening which
-drew your friends abroad, and engaged them in
-a longer debate, than that with which I am
-now likely to detain you. For, indeed, I have
-only to lay before you the result of my own
-experience and observation. All my arguments
-are plain facts, which are soon told, and about
-which there can be no dispute. You shall
-judge for yourself, how far they will authorize
-the conclusion I mean to draw from them.</p>
-
-<p>The point, I am bold enough to maintain
-against you philosophers, is, briefly, this;
-“That <i>sincerity</i>, or a scrupulous regard to
-<i>truth</i> in all our conversation and behaviour,
-how specious soever it may be in theory, is
-a thing impossible in practice; that there is
-no living in the world on these terms; and
-that a man of business must either quit the
-scene, or learn to temper the strictness of
-your discipline with some reasonable accommodations.
-It is exactly the dilemma of the
-poet,</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">Vivere si recte nescis, discede peritis;<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">57</span></p>
-
-<p>of all which I presume, as I said, to offer my
-own experience, as the shortest and most convincing
-demonstration.”</p>
-
-<h4>DR. MORE.</h4>
-
-<p>The subject, I confess, is fairly delivered,
-and nothing can be juster than this appeal to
-experience, provided you do not attempt to
-delude yourself or me by throwing false colours
-upon it.</p>
-
-<h4>MR. WALLER.</h4>
-
-<p>It will be your business to remonstrate against
-these arts, if you discover any such. My intention
-is to proceed in the way of a direct and
-simple recital.</p>
-
-<p>“I was born, as you know, of a good family,
-and to the inheritance of this paternal seat<a id="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">17</a>,
-with the easy fortune that belongs to it. To
-this, I succeeded but too soon by the untimely
-loss of an excellent father. His death, however,
-did not deprive me of those advantages
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_58">58</span>
-which are thought to arise from a strict and
-virtuous education. This care devolved on
-my mother, a woman of great prudence, who
-provided for my instruction in letters and every
-other accomplishment. I was, of myself,
-enough inclined to books, and was supposed to
-have some parts which deserved cultivation. I
-was accordingly trained in the study of those
-writings, which are the admiration of men of
-elegant minds and refined morals. I was a
-tolerable master of the languages, in which
-they are composed; and, I may venture to say,
-was at least imbued with their notions and
-principles, if I was not able at that time to
-catch the spirit of their composition: all which
-was confirmed in me, by the constant attendance
-and admonitions of the best tutors, and
-the strict discipline of your colleges. I mention
-these things to shew you, that I was not
-turned loose into the world, as your complaint
-of men of business generally is, unprincipled
-and uninstructed; and that what austere men
-might afterwards take for some degree of libertinism
-in my conduct, is not to be charged
-on the want of a sober or even learned education.”
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">59</span></p>
-
-<h4>DR. MORE.</h4>
-
-<p>I understand you mean to take no advantage
-of that plea, if what follows be not answerable
-to so high expectations.</p>
-
-<h4>MR. WALLER.</h4>
-
-<p>The season was now come, when my rank
-and fortune, together with the solicitations of
-my friends, drew me forth, though reluctantly,
-from the college into the world. I was then,
-indeed, under twenty; but so practised in the
-best things, and so enamoured of the moral
-lessons which had been taught me, that I carried
-with me into the last parliament of king
-James, not the showy accomplishments of learning
-only, but the high enthusiasm of a warm
-and active virtue. Yet the vanity, it may be, of a
-young man, distinguished by some advantages,
-and conscious enough of them, was, for a time,
-the leading principle with me. In this disposition,
-it may be supposed, I could not be
-long without desiring an introduction to the
-court. It was not a school of that virtue I had
-been used to, yet had some persons in it of
-eminent worth and honour. A vein of poetry,
-which seemed to flow naturally from me, was
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">60</span>
-that by which I seemed most ambitious to recommend
-myself<a id="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">18</a>. And occasions quickly
-offered for that purpose. But this was a play
-of ingenuity in which the heart had no share.
-I made complimentary verses on the great lords
-and ladies of the court, with as much simplicity
-and as little meaning as my bows in the drawing
-room, and thought it a fine thing to be taken
-notice of, as a wit, in the fashionable circles.
-In the mean time, the corruptions of a loose
-disorderly court gave me great scandal. And
-the abject flatteries, I observed in some of the
-highest stations and gravest characters, filled
-me with indignation. As an instance of this,
-I can never forget the resentment, that fired
-my young breast at the conversation you have
-often heard me say I was present at, betwixt
-the old king, and two of his court prelates<a id="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">19</a>.
-And if the prudent and witty turn, the venerable
-bishop of <i>Winchester</i> gave to the discourse,
-had not atoned, in some measure, for
-the rank offensive servility of the <i>other</i>, it had
-been enough to determine me, forthwith, to an
-implacable hatred of kings and courts for ever.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_61">61</span></p>
-
-<h4>DR. MORE.</h4>
-
-<p>It must be owned the provocation was very
-gross, and the offence taken at it no more than
-a symptom of a generous and manly virtue.</p>
-
-<h4>MR. WALLER.</h4>
-
-<p>It left a deep impression on my mind; yet
-it did not hinder me from appearing at court
-in the first years of the following reign, when
-the vanity of a thoughtless muse, rather than
-any relaxation of my ancient manners, drew
-from me, again, some occasional panegyrics
-on greatness; which being presented in verse,
-I thought would hardly be suspected of flattery.</p>
-
-<h4>DR. MORE.</h4>
-
-<p>This indulgence of a <i>thoughtless muse</i> (as
-you call it) was not without its danger. I am
-afraid this must pass for the first instance of
-your sacrificing to <span class="smcap">Insincerity</span>.</p>
-
-<h4>MR. WALLER.</h4>
-
-<p>Your fears are too hasty. This was still a
-trial of my wit: and after a few wanton circles,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_62">62</span>
-as it were to breathe and exercise my muse, I
-drew her in from these amusements to a stricter
-manage and more severe discipline. The long
-interval of parliaments now followed; and in
-this suspension of business I applied myself to
-every virtuous pursuit that could be likely to
-improve my mind, or purify my morals. Believe
-me, I cannot to this day, without pleasure,
-reflect on the golden hours, I passed in
-the society of such accomplished men as <span class="smcap">Falkland</span>,
-<span class="smcap">Hyde</span>, and <span class="smcap">Chillingworth</span>. And, for
-my more retired amusements at this place, you
-will judge of the good account I might render of
-these, when I add, they were constantly shared
-with that great prelate, who now, with so much
-dignity, fills the throne of <i>Winchester</i><a id="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">20</a>.</p>
-
-<h4>DR. MORE.</h4>
-
-<p>This enthusiasm of your’s is catching, and
-raises in me an incredible impatience to come
-at the triumphs of a virtue, trained and perfected
-in her best school, the conversations of
-heroes and sages.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_63">63</span></p>
-
-<h4>MR. WALLER.</h4>
-
-<p>You shall hear. The jealousies, that had
-alarmed the nation for twelve years, were now
-to have a vent given them, by the call of the
-parliament in <i>April 1640</i>. As the occasion,
-on which it met, was in the highest degree interesting,
-the assembly itself was the most august,
-that perhaps had ever deliberated on
-public councils. There was a glow of honour,
-of liberty, and of virtue in all hearts, in all
-faces: and yet this fire was tempered with so
-composed a wisdom, and so sedate a courage,
-that it seemed a synod of heroes; and, as some
-would then say of us, could only be matched
-by a senate of old Rome in its age of highest
-glory. To this parliament I had the honour
-to be deputed, whither I went with high-erected
-thoughts, and a heart panting for glory
-and the true service of my country. The dissolution,
-which so unhappily followed, served
-only to increase this ardour. So that, on our
-next meeting in <i>November</i>, I went freely and
-warmly into the measures of those, who were
-supposed to mean the best. I voted, I spoke,
-I impeached<a id="FNanchor_21" href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">21</a>. In a word, I gave a free scope
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_64">64</span>
-to those generous thoughts and purposes which
-had been collecting in me for so many years,
-and was in the foremost rank of those, whose
-pulse beat highest for liberty, and who were
-most active for the interest of the public.</p>
-
-<h4>DR. MORE.</h4>
-
-<p>This was indeed a triumph, the very memory
-of which warms you to this moment. So
-bright a flame was not easily extinguished.</p>
-
-<h4>MR. WALLER.</h4>
-
-<p>It continued for some time in all its vigour.
-High as my notions were of public liberty,
-they did not transport me, with that zeal which
-prevailed on so many others, to act against the
-just prerogative of the crown, and the ancient
-constitution. I owe it to the conversation and
-influence of the excellent society, before-mentioned,
-that neither the spirit, the sense, nor,
-what is more, the relationship and intimate acquaintance
-of Mr. <span class="smcap">Hampden</span><a id="FNanchor_22" href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">22</a>, could ever bias
-me to his deeper designs, or any irreverence to
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">65</span>
-the unhappy king’s person. Many things concurred
-to preserve me in this due mean. The
-violent tendencies of many councils on the parliament’s
-side; many gracious and important
-compliances on the king’s; the great examples
-of some who had most authority with good
-men; and, lastly, my own temper, which, in
-its highest fervours, always inclined to moderation;
-these and other circumstances kept me
-from the excesses, on either hand, which so
-few were able to avoid in that scene of public
-confusion.</p>
-
-<h4>DR. MORE.</h4>
-
-<p>This moderation carries with it all the marks
-of a real and confirmed virtue.</p>
-
-<h4>MR. WALLER.</h4>
-
-<p>I rather expected you would have considered
-it as another <i>sacrifice to Insincerity</i>. Such, I
-remember, was the language of many at that
-time. The enthusiasts on both sides agreed to
-stigmatize this temper with the name of <i>Neutrality</i>.
-Yet this treatment did not prevent
-me, when the war broke out, from taking a
-course, which I easily foresaw, would tend to
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_66">66</span>
-increase such suspicions; for now, to open a
-fresh scene to you, I had assumed, if not new
-principles, yet new notions of the manner in
-which good policy required me to exert my
-old ones. The general virtue, or what had the
-appearance of it at least, had hitherto made
-plain-dealing an easy and convenient conduct.
-But things were now changed. The minds of
-all men were on fire: deep designs were laid,
-and no practice stuck at that might be proper
-to advance the execution of them. In this situation
-of affairs, what could simple honesty
-do, but defeat the purpose and endanger the
-safety of its master? I now, first, began to reflect
-that this was a virtue for other times: at
-least, that not to qualify it, in some sort, was,
-at such a juncture, not honesty, but imprudence:
-and when I had once fallen into this
-train of thinking, it is wonderful how many
-things occurred to me to justify and recommend
-it. The humour of acting always on
-one principle was, I said to myself, like that
-of sailing with one wind: whereas the expert
-mariner wins his way by plying in all directions,
-as occasions serve, and making the best
-of all weathers. Then I considered with myself
-the bad policy, in such a conjuncture, of
-<span class="smcap">Cato</span> and <span class="smcap">Brutus</span>, and easily approved in my
-own mind the more pliant and conciliating method
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_67">67</span>
-of <span class="smcap">Cicero</span>. Those stoics, thought I, ruined
-themselves and their cause by a too obstinate
-adherence to their system. The liberal and
-more enlarged conduct of the academic, who
-took advantage of all winds that blew in that
-time of civil dissension, had a chance at least
-for doing his country better service. Observation,
-as well as books, furnish me with these
-reflections. I perceived with what difficulty
-the Lord <span class="smcap">Falkland’s</span> rigid principles had suffered
-him to accept an office of the greatest
-consequence to the public safety<a id="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">23</a>: and I understood
-to what an extreme his scruples had
-carried him in the discharge of it<a id="FNanchor_24" href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">24</a>. This, concluded
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_68">68</span>
-I, can never be the office of virtue in
-such a world, and in such a period. And then
-that of the poet, so skilled in the knowledge of
-life, occurred to me,</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i12">&mdash;aut virtus nomen inane est,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Aut decus et pretium recte petit <small>EXPERIENS</small> vir;<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<p>that is, as I explained it, “The man of a ready
-and dexterous turn in affairs; one who knows
-how to take advantage of all circumstances,
-and is not restrained, by his bigotry, from varying
-his conduct, as occasions serve, and
-making, as it were, <i>experiments</i> in business.”</p>
-
-<h4>DR. MORE.</h4>
-
-<p>You poets, I suppose, have an exclusive right
-to explain one another; or these words might
-seem to bear a more natural interpretation.</p>
-
-<h4>MR. WALLER.</h4>
-
-<p>You will understand from this account,
-which I have opened so particularly to you, on
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">69</span>
-what reasons I was induced to alter my plan,
-or rather to pursue it with those arts of prudence
-and address, which the turn of the times
-had now rendered necessary. The conclusion
-was, I resolved to pursue steadily the king’s,
-which at the same time was manifestly the nation’s
-interest, and yet to keep fair with the
-parliament, and the managers on that side;
-for this appeared the likeliest way of doing him
-real service. And yet some officious scruples,
-which forced themselves upon me at first, had
-like to have fixed me in other measures. In
-the stream of those who chose to desert the
-houses rather than share in the violent counsels
-that prevailed in them, the general disgust had
-also carried me to withdraw myself. But this
-start of zeal was soon over. I presently saw,
-and found means to satisfy the king, that it
-would be more for his service that I should return
-to the parliament. I therefore resumed
-my seat, and took leave (to say the truth, it
-was not denied me by the house, who had
-their own ends to serve by this indulgence<a id="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">25</a>) to
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_70">70</span>
-reason and debate in all points with great freedom.
-At the same time my affections to the
-common interest were not suspected; for,
-having no connexion with the court, nobody
-thought of charging me with private views;
-and not forgetting, besides, to cultivate a good
-understanding with the persons of chief credit
-in the house, the plainness I used could only
-be taken for what it was, an honest and parliamentary
-liberty. This situation was, for a
-time, very favourable to me: for the king’s
-friends regarded me as the champion of their
-cause; whilst the prudence of my carriage towards
-the leading members secured me, in a
-good degree, from their jealousy.</p>
-
-<h4>DR. MORE.</h4>
-
-<p>Your policy, I observe, had now taken a
-more refined turn. The juncture of affairs
-might possibly justify this address: but the
-ground you stood upon was slippery; and I
-own myself alarmed at what may be the consequence
-of this solicitous pursuit of popularity.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">71</span></p>
-
-<h4>MR. WALLER.</h4>
-
-<p>No exception, I think, can be fairly taken at
-the methods by which I pursued it. However,
-this <i>popularity</i> it was, as you rightly divine,
-which drew upon me all the mischiefs that followed.
-For the application of all men, disposed
-to the king’s service, was now made to
-me. I had an opportunity, by this means, of
-knowing the characters and views of particular
-persons, and of getting an insight into the true
-state of the king’s affairs. And these advantages,
-in the end, drove me on the project,
-which, on the discovery, came to be called my
-<i>Plot</i>: an event, which, with all its particulars,
-you understand too well to need any information
-from me about it.</p>
-
-<h4>DR. MORE.</h4>
-
-<p>The story, as it was noised abroad, I am no
-stranger to: but this being one of those occasions,
-as they say, in which both your policy
-and virtue were put to the sharpest trial, it
-would be much to the purpose you have in view
-by this recital, to favour me with your own account
-of it.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">72</span></p>
-
-<h4>MR. WALLER.</h4>
-
-<p>To lead you through all particulars, would
-not suit with the brevity you require of me.
-But something I will say to obviate the misconceptions
-you may possibly have entertained of
-this business<a id="FNanchor_26" href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">26</a>. For the plot itself, the utmost
-of my design was only to form such a combination
-among the honest and well-affected of
-all sorts, as might have weight enough to incline
-the houses to a peace, and prevent the
-miseries that were too certainly to be apprehended
-from a civil war. It was never in my
-thoughts to surprize the parliament or city by
-force, or engage the army in the support and
-execution of my purpose. But my design in
-this affair, though the fury of my enemies, and
-the fatal jealousy of the time, would not suffer
-it to be rightly understood, is not that which
-my friends resented, and which most men were
-disposed to blame in me. It was my behaviour
-afterwards, and the obliquity of some means
-which I found expedient to my own safety,
-that exposed me to so rude a storm of censure.
-It continues, I know, to beat upon me even at
-this distance. But the injustice hath arisen
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">73</span>
-from the force of vulgar prejudices, and from
-the want of entering into those enlarged principles,
-on which it was necessary for me to
-proceed in that juncture.</p>
-
-<h4>DR. MORE.</h4>
-
-<p>Yet the ill success of this plot itself might
-have shewn you, what the design of acting
-on these <i>enlarged principles</i> was likely to come
-to. It was an unlucky experiment, this, you
-had made in the <i>new</i> arts of living; and should
-have been a warning to you, not to proceed in
-a path which, at the very entrance of it, had involved
-you in such difficulties.</p>
-
-<h4>MR. WALLER.</h4>
-
-<p>No, it was not the new path, you object to
-me, but the good old road of Sincerity, which
-misled me into those brambles. I, in the
-simplicity of my heart, thought it my duty to
-adhere to the injured king’s cause, and believed
-my continuance in parliament the fairest,
-as well as the likeliest method, that could be
-taken to support it. Had I temporized so far
-as either to desert my prince, and strike in with
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">74</span>
-the parliament, or, on the other hand, had left
-the house and gone with the seceders to <i>Oxford</i>,
-either way I had been secure. But resolving,
-as I did, to hold my principles, and follow my
-judgment, I fell into those unhappy circumstances,
-from which all the dexterity I afterwards
-assumed was little enough to deliver me.</p>
-
-<h4>DR. MORE.</h4>
-
-<p>But if your intentions were so pure, and the
-methods, by which you resolved to prosecute
-them, so blameless, how happened it that any
-plot could be worked up of so much danger to
-your life and person?</p>
-
-<h4>MR. WALLER.</h4>
-
-<p>This was the very thing I was going to explain
-to you. My intentions towards the parliament
-were fair and honourable: as I retained
-my seat there, I could not allow myself in the
-use of any but parliamentary methods to promote
-the cause I had undertaken. And this,
-as I said, was the whole purpose of the <i>combination</i>,
-which was made the pretence to ruin
-me: for my unhappy project of a reconciliation
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">75</span>
-was so inextricably confounded with another of
-more dangerous tendency, the <i>commission of
-array</i>, sent at that time from <i>Oxford</i>, that
-nothing, I presently saw, could possibly disentangle
-so perplexed a business, or defeat the
-malice of my enemies, if I attempted, in the
-more direct way, to stand on my defence.
-Presumptions, if not proofs, they had in
-abundance: the consternation of all men was
-great; their rage, unrelenting; and the general
-enthusiasm of the time, outrageous. Consider
-all this, and see what chance there was
-for escaping their injustice, if I had restrained
-myself to the sole use of those means, which
-you men of the cloister magnify so much, under
-I know not what names of <i>Sincerity</i> and <i>Honour</i>.
-And, indeed, this late experience, of what was
-to be expected from the way of plain dealing,
-had determined me, henceforth, to take a different
-route; and, since I had drawn these
-mischiefs on myself by <i>Sincerity</i>, to try what
-a little management could do towards bringing
-me out of them.</p>
-
-<h4>DR. MORE.</h4>
-
-<p>It was not, I perceive, without cause, that
-the subtlety you had begun to have recourse to,
-filled me with apprehensions. Sincerity and
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_76">76</span>
-Honour, Mr. <span class="smcap">Waller</span>, are plain things, and
-hold no acquaintance with this ingenious
-casuistry.</p>
-
-<h4>MR. WALLER.</h4>
-
-<p>What, not in such a situation? It should
-seem then, as if you moralists conceived a man
-owed nothing to himself: that <i>self-preservation</i>
-was not what God and Nature have made it,
-the first and most binding of all laws: that a
-man’s family, not to say his country, have no
-interest in the life of an innocent and deserving
-citizen; and, in one word, that <i>prudence</i> is
-but an empty name, though you give it a place
-among your <i>cardinal virtues</i>. All this must
-be concluded before you reject, as unlawful,
-the means I was forced upon, at this season,
-for my defence: means, I presume to say, so
-sagely contrived, and, as my very enemies will
-own, executed so happily, that I cannot to this
-day reflect on my conduct in that affair without
-satisfaction.</p>
-
-<h4>DR. MORE.</h4>
-
-<p>Yet it had some consequences which a man
-of your generosity would a little startle at.&mdash;
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_77">77</span></p>
-
-<h4>MR. WALLER.</h4>
-
-<p>I understand you: my friends&mdash;But I shall
-answer that objection in its place.</p>
-
-<p>Let me at present go on with the particulars
-of my defence. The occasion, as you see, was
-distressful to the last degree. To deny or defend
-myself from the charge was a thing impossible.
-What remained then but to confess
-it, and in so frank and ample a manner, as
-might bespeak the pity or engage the protection
-of my accusers? I resolved to say nothing but
-the <i>truth</i>; and, if ever the <i>whole</i> truth may
-be spoken, it is when so alarming an occasion
-calls for it. Besides, what had others, who
-might be affected by the discovery, to complain
-of? I disclaimed no part of the guilt myself:
-nor could any confession be made, that did
-not first and chiefly affect me. And if I, who
-was principal in the contrivance, had the best
-chance for escaping by such confession, what
-had they, who were only accomplices, to apprehend
-from it? Add to this, that the number
-and credit of the persons, who were
-charged with having a share in the design, were,
-of all others, the likeliest considerations to prevail
-with the houses to drop the further prosecution
-of it.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_78">78</span></p>
-
-<p>Well, the discovery had great effects. But
-there was no stopping here. Penitence, as well
-as confession, is expected from a sinner. I had
-to do with hypocrites of the worst sort. What
-fairer weapons, then, than hypocrisy and dissimulation?
-I counterfeited the strongest remorse,
-and with a life and spirit that disposed
-all men to believe, and most to pity me. My
-trial was put off in very compassion to my
-disorder; which, in appearance, was so great,
-that some suspected my understanding had
-been affected by it. In this contrivance I had
-two views; to gain time for my defence, and
-to keep it off till the fury of my prosecutors
-was abated. In this interval, indeed, some of
-my accomplices suffered. But how was it
-possible for me to apprehend that, when, if
-any, I myself might expect to have fallen the
-first victim of their resentment?</p>
-
-<h4>DR. MORE.</h4>
-
-<p>If this apology satisfy yourself, I need not
-interrupt your story with any exceptions.</p>
-
-<h4>MR. WALLER.</h4>
-
-<p>It was, in truth, the only thing which afflicted
-me in the course of this whole business.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_79">79</span>
-But time and reflection have reconciled me to
-what was, in some sense, occasioned, but certainly
-not intended, by me. And it would be
-a strange morality that should charge a man
-with the undesigned consequences of his own
-actions.</p>
-
-<h4>DR. MORE.</h4>
-
-<p>And were all the symptoms of a disturbed
-mind, you made a shew of, then entirely counterfeit?</p>
-
-<h4>MR. WALLER.</h4>
-
-<p>As certainly as those of the Roman <span class="smcap">Brutus</span>,
-who, to tell you the truth, was my example
-on that occasion. It was the business of both
-of us to elude the malice of our enemies, and
-reserve ourselves for the future service of our
-respective countries.</p>
-
-<p>But all I have told you was only a prelude
-to a further, and still more necessary, act of
-dissimulation. Had the house been left to itself,
-it might possibly have absolved me, on
-the merits of so large a confession, and so
-lively a repentance. But I had to do with
-another class of men, with holy inquisitors of
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_80">80</span>
-sordid minds, and sour spirits; priestly reformers,
-whose sense was noise, and religion
-fanaticism, and that too fermented with the
-leven of earthly avarice and ambition. These had
-great influence both within doors and without,
-and would regard what had hitherto passed as
-nothing, if I went not much further. To
-these, having begun in so good a train, I was
-now to address myself. I had studied their
-humours, and understood to a tittle the arts
-that were most proper to gain them.</p>
-
-<p>The first step to the countenance and good
-liking of these restorers of primitive parity
-was, I well knew, the most implicit subjection
-both of will and understanding. I magnified
-their gifts, I revered their sanctity. I debased
-myself with all imaginable humility: I extolled
-them with the grossest flattery.</p>
-
-<p>Having thus succeeded to my wish in drawing
-the principal of these saints around me, I
-advanced further: I sought their instruction,
-solicited their advice, and importuned their
-ghostly consolation. This brought me into
-high favour; they regarded me as one, who
-wished and deserved to be enlightened: they
-strove which should impart most of their lights
-and revelations to me. I besought them to
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_81">81</span>
-expound, and pray, and preach before me:
-nay, I even preached, and prayed, and expounded
-before them. I out-canted the best-gifted
-of them; and out-railed the bitterest of
-all their decriers of an anti-christian prelacy.
-In short, it would have moved your laughter
-or your indignation to observe, how submissively
-I demeaned myself to these spiritual
-fathers; how I hung on their words, echoed
-their coarse sayings, and mimicked their beggarly
-tones and grimaces.</p>
-
-<p>To complete the farce, I intreated their acceptance
-of such returns for their godly instructions,
-as fortune had enabled me to make
-them. I prevailed with them to give leave
-that so unworthy a person might be the instrument
-of conveying earthly accommodations
-to these dispensers of heavenly treasures; and
-it surpasses all belief, with what an avidity they
-devoured them! It is true, this last was a serious
-consideration: in all other respects, the
-whole was a perfect comedy; and of so ridiculous
-a cast, that, though my situation gave me
-power of face to carry it off gravely then, I
-have never reflected on it since without
-laughter.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_82">82</span></p>
-
-<h4>DR. MORE.</h4>
-
-<p>Truly, as you describe it, it was no serious
-scene. But what I admire most, is the dexterity
-of your genius, and the prodigious progress
-you had now made in your favourite arts
-of <i>accommodation</i>.</p>
-
-<h4>MR. WALLER.</h4>
-
-<p>Necessity is the best master. Besides, can
-you blame me for taking more than common
-pains to outdo these miscreants in their own
-way; I might say, to excel in an art which
-surpasses, or at least comprises in it the essence
-of all true wisdom? The precept of your admired
-<span class="smcap">Antoninus</span>, as you reminded me to-day,
-is <small>SIMPLIFY YOURSELF</small><a id="FNanchor_27" href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">27</a>. That, I think, was
-the quaint expression. It had shewn his reach
-and mastery in the trade he professed, much
-more, if instead of it, he had preached up,
-<small>ACCOMMODATE YOURSELF</small>; the grand secret,
-as long experience has taught me, <i>bene beateque
-vivendi</i>.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_83">83</span></p>
-
-<p>All matters thus prepared, there was now
-no hazard in playing my last game. I requested
-and obtained leave to make my defence
-before the parliament. I had acquired a knack
-in speaking; and had drawn on myself more
-credit, than fine words deserve, by a scenical
-and specious eloquence. If ever I acquitted
-myself to my wish, it was on this occasion. I
-soothed, I flattered, I alarmed: every topic of
-art which my youth had learned, every subject
-of address which experience had suggested,
-every trick and artifice of popular adulation,
-was exhausted. All men were prepared by the
-practices of my saintly emissaries to hear me
-with favour; and, which is the first and last
-advantage of a speaker, to believe me seriously
-and conscientiously affected.</p>
-
-<p>In the end I triumphed; and for a moderate
-fine obtained leave to shelter myself from the
-following storm, which almost desolated this
-unhappy country, by retiring into an exile, at
-that time more desirable than any employment
-of those I left behind me.</p>
-
-<h4>DR. MORE.</h4>
-
-<p>You retired, I think, to <i>France</i>, whither,
-no doubt, you carried with you all those
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_84">84</span>
-generous thoughts and consolatory reflexions,
-which refresh the spirit of a good man under a
-consciousness of suffering virtue.</p>
-
-<h4>MR. WALLER.</h4>
-
-<p>Why not, if <i>prudence</i> be a virtue? for what,
-but certain prudential regards (which in common
-language and common sense are quite
-another thing from vicious compliances) have
-hitherto, as you have seen, appeared in my
-conduct? But be they what they will, they
-had a very natural effect, and one which will
-always attend on so reasonable a way of proceeding.
-For, since you press me so much, I
-shall take leave to suggest an observation to
-you, more obvious as well as more candid than
-any you seem inclined to make on the circumstances
-of this long relation. It is, “that the
-<i>pretended</i> penitence for my past life, and the
-readiness I shewed to acquiesce in the <i>false</i>
-accounts which the parliament gave of my plot,
-saved my life, and procured my liberty; whilst
-the <i>real and true</i> discoveries I made to gain
-credit to <i>both</i>, hurt my reputation.” But such
-a reflexion might have shocked your system
-too much. For it shews that all the benefit,
-I drew to myself in this affair, arose from
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_85">85</span>
-those <i>prudential maxims</i> you condemn; and
-that all the injury, I suffered, was owing to
-the <i>sincerity</i> I still mixed with them.</p>
-
-<h4>DR. MORE.</h4>
-
-<p>Seriously, Sir&mdash;&mdash;</p>
-
-<h4>MR. WALLER.</h4>
-
-<p>I can guess what you would say: but you
-promised to hear me out, without interruption.</p>
-
-<p>What remains I shall dispatch in few words,
-having so fully vindicated the most obnoxious
-part of my life, and opened the general principles,
-I acted upon, so clearly.</p>
-
-<p>I went, as you said, to <i>France</i>; where, instead
-of the churlish humour of a malcontent,
-or the unmanly dejection of a disgraced exile,
-I appeared with an ease and gaiety of mind,
-which made me welcome to the greatest men
-of that country. The ruling principle of my
-philosophy was, to make the best of every situation.
-And, as my fortune enabled me to
-do it, I lived with hospitality, and even splendour;
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_86">86</span>
-and indulged myself in all the delights
-of an enlarged and elegant conversation.</p>
-
-<p>Such were my amusements for some years;
-during which time, however, I preserved the
-notions of loyalty, which had occasioned my disgrace,
-and waited some happier turn of affairs,
-that might restore me with honour to my country.
-But when all hopes of this sort were at
-an end, and the government, after the various
-revolutions which are well known, seemed fixed
-and established in the person of one man, it
-was not allegiance, but obstinacy, to hold out
-any longer. I easily succeeded in my application
-to be recalled, and was even admitted to a
-share in the confidence of the <span class="smcap">Protector</span>.
-This great man was not without a sensibility
-of true glory; and, for that reason, was even
-ambitious of the honour, which wit and genius
-are ever ready to confer on illustrious
-greatness. Every muse of that time distinguished,
-and was distinguished by, him. Mine
-had improved her voice and accent in a foreign
-country: and what nobler occasion to try her happiest
-strain than this, of immortalizing a Hero?</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">“Illustrious acts high raptures do infuse,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">And ev’ry conqueror creates a muse;”<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_87">87</span>
-as I then said in a panegyric, which my gratitude
-prompted me to present to him<a id="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">28</a>.</p>
-
-<h4>DR. MORE.</h4>
-
-<p>This panegyric, presented in verse, could
-hardly, I suppose, be suspected of flattery!</p>
-
-<h4>MR. WALLER.</h4>
-
-<p>I expected this; but the occasion, as I said,
-might have suggested a fairer interpretation.
-And why impute as a fault to me, what the reverend
-<span class="smcap">Sprat</span>, as well as <span class="smcap">Dryden</span>, did not disdain
-to countenance by their examples? Besides,
-as an argument of the unsullied purity
-of intention, you might remember, methinks,
-that I asked no recompence, and accepted
-none, for the willing honours my muse
-paid him.</p>
-
-<h4>DR. MORE.</h4>
-
-<p>It must be a sordid muse indeed, that submits
-to a venal prostitution. And, to do your
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_88">88</span>
-profession justice, it is not so much avarice, or
-even ambition, as a certain gentler passion, the
-vanity, shall I call it? of being well with the
-<i>great</i>, that is fatal to you poets.</p>
-
-<h4>MR. WALLER.</h4>
-
-<p>I can allow for the satire of this reproof, in
-a man of ancient and bookish manners. But,
-to shew my disinterestedness still more, you
-may recollect, if you please, that I embalmed
-his memory, when neither his favour nor his
-smile were to be apprehended.</p>
-
-<h4>DR. MORE.</h4>
-
-<p>In the short reign of his son.&mdash;But what
-then? you made amends for all, by the congratulation
-on the happy return of his present
-majesty. You know who it was that somebody
-complimented in these lines:</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">“He best can turn, enforce and soften things,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">To praise great conquerors, and flatter kings.”<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_89">89</span></p>
-
-<h4>MR. WALLER.</h4>
-
-<p>Was it for me to stem the torrent of a nation’s
-joys by a froward and unseasonable silence?
-Did not <span class="smcap">Horace</span>, who fought at <i>Philippi</i>,
-do as much for <span class="smcap">Augustus</span>? And should
-I, who had suffered for his cause, not embrace
-the goodness, and salute the returning
-fortunes, of so gracious, so accomplished a
-master? His majesty himself, as I truly say of
-him, in the poem you object to me,</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i14">“with wisdom fraught,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Not such as books, but such as practice, taught,”<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<p>did me the justice to understand my address
-after another manner. He, who had so often
-been forced by the necessities of his affairs to
-make compliances with the time, never resented
-it from me, a private man and a poet,
-that I had made some sacrifices of a like nature.
-All this might convince you of the great
-truth I meant to inculcate by this long recital,
-that not a sullen and inflexible <i>Sincerity</i>, but
-a fair and seasonable <i>accommodation of one’s
-self</i>, to the various exigencies of the times, is
-the golden virtue that ought to predominate in
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_90">90</span>
-a man of life and business. All the rest, believe
-me, is the very cant of philosophy and
-unexperienced wisdom.</p>
-
-<h4>DR. MORE.</h4>
-
-<p>Wisdom&mdash;and must the sanctity of that
-name&mdash;</p>
-
-<h4>MR. WALLER.</h4>
-
-<p>Hear me, Sir&mdash;no exclamations against the
-evidence of plain fact. I have a right to expect
-another conduct from him, who is grown grey
-in the studies of moral science.</p>
-
-<h4>DR. MORE.</h4>
-
-<p>You learned another lesson in the school of
-<span class="smcap">Falkland</span>, <span class="smcap">Hyde</span>, and <span class="smcap">Chillingworth</span>.</p>
-
-<h4>MR. WALLER.</h4>
-
-<p>Yes, one I was obliged to unlearn. But,
-since you remind me of that school, what was
-the effect of adhering pertinaciously to its false
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_91">91</span>
-maxims? To what purpose were the lives of
-<i>two</i> of them prodigally thrown away; and the honour,
-the wisdom, the talents of the <i>other</i>, still
-left to languish in banishment<a id="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">29</a> and obscurity?</p>
-
-<h4>DR. MORE.</h4>
-
-<p>O! prophane not the glories of immortal,
-though successless virtue, with such reproaches.&mdash;Those
-adored names shall preach honour to
-future ages, and enthrone the majesty of virtue
-in the hearts of men, when wit and parts, and
-eloquence and poetry, have not a leaf of all
-their withered bays to recommend them.</p>
-
-<h4>MR. WALLER.</h4>
-
-<p>Raptures and chimeras!&mdash;&mdash;Rather judge of
-the sentiments of future ages, from the present.
-Where is the man, (I speak it without boasting,)
-that enjoys a fairer fame; who is better
-received in all places; who is more listened to
-in all companies; who reaps the fruits of a
-reasonable and practicable virtue in every return
-of honour, more unquestionably, than he
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_92">92</span>
-whose life and principles your outrageous virtue
-leads you to undervalue so unworthily? And
-take it from me as an oracle, which long age
-and experience enable me to deliver with all assurance,
-“Whoever, in succeeding times, shall
-form himself on the plan here given shall meet
-with the safety, credit, applause, and, if he
-chuses, honour and fortune in the world, which
-may be promised indeed, but never will be
-obtained, by any other method.”</p>
-
-<h4>DR. MORE.</h4>
-
-<p>You have spoken. But hear me now, I
-conjure you, whilst a poor despised philosopher&mdash;</p>
-
-<h4>MR. WALLER.</h4>
-
-<p>O! I have marked the emotion this discourse
-of mine hath awakened in you. I have seen
-your impatience: I have watched your eyes
-when they sparkled defiance and contradiction
-to my argument. But your warmth makes
-you forget yourself. I gave a patient hearing
-to all your eloquence could suggest in this
-cause. I even favoured your zeal, and helped
-to blow up your enthusiasm. The rest fell to
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_93">93</span>
-my turn; and besides, the evening, as you see,
-shuts in upon us. Let us escape, at least,
-from its dews, which, in this decline of the
-year, they say, are not the most wholesome,
-into a warm apartment within doors; and then
-I shall not be averse, especially when you have
-taken a few minutes to recollect yourself, to
-debate with you what further remains upon
-this argument<a id="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">30</a>.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_94">94</span><br />
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_95">95</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="xx-large">DIALOGUE II.<br />
-
-<span class="x-large">ON RETIREMENT.</span><br />
-
-<small>BETWEEN</small><br />
-
-<span class="large">MR. ABRAHAM COWLEY,</span><br />
-
-<small>AND</small><br />
-
-<span class="large">THE REV. MR. THOMAS SPRAT.</span></h2>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_96">96</span><br />
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_97">97</span></p>
-
-<h2 id="DIALOGUE_II">DIALOGUE II.<br />
-
-<span class="medium">ON RETIREMENT.</span></h2>
-
-<h3>MR. ABRAHAM COWLEY&mdash;THE
-REV. MR. SPRAT.</h3>
-
-<h4>TO THE EARL OF ST. ALBANS<a id="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">31</a>.</h4>
-
-<p><small>MY LORD</small>,</p>
-
-<p class="drop"><span class="uppercase">The</span> duty I owe your <span class="smcap">Lordship</span>, as well as
-my friendship for Mr. <span class="smcap">Cowley</span>, determined
-me to lose no time in executing the commission
-you was pleased to charge me with by Mr.
-D***. I went early the next morning to
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_98">98</span>
-<i>Barn Elms</i><a id="FNanchor_32" href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">32</a>; intending to pass the whole day
-with him, and to try if what I might be able
-to suggest on the occasion, together with the
-weight of your lordship’s advice, could not divert
-him from his strange project of <i>Retirement</i>.
-Your lordship, no doubt, as all his
-other friends, had observed his bias that way
-to be very strong; but who, that knew his
-great sense, could have thought of it its carrying
-him to so extravagant a resolution? For my
-own part, I suspected it so little, that, though he
-would often talk of retiring, and especially since
-your lordship’s favour to him<a id="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">33</a>, I considered it
-only as the usual language of poets, which they
-take up one after another, and love to indulge
-in, as what they suppose becomes their family
-and profession. It could never come into my
-thoughts, that one, who knew the world so
-well as Mr. <span class="smcap">Cowley</span>, and had lived so long in
-it, who had so fair hopes and so noble a patron,
-could seriously think of quitting the
-scene at his years, and all for so fantastic a
-purpose as that of growing old in the corner of
-a country village.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_99">99</span></p>
-
-<p>These, my lord, were my sentiments, when
-your friendly message alarmed me with the
-apprehension of there being more in the matter
-than I had suspected. Yet still I considered it
-only as a hasty thought, which a fit of the
-spleen, or of the muse it may be, had raised;
-and which the free remonstrance of a friend
-would easily disperse, or prevent at least from
-coming to any fixed and settled resolution. But
-how shall I express to your lordship the surprise
-I was in, to find that this resolution was
-not only taken, but rooted so deeply in him,
-that no arguments, nor even your lordship’s
-authority, could shake it? I have ever admired
-Mr. <span class="smcap">Cowley</span>, as a man of the happiest
-temper and truest judgment; but, to say the
-least, there was something so particular, I had
-almost said perverse, in what he had to allege
-for himself on this occasion, that I cannot think
-I acquit myself to your lordship, without laying
-before you the whole of this extraordinary conversation;
-and, as far as my recollection will
-serve, in the very words in which it passed
-betwixt us.</p>
-
-<p>I went, as I told your lordship, pretty early
-to <i>Barn Elms</i>; but my friend had gotten the
-start of me by some hours. He was busying
-himself with some improvements of his garden,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_100">100</span>
-and the fields that lie about his house. The
-whole circuit of his domain was not so large,
-but that I presently came up with him. “My
-dear friend,” said he, embracing me, but with
-a look of some reserve and disgust, “and is it
-you then I have the happiness to see, at length,
-in my new settlement? Though I fled hither
-from the rest of the world, I had no design to
-get out of the reach of my friends. And, to
-be plain with you, I took it a little amiss from
-one whose entire affection I had reckoned upon,
-that he should leave me to myself for these
-two whole months, without discovering an inclination,
-either from friendship or curiosity, to
-know how this retirement agreed with me.
-What could induce my best friend to use me so
-unkindly?”</p>
-
-<p>Surely, said I, you forget the suddenness of
-your flight, and the secresy with which the resolution
-was taken. We supposed you gone
-only for a few days, to see to the management
-of your affairs; and could not dream of your
-<i>rusticating</i> thus long, at a time when the town
-and court are so busy; when the occasions of
-your friends and your own interests seemed to
-require your speedy return to us. However,
-continued I, it doth not displease me to find
-you so dissatisfied with this solitude. It looks
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_101">101</span>
-as if the short experience, you have had of this
-recluse life, did not recommend it to you in the
-manner you expected. Retirement is a fine
-thing in imagination, and is apt to possess you
-poets with strange visions. But the charm is
-rarely lasting; and a short trial, I find, hath
-served to correct these fancies. You feel yourself
-born for society and the world, and, by
-your kind complaints of your friend, confess
-how unnatural it is to deny yourself the proper
-delights of a man, the delights of conversation.</p>
-
-<p>Not so fast, interrupted he, if you please, in
-your conclusions about the nature of retirement.
-I never meant to give up my right in
-the affections of those few I call my friends.
-But what has this to do with the general purpose
-of retreating from the anxieties of business,
-the intrigues of policy, or the impertinencies
-of conversation? I have lived but too long in
-a ceaseless round of these follies. The best
-part of my time hath been spent <i>sub dio</i>. I
-have served in all weathers, and in all climates,
-but chiefly in the torrid zone of politics,
-where the passions of all men are on fire,
-and where such as have lived the longest, and
-are thought the happiest, are scarcely able to
-reconcile themselves to the sultry air of the
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_102">102</span>
-place. But this warfare is now happily at an
-end. I have languished these many years for
-the shade. Thanks to my Lord <span class="smcap">St. Albans</span>,
-and another noble lord you know of, I have
-now gained it. And it is not a small matter, I
-assure you, shall force me out of this shelter.</p>
-
-<p>Nothing is easier, said I, than for you men
-of wit to throw a ridicule upon any thing. It
-is but applying a quaint figure, or a well-turned
-sentence, and the business is done. But indeed,
-my best friend, it gives me pain to find
-you not so much diverting as deceiving yourself
-with this unseasonable ingenuity. So long as
-these sallies of fancy were employed only to
-enliven conversation, or furnish matter for an
-ode or an epigram, all was very well. But now
-that you seem disposed to <i>act</i> upon them, you
-must excuse me if I take the matter a little
-more seriously. To deal plainly with you, I
-come to tell you my whole mind on this subject:
-and, to give what I have to say the greater
-consequence with you, I must not conceal from
-you, that I come commissioned by the excellent
-lord you honour so much, and have just now
-mentioned, to expostulate in the freest manner
-with you upon it.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_103">103</span></p>
-
-<p>We had continued walking all this time, and
-were now ascending a sort of natural terras. It
-led to a small thicket, in the entrance of which
-was a seat that commanded a pleasant view of
-the country and the river. Taking me up to it,
-“Well,” said he, “my good friend, since your
-purpose in coming hither is so kind, and my
-Lord <span class="smcap">St. Albans</span> himself doth me the honour
-to think my private concerns deserving his particular
-notice, it becomes me to receive your
-message with respect, and to debate the matter,
-since you press it so home upon me, with all
-possible calmness. But let us, if you please,
-sit down here. You will find it the most agreeable
-spot I have to treat you with; and the shade
-we have about us will not, I suppose, at this
-hour, be unwelcome.”</p>
-
-<p>And now, turning himself to me, “Let me
-hear from you, what there is in my retreat to
-this place, which a wise man can have reason
-to censure, or which may deserve the disallowance
-of a friend. I know you come prepared
-with every argument which men of the world
-have at any time employed against retirement;
-and I know your ability to give to each its full
-force. But look upon this scene before you,
-and tell me what inducements I can possibly
-have to quit it for any thing you can promise
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_104">104</span>
-me in exchange? Is there in that vast labyrinth,
-you call the world, where so many thousands
-lose themselves in endless wanderings and
-perplexities, any corner where the mind can
-recollect itself so perfectly, where it can attend
-to its own business, and pursue its proper interests
-so conveniently, as in this quiet and sequestered
-spot? Here the passions subside;
-or, if they continue to agitate, do not however
-transport the mind with those feverish and
-vexatious fervours, which distract us in public
-life. This is the seat of virtue and of reason;
-here I can fashion my life by the precepts of
-duty and conscience; and here I have leisure
-to make acquaintance, that acquaintance which
-elsewhere is so rarely made, with the ways and
-works of God.</p>
-
-<p>Think again, my friend. Doth not the
-genius of the place seize you? Do you not
-perceive a certain serenity steal in upon you?
-Doth not the aspect of things around you, the
-very stillness of this retreat, infuse a content
-and satisfaction which the world knows nothing
-of? Tell me, in a word, is there not something
-like enchantment about us? Do you not find
-your desires more composed, your purposes
-more pure, your thoughts more elevated, and
-more active, since your entrance into this
-scene?”
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_105">105</span></p>
-
-<p>He was proceeding in this strain, with an
-air of perfect enthusiasm, when I broke in upon
-him with asking, “Whether this was what he
-called <i>debating the matter calmly with me</i>.
-Surely,” said I, “this is poetry, or something
-still more extravagant. You cannot think I
-come prepared to encounter you in this way.
-I own myself no match for you at these weapons:
-which indeed are too fine for my handling,
-and very unsuitable to my purpose if they
-were not. The point is not which of us can
-say the handsomest things, but the truest, on
-either side of the question. It is, as you said,
-plain argument, and not rhetorical flourishes,
-much less poetical raptures, that must decide
-the matter in debate. Not but a great deal
-might be said on my side, and, it may be, with
-more colour of truth, had I the command of an
-eloquence proper to set it off.</p>
-
-<p>I might ask, in my turn, “Where is
-mighty charm that draws you to this inglorious
-solitude, from the duties of business and conversation,
-from the proper end and employment
-of man? How comes it to pass, that this
-stillness of a country landscape, this uninstructing,
-though agreeable enough, scene of fields
-and waters, should have greater beauty in your
-eye, than <i>flourishing peopled towns</i>, the scenes
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_106">106</span>
-of industry and art, of public wealth and
-happiness? Is not the <i>sublime countenance</i> of
-man, so one of your acquaintance terms it, a
-more delightful object than any of these humble
-beauties that lie before us? And are not the
-human virtues, with all their train of lovely
-and beneficial effects in society, better worth
-contemplating, than the products of inanimate
-nature in the field or wood? Where should
-we seek for <span class="smcap">Reason</span>, but in the minds of men
-tried and polished in the school of civil conversation?
-And where hath <span class="smcap">Virtue</span> so much as
-a being out of the offices of social life? Look
-well into yourself, I might say: hath not indeed
-the proper genius of solitude affected you!
-Doth not I know not what of chagrin and discontent
-hang about you? Is there not a gloom
-upon your mind, which darkens your views of
-human nature, and damps those chearful thoughts
-and sprightly purposes, which friendship and
-society inspire?”</p>
-
-<p>You see, Sir, were I but disposed, and as
-able as you are, to pursue this way of fancy
-and declamation, I might conjure up as many
-frightful forms in these retired walks, as you
-have delightful ones. And the enchantment in
-good hands would, I am persuaded, have more
-the appearance of reality. But this is not the
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_107">107</span>
-way in which I take upon myself to contend
-with you. I would hear, if you please, what
-reasons, that deserve to be so called, could determine
-you to so strange, and, forgive me if at
-present I am forced to think it, so unreasonable
-a project, as that of devoting your health and
-years to this monastic retirement. I would lay
-before you the arguments, which, I presume,
-should move you to quit a hasty, perhaps an
-unweighted, resolution: so improper in itself,
-so alarming to all your friends, so injurious to
-your own interest, and, permit me to say, to
-the public. I would enforce all this with the
-mild persuasions of a friend; and with the wisdom,
-the authority of a great person, to whose
-opinion you owe a deference, and who deserves
-it too from the entire love and affection he bears
-you.”</p>
-
-<p>My dearest friend, replied he, with an earnestness
-that awed, and a goodness that melted
-me, I am not to learn the affection which either
-you or my noble friend bear me. I have had
-too many proofs of it from both, to suffer me
-to doubt it. But why will you not allow me
-to judge of what is proper to constitute my
-own happiness? And why must I be denied
-the privilege of choosing for myself, in a matter
-where the different taste or humour of others
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_108">108</span>
-makes them so unfit to prescribe to me? Yet
-I submit to these unequal terms; and if I cannot
-justify the choice I have made, even in the
-way of serious reason and argument, I promise
-to yield myself to your advice and authority.
-You have taken me perhaps a little unprepared
-and unfurnished for this conflict. I have not
-marshalled my forces in form, as you seem to
-have done; and it may be difficult, on the
-sudden, to methodize my thoughts in the manner
-you may possibly expect from me. But
-come, said he, I will do my best in this emergency.
-You will excuse the rapture which
-hurried me at setting out, beyond the bounds
-which your severer temper requires. The subject
-always fires me; and I find it difficult, in
-entering on this argument, to restrain those
-triumphant sallies, which had better have been
-reserved for the close of it.</p>
-
-<p>Here he paused a little; and recollecting
-himself, “But first,” resumed he, “you will
-take notice, that I am not at all concerned in
-the general question, so much, and, I think,
-so vainly agitated, ”<i>whether a life of retirement
-be preferable to one of action?</i>” I am
-not, I assure you, for unpeopling our cities,
-and sending their industrious and useful inhabitants
-into woods and cloisters. I acknowledge
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_109">109</span>
-and admire the improvements of arts, the
-conveniencies of society, the policies of government<a id="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">34</a>.
-I have no thought so mad or so
-silly, as that of wishing to see the tribes of
-mankind disbanded, their interests and connexions
-dissolved, and themselves turned loose
-into a single and solitary existence. I would
-not even wish to see our courts deserted of their
-homagers, though I cannot but be of opinion,
-that an airing now and then at their country
-houses, and that not with the view of diverting,
-but recollecting themselves, would prove as useful
-to their sense and virtue, as to their estates.
-But all this, as I said, is so far from coming
-into the scheme of my serious wishes, that it
-does not so much as enter into my thoughts.
-Let wealth, and power, and pleasure, be as
-eagerly sought after, as they ever will be: let
-thousands or millions assemble in vast towns,
-for the sake of pursuing their several ends, as
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_110">110</span>
-it may chance, of profit, vanity, or amusement:
-All this is nothing to me, who pretend
-not to determine for other men, but to vindicate
-my own choice of this retirement.</p>
-
-<p>As much as I have been involved in the engagements
-of business, I have not lived thus
-long without looking frequently, and sometimes
-attentively into myself. I maintain, then,
-that to a person so moulded as I am; of the
-<i>temper and turn of mind</i>, which Nature hath
-given me; of <i>the sort of talents</i>, with which
-education or genius hath furnished me; and,
-lastly, of the <i>circumstances</i>, in which fortune
-hath placed me; I say, to a person so charactered
-and so situated, <small>RETIREMENT</small> is not only
-his choice, but his duty; is not only what his
-inclination leads him to, but his judgement.
-And upon these grounds, if you will, I venture
-to undertake my own apology to you.”</p>
-
-<p>Your proposal, said I, is fair, and I can have
-no objection to close with you upon these terms;
-only you must take care, my friend, that you
-do not mistake or misrepresent your own talents
-or character; a miscarriage, which, allow
-me to say, is not very rare from the partialities
-which an indulged humour, too easily taken for
-nature, is apt to create in us.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_111">111</span></p>
-
-<p>Or what, replied he, if this humour, as you
-call it, be so rooted as to become a <i>second</i> nature?
-Can it, in the instance before us, be
-worth the pains of correcting?</p>
-
-<p>I should think so, returned I, in your case.
-But let me first hear the judgement you form of
-yourself, before I trouble you with that which
-I and your other friends make of you.</p>
-
-<p>I cannot but think, resumed he, that my
-situation at present must appear very ridiculous.
-I am forced into an <i>apology</i> for my own conduct,
-in a very nice affair, which it might
-become another, rather than myself, to make
-for me. In order to this, I am constrained to
-reveal to you the very secrets, that is, the foibles
-and weaknesses, of my own heart. I am to lay
-myself open and naked before you. This would
-be an unwelcome task to most men. But your
-friendship, and the confidence I have in your
-affection, prevail over all scruples. Hitherto
-your friend hath used the common privilege of
-wearing a disguise, of masking himself, as the
-poet makes his hero, in a <i>cloud</i>, which is of
-use to keep off the too near and curious inspection
-both of friends and enemies. But, at
-your bidding, it falls off, and you are now to see
-him in his just proportion and true features.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_112">112</span></p>
-
-<p>My best friend, proceeded he with an air of
-earnestness and recollection, it is now above
-forty years that I have lived in this world: and
-in all the rational part of that time there hath
-not, I believe, a single day passed without an
-ardent longing for such a retreat from it, as you
-see me at length blessed with. You have heard
-me repeat some verses, which were made by
-me so early as the age of <i>thirteen</i>, and in which
-that inclination is expressed as strongly, as in
-any thing I have ever said or written on that
-subject<a id="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">35</a>. Hence you may guess the proper
-turn and bias of my nature; which began so
-soon, and hath continued thus long, to shew itself
-in the constant workings of that passion.</p>
-
-<p>Even in my earliest years at school, you will
-hardly imagine how uneasy constraint of every
-kind was to me, and with what delight I broke
-away from the customary sports and pastimes
-of that age, to saunter the time away by myself,
-or with a companion, if I could meet with
-any such, of my own humour. The same inclination
-pursued me to college; where a private
-walk, with a book or friend, was beyond
-any amusement, which, in that sprightly season
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_113">113</span>
-of life, I had any acquaintance with. It is
-with a fond indulgence my memory even now
-returns to these past pleasures. It was in those
-retired ramblings that a thousand charming
-perceptions and bright ideas would stream in
-upon me. The Muse was kindest in those
-hours: and, I know not how, Philosophy herself
-would <i>oftner</i> meet me amidst the willows of
-the <span class="smcap">Cam</span>, than in the formal schools of science,
-within the walls of my college, or in my tutor’s
-chamber.</p>
-
-<p>I understand, said I, the true secret of that
-matter. You had now contracted an intimacy
-with the poets, and others of the fanciful tribe.
-You was even admitted of their company; and
-it was but fit you should adopt their sentiments,
-and speak their language. Hence those day-dreams
-of <i>shade and silence</i>, and I know not
-what visions, which transport the minds of
-young men, on their entrance into these regions
-of <i>Parnassus</i>.</p>
-
-<p>It should seem then, returned he, by your
-way of expressing it, as if you thought this
-passion for <i>shade and silence</i> was only pretended
-to on a principle of <i>fashion</i>; or, at most,
-was catched by the lovers of poetry from each
-other, in the way of <i>sympathy</i>, without nature’s
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_114">114</span>
-having any hand at all in the production
-of it.</p>
-
-<p>Something like that, I told him, was my
-real sentiment: and that these agreeable reveries
-of the old poets had done much hurt by
-being taken too seriously. Were <span class="smcap">Horace</span> and
-<span class="smcap">Virgil</span>, think you, as much in earnest as you
-appear to be, when they were crying out perpetually
-on their favourite theme of <i>otium</i>
-and <i>secessus</i>, “they, who lived and died in a
-court?”</p>
-
-<p>I believe, said he, they were, and that the
-short accounts we have of their lives shew it,
-though a perfect dismission from the court was
-what they could not obtain, or had not the resolution
-to insist upon. But pray, upon your
-principles, that all this is but the enchantment
-of <i>example</i> or <i>fashion</i>, how came it to pass,
-that the first seducers of the family, the old
-poets themselves, had fallen into these notions?
-They were surely no pretenders. They could
-only write from the heart. And methinks it
-were more candid, as well as more reasonable,
-to account for this passion, which hath so constantly
-shewn itself in their successors, from
-the same reason. It is likely indeed, and so
-much I can readily allow, that the early reading
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_115">115</span>
-of the poets might contribute something to confirm
-and strengthen my natural bias<a id="FNanchor_36" href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">36</a>.</p>
-
-<p>But let the matter rest for the present. I
-would now go on with the detail of my own
-life and experience, so proper, as I think, to
-convince you that what I am pleading for is the
-result of nature.</p>
-
-<p>I was saying how agreeably my youth passed
-in these reveries, if you will have it so, and
-especially <i>inter sylvas academi</i>:</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">Dura sed emovere loco me tempora grato,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Civilisque rudem belli tulit &aelig;stus in arma.<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<p>You know the consequence. This civil turmoil
-drove me from the shelter of retirement into the
-heat and bustle of life; from those studies
-which, as you say, had enchanted my youth,
-into business and action of all sorts. I lived
-in the world: I conversed familiarly with the
-great. A change like this, one would suppose,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_116">116</span>
-were enough to undo the prejudices of education.
-But the very reverse happened. The
-further I engaged, and the longer I continued
-in this scene, the greater my impatience was of
-retiring from it.</p>
-
-<p>But you will say, my old vice was nourished
-in me by living in the neighbourhood of books
-and letters<a id="FNanchor_37" href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">37</a>. I was yet in the fairy land of the
-Muses; and, under these circumstances, it
-was no wonder that neither arms nor business,
-nor a court, could prevent the mind from returning
-to its old bias. All this may be true.
-And yet, I think, if that court had contained
-many such persons as some I knew in it, neither
-the distractions of business on the one hand,
-nor the blandishments of the Muse on the other,
-could have disposed me to leave it. But there
-were few <span class="smcap">Lord Falklands</span>&mdash;and unhappily
-my admiration of that nobleman’s worth and
-honour<a id="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">38</a> created an invincible aversion to the
-rest, who had little resemblance of his virtues.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_117">117</span></p>
-
-<p>I would not be thought, said I, to detract
-from so accomplished a character as that of the
-Lord <span class="smcap">Falkland</span>; but surely there was something
-in his notions of honour&mdash;</p>
-
-<p>Not a word, interrupted he eagerly, that
-may but seem to throw a shade on a virtue the
-brightest and purest that hath done honour to
-these later ages.&mdash;But I turn from a subject
-that interests me too much, and would lead me
-too far. Whatever attractions there might be
-in such a place, and in such <i>friendships</i>, the
-iniquity of the times soon forced me from
-them. Yet I had the less reason to complain,
-as my next removal was into the family of so
-beneficent a patron as the Lord <span class="smcap">Jermyn</span>, and
-into the court of so accomplished a princess as
-the <span class="smcap">Queen Mother</span>.</p>
-
-<p>My residence, you know, was now for many
-years in <i>France</i>; a country, which piques itself
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_118">118</span>
-on all the refinements of civility. Here the
-world was to appear to me in its fairest form,
-and, it was not doubted, would put on all its
-charms to wean me from the love of a studious
-retired life. I will not say I was disappointed
-in this expectation. All that the elegance of
-polished manners could contribute to make society
-attractive, was to be found in this new
-scene. My situation, besides, was such, that
-I came to have a sort of familiarity with greatness.
-Yet shall I confess my inmost sentiments
-of this splendid life to you? I found it empty,
-fallacious, and even disgusting. The outside
-indeed was fair. But to me, who had an opportunity
-of looking it through, nothing could
-be more deformed and hateful. All was ambition,
-intrigue, and falsehood. Every one intent
-on his own schemes, frequently wicked,
-always base and selfish. Great professions of
-honour, of friendship, and of duty; but all
-ending in low views and sordid practices. No
-truth, no sincerity: without which, conversation
-is but words; and the polish of manners,
-the idlest foppery.</p>
-
-<p>Surely, interposed I, this picture must be
-overcharged. Frailties and imperfections, no
-doubt, there will be in all societies of men,
-especially where there is room for competition
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_119">119</span>
-in their pursuits of honour and interest. But
-your idea of a court is that of a den of thieves,
-only better dressed, and more civilized.</p>
-
-<p>That however, said he, is the idea under
-which truth obliges me to represent it. Believe
-me, I have been long enough acquainted with
-that country, to give you a pretty exact account
-of its inhabitants. Their sole business
-is to follow the humour of the prince, or of his
-favourite, to speak the current language, to
-serve the present turn, and to cozen one another.
-In short, their virtue is, civility; and
-their sense, cunning. You will guess now,
-continued he, how uneasy I must be in such
-company; I, who cannot lie, though it were
-to make a friend, or ruin an enemy; who have
-been taught to bear no respect to any but true
-wisdom; and, whether it be nature or education,
-could never endure (pardon the foolish
-boast) that hypocrisy should usurp the honours,
-and triumph in the spoils of virtue.</p>
-
-<p>Nay further, my good friend, (for I must
-tell you all I know of myself, though it expose
-me ever so much to the charge of folly or even
-vanity) I was not born for courts and general
-conversation. Besides the unconquerable
-aversion I have to knaves and fools (though
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_120">120</span>
-these last, but that they are commonly knaves
-too, I could bring myself to tolerate); besides
-this uncourtly humour, I have another of so
-odd a kind, that I almost want words to express
-myself intelligibly to you. It is a sort
-of capricious delicacy, which occasions a wide
-difference in my estimation of those characters,
-in which the world makes no distinction. It is
-not enough to make me converse with ease and
-pleasure with a man, that I see no notorious
-vices, or even observe some considerable virtues
-in him. His good qualities must have a certain
-grace, and even his sense must be of a certain
-turn, to give me a relish of his conversation.</p>
-
-<p>I see you smile at this talk, and am aware
-how fantastic this squeamishness must appear
-to you. But it is with men and manners, as
-with the forms and aspects of natural things.
-A thousand objects recal ideas, and excite sensations
-in my mind, which seem to be not perceived,
-or not heeded, by other men. The
-look of a country, the very shading of a landskip,
-shall have a sensible effect on me, which
-they, who have as good eyes, appear to make
-no account of. It is just the same with the
-characters of men. I conceive a disgust at
-some, and a secret regard for others, whom
-many, I believe, would estimate just alike.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_121">121</span>
-And what is worse, a long and general conversation
-hath not been able to cure me of this
-foible. I question, said he, turning himself to
-me, but, if I was called upon to assign the
-reasons of that entire affection, which knits me
-to my best friend, they would be resolved at
-last into a something, which they, who love
-him perhaps as well, would have no idea of.</p>
-
-<p>He said this in a way that disarmed me, or I
-had it in my mind to have rallied him on his
-doctrine of <i>occult qualities</i> and <i>unintelligible</i>
-forms. I therefore contented myself with saying,
-that I must not hear him go on at this
-strange rate; and asked him if it was possible
-he could suffer himself to be biassed, in an affair
-of this moment, by such whimsies?</p>
-
-<p>Those whimsies, resumed he, had a real
-effect. But consider further, the endless impertinencies
-of conversation; the dissipation,
-and loss of time; the diversion of the mind
-from all that is truly useful or instructive, from
-what a reasonable man would or should delight
-in: add to these, the vexations of business;
-the slavery of dependence, the discourtesies of
-some, the grosser injuries of others; the danger,
-or the scorn, to which virtue is continually
-subject; in short, the knavery, or folly, or
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_122">122</span>
-malevolence, of all around you; and tell me,
-if any thing but the unhappy times, and a sense
-of duty, could have detained a man of my temper
-and principles so long in a station of life so
-very uneasy and disgusting to me.</p>
-
-<p>Nothing is easier, said I, than to exaggerate
-the inconveniencies of any situation. The world
-and the court have doubtless theirs. But you
-seem to forget one particular; that the <i>unhappy
-times</i> you speak of, and the state of the court,
-were an excuse for part of the disagreeable circumstances
-you have mentioned. The face of
-things is now altered. The storm is over. A
-calm has succeeded. And why should not you
-take the benefit of these halcyon days, in which
-so many others have found their ease, and even
-enjoyment?</p>
-
-<p>These halcyon days, returned he, are not,
-alas! what unexperienced men are ready to represent
-them. The same vices, the same follies,
-prevail still, and are even multiplied and
-enflamed by prosperity. A suffering court, if
-any, might be expected to be the seedplot of
-virtues. But, to satisfy your scruples, I have
-even made a trial of these happier times. All
-I wished to myself from the happiest, was but
-such a return for my past services, as might
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_123">123</span>
-enable me to retire with decency. Such a return
-I seem not to have merited. And I care
-not at this time of day to waste more of my
-precious time in deserving a better treatment.</p>
-
-<p>Your day, said I, is not so far spent, as to
-require this hasty determination. Besides, if
-this be all, the world may be apt to censure
-your retreat, as the effect of chagrin and disappointment.</p>
-
-<p>His colour rose, as I said this. The world,
-resumed he, will censure as it sees fit. I must
-have leave at length to judge for myself in what
-so essentially concerns my own happiness.
-Though if ever <i>chagrin</i> may be pleaded as a
-reason for retirement, perhaps nobody had ever
-a better right than I have to plead it. You
-know what hath happened of late, to give me
-a disgust to courts. You know the view I had
-in my late comedy<a id="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">39</a> and the grounds I had to
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_124">124</span>
-expect that it would not be ill taken. But you
-know too the issue of that attempt. And should
-I, after this experience of courtly gratitude, go
-about to solicit their favours?</p>
-
-<p>But, to let you see that I am swayed by better
-motives than those of <i>chagrin</i>, I shall not conceal
-from you what I am proud enough to think
-of my <small>TALENTS</small>, as well as temper.</p>
-
-<p>There are but two sorts of men, pursued he,
-that should think of living in a court, however
-it be that we see animals of all sorts, clean and
-unclean, enter into it.</p>
-
-<p>The one is of those strong and active spirits
-that are formed for business, whose ambition
-reconciles them to the bustle of life, and whose
-capacity fits them for the discharge of its functions.
-These, especially if of noble birth and
-good fortunes, are destined to fill the first
-offices in a state; and if, peradventure, they
-add virtue to their other parts and qualities, are
-the blessings of the age they live in. Some
-few such there have been in former times; and
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_125">125</span>
-the present, it may be, is not wholly without
-them.</p>
-
-<p>The <small>OTHER</small> sort, are what one may properly
-enough call, if the phrase were not somewhat
-uncourtly, the <small>MOB OF COURTS</small>; they, who
-have vanity or avarice without ambition, or ambition
-without talents. These, by assiduity,
-good luck, and the help of their vices (for they
-would scorn to earn advancement, if it were to
-be had, by any worthy practices), may in time
-succeed to the lower posts in a government;
-and together make up that showey, servile,
-selfish crowd, we dignify with the name of
-<small>COURT</small>.</p>
-
-<p>Now, though I think too justly of myself to
-believe I am qualified to enter into the <i>former</i>
-of these lists, you may conclude, if you please,
-that I am too proud to brigue for an admission
-into the <i>latter</i>. I pretend not to great abilities
-of any kind; but let me presume a little in supposing,
-that I may have some too good to be
-thrown away on such company.</p>
-
-<p>Here, my lord, the unusual freedom, and
-even indecency, of Mr. <span class="smcap">Cowley’s</span> invective
-against courts, transported me so far, that I
-could not forbear turning upon him with some
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_126">126</span>
-warmth. Surely, said I, my friend is much
-changed from what I always conceived of him.
-This heat of language, from one of your candour,
-surprises me equally with the injustice
-of it. It is so far from <i>calm reasoning</i>, that it
-wants but little, methinks, of downright railing.
-I believe, continued I, that I think more
-highly, that is, more justly, of Mr. <span class="smcap">Cowley</span>
-in every respect, than he allows himself to do.
-Yet I see not that either his time, or his talents,
-would be misemployed in the services he
-so much undervalues. Permit me to say, your
-resentment hath carried you too far; and that
-you do not enough consider the friends you left
-at court, or the noble lord that wishes your return
-thither.</p>
-
-<p>I do, said he hastily, consider both. But,
-with your leave, since I am forced to defend
-myself against an ignominious charge, I must
-do myself the right to assume what I think
-belongs to me. I repeat it; I have long thought
-my time lost in the poor amusements and vanities
-of the great world, and have felt an impatience
-to get into a quiet scene, where, slender
-as my talents are, I might employ them to
-better purpose.</p>
-
-<p>And think not, proceeded he, that I am
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_127">127</span>
-carried to this choice by any thing so frivolous
-as the idleness of a poetical fancy. Not but the
-Muse, which hath been the darling of my
-youth, may deserve to be the companion of my
-riper age. For I am far from renouncing an
-art, which, unprofitable as it hath ever been to
-me, is always entertaining: and when employed,
-as I mean it shall be, in other services
-than those by which a voluptuous court seems
-willing to disgrace it, I see not what there is
-in this amusement of poetry, for the severest
-censor of life and manners to take offence at.
-Yet still I intend it for an amusement. My
-serious occupations will be very different; such
-as you, my friend, cannot disapprove, and should
-encourage. But I have opened to you my intentions
-more than once, and need not give
-you the trouble at this time to hear me explain
-them.</p>
-
-<p>You mean, interposed I, to apply yourself
-to <i>natural</i> and <i>religious</i> inquiries. Your design
-is commendable; and I would not dissuade
-you from it. But what should hinder your
-pursuing this design as well in society as in this
-solitude?</p>
-
-<p>What, at <small>COURT</small>, returned he, where the
-only object, that all men are in quest of, is
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_128">128</span>
-<small>GAIN</small>; and the only deity they acknowledge,
-<small>FORTUNE</small>? Or say that such idolatries did not
-prevail, there, how shall the mind be calm
-enough for so sublime inquiries? or where, but
-in this scene of genuine nature, is there an opportunity
-to indulge in them? Here, if any
-where, is the observation of the poet verified,
-<small>DEUS EST QUODCUNQUE VIDES</small>. Look round,
-my friend, on this florid earth, on the various
-classes of <i>animals</i> that inhabit, and the countless
-<i>vegetable</i> tribes that adorn it. Here is the
-proper school of wisdom,</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">And this our life, exempt from public haunt,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Finds tongues in trees, books in the running brooks,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Sermons in stones, and good in every thing<a id="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">40</a>.<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_129">129</span></p>
-
-<p>Infinite are the uses, continued he, which
-would result from this method of applying experiment
-and observation to <i>Natural Science</i>.
-I have taken occasion, you know, to offer a
-slight sketch of them to the Public very lately<a id="FNanchor_41" href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">41</a>.
-But the principal I would draw from it to myself
-should be, to inure the mind to just conceptions
-of the divine nature; that so, with the
-better advantage, I might turn myself to the
-awful study of his <i>Word</i>. And here, my friend,
-I am sensible how much I may expect to be
-animated by your zeal, and enlightened by
-your instruction. In the mean time, I pretend
-to possess some qualities, which, if rightly
-applied, may not be unsuitable to so high an
-undertaking. I feel myself impelled by an
-eager curiosity: I have much patience, and
-some skill in making experiments. I may even
-be allowed to boast of a readiness in the learned
-languages; and am not without a tincture of
-such other studies, as the successful prosecution
-of <small>PHYSICS</small>, and still more of <span class="smcap">Divinity</span>,
-requires. You may further impute to me, if
-you please, an ingenuous love of truth, and an
-ordinary degree of judgment to discern it.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_130">130</span></p>
-
-<p>These, concluded he, are the <small>TALENTS</small>, of
-which I spoke to you so proudly; and with
-the help of these (especially if you allow me
-<i>one</i> other, the power of <i>communicating</i> what
-I may chance to learn of natural or divine
-things), I might hope to render a better account
-of this solitude, than of any employments
-I could reasonably aspire to, in the world
-of men and of business.</p>
-
-<p>He said this with an air of solemnity, which
-left me a little at a loss what to reply to him,
-when he relieved my perplexity by adding,
-“but, though there was nothing of all this in
-the case, and my zeal for promoting knowledge
-in this private way were as lightly to be accounted
-of, as <i>that</i>, which led me to propose
-the more extensive scheme I before mentioned,
-probably will be, yet what should draw me
-from this leisure of a learned retirement? For
-though I please myself with the prospect of
-doing some <i>public</i> service by my studies, yet
-need I blush to own, to my learned friend, the
-fondness I should still have for them, were they
-only to end in my own <i>private</i> enjoyment?
-Yes, let me open my whole soul to you. I
-have ever delighted in letters, and have even
-found them, what the world is well enough
-content they should be, their own reward. I
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_131">131</span>
-doubt, if this language would be understood in
-all companies. And let others speak as they
-find. But to me the year would drag heavily,
-and life itself be no life, if it were not quickened
-by these ingenuous pleasures.”</p>
-
-<p>Indeed, were it only for the very quiet and
-indolence of mind, which retirement promises,
-why should I be envied this calm in the decline
-of a troubled life? But let the Muse speak
-for me,</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">“After long toils and voyages in vain,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">This quiet port let my tost vessel gain;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Of heav’nly rest this earnest to me lend,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Let my life sleep, and learn to love her end.”<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<p>And what if they, who have not the means
-of enjoying this rest, submit to the drudgery
-of business? Is that a reason for me to continue
-in it, who have made my fortune, even
-to the extent of my wishes? I see you smile at
-this boast. But where would you have me
-stop in my desires; or what is it you would
-have me understand by the mysterious language
-of <i>making a fortune</i>? Is it two hundred
-a year, or four, or a thousand? Say, where
-shall we fix, or what limits will you undertake
-to prescribe to the vague and shifting notion of
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_132">132</span>
-a competency? Or, shall we own the truth at
-once, that every thing is a <i>competency</i> which
-a man is contented to live upon, and that therefore
-it varies only, as his desires are more or
-less contracted?</p>
-
-<p>To talk at any other rate of a <i>man’s fortune</i>,
-is surely to expose one’s self to the ridicule,
-which the philosopher, you know, threw on the
-restless humour of king Pyrrhus. ’Tis whim,
-chimera, madness, or what you will, except
-sober reason and common sense. Yet still the
-world cries, “What, sit down with a pittance,
-when the ways of honour and fortune are open
-to you? take up with what may barely satisfy,
-when you have so fair a chance for affluence,
-and even superfluity?”</p>
-
-<p>Alas! and will that <i>affluence</i>, then, more
-than satisfy? or can it be worth the while to
-labour, for a <i>superfluity</i>?</p>
-
-<p>’Tis true the violence of the times, in which
-it was my fortune to bear a part, had left me
-bare and unprovided even of those moderate
-accommodations, which my education and
-breeding might demand, and which a parent’s
-piety had indeed bequeathed to me. It was
-but fitting then I should strive to repair this
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_133">133</span>
-loss; and the rather, as my honest services
-gave me leave to hope for a speedy reparation.
-And thus far I was contented to try my fortune
-in the court, though at the expence of much
-uneasy attendance and solicitation. But, seeing
-that this assiduity was without effect, and
-that the bounty of two excellent persons<a id="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">42</a> hath
-now set me above the necessity of continuing
-it, what madness were it to embark again</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">“Fluctibus in mediis et tempestatibus urbis!”<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<p>So that if you will needs be urging me with
-the ceaseless exhortation of</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">“I, bone, quo virtus tua te vocat: I pede fausto,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Grandia laturus meritorum pr&aelig;mia:&mdash;”<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<p>I must take leave to remind you of the sage
-reply that was made to it. It was, you know,
-by an old soldier, who found himself exactly
-in my situation. The purse, which he had
-lost by one accident, he had recovered by another.
-The conclusion was, that he had no
-mind, in this different state of affairs, to turn
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_134">134</span>
-adventurer again, and expose himself to the
-same perilous encounters:</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">“Post h&aelig;c ille catus, quantumvis <small>RUSTICUS</small>, ibit,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Ibit eo, quo vis <small>QUI ZONAM PERDIDIT</small>, inquit.”<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<p>In one word, my friend, I am happy here,
-as you see me, in my little farm, which yet is
-large enough to answer all my real necessities;
-and I am not in the humour of him in the
-fable<a id="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">43</a>, to fill my head with visions, and spend
-a wretched life in quest of the <i>flying island</i>.</p>
-
-<p>And now, added he, you have before you in
-one view the principal reasons that have determined
-me to this retreat. I might have enlarged
-on each more copiously; but I know to
-whom I speak: and perhaps to such a one I
-might even have spared a good deal of what I
-have now been offering, from the several considerations
-of my <small>TEMPER</small>, <small>TALENTS</small>, and <small>SITUATION</small>.</p>
-
-<p>Here he stopped. And now, my lord, it
-came to my turn to take the lead in this controversy.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_135">135</span>
-There was indeed an ample field before
-me. And, if the other side of the question
-afforded most matter for wit and declamation,
-mine had all the advantages of good sense and
-sound reason. The superiority was so apparent,
-and my victory over him, in point of argument,
-so sure, that I thought it needless and
-ungenerous to press him on every article of
-his defence, in which he had laid himself open
-to me.</p>
-
-<p>Your lordship hath, no doubt, observed,
-with wonder and with pity, the strange spirit
-that runs through every part of it: the confined
-way of thinking, which hath crept upon him;
-the cynical severity, he indulges against courts;
-the importance he would sometimes assume to
-his own character; the peevish turn of mind,
-that leads him to take offence at the lighter
-follies and almost excusable vices of the great;
-in short, the resentment, the pique, the chagrin,
-which one overlooks in the hopeless
-suitor, or hungry poet, but which are very unaccountable
-in one of Mr. <span class="smcap">Cowley’s</span> condition
-and situation.</p>
-
-<p>Here then, my lord, was a fair occasion for
-a willing adversary. But I spared the infirmities
-of my friend. I judged it best, too, to
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_136">136</span>
-keep him in temper, and avoid that heat of altercation,
-which must have arisen from touching
-these indiscretions, as they deserved. Your
-lordship sees the reason I had for confining my
-reply to such parts of his apology, as bore the
-fairest shew of argument, and might be encountered
-without offence.</p>
-
-<p>When he had ended, therefore, with so
-formal a recapitulation of his discourse, I
-thought it not amiss to follow him in his own
-train; and, dissembling the just exceptions I
-had to his vindication in other respects, “You
-have proceeded, said I, in a very distinct method,
-and have said as much, I believe, on the
-subject, as so bad a cause would admit. But
-if this indeed be all you have to allege, for so
-uncommon a fancy, you must not think it
-strange, if I pronounce it, without scruple,
-very insufficient for your purpose.</p>
-
-<p>For, to give your several pleas a distinct examination,
-what is that <small>TEMPER</small>, let me ask,
-on which you insist so much, but a wayward
-humour, which your true judgement should
-correct and controul by the higher and more
-important regards of <i>duty</i>? Every man is born
-with some prevailing propensity or other,
-which, if left to itself, and indulged beyond
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_137">137</span>
-certain bounds, would grow to be very injurious
-to himself and society. There is something,
-no doubt, amusing in the notion of <i>retirement</i>.
-The very word implies ease and
-quiet, and self-enjoyment. And who doubts,
-that in the throng and bustle of life, most men
-are fond to image to themselves, and even to
-wish for a scene of more composure and tranquillity?
-It is just as natural as that the labourer
-should long for his repose at night; or
-that the soldier, amidst the dust and heat of a
-summer’s march, should wish for the conveniencies
-of shade and shelter. But what wild
-work would it make if these so natural desires
-should be immediately gratified? if the labourer
-should quit his plow, and the soldier his arms,
-to throw themselves into the first shade or
-thicket that offered refreshment? All you have
-therefore said on this article can really stand
-for nothing in the eye of sober reason, whatever
-figure it may make in the dress of your
-eloquence<a id="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">44</a>. The inconveniencies of every station
-are to be endured from the obligations of
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_138">138</span>
-duty, and on account of the services one is
-bound to render to himself and his country.</p>
-
-<p>True, replied he, if it appeared to be one’s
-duty, or even interest, to continue in that station.
-But what principle of conscience binds
-me to a slavish dependence at court? or what
-interest, public or private, can be an equivalent
-for wearing these chains, when I have it
-in my power to throw them off, and redeem
-myself into a state of liberty?</p>
-
-<p>What <i>Interest</i>, do you ask? returned I.
-Why that great and extensive one, which <i>society</i>
-hath in an honest and capable man’s continuing
-to bear a part in public affairs. For as
-to inducements of another kind, I may find
-occasion hereafter to press them upon you more
-seasonably. Consider well with yourself, what
-would the consequence be, if all men of honour
-and ability were to act upon your principles?
-What a world would this be, if knaves and
-fools only had the management in their hands,
-and all the virtuous and wise, as it were by
-common consent, were to withdraw from it?
-Nay, the issue would even be fatal to themselves;
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_139">139</span>
-and they would presently find it impossible
-to taste repose, even in their own sanctuary
-of retirement.</p>
-
-<p>Small need, replied he, to terrify one’s self
-with such apprehensions. The virtuous, at
-least they who pass for such, will generally
-have ambition enough to keep them in the road
-of public employments. So long as there are
-such things as riches and honours, courts will
-never be unfurnished of suitors, even from
-among the tribes of lettered and virtuous men.
-The desperately bad, at least, will never have
-the field left entirely to themselves. And, after
-all, the interest of men in office is, in the
-main, so providentially connected with some
-regard to the rules of honour and conscience,
-that there is seldom any danger that matters
-should come to extremities under the <i>worst</i>
-administration. And I doubt this is all we are
-to expect, or at least to reckon upon with assurance,
-under the very <i>best</i>.</p>
-
-<p>But my answer is more direct. It is not for
-your little friend to think of getting a seat in
-the cabinet-council, or of conducting the great
-affairs of the state. He knows himself to be as
-unfit for those high trusts, as he is incapable of
-aspiring to them. Besides, he does not allow
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_140">140</span>
-himself to doubt of their being discharged with
-perfect ability, by the great persons who now
-fill them. <span class="smcap">He</span>, at least, who occupies the
-foremost place of authority, is, by the allowance
-of all, to be paralleled with any that the
-wisest prince hath ever advanced to that station<a id="FNanchor_45" href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">45</a>.
-And when so consummate a pilot sits
-at the helm, it seems a matter of little moment
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_141">141</span>
-by what hands the vessel of the commonwealth
-is navigated.</p>
-
-<p>I could not agree with him in this concluding
-remark, and much less in the high-flown encomium
-which introduced it<a id="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">46</a>. But, waving
-these lesser matters, I contented myself with
-observing, “That let him put what gloss he
-would on this humour of declining civil business,
-it must needs be considered by all unbiassed
-persons, as highly prejudicial to public
-order and government; that, if good men would
-not be employed, the bad must; and that, to
-say the least, the cause of learning and virtue
-must suffer exceedingly in the eyes of men,
-when they see those very qualities, which alone
-can render us useful to the world, dispose us to
-fly from it.”</p>
-
-<p>For as to the <i>plea</i>, continued I, of employing
-them to better purpose in the way of <i>private
-and solitary</i> <small>CONTEMPLATION</small>, I can hold
-it for little better than enthusiasm. Several
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_142">142</span>
-persons, I know, would give it a worse name,
-and say, as <span class="smcap">Tacitus</span> somewhere does, that it
-serves only for a specious cover to that love of
-ease and self-indulgence, which he will have
-to be at the bottom of such pretences<a id="FNanchor_47" href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">47</a>. But
-even with the best construction the matter was
-capable of, he could never, I insisted, justify
-that plea to the understandings of prudent and
-knowing men. We allow the obscure pedant
-to talk high of the dignity of his office, and
-magnify, as much as he pleases, the importance
-of his speculations. Such an indulgence serves
-to keep him in humour with himself, and may
-be a means to convert a low and plodding genius
-to the only use of which it is capable.
-But for a man of experience in affairs, and who
-is qualified to shine in them, to hold this language,
-is very extraordinary.</p>
-
-<p>I saw with what impatience he heard me,
-and therefore took care to add, “’Tis true,
-the studies to which you would devote yourself,
-are the noblest in the world of science.
-For <i>Divinity</i>, the very name speaks its elogium.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_143">143</span>
-And the countenance which his majesty
-is pleased, in his true wisdom, to give to
-<i>natural science</i>, must be thought to ennoble
-that branch of learning beyond all others, that
-are merely of human consideration. Yet still,
-my friend, what need of taking these studies
-out of the hands of those, to whom they are
-properly intrusted? Religion is very safe in the
-bosom of the national church. And questions
-of natural science will doubtless be effectually
-cleared and ventilated in the <i>New Society</i><a id="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">48</a>,
-and in the schools of our <i>Universities</i>. It
-could never be his majesty’s intention to thin
-his court, for the sake of furnishing students in
-natural philosophy.”</p>
-
-<p>And can you then, interposed he, in your
-concern for what you very improperly call my
-interests, allow yourself to speak so coolly of
-the great interests of natural and divine truth?
-Is religion a trade to be confined to the craftsmen?
-Or, are fellows of colleges and of the
-Royal Society, if such we are to have, the only
-persons concerned to adore God in the wonders
-of his creation? Pardon me, my friend: I
-know you mean nothing less; but the strange
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_144">144</span>
-indifference of your phrase provokes me to this
-expostulation.</p>
-
-<p>You warm yourself, resumed I, too hastily.
-My design was only to suggest, that as there
-are certain orders of men appointed for the sole
-purpose of studying divinity, and advancing
-philosophy, I did not see that a man of business
-was obliged to desert his proper station for
-the sake of either.</p>
-
-<p>I suspect, said he, there may be some equivocation
-wrapped up in that word <i>obliged</i>. All
-I know is, that I shall spend my time more innocently,
-at least; and, I presume to think,
-more usefully in those studies, than in that
-slippery <i>station</i>, if it may deserve to be called
-one, of court-favour and dependence. And if
-I extended the observation to many others,
-that are fond to take up their residence in these
-quarters, I cannot believe I should do them
-any injustice.</p>
-
-<p>I cannot tell, returned I, against whom this
-censure is pointed. But I know there are
-many of the gravest characters, and even lights
-and fathers of the church, who do not consider
-it as inconsistent, either with their duty, or
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_145">145</span>
-the usefulness of their profession, to continue
-in that station.</p>
-
-<p>O! mistake me not, replied he: I intended
-no reflection on any of the clergy, and much
-less on the great prelates of the church, for
-their attendance in the courts of princes. Theirs
-is properly an exempt case. They are the
-authorized guides and patterns of life. Their
-great abilities indeed qualify them, above all
-others, for serving the cause of science and religion,
-by their private studies and meditations.
-But they very properly consider too, that part
-of their duty is to enlighten the ignorant of all
-ranks, by their wise and pious discourse, and
-to awe and reclaim the wandering of all denominations,
-by their example. Hence it is, that
-I cannot enough admire the zeal of so many
-pastors of the church; who, though the slavish
-manners and libertinism of a court must be
-more than ordinarily offensive to men of their
-characters, continue to discharge their office so
-painfully, and yet so punctually, in that situation.</p>
-
-<p>Here, my lord, observing my friend for once
-to deliver himself reasonably, I was encouraged
-to add, that since he was so just to maintain
-the commerce of good and wise churchmen in
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_146">146</span>
-the great world to be, as it truly was, a matter
-of duty, he should also have the candour to own,
-that his withdrawing from it was, at least, a
-work of <i>Supererogation</i>.</p>
-
-<p>It might be so, he said; but, though our
-church gave no encouragement to think we
-merit by such works, he did not know that it
-condemned and utterly forbad them.</p>
-
-<p>O! but, returned I, if that be all, and you
-acknowledge at last that your <i>retiring</i> is no
-matter of duty, it will be easy to advance another
-step, and demonstrate to you, that such
-a project is, in your case, altogether unreasonable<a id="FNanchor_49" href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">49</a>.</p>
-
-<p>For, notwithstanding all you have said, in
-the spirit and language of stoicism, of the comforts
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_147">147</span>
-of your present <small>SITUATION</small>, will you seriously
-undertake to persuade me that they are
-in any degree comparable to what you might
-propose to yourself, by returning to a life of
-business? Is the littleness, the obscurity, and
-pardon me if I even say, the meanness of this
-retreat, to be put in competition with the liberal
-and even splendid provision, which your
-friends at court will easily be able to make for
-you? Is it nothing, my friend, (for let us talk
-common sense, and not bewilder ourselves with
-the visions of philosophy) is it nothing to live
-in a well-furnished house, to keep a good table,
-to command an equipage, to have many friends
-and dependants, to be courted by inferiors, to
-be well received by the great, and to be somebody
-even in the <i>presence</i>?</p>
-
-<p>And what if, in order to compass such things,
-some little devoirs and assiduities are expected?
-Is it not the general practice? And what every
-body submits to, can it be ignominious? Is
-this any thing more than conforming one’s self
-to the necessary subordination of society? Or,
-what if some time passes in these services,
-which a present humour suggests might be
-more agreeably spent in other amusements?
-The recompence cannot be far off; and, in the
-mean time, the lustre and very agitation of a
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_148">148</span>
-life of business, hath somewhat in it sprightly
-and amusing. Besides, yours is not the case
-of one that is entering, for the first time, on a
-course of expectation. Your business is half
-done. The prince is favourable; and there are
-of his ministers that respect and honour you.
-Your services are well known; your reputation
-is fair; your connexions great; and the season
-inviting. What, with all these advantages,
-forego the court in a moping mood, or, as angry
-men use, run to moralize in a cloister!</p>
-
-<p>I was proceeding in the warmth of this remonstrance,
-when, with a reproachful smile,
-he turned upon me, and, in a kind of rapture,
-repeated the following lines of <span class="smcap">Spenser</span>:</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">“Full little knowest thou, that hast not tried,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">What hell it is in suing long to bide:<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">To lose good days, that might be better spent;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">To waste long nights in pensive discontent:<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">To speed to-day, to be put back to-morrow;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">To feed on hope, to pine with fear and sorrow;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">To have thy prince’s grace, yet want his peeres<a id="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">50</a>;<br /></span>
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_149">149</span>
-<span class="i0">To have thy askings, yet wait many yeers<a id="FNanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">51</a>;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">To fret thy soul with crosses and with cares;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">To eat thy heart through comfortless despaires;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">To faun, to crouche, to wait, to ride, to ronne;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">To spend, to give, to want, to be undonne.”<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<p>This, said he, is my answer once for all to your
-long string of interrogatories. I learnt it of
-one that had much experience in courts: and
-I thought it worth imprinting on my memory,
-to have it in readiness on such an occasion.
-Or, if you would rather have my answer in my
-own words, the Muse shall give it you in a little
-poem, she dictated very lately<a id="FNanchor_52" href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">52</a>. It may shew
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_150">150</span>
-you perhaps, that, though my nature be somewhat
-melancholy, I am not <i>moping</i>; and that
-I can moralize, and even <i>complain</i>, as I have
-reason to do, without being <i>angry</i>.</p>
-
-<p>The look and tone of voice, with which he
-said this, a little disconcerted me. But I recovered
-myself, and was going on to object to
-his unreasonable warmth, and the fascination of
-this wicked poetry, when he stopped me with
-saying, “Come, no more of these remonstrances
-and upbraidings. I have heard enough of your
-pleadings in a cause, which no eloquence can
-carry against my firm and fixed resolutions. I
-have seen, besides, the force you have done to
-yourself in this mock combat. Your extreme
-friendliness hath even tempted you to act a part
-which your true sense, and the very decorum
-of your profession, I have observed through all
-your disguises, has rendered painful to you.
-I will tell you my whole mind in one word.
-No inducements of what the world calls <small>INTEREST</small>,
-no views of <small>HONOUR</small>, no, nor what
-the poet aptly calls, <small>SANCTISSIMA DIVITIARUM
-MAJESTAS</small><a id="FNanchor_53" href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">53</a>, shall make me recede from the
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_151">151</span>
-purpose I am bent upon, of consecrating the
-remainder of a comfortless distracted life, to the
-sweets of this obscure retirement. Believe me,
-I have weighed it well, with all its inconveniencies.
-And I find them such as are nothing
-to the agonies have long felt in that troubled
-scene, to which you would recal me. If it
-hath any ingredients, which I cannot so well
-relish, they are such as my friends, and, above
-all, such as you, my best friend, may reconcile
-to me. Let me but have the pleasure to
-see the few, I love and esteem, in these shades,
-and I shall not regret their solitude.</p>
-
-<p>And as for my much honoured friend, whose
-munificence hath placed me in them, I shall
-hope to satisfy him in the most effectual manner.
-Nothing, you will believe, could give me
-a pain equal to that of being suspected of ingratitude
-towards my best benefactor. It was
-indeed with the utmost difficulty, that I constrained
-myself at last to think of leaving his
-service. The truth is, he expostulated with me
-upon it pretty roundly; and though my resolution
-was taken, I left him with the concern
-of not being able to give him entire satisfaction.
-These repeated instances by you are a fresh
-proof of his goodness, and do me an honour
-I had little reason to expect from him. But
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_152">152</span>
-his lordship’s notions of life and mine are very
-different, as is fitting in persons, whom fortune
-hath placed in two such different situations.
-It becomes me to bear the most grateful
-remembrance of his kind intentions; and, for
-the rest, I can assure myself, that his equity
-and nobleness of mind, will permit an old
-servant to pursue, at length, his own inclinations.</p>
-
-<p>However, to repay his goodness as I can,
-and to testify all imaginable respect to his judgment,
-I have purposed to write my own
-<small>APOLOGY</small> to his lordship; and to represent to
-him, in a better manner, than I have done in
-this sudden and unpremeditated conversation,
-the reasons that have determined me to this resolution.
-I have even made some progress in
-the design, and have digested into several
-<i>essays</i> the substance of such reflections as, at
-different times, have had most weight with
-me<a id="FNanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">54</a>.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_153">153</span></p>
-
-<p>Hearing him speak in so determined a manner,
-I was discouraged from pressing him further
-with such other considerations, as I had,
-prepared on this argument. Only I could not
-help enforcing, in the warmest manner, and in
-terms your lordship would not allow me to use
-in this recital, what he himself had owned of
-your unexampled goodness to him; and the
-obligation which, I insisted, that must needs
-create in a generous mind, of paying an unreserved
-obedience to your lordship’s pleasure.
-He gave me the hearing very patiently; but
-contented himself with repeating his design of
-justifying himself to your lordship in the apology
-he had before promised.</p>
-
-<p>And now, resumed he with an air of alacrity,
-since you know my whole mind, and
-that no remonstrances can move me, confess
-the whole truth; acknowledge at last that you
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_154">154</span>
-have dissembled with me all this while, and
-that, in reality, you approve my resolution. I
-know you do, my friend, though you struggle
-hard to conceal it. It cannot be otherwise.
-Nature, which linked our hearts together, had
-formed us in one mould. We have the same
-sense of things; the same love of letters and of
-virtue. And though I would not solicit one of
-your years and your profession to follow me into
-the shade, yet I know you so well<a id="FNanchor_55" href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">55</a>, that you will
-preserve in the world that equal frame of
-mind, that indifference to all earthly things,
-which I pretend to have carried with me into
-this solitude.</p>
-
-<p>Go on, my friend, in this track; and be an
-example to the churchmen of our days, that
-the highest honours of the gown, which I easily
-foresee are destined to your abilities, are not
-incompatible with the strictest purity of life,
-and the most heroic sentiments of integrity and
-honour. Go, and adorn the dignities which
-are reserved for you; and remember only in
-the heights of prosperity to be what you are,
-to serve the world with vigour, yet so as to indulge
-with me
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_155">155</span></p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="author">“<span class="smcap">the generous scorn<br /></span></span>
-<span class="i0">Of things, for which we were not born<a id="FNanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">56</a>.”<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<p>I began to be a little uneasy at his long sermon,
-when he broke it off with this couplet.
-The day by this time was pretty far advanced;
-and rising from his seat, he proposed to me to
-walk into his hermitage (so he called his house);
-where, he said, I should see how a philosopher
-lived as well as talked. I staid to dine, and
-spent a good part of the afternoon with him.
-We discoursed of various matters; but not a
-word more of what had occasioned this visit.
-Only he shewed me the <i>complaining poem</i> he
-had mentioned, and of which, for the pleasure
-so fine a composition will give you, I here send
-your lordship a copy. His spirits, he said,
-were enlivened by the face of an old friend;
-and indeed I never knew his conversation more
-easy and chearful<a id="FNanchor_57" href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">57</a>; which yet I could not perfectly
-enjoy for the regret the ill success of my
-negociation had given me.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_156">156</span></p>
-
-<p>I returned to town in the evening, ruminating
-on what had passed, and resolving to
-send your lordship an exact account of our
-conversation. I particularly made a point of
-suppressing nothing which Mr. <span class="smcap">Cowley</span> had
-to say for himself in this debate, however it
-may sometimes seem to make against me.
-The whole hath grown under my pen into a
-greater length than I expected. But your
-Lordship wished to know the bottom of our
-friend’s mind; and I thought you would see
-it more distinctly and clearly in this way, than
-in any other. I am, my lord, with the most
-profound respect,</p>
-
-<p>
-<span class="i4">Your Lordship’s most obedient</span><br />
-<span class="i14">and faithful servant,</span><br />
-<span class="i24"><span class="smcap">T. Sprat</span>.</span><br />
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_157">157</span></p>
-
-<h2><span class="medium">THE</span><br />
-COMPLAINT<a id="FNanchor_58" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">58</a>.</h2>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">In a deep vision’s intellectual scene<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Beneath a bower for sorrow made,<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">Th’ uncomfortable shade<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">Of the black yew’s unlucky green,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Mixt with the mourning willow’s careful gray,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Where reverend <span class="smcap">Cam</span> cuts out his famous way,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">The melancholy <span class="smcap">Cowley</span> lay:<br /></span>
-<span class="i2">And lo! a Muse appear’d to’s closed sight,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">(The Muses oft in lands of visions play)<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Bodied, array’d, and seen by an internal light:<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">A golden harp with silver strings she bore,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">A wonderous hieroglyphic robe she wore,<br /></span>
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_158">158</span>
-<span class="i0">In which all colours, and all figures were,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">That nature, or that fancy can create,<br /></span>
-<span class="i2">That art can never imitate;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">And with loose pride it wanton’d in the air.<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">In such a dress, in such a well-cloath’d dream,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">She us’d of old, near fair <span class="smcap">Ismenus’</span> stream,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0"><span class="smcap">Pindar</span> her <span class="smcap">Theban</span> favourite to meet;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">A crown was on her head, and wings were on her feet.<br /></span>
-</div></div>
-
-<h4>II.</h4>
-
-<div class="poetry"><div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">She touch’d him with her harp, and rais’d him from the ground;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">The shaken strings melodiously resound.<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">Art thou return’d at last, said she,<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">To this forsaken place and me?<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Thou prodigal, who didst so loosely waste<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Of all thy youthful years, the good estate?<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Art thou return’d here to repent too late;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">And gather husks of learning up at last,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Now the rich harvest-time of life is past,<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">And <i>Winter</i> marches on so fast?<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">But when I meant t’adopt thee for my son,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">And did as learn’d a portion thee assign,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">As ever any of the mighty Nine<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">Had to her dearest children done;<br /></span>
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_159">159</span>
-<span class="i0">When I resolv’d t’exalt thy anointed name,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Among the spiritual lords of peaceful fame<a id="FNanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">59</a>;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Thou changeling, thou, bewitch’d with noise and show,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Would’st into courts and cities from me go;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Would’st see the world abroad, and have a share<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">In all the follies, and the tumults there.<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Thou would’st, forsooth, be something in a state,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">And business thou would’st find, and would’st create:<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">Business! the frivolous pretence<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Of humane lusts to shake off innocence:<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">Business! the grave impertinence:<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Business! the thing which I of all things hate:<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Business! the contradiction of thy fate.<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<h4>III.</h4>
-
-<div class="poetry"><div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">Go, renegado, cast up thy account,<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">And see to what amount<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">Thy foolish gains by quitting me:<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">The sale of knowledge, fame, and liberty,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">The fruits of thy unlearn’d apostasy.<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Thou thought’st, if once the public storm were past,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">All thy remaining life should sun-shine be;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Behold, the public storm is spent at last,<br /></span>
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_160">160</span>
-<span class="i0">The sovereign is tost at sea no more,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">And thou, with all the noble company,<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">Art got at last to shore.<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">But whilst thy fellow voyagers, I see,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">All march’d up to possess the promis’d land,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Thou still alone (alas!) dost gaping stand<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Upon the naked beach, upon the barren sand.<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<h4>IV.</h4>
-
-<div class="poetry"><div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">As a fair morning of the blessed spring,<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">After a tedious stormy night;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Such was the glorious entry of our king:<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Enriching moisture dropp’d on every thing;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Plenty he sow’d below, and cast about him light.<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">But then (alas!) to thee alone,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">One of old <span class="smcap">Gideon’s</span> miracles was shown;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">For every tree, and every herb around,<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">With pearly dew was crown’d,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">And upon all the quicken’d ground<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">The fruitful seed of heaven did brooding lye,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">And nothing but the Muse’s fleece was dry.<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">It did all other threats surpass<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">When God to his own people said,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">(The men, whom thro’ long wanderings he had led)<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">That he would give them ev’n a heaven of brass;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">They look’d up to that heaven in vain,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">That bounteous heaven, which God did not restrain,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Upon the most unjust to shine and rain.<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_161">161</span></p>
-
-<h4>V.</h4>
-
-<div class="poetry"><div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">The <span class="smcap">Rachael</span>, for which twice seven years and more<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Thou didst with faith and labour serve,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">And didst (if faith and labour can) deserve,<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">Though she contracted was to thee,<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">Giv’n to another who had store<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Of fairer, and of richer wives before,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">And not a <i>Leah</i> left, thy recompence to be.<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Go on, twice seven years more thy fortune try,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Twice seven years more, God in his bounty may<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">Give thee, to fling away<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Into the court’s deceitful lottery.<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">But think how likely ’tis that thou,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">With the dull work of thy unwieldy plough,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Should’st in a hard and barren season thrive,<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">Should even able be to live;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Thou, to whose share so little bread did fall,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">In the miraculous year, when <small>MANNA</small> rain’d on all.<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<h4>VI.</h4>
-
-<div class="poetry"><div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">Thus spake the Muse, and spake it with a smile,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">That seem’d at once to pity and revile,<br /></span>
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_162">162</span>
-<span class="i0">And to her thus, raising his thoughtful head,<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">The melancholy <span class="smcap">Cowley</span> said:<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">Ah, wanton foe, dost thou upbraid<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">The ills which thou thyself hast made?<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">When, in the cradle, innocent I lay,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Thou, wicked spirit, stolest me away,<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">And my abused soul didst bear<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Into thy new-found words I know not where,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Thy golden <i>Indies</i> in the air;<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">And ever since I strive in vain<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">My ravish’d freedom to regain:<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Still I rebel, still thou dost reign,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Lo, still in verse against thee I complain.<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">There is a sort of stubborn weeds,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Which if the earth but once, it ever breeds;<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">No wholesome herb can near them thrive,<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">No useful plant can keep alive;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">The foolish sports I did on thee bestow,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Make all my art and labour fruitless now;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Where once such Fairies dance no grass doth ever grow.<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<h4>VII.</h4>
-
-<div class="poetry"><div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">When my new mind had no infusion known,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Thou gav’st so deep a tincture of thine own,<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">That ever since I vainly try<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">To wash away the inherent dye:<br /></span>
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_163">163</span>
-<span class="i0">Long work perhaps may spoil thy colours quite,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">But never will reduce the native white;<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">To all the ports of honour and of gain,<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">I often steer my course in vain,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Thy gale comes cross, and drives me back again.<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Thou slack’nest all my nerves of industry,<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">By making them so oft to be<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">The tinkling strings of thy loose minstrelsie.<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Whoever this world’s happiness would see,<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">Must as entirely cast off thee,<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">As they who only heaven desire,<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">Do from the world retire.<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">This was my error, this my gross mistake,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Myself a demy-votary to make.<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Thus with <span class="smcap">Sapphira</span>, and her husband’s fate,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">(A fault which I like them am taught too late)<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">For all that I gave up, I nothing gain,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">And perish for the part which I retain.<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<h4>VIII.</h4>
-
-<div class="poetry"><div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">Teach me not then, O thou fallacious Muse,<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">The court, and better king, t’ accuse;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">The heaven under which I live is fair;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">The fertile soil will a full harvest bear;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Thine, thine is all the barrenness; if thou<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Mak’st me sit still and sing, when I should plough;<br /></span>
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_164">164</span>
-<span class="i0">When I but think, how many a tedious year<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">Our patient sov’reign did attend<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">His long misfortunes fatal end;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">How chearfully, and how exempt from fear,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">On the Great Sovereign’s will he did depend,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">I ought to be accurst, if I refuse<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">To wait on his, O thou fallacious Muse!<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Kings have long hands (they say) and though I be<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">So distant, they may reach at length to me.<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">However, of all princes, thou<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Should’st not reproach rewards for being small or slow;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Thou, who rewardest but with popular breath,<br /></span>
-<span class="i4">And that too after death.<br /></span>
-</div></div></div></div>
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_165">165</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="xx-large">DIALOGUE III.<br />
-
-<span class="x-large">ON THE<br />
-
-GOLDEN AGE OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.</span><br />
-
-<small>BETWEEN</small><br />
-
-<span class="large">THE HON. ROBERT DIGBY,<br />
-
-DR. ARBUTHNOT,</span><br />
-
-<small>AND</small><br />
-
-<span class="large">MR. ADDISON.</span></h2>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_166">166</span><br />
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_167">167</span></p>
-
-<h2 id="DIALOGUE_III">DIALOGUE III.<br />
-
-<span class="medium">ON THE AGE OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.</span></h2>
-
-<h3>MR. DIGBY, DR. ARBUTHNOT,
-MR. ADDISON.</h3>
-
-<p class="drop"><span class="uppercase">It</span> happened, in the summer of the year
-1716, that Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span> and Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>
-had occasion to take a journey together into
-<i>Warwickshire</i>. Mr. <span class="smcap">Digby</span>, who had received
-intelligence of their motions, and was then at
-<i>Coleshill</i>, contrived to give them the meeting
-at <i>Warwick</i>; where they intended to pass a
-day or two, in visiting the curiosities of that
-fine town, and the more remarkable of these
-remains of antiquity that are to be seen in its
-neighbourhood. These were matter of high
-entertainment to all of them; to Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>,
-for the pleasure of recollecting the ancient
-times; to Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>, on account of
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_168">168</span>
-some political reflexions, he was fond of indulging
-on such occasions; and to Mr. <span class="smcap">Digby</span>,
-from an ingenuous curiosity, and the love of
-seeing and observing whatever was most remarkable,
-whether in the past ages, or the
-present.</p>
-
-<p>Amongst other things that amused them,
-they were much taken with the great church
-at <i>Warwick</i>. They entertained themselves
-with the several histories, which it’s many old
-monuments recalled to their memory<a id="FNanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">60</a>. The
-famous inscription of Sir <span class="smcap">Fulk Grevil</span> occasioned
-some reflexions; especially to Mr.
-<span class="smcap">Digby</span>, who had used to be much affected with
-the fame and fortunes of the accomplished Sir
-<span class="smcap">Philip Sidney</span>. The glory of the house of
-<span class="smcap">Warwick</span> was, also, an ample field of meditation.
-But what chanced to take their attention
-most, was the monument of the great earl
-of <span class="smcap">Leicester</span>. It recorded his titles at full
-length, and was, besides, richly decorated with
-sculpture, displaying the various ensigns and
-trophies of his greatness. The pride of this
-minister had never appeared to them so conspicuous,
-as in the legends and ornaments of
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_169">169</span>
-his tomb-stone; which had not only outlived
-his family, but seemed to assure itself of immortality,
-by taking refuge, as it were, at the
-foot of the altar.</p>
-
-<p>These funeral honours engaged them in some
-common reflexions on the folly of such expedients
-to perpetuate human grandeur; but at
-the same time, as is the usual effect of these
-things, struck their imaginations very strongly.
-They readily apprehended what must have been
-the state of this mighty favourite in his lifetime,
-from what they saw of it in this proud
-memorial, which continued in a manner to insult
-posterity so many years after his death.
-But understanding that the fragments at least
-of his supreme glory, when it was flourishing
-at its height, were still to be seen at <span class="smcap">Kenelworth</span>,
-which they knew could be at no great
-distance, they resolved to visit them the next
-day, and indulge to the utmost the several reflexions
-which such scenes are apt to inspire.
-On enquiry, they found it was not more than
-five or six miles to the castle; so that, by starting
-early in the morning, they might easily return
-to dinner at <i>Warwick</i>. They kept to
-their appointment so well, that they got to
-<i>Kenelworth</i> in good time, and had even two
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_170">170</span>
-or three hours on their hands to spend, in taking
-an exact view of the place.</p>
-
-<p>It was luckily one of those fine days, which
-our travellers would most have wished for, and
-which indeed are most agreeable in this season.
-It was clear enough to afford a distinct prospect
-of the country, and to set the objects, they
-wanted to take a view of, in a good light; and
-yet was so conveniently clouded as to check the
-heat of the sun, and make the exercise of walking,
-of which they were likely to have a good
-deal, perfectly easy to them.</p>
-
-<p>When they alighted from the coach, the first
-object that presented itself was the principal
-<span class="smcap">Gate-way</span> of the Castle. It had been converted
-into a farm-house, and was indeed the only
-part of these vast ruins that was inhabited. On
-their entrance into the <i>inner-court</i>, they were
-struck with the sight of many mouldering
-towers, which preserved a sort of magnificence
-even in their ruins. They amused themselves
-with observing the vast compass of the whole,
-with marking the uses, and tracing the dimensions,
-of the several parts. All which it was
-easy for them to do, by the very distinct traces
-that remained of them, and especially by means
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_171">171</span>
-of <span class="smcap">Dugdale’s</span> plans and descriptions, which
-they had taken care to consult.</p>
-
-<p>After rambling about for some time, they
-clambered up a heap of ruins, which lay on the
-west side the court: and thence came to a
-broken tower, which, when they had mounted
-some steps, led them out into a path-way on
-the tops of the walls. From this eminence they
-had a very distinct view of the several parts
-they had before contemplated; of the <i>gardens</i>
-on the north-side; of the <i>winding meadow</i> that
-encompassed the walls of the castle, on the
-west and south; and had, besides, the command
-of the country round about them for
-many miles. The prospect of so many antique
-towers falling into rubbish, contrasted to the
-various beauties of the landscape, struck them
-with admiration, and kept them silent for some
-time.</p>
-
-<p>At length recovering himself, I perceive, said
-Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>, we are all of us not a little
-affected with the sight of these ruins. They
-even create a melancholy in me; and yet a
-melancholy of so delightful a kind, that I would
-not exchange it, methinks, for any brisker sensation.
-The experience of this effect hath often
-led me to enquire, how it is that the mind,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_172">172</span>
-even while it laments, finds so great a pleasure
-in visiting these scenes of desolation. Is it,
-continued he, from the pure love of antiquity,
-and the amusing train of reflexions into which
-such remains of ancient magnificence naturally
-lead us?</p>
-
-<p>I know not, returned Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>, what
-pain it may give you to contemplate these
-triumphs of time and fortune. For my part, I
-am not sensible of the mixt sensation you speak
-of. I feel a pleasure indeed; but it is sincere,
-and, as I conceive, may be easily accounted
-for. ’Tis nothing more, I believe, than a fiction
-of the imagination, which makes me think
-I am taking a revenge on the once prosperous
-and overshadowing height, <span class="smcap">PR&AElig;UMBRANS FASTIGIUM</span>,
-as somebody expresses it, of inordinate
-Greatness. It is certain, continued he,
-this theatre of a great statesman’s pride, the delight
-of many of our princes, and which boasts
-of having given entertainment to one of them
-in a manner so splendid, as to claim a remembrance,
-even in the annals of our country, would
-now, in its present state, administer ample
-matter for much insulting reflexion.</p>
-
-<p>“Where, one might ask, are the tilts and
-tournaments, the princely shows and sports,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_173">173</span>
-which were once so proudly celebrated within
-these walls? Where are the pageants, the
-studied devices and emblems of curious invention,
-that set the court at a gaze, and even
-transported the high soul of our <span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span>?
-Where now, pursued he, (pointing to that
-which was formerly a canal, but at present is
-only a meadow with a small rivulet running
-through it) where is the floating island, the
-blaze of torches that eclipsed the day, the lady
-of the lake, the silken nymphs her attendants,
-with all the other fantastic exhibitions surpassing
-even the whimsies of the wildest romance? What
-now is become of the revelry of feasting? of
-the minstrelsy, that took the ear so delightfully
-as it babbled along the valley, or floated on the
-surface of this lake? See there the smokeless
-kitchens, stretching to a length that might
-give room for the sacrifice of a hecatomb; the
-vaulted hall, which mirth and jollity have set
-so often in an uproar; the rooms of state, and
-the presence-chamber: what are they now but
-void and tenantless ruins, clasped with ivy,
-open to wind and weather, and representing
-to the eye nothing but the ribs and carcase, as
-it were, of their former state? And see, said
-he, that proud gate-way, once the mansion of
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_174">174</span>
-a surly porter<a id="FNanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">61</a>, who, partaking of the pride
-of his lord, made the crowds wait, and refused
-admittance, perhaps, to nobles whom fear or
-interest drew to these walls, to pay their homage
-to their master: see it now the residence
-of a poor tenant, who turns the key but to let
-himself out to his daily labour, to admit him to
-a short meal, and secure his nightly slumbers.
-Yet, in this humble state, it hath had the
-fortune to outlive the glory of the rest, and
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_175">175</span>
-hath even drawn to itself the whole of that little
-note and credit which time hath continued to
-this once pompous building. For, while the
-castle itself is crumbled into shapeless ruins,
-and is prophaned, as we there see, by the vilest
-uses, this outwork of greatness is left entire,
-sheltered and closed in from bird and beast,
-and even affords some decent room in which
-the <i>human face divine</i> is not ashamed to shew
-itself.”</p>
-
-<p>While Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span> went on in this vein,
-his two friends stood looking on each other;
-as not conceiving what might be the cause of
-his expressing himself with a vehemence, so
-uncommon, and not suited to his natural temper.
-When the fit was over, I confess, said
-Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>, this is no bad topic for a
-moralist to declaim upon. And, though it be
-a trite one, we know how capable it is of being
-adorned by him who, on a late occasion, could
-meditate so finely on the <span class="smcap">Tombs at Westminster</span><a id="FNanchor_62" href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">62</a>.
-But surely, proceeded he, you warm
-yourself in this contemplation, beyond what
-the subject requires of you. The vanity of
-human greatness is seen in so many instances,
-that I wonder to hear you harangue on this with
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_176">176</span>
-so peculiar an exultation. There is no travelling
-ten miles together in any part of the kingdom
-without stumbling on some ruin, which,
-though perhaps not so considerable as this before
-us, would furnish occasion, however, for
-the same reflexions. There would be no end of
-moralizing over every broken tower, or shattered
-fabric, which calls to mind the short-lived
-glories of our ancestors.</p>
-
-<p>True, said Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>; and, if the short
-continuance of these glories were the only circumstance,
-I might well have spared the exultation,
-you speak of, in this triumph over the
-shattered remnants of <i>Kenelworth</i>. But there
-is something else that fires me on the occasion.
-It brings to mind the fraud, the rapine, the
-insolence, of the potent minister, who vainly
-thought to immortalize his ill-gotten glory by
-this proud monument. Nay, further, it awakens
-an indignation against the prosperous
-tyranny of those wretched times, and creates a
-generous pleasure in reflecting on the happiness
-we enjoy under a juster and more equal government.
-Believe me, I never see the remains of
-that greatness which arose in the past ages on the
-ruins of public freedom and private property,
-but I congratulate with myself on living at a
-time, when the meanest subject is as free and
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_177">177</span>
-independent as those royal minions; and when
-his property, whatever it be, is as secure from
-oppression, as that of the first minister. And
-I own this congratulation is not the less sincere
-for considering that the instance before us is
-taken from the reign of the virgin queen, which
-it hath been the fashion to cry up above that
-of any other of our princes<a id="FNanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">63</a>. I desire no other
-confutation of so strange unthankful a preference,
-than the sight of this vast castle, together
-with the recollection of those means by
-which its master arrived at his enormous greatness.</p>
-
-<p>Your indignation then, replied Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>,
-is not so much of the moral, as <i>political</i>
-kind<a id="FNanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">64</a>. But is not the conclusion a little too
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_178">178</span>
-hasty, when, from the instance of one overgrown
-favourite, you infer the general infelicity
-of the time, in which he flourished? I am not,
-I assure you, one of those unthankful men who
-forget the blessings they enjoy under a prince
-of more justice and moderation than queen
-<span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span>, and under a better constitution of
-government than prevailed in the days of our
-forefathers. Yet, setting aside some particular
-dishonours of that reign (of which, let the
-tyranny of <i>Leicester</i>, if you will, be one), I
-see not but the acknowledged virtues of that
-princess, and the wisdom of her government,
-may be a proper foundation for all the honours
-that posterity have ever paid to her.</p>
-
-<p>Were I even disposed to agree with you, returned
-Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>, I should not have the
-less reason for triumphing, as I do, on the
-present state of our government. For, if such
-abuses could creep in, and be suffered for so
-many years under so great a princess, what was
-there not to fear (as what, indeed, did not the
-subject actually feel) under some of her successors?
-But, to speak my mind frankly, I
-see no sufficient grounds for the excessive prejudice,
-that hath somehow taken place, in favour
-of the <small>GOLDEN REIGN</small>, as it is called, <span class="smcap">of
-Elizabeth</span>. I find neither the wisdom, nor
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_179">179</span>
-the virtue in it, that can entitle it to a preference
-before all other ages.</p>
-
-<p>On the contrary, said Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>, I
-never contemplate the monuments of that time,
-without a silent admiration of the virtues that
-adorned it. Heroes and sages crowd in upon
-my memory. Nay, the very people were of a
-character above what we are acquainted with in
-our days. I could almost fancy, the soil itself
-were another face, and, as you poets imagine
-on some occasions, that our ancestors lived
-under a brighter sun and happier climate than
-we can boast of.</p>
-
-<p>To be sure! said Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>, smiling: or,
-why not affirm, in the proper language of romance,
-that the women of those days were all
-chaste, and the men valiant? But cannot you
-suspect at least that there is some enchantment
-in the case, and that your love of antiquity
-may possibly operate in more instances than
-those of your favourite <i>Greeks</i> and <i>Romans</i>?
-Tell me honestly, pursued he, hath not this
-distance of a century and a half a little imposed
-upon you? Do not these broken towers, which
-moved you just now to so compassionate a lamentation
-over them, dispose you to a greater
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_180">180</span>
-fondness for the times in which they arose, than
-can be fairly justified?</p>
-
-<p>I will not deny, returned Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>,
-but we are often very generous to the past times,
-and unjust enough to the present. But I think
-there is little of this illusion in the case before
-us. And, since you call my attention to these
-noble ruins, let me own to you, that they do
-indeed excite in me a veneration for the times
-of which they present so striking a memorial.
-But surely not without reason. For there is
-scarce an object in view, that doth not revive
-the memory of some distinguishing character
-of that age, which may justify such veneration.</p>
-
-<p>Alas! interrupted Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>, and what
-can these objects call to mind but the memory
-of barbarous manners and a despotic government?</p>
-
-<p>For the <i>government</i>, replied Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>,
-I do not well conceive how any conclusion
-about that can be drawn from this fabric. The
-<small>MANNERS</small> I was thinking of; and I see them
-strongly expressed in many parts of it. But
-whether barbarous or not, I could almost take
-upon me to dispute with you. And why, indeed,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_181">181</span>
-since you allowed yourself to declaim on
-the vices, so apparent, as you suppose, in this
-monument of antiquity, may not I have leave
-to consider it in another point of view, and
-present to you the virtues which, to my eye at
-least, are full as discernible?</p>
-
-<p>You cannot, continued he, turn your eyes on
-any part of these ruins, without encountering
-some memorial of the virtue, industry, or ingenuity,
-of our ancestors.</p>
-
-<p>Look there, said he, on that fine room
-(pointing to the <small>HALL</small>, that lay just beneath
-them); and tell me if you can help respecting
-the <small>HOSPITALITY</small> which so much distinguished
-the palaces of the great in those simpler ages.
-You gave an invidious turn to this circumstance
-when you chose to consider it only in the light
-of wasteful expence and prodigality. But no
-virtue is privileged from an ill name. And, on
-second thoughts, I persuade myself, it will appear
-you have injured this, by so uncandid an
-appellation. Can it deserve this censure, that
-the lord of this princely castle threw open his
-doors and spread his table for the reception of
-his friends, his followers, and even for the
-royal entertainment of his sovereign? Is any
-expence more proper than that which tends to
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_182">182</span>
-conciliate<a id="FNanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">65</a> friendships, spread the interests of
-society, and knit mankind together by a generous
-communication in these advantages of
-wealth and fortune? The arts of a refined sequestered
-luxury were then unknown. The
-same bell, that called the great man to his
-table, invited the neighbourhood all around,
-and proclaimed a holiday to the whole country<a id="FNanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">66</a>.
-Who does not feel the decorum,
-and understand the benefits of this magnificence?
-The pre-eminence of rank and fortune
-was nobly sustained: the subordination of society
-preserved: and yet the envy, that is so
-apt to attend the great, happily avoided. Hence
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_183">183</span>
-this weight and influence of the old nobility,
-who engaged the love, as well as commanded
-the veneration, of the people. In the mean
-time, rural industry flourished: private luxury
-was discouraged: and in both ways that frugal
-simplicity of life, our country’s grace and
-ornament in those days, was preserved and promoted.</p>
-
-<p>It would spoil your panegyric, I doubt, said
-Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>, to observe the factious use, that
-was made of this magnificence, and the tendency
-it had to support the pride and insolence of the
-old nobility. The interest of the great, I am
-afraid, was but another name for the slavery of
-the people<a id="FNanchor_67" href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">67</a>.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_184">184</span></p>
-
-<p>I see it, Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span> said, in a different
-light; and so did our princes themselves, who
-could not but be well acquainted with the proper
-effects of that interest. They considered
-the weight of the nobility, as a counterpoise to
-their own sovereignty. It was on this account
-they had used all means to lessen their influence.
-But the consequence was beside their
-expectation. The authority of the crown fell
-with it: and, which was still less expected by
-political men, the liberty of the people, after
-it had wantoned for a time, sunk under the general
-oppression. It was then discovered, but
-a little of the latest, that public freedom throve
-best, when it wound itself about the stock of
-the ancient nobility. In truth, it was the defect,
-not the excess, of patrician influence, that
-made way for the miseries of the next century.</p>
-
-<p>You see then it is not without cause that I
-lay a stress, even in a political view, on this
-popular hospitality of the great in the former
-ages<a id="FNanchor_68" href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">68</a>.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_185">185</span></p>
-
-<p>But, lest you think I sit too long at the
-table, let us go on to the <small>TILTYARD</small>, which lies
-just before us; that school of fortitude and honour
-to our generous forefathers. A younger
-fancy, than mine, would be apt to kindle at
-the sight. And our sprightlier friend here, I
-dare say, has already taken fire at the remembrance
-of the gallant exercises, which were celebrated
-in that quarter.</p>
-
-<p>Mr. <span class="smcap">Digby</span> owned, he had a secret veneration
-for the manly games of that time, which
-he had seen so triumphantly set forth in the
-old poets and romancers.</p>
-
-<p>Right, said Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>; it is precisely in
-that circumstance that the enchantment consists.
-Some of our best wits have taken a deal
-of idle pains to ennoble a very barbarous
-entertainment, and recommend it to us under
-the specious name of gallantry and honour.
-But Mr. <span class="smcap">Digby</span> sees through the cheat. Not
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_186">186</span>
-that I doubt, continued he, but the Doctor,
-now he is in the vein of panegyric, will lay a
-mighty stress on these barbarities; and perhaps
-compare them with the exercises in the <i>Roman</i>
-Circus, or the <i>Olympic</i> Barriers.</p>
-
-<p>And why not? interrupted Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>.
-The tendency of all three was the same; to invigorate
-the faculties both of mind and body;
-to give strength, grace, and dexterity, to the
-limbs; and fire the mind with a generous
-emulation of the manly and martial virtues.</p>
-
-<p>Why truly, said Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>, I shall not
-deny that all <i>three</i>, as you observe, were much
-of the same merit. And, now your hand is in
-for this sort of encomium, do not forget to celebrate
-the sublime taste of our forefathers for
-<i>bear-baiting</i><a id="FNanchor_69" href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">69</a>, as well as <i>tilting</i>; and tell us
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_187">187</span>
-too, how gloriously the mob of those days, as
-well as their betters, used to belabour one
-another.</p>
-
-<p>I confess, said Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>, the softness
-of our manners makes it difficult to speak on
-this subject without incurring the ridicule, you
-appear so willing to employ against me. But
-you must not think to discredit these gymnastics
-by a little raillery, which has its foundation
-only in modern prejudices. For it is no
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_188">188</span>
-secret that the gravest and politest men of antiquity
-were of my mind. You will hardly
-suspect <span class="smcap">Plato</span> of incivility, either in his notions
-or manners. And need I remind you how much
-he insists on the gymnastic discipline; without
-which he could not have formed, or at least
-have supported, his Republic?</p>
-
-<p>It was upon this principle, I suppose then,
-said Mr. <span class="smcap">Digby</span>, or perhaps in imitation of his
-<i>Gr&aelig;cian</i> master, that our <span class="smcap">Milton</span> laid so great
-a stress on this discipline in his <small>TRACTATE OF
-EDUCATION</small>. And before him, in the very time
-you speak of, <span class="smcap">Ascham</span>, I observe, took no
-small pains to much the same purpose in his
-<span class="smcap">Toxophilus</span>.</p>
-
-<p>It is very clear, resumed Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>,
-from these instances, and many more that
-might be given, that the ancients were not singular
-in their notions on this subject. But,
-since you have drawn me into a grave defence
-of these exercises, let me further own to you
-that I think the <i>Gothic</i> Tilts and Tournaments
-exceeded, both in use and elegance, even the
-<i>Gr&aelig;cian</i> gymnastics<a id="FNanchor_70" href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">70</a>. They were a more
-direct image of war, than any of the games at
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_189">189</span>
-<i>Olympia</i>. And if <i>Xenophon</i> could be so lavish
-in his praises on the <i>Persian</i> practice of hunting,
-because it had some resemblance to the
-exercise of arms, what would he not have said
-of an institution, which has all the forms of a
-real combat?</p>
-
-<p>But there was an elegance, too, in the
-conduct of the tournament, that might reconcile
-it even to modern delicacy. For, besides
-the splendor of the shew; the dexterity, with
-which these exercises were performed; and the
-fancy, that appeared in their accoutrement,
-dresses, and devices; the whole contest was
-ennobled with an air of gallantry, that must
-have had a great effect in refining the manners
-of the combatants. And yet this gallantry had
-no ill influence on morals; for, as you insulted
-me just now, it was the odd humour of those
-days for the women to pride themselves in their
-chastity<a id="FNanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">71</a>, as well as the men in their valour.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_190">190</span></p>
-
-<p>In short, I consider the <i>Tournay</i>, as the
-best school of civility as well as heroism.
-“High-erected thoughts, seated in a heart of
-courtesy,” as an old writer<a id="FNanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">72</a> well expresses it,
-was the proper character of such as had been
-trained in this discipline.</p>
-
-<p>No wonder then, pursued he, the poets and
-romance-writers took so much pains to immortalize
-these trials of manhood. It was but
-what <span class="smcap">Pindar</span> and <span class="smcap">Homer</span> himself, those ancient
-masters of romance, had done before
-them. And how could it be otherwise? The
-shew itself, as I said, had something very taking
-in it; whilst every graceful attitude of person,
-with every generous movement of the mind,
-afforded the finest materials for description.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_191">191</span>
-And I am even ready to believe, that what we
-hear censured in their writings, as false, incredible,
-and fantastic, was frequently but a just
-copy of life, and that there was more of truth
-and reality<a id="FNanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">73</a> in their representations, than we
-are apt to imagine. Their notions of honour
-and gallantry were carried to an elevation<a id="FNanchor_74" href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">74</a>,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_192">192</span>
-which, in these degenerate days, hurts the
-credit of their story; just as I have met with
-men that have doubted whether the virtues of
-the <span class="smcap">Reguli</span> and the <span class="smcap">Scipios</span> of ancient fame
-were not the offspring of pure fancy.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_193">193</span></p>
-
-<p>Nay now, Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>, said Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>,
-you grow quite extravagant. What you,
-who are used to be so quick at espying all
-abuses in science, and defects in good taste,
-turn advocate for these fopperies! Mr. <span class="smcap">Digby</span>
-and I shall begin to think you banter us, in
-this apology for the ancient gymnastics, and
-are only preparing a chapter for the facetious
-memoirs<a id="FNanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">75</a>, you sometimes promise us.</p>
-
-<p>Never more in earnest, assure you, replied
-the Doctor. I know what you have to object
-to these pictures of life and manners. But, if
-they will not bear examining as copies, they
-may deserve to be imitated as models. And
-their use, methinks, might atone for some defects
-in the article of probability.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_194">194</span></p>
-
-<p>For my part, I consider the legends of ancient
-chivalry in a very serious light,</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">As <i>niches</i>, fill’d with statues to invite<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Young valours forth&mdash;<a id="FNanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">76</a><br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<p>as <span class="smcap">Ben Jonson</span>, a valorous hardy poet, and
-who, himself, would have made a good
-knight-errant, justly says of them. For, it is
-certain, they had this effect. The youth, in
-general, were fired with the love of martial exercises.
-They were early formed to habits of
-fatigue and enterprise. And, together with
-this warlike spirit, the profession of chivalry
-was favourable to every other virtue. Affability,
-courtesy, generosity, veracity, these
-were the qualifications most pretended to by
-the men of arms, in the days of pure and uncorrupted
-chivalry. We do not perhaps, ourselves,
-know, at this distance of time, how
-much we are indebted to the force of this singular
-institution. But this I may presume to
-say, that the men, among whom it arose and
-flourished most, had prodigious obligations to
-it. No policy, even of an ancient legislator,
-could have contrived a better expedient to cultivate
-the manners and tame the spirits of a
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_195">195</span>
-rude and ignorant people. I could almost
-fancy it providentially introduced among the
-northern nations, to break the fierceness of
-their natures, and prevent that brutal savageness
-and ferocity of character, which must
-otherwise have grown upon them in the darker
-ages.</p>
-
-<p>Nay, the generous sentiments, it inspired,
-perhaps contributed very much to awaken an
-emulation of a different kind; and to bring on
-those days of light and knowledge which have
-disposed us, somewhat unthankfully, to vilify
-and defame it. This is certain, that the first
-essays of wit and poetry, those harbingers of
-returning day to every species of good letters,
-were made in the bosom of chivalry, and amidst
-the assemblies of noble dames, and courteous
-knights. And we may even observe, that the
-best of our modern princes, such as have been
-most admired for their personal virtues, and
-have been most concerned in restoring all the
-arts of civility and politeness, have been passionately
-addicted to the feats of ancient prowess.
-In the number of these, need I remind you of
-the courts of <span class="smcap">Francis I</span>, and <span class="smcap">Henry IV</span>, to say
-nothing of our own <span class="smcap">Edwards</span> and <span class="smcap">Henrys</span>,
-and that mirrour of all their virtues in one,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_196">196</span>
-our renowned and almost romantic <span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span><a id="FNanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">77</a>?</p>
-
-<p>But you think I push the argument too far.
-And less than this may dispose you to conceive
-with reverence of the scene before us, which
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_197">197</span>
-must ever be regarded as a nursery of brave
-men, a very seed-plot of warriors and heroes.
-I consider the successes at the barriers as
-preludes to future conquests in the field. And, as
-whimsical a figure as a young tilter may make
-in your eye, who will say that the virtue was
-not formed here, that triumphed at <span class="smcap">Axell</span>, and
-bled at <span class="smcap">Zutphen</span>?</p>
-
-<p>We shall very readily, replied Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>,
-acknowledge the bravery and other virtues of
-the young hero, whose fortunes you hint at.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_198">198</span>
-He was, in truth, to speak the language of that
-time, the very flower of knighthood, and contributed
-more than any body else, by his pen,
-as well as sword, to throw a lustre on the profession
-of chivalry. But the thing itself, however
-adorned by his wit and recommended by
-his manners, was barbarous; the offspring of
-<i>Gothic</i> fierceness; and shews the times, which
-favoured it so much, to have scarcely emerged
-from their original rudeness and brutality.
-You may celebrate, as loudly as you please,
-the deeds of these wonder-working knights.
-Alas, what affinity have such prodigies to our
-life, and manners? The old poet, you quoted
-just now with approbation, shall tell us the
-difference:</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">These were bold stories of our <i>Arthur’s</i> age:<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">But here are other acts, another stage<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">And scene appears; it is not since as then;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">No giants, dwarfs, or monsters here, but <small>MEN</small><a id="FNanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">78</a>.<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<p>Or, if you want a higher authority, we should
-not, methinks, on such an occasion, forget the
-admirable <span class="smcap">Cervantes</span>, whose ridicule hath
-brought eternal dishonour on the profession of
-knight-errantry.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_199">199</span></p>
-
-<p>With your leave, interrupted Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>,
-I have reason to except against both your
-authorities. At best, they do but condemn the
-<i>abuses</i> of chivalry, and the madness of continuing
-the old romantic spirit in times when,
-from a change of manners and policy, it was
-no longer in season. Adventures, we will say,
-were of course to cease, when giants and monsters
-disappeared. And yet have they totally
-disappeared, and have giants and monsters
-been no where heard of out of the castles and
-forests of our old romancers. ’Tis odds, methinks,
-but, in the sense of <span class="smcap">Elizabeth’s</span> good
-subjects, <span class="smcap">Philip II.</span> might be a <i>giant</i> at least:
-and, without a little of this adventurous spirit,
-it may be a question whether all her enchanters,
-I mean her <span class="smcap">Burleighs</span> and <span class="smcap">Walsinghams</span>,
-would have proved a match for him. I mention
-this the rather to shew you, how little
-obligation his countrymen have to your <span class="smcap">Cervantes</span>
-for laughing away the remains of that
-prowess, which was the best support of the
-<i>Spanish</i> monarchy.</p>
-
-<p>As if, said Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>, the prowess of
-any people were only to be kept alive by their
-running mad. But let the case of the <i>Spaniards</i>
-be what it will, surely we, of this country,
-have little obligation to the spirit of chivalry, if
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_200">200</span>
-it were only that it produced, or encouraged
-at least, and hath now entailed upon us, the
-curse of duelling; which even yet domineers in
-the fashionable world, in spite of all that wit,
-and reason, and religion itself, have done to
-subdue it. ’Tis true, at present this law of
-arms is appealed to only in the case some
-high point of nice and mysterious honour.
-But in the happier days you celebrate, it was
-called in aid, on common occasions. Even
-questions of right and property, you know,
-were determined at the barriers<a id="FNanchor_79" href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">79</a>: and brute
-force was allowed the most equitable, as well
-as shortest, way of deciding all disputes both
-concerning a man’s estate and honour.</p>
-
-<p>You might observe too, interposed Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>,
-that this was the way in which those
-fiercer disputes concerning a mistress, or a
-kingdom, were frequently decided. And, if
-this sort of decision, in such cases, were still
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_201">201</span>
-in use among Christian princes, you might call
-it perhaps a barbarous custom: but would it
-be ever the worse, do you think, for their good
-subjects?</p>
-
-<p>Perhaps it would not, returned Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>,
-in some instances. And yet will you affirm,
-that those <i>good subjects</i> were in any enviable
-situation, under their fighting masters?
-After all, allowing you to put the best construction
-you can on these usages of our forefathers,</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i22">“all we find<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Is, that they did their work and din’d.”<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<p>And though such feats may argue a sound athletic
-constitution, you must excuse me, if I am
-not forward to entertain any high notions of
-their civility.</p>
-
-<p>Their civility, said Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>, is another
-consideration. The <small>HALL</small> and <small>TILT-YARD</small>
-are certainly good proofs of what they are alleged
-for, the hospitality and bravery of our
-ancestors. But it hath not been maintained,
-that these were their only virtues. On the
-contrary, it seems to me, that every flower of
-humanity, every elegance of art and genius,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_202">202</span>
-was cultivated amongst them. For an instance,
-need we look any further than the <small>LAKE</small>, which
-in the flourishing times of this castle was so
-famous, and which we even now trace in the
-winding bed of that fine meadow?</p>
-
-<p>I do not understand you, replied Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>.
-I can easily imagine what an embellishment
-that lake must have been to the castle;
-but am at a loss to conceive what flowers of
-wit and ingenuity, to use your own &aelig;nigmatical
-language, could be raised or so much as
-watered by it.</p>
-
-<p>And, have you then, returned Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>,
-so soon forgotten the large description,
-you gave us just now, of the shows and pageants
-displayed on this lake? And can any
-thing better declare the art, invention, and ingenuity,
-of their conductors? Is not this canal
-as good a memorial of the ardour and success
-with which the finer exercises of the mind were
-pursued in that time, as the tilt-yard, we have
-now left, is of the address and dexterity shewn
-in those of the body?</p>
-
-<p>I remember, said Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>, that many
-of the shows, intended for the queen’s entertainment
-at this place, were exhibited on that
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_203">203</span>
-canal. But as to any art or beauty of contrivance&mdash;</p>
-
-<p>“You see none, I suppose.”</p>
-
-<p>Why truly none, resumed Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>.
-To me they seemed but well enough suited to
-the other barbarities of the time. “The Lady
-of the Lake and her train of Nereids,” was not
-that the principal? And can it pass for any
-thing better than a jumble of <i>Gothic</i> romance
-and pagan fable? a barbarous modern conceit,
-varnished over with a little classical pedantry?</p>
-
-<p>And is that the best word you can afford,
-said Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>, to these ingenious devices?
-The business was, to welcome the Queen
-to this palace, and at the same time to celebrate
-the honours of her government. And what
-more decent way of complimenting a great
-Prince, than through the veil of fiction? or
-what so elegant way of entertaining a learned
-Prince, as by working up that fiction out of
-the old poetical story? And if something of the
-<i>Gothic</i> romance adhered to these classical fictions,
-it was not for any barbarous pleasure,
-that was taken in this patchwork, but that the
-artist found means to incorporate them with
-the highest grace and ingenuity. For what,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_204">204</span>
-in other words, was the <i>Lady of the Lake</i> (the
-particular that gives most offence to your delicacy),
-but the presiding nymph of the stream,
-on which these shews were presented? And, if
-the contrivance was to give us this nymph under
-a name that romance had made familiar,
-what was this but taking advantage of a popular
-prejudice to introduce his fiction with more
-address and probability?</p>
-
-<p>But see the propriety of the scene itself, for
-the designer’s purpose, and the exact decorum
-with which these fanciful personages were
-brought in upon it. It was not enough, that
-the pagan deities were summoned to pay their
-homage to the queen. They were the deities
-of the fount and ocean, the watery nymphs
-and demi-gods: and these were to play their
-part in their own element. Could any preparation
-be more artful for the panegyric designed
-on the naval glory of that reign? Or, could
-any representation be more grateful to the
-queen of the ocean, as <span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span> was then
-called, than such as expressed her sovereignty
-in those regions? Hence the sea-green Nereids,
-the Tritons, and Neptune himself, were the
-proper actors in the drama. And the opportunity
-of this spacious lake gave the easiest introduction
-and most natural appearance to the
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_205">205</span>
-whole scenery. Let me add too, in further
-commendation of the taste which was shewn in
-these agreeable fancies, that the attributes and
-dresses of the deities themselves were studied
-with care; and the most learned poets of the
-time employed to make them speak and act in
-character. So that an old <i>Greek</i> or <i>Roman</i>
-might have applauded the contrivance, and
-have almost fancied himself assisting at a religious
-ceremony in his own country.</p>
-
-<p>And, to shew you that all this propriety was
-intended by the designer himself, and not imagined
-at pleasure by his encomiast; I remember,
-that when, some years after, the earl of
-<span class="smcap">Hertford</span> had the honour to receive the queen
-at his seat in <i>Hampshire</i>, because he had no
-such canal as this in readiness on the occasion,
-he set on a vast number of hands to hollow a
-bason in his park for that purpose. With so
-great diligence and so exact a decorum were
-these entertainments conducted!</p>
-
-<p>Did not I tell you, interposed Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>,
-addressing himself to Mr. <span class="smcap">Digby</span>, to what an
-extravagance the Doctor’s admiration of the ancient
-times would carry him? Could you have
-expected all this harangue on the art, elegance,
-and decorum of <span class="smcap">the princely pleasures of
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_206">206</span>
-Kenelworth</span><a id="FNanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">80</a>? And must not it divert you
-to see the unformed genius of that age tricked
-out in the graces of <i>Roman</i> or even <i>Attic</i> politeness?</p>
-
-<p>Mr. <span class="smcap">Digby</span> acknowledged, it was very generous
-in the Doctor to represent in so fair a
-light the amusements of the ruder ages. But
-I was thinking, said he, to what cause it could
-possibly be owing, that these pagan fancies had
-acquired so general a consideration in the days
-of <span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span>.</p>
-
-<p>The general passion for these fancies, returned
-Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>, was a natural consequence
-of the revival of learning. The first
-books, that came into vogue, were the poets.
-And nothing could be more amusing to rude
-minds, just opening to a taste of letters, than
-the fabulous story of the pagan gods, which is
-constantly interwoven in every piece of ancient
-poetry. Hence the imitative arts of <i>sculpture</i>,
-<i>painting</i>, and <i>poetry</i>, were immediately employed
-in these pagan exhibitions. But this
-was not all. The first artists in every kind
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_207">207</span>
-were of <i>Italy</i>; and it was but natural for them
-to act these fables over again on the very spot
-that had first produced them. These too were
-the masters to the rest of <i>Europe</i>. So that
-<i>fashion</i> concurred with the other prejudices of
-the time, to recommend this practice to the
-learned.</p>
-
-<p>From the men of art and literature the enthusiasm
-spread itself to the great; whose supreme
-delight it was to see the wonders of the
-old poetical story brought forth, and realized,
-as it were, before them<a id="FNanchor_81" href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">81</a>. And what, in truth,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_208">208</span>
-could they do better? For, if I were not a
-little afraid of your raillery, I should desire to
-know what courtly amusements even of our
-time are comparable to the shows and masques,
-which were the delight and improvement of
-the court of <span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span>. I say, the <i>improvement</i>;
-for, besides that these shows were not
-in the number of the <span class="smcap">INERUDIT&AElig; VOLUPTATES</span>,
-so justly characterized and condemned by a
-wise ancient, they were even highly useful and
-instructive. These devices, composed out of
-the poetical history, were not only the vehicles
-of compliment to the great on certain solemn
-occasions, but of the soundest moral lessons,
-which were artfully thrown in, and recommended
-to them by the charm of poetry and
-numbers. Nay, some of these masques were
-moral dramas in form, where the virtues and
-vices were impersonated. We know the cast
-of their composition by what we see of these
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_209">209</span>
-fictions in the next reign; and have reason to
-conceive of them with reverence when we find
-the names of <span class="smcap">Fletcher</span> and <span class="smcap">Jonson</span><a id="FNanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">82</a> to some
-of them. I say nothing of <span class="smcap">Jones</span> and <span class="smcap">Lawes</span>,
-though all the elegance of their respective arts
-was called in to assist the poet in the contrivance
-and execution of these entertainments.</p>
-
-<p>And, now the poets have fallen in my way,
-let me further observe, that the manifest superiority
-of this class of writers in <span class="smcap">Elizabeth’s</span>
-reign, and that of her successor, over all others
-who have succeeded to them, is, among other
-reasons, to be ascribed to the taste which then
-prevailed for these moral representations. This
-taught them to animate and impersonate every
-thing. Rude minds, you will say, naturally
-give into this practice. Without doubt. But
-art and genius do not disdain to cultivate and
-improve it. Hence it is, that we find in the
-phraseology and mode of thinking of that time,
-and of that time only, the essence of the truest
-and sublimest poetry.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_210">210</span></p>
-
-<p>Without doubt, Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span> said, the poetry
-of that time is of a better taste than could
-well have been expected from its barbarism in
-other instances. But such prodigies as <span class="smcap">Shakespear</span>
-and <span class="smcap">Spenser</span> would do great things in
-any age, and under every disadvantage.</p>
-
-<p>Most certainly they would, returned Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>,
-but not the things that you admire
-so much in these immortal writers. And, if
-you will excuse the intermixture of a little philosophy
-in these ramblings, I will attempt to
-account for it.</p>
-
-<p>There is, I think, in the revolutions of taste
-and language, a certain point, which is more
-favourable to the purposes of poetry, than any
-other. It may be difficult to fix this point
-with exactness. But we shall hardly mistake
-in supposing it lies somewhere between the rude
-essays of uncorrected fancy, on the one hand,
-and the refinements of reason and science, on
-the other.</p>
-
-<p>And such appears to have been the condition
-of our language in the age of <span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span>. It
-was pure, strong, and perspicuous, without
-affectation. At the same time, the high figurative
-manner, which fits a language so peculiarly
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_211">211</span>
-for the uses of the poet, had not yet been
-controlled by the prosaic genius of philosophy
-and logic. Indeed, this character had been
-struck so deeply into the <i>English</i> tongue, that
-it was not to be removed by any ordinary improvements
-in either: the reason of which
-might be, the delight which was taken by the
-<i>English</i> very early in their old <small>MYSTERIES</small> and
-<small>MORALITIES</small>; and the continuance of the same
-spirit in succeeding times, by means of their
-<small>MASQUES</small> and <small>TRIUMPHS</small>. And something like
-this, I observe, attended the progress of the
-<i>Greek</i> and <i>Roman</i> poetry; which was the <i>truest</i>
-poetry, on the clown’s maxim in <span class="smcap">Shakespear</span>,
-because it was <i>the most feigning</i><a id="FNanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">83</a>. It had its
-rise, you know, like ours, from religion: and
-pagan religion, of all others, was the properest
-to introduce and encourage a spirit of allegory
-and moral fiction. Hence we easily account
-for the allegoric cast of their old dramas, which
-have a great resemblance to our ancient moralities.
-<span class="smcap">Necessity</span> is brought in as a <i>person of
-the drama</i>, in one of <span class="smcap">&AElig;schylus’s</span> plays; and
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_212">212</span>
-<span class="smcap">Death</span> in one of <span class="smcap">Euripides</span>: to say nothing of
-many shadowy persons in the comedies of
-<span class="smcap">Aristophanes</span>. The truth is, the pagan religion
-<i>deified</i> every thing, and delivered these
-deities into the hand of their painters, sculptors,
-and poets. In like manner, Christian superstition,
-or, if you will, modern barbarism,
-<i>impersonated</i> every thing; and these persons, in
-proper form, subsisted for some time on the stage,
-and almost to our days, in the masques. Hence
-the picturesque style of our old poetry; which
-looks so fanciful in <span class="smcap">Spenser</span>, and which <span class="smcap">Shakespear’s</span>
-genius hath carried to the utmost sublimity.</p>
-
-<p>I will not deny, said Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>, but
-there may be something in this deduction of
-the causes, by which you account for the
-strength and grandeur of the <i>English</i> poetry,
-unpolished as it still was in the hands of <span class="smcap">Elizabeth’s</span>
-great poets. But for the masques
-themselves&mdash;</p>
-
-<p>You forget, I believe, <i>one</i>, interrupted Dr.
-<span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>, which does your favourite poet,
-<span class="smcap">Milton</span>, almost as much honour, as his <i>Paradise
-Lost</i>.&mdash;But I have no mind to engage in
-a further vindication of these fancies. I only
-conclude that the taste of the age, the state of
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_213">213</span>
-letters, the genius of the <i>English</i> tongue,
-was such as gave a manliness to their compositions
-of all sorts, and even an elegance to
-those of the lighter forms, which we might do
-well to emulate, and not deride, in this &aelig;ra of
-politeness.</p>
-
-<p>But I am aware, as you say, I have been
-transported too far. My design was only to
-hint to you, in opposition to your invective
-against the memory of the old times, awakened
-in us by the sight of this castle, that what
-you object to is capable of a much fairer interpretation.
-You have a proof of it, in two
-or three instances; in their festivals, their exercises,
-and their poetical fictions: or, to express
-myself in the classical forms, you have
-seen by this view of their <small>CONVIVIAL</small>, <small>GYMNASTIC</small>,
-and <small>MUSICAL</small> character, that the times of
-<span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span> may pass for golden, notwithstanding
-what a fondness for this age of baser metal
-may incline us to represent it.</p>
-
-<p>In the mean time, these smaller matters
-have drawn me aside from my main purpose.
-What surprised me most, pursued he, was to
-hear you speak so slightly, I would not call it
-by a worse name, of the <small>GOVERNMENT</small> of <span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span>.
-Of the manners and tastes of different
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_214">214</span>
-ages, different persons, according to their
-views of things, will judge very differently.
-But plain facts speak so strongly in favour of
-the policy of that reign, and the superior talents
-of the sovereign, that I could not but
-take it for the wantonness of opposition in you
-to espouse the contrary opinion. And, now I
-am warmed by this slight skirmish, I am even
-bold enough to dare you to a defence of it; if,
-indeed, you were serious in advancing that
-strange paradox. At least, I could wish to
-hear upon what grounds you would justify so
-severe an attack on the reverend administration
-of that reign, supported by the wisdom of such
-men as <span class="smcap">Cecil</span> and <span class="smcap">Walsingham</span>, under the
-direction of so accomplished a princess as our
-<span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span>. Your manner of defending even
-the wrong side of the question will, at least, be
-entertaining. And, I think, I may answer for
-our young friend, that his curiosity will lead
-him to join me in this request to you.</p>
-
-<p>Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span> said, He did not expect to be
-called to so severe an account for what had
-escaped him on this subject. But, though I
-was ever so willing, continued he, to oblige
-you, this is no time or place for entering on
-such a controversy. We have not yet compleated
-the round of these buildings. And I
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_215">215</span>
-would fain, methinks, make the circuit of that
-pleasant meadow. Besides its having been
-once, in another form, the scene of those shows
-you described so largely to us, it will deserve
-to be visited for the sake of the many fine views
-which, as we wind along it, we may promise
-to ourselves of these ruins.</p>
-
-<p>You forget my bad legs, said Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>
-smiling; otherwise, I suppose, we can
-neither of us have any dislike to your proposal.
-But, as you please: let us descend from these
-heights. We may resume the conversation, as
-we walk along: and especially, as you propose,
-when we get down into that valley.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_216">216</span><br />
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_217">217</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="xx-large">DIALOGUE IV.<br />
-
-<small>ON THE</small><br />
-
-<span class="x-large">GOLDEN AGE OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.</span><br />
-
-<small>BETWEEN</small><br />
-
-<span class="large">THE HON. ROBERT DIGBY,<br />
-
-DR. ARBUTHNOT,</span><br />
-
-<small>AND</small><br />
-
-<span class="large">MR. ADDISON.</span></h2>
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_218">218</span><br />
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_219">219</span></p>
-
-<h2 id="DIALOGUE_IV">DIALOGUE IV.<br />
-
-<span class="medium">ON THE AGE OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.</span></h2>
-
-<h3>MR. DIGBY, DR. ARBUTHNOT,
-MR. ADDISON.</h3>
-
-<p class="drop"><span class="uppercase">But</span> do you consider, said Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>,
-as they descended into the valley, what an invidious
-task you are going to impose upon me?
-One cannot call in question a common opinion
-in any indifferent matter, without the appearance
-of some degree of perverseness. But to
-do it in a case of this importance, where the
-greatest authorities stand in the way, and the
-glory of one of our princes is concerned, will,
-I doubt, be liable to the imputation of something
-worse than singularity. For, besides
-that you will be apt to upbraid me, in the
-words of the poet,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_220">220</span></p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i12">Nullum memorabile nomen<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Fœmine&acirc; in pœn&acirc; est, nec habet victoria laudem,<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<p>such a liberty of censure is usually taken for
-an argument, not of discourtesy or presumption
-only, but of ill-nature. At best, the attempt
-to arraign the virtues and government of
-<span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span> will appear but like the idleness of
-the old sophists, who, you know, were never
-so well pleased as when they were controverting
-some acknowledged fact, or assaulting some
-established character.</p>
-
-<p>That censure might be just enough, Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>
-said, of the old sophists, who had
-nothing in view but the credit of their own
-skill in the arts of disputation. But in this
-friendly debate, which means nothing more
-than private amusement, I see no colour for
-such apprehensions.</p>
-
-<p>But what shall we say, interposed Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>,
-to another difficulty? The subject is
-very large; and it seems no easy matter to reduce
-it into any distinct order. Besides, my
-business is not so much to advance any thing
-of my own, as to object to what others have
-advanced concerning the fame and virtues of
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_221">221</span>
-<span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span>. And to this end, I must desire
-to know the particulars on which you are disposed
-to lay the greatest stress, and indeed to
-have some plan of the subject delivered in to
-me, which may serve, as it were, for the groundwork
-of the whole conversation.</p>
-
-<p>I must not presume, said Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>,
-to prescribe the order in which your attack on
-the great queen shall be conducted. The subject,
-indeed, is large. But this common route
-of history is well known to all of us. To that,
-then, you may well enough refer, without being
-at the trouble, before you go to work, of
-laying foundations. Or, if you will needs have
-a basis to build upon, what if I just run over
-the several circumstances which I conceive to
-make most for the credit of that reign? A
-sketch of this sort, I suppose, will answer all
-the ends of the plan, you seem to require of
-me.</p>
-
-<p>Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span> agreed to this proposal; which
-he thought would be of use to shorten the debate,
-or at least to render the progress of it
-more clear and intelligible.</p>
-
-<p>In few words then, resumed Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>,
-the reasons, that have principally determined
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_222">222</span>
-me to an admiration of the government
-and character of queen <span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span>, are such as
-these: “That she came to the crown with all
-possible disadvantages; which yet, by the prudence
-and vigour of her counsels, she entirely
-overcame: that she triumphed over the greatest
-foreign and domestic dangers: that she humbled
-the most formidable power in <i>Europe</i> by her
-arms; and composed, or checked at least, by
-the firmness of her administration, <small>TWO</small>, the
-most implacable and fiery factions at home:
-that she kept down the rebellious spirit of <i>Ireland</i>,
-and eluded the constant intrigues of her
-restless neighbours, the <i>Scots</i>: that she fixed
-our religious establishment on solid grounds;
-and countenanced, or rather conducted, the
-Protestant cause abroad: that she made her
-civil authority respected by her subjects; and
-raised the military glory of the nation, both by
-sea and land, to the greatest height: that she
-employed the ablest servants, and enacted the
-wisest laws: by all which means it came to
-pass that she lived in a constant good understanding
-with her parliaments, was idolized by
-her people, and admired and envied by all the
-rest of the world.”</p>
-
-<p>Alas, said Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>, I shall never be
-able to follow you through all the particulars
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_223">223</span>
-of this encomium: and, to say the truth, it
-would be to little purpose; since the wisdom
-of her policy, in all these instances of her government,
-can only be estimated from a careful
-perusal of the histories of that time; too numerous
-and contradictory to be compared and
-adjusted in this conversation. All I can do,
-continued he, after taking a moment or two to
-recollect himself, is to abate the force of this
-panegyric by some general observations of the
-<small>CIRCUMSTANCES</small> and <small>GENIUS</small> of that time; and
-then to consider the personal <small>QUALITIES</small> of the
-queen, which are thought to reflect so great a
-lustre on her government.</p>
-
-<p>As you please, Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span> replied.
-We shall hardly lose ourselves in this beaten
-field of history. And, besides, as your undertaking
-is so adventurous, it is but reasonable
-you should have the choice of your own method.</p>
-
-<p>You are in the common opinion, I perceive,
-resumed Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>, that <span class="smcap">Elizabeth’s</span> government
-was attended with all possible disadvantages.
-On the contrary, it appears to me
-that the security and even splendour of her
-reign is chiefly to be accounted for from the
-fortunate <small>CIRCUMSTANCES</small> of her situation.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_224">224</span></p>
-
-<p>Of these the <small>FIRST</small>, that demands our notice,
-is the great affair of religion.</p>
-
-<p>The principles of <span class="smcap">Protestantism</span> had now
-for many years been working among the people.
-They had grown to that head in the short reign
-of <span class="smcap">Edward VI.</span> that the bloody severities of
-his successor served only to exasperate the zeal,
-with which these principles had been embraced
-and promoted. <span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span>, coming to the
-crown at this juncture, was determined, as well
-by interest as inclination, to take the side of
-the new religion. I say by <i>interest</i>, as well as
-inclination. And, I think, I have reason for
-the assertion. For though the persons in
-power, and the clergy throughout the kingdom,
-were generally professed papists; yet
-they were most of them such as had conformed
-in king <span class="smcap">Edward’s</span> days, and were not therefore
-much to be feared for any tie, their <i>profession</i>
-could really have on their consciences.
-Whereas, on the other hand, it was easy to
-see, from many symptoms, that the general
-bent of the nation was towards Protestantism;
-and that, too, followed with a spirit, which
-must in the end prevail over all opposition.
-Under these circumstances, then, it was natural
-for the queen, if she had not been otherwise
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_225">225</span>
-led by her principles, and the interest of her
-title, to favour the Reformation.</p>
-
-<p>The truth is, she came into it herself so
-heartily, and provided so effectually for its
-establishment, that we are not to wonder she
-became the idol of the Reformed, at the
-same time that the papal power through all
-<i>Europe</i> was confederated against her. The
-enthusiasm of her Protestant subjects was prodigious.
-It was raised by other considerations;
-but confirmed in all orders of the state by the
-ease they felt in their deliverance from the tyranny
-of the church; and in the great especially,
-by the sweets they tasted in their enjoyment
-of the church-revenues. It was, in short,
-one of those extraordinary conjunctures, in
-which the public danger becomes the public security;
-when religion and policy, conscience and
-interest, unite their powers to support the authority
-of the prince, and to give fidelity, vigour,
-and activity to the obedience of the subject.</p>
-
-<p>And thus it was, continued he, that so warm
-and unconquerable a zeal appeared in defence
-of the queen against all attempts of her enemies.
-Her people were so thoroughly Protestant,
-as to think no expence of her government
-too great, provided they could but be secured
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_226">226</span>
-from relapsing into Popery. And her parliaments
-were disposed to wave all disputes about
-the stretch of her prerogative, from a sense of
-their own and the common danger.</p>
-
-<p>In magnifying this advantage of the zeal and
-union of <span class="smcap">Elizabeth’s</span> good subjects, you forgot,
-said Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>, that two restless and
-inveterate factions were contending, all her lifetime,
-within her own kingdom.</p>
-
-<p>I am so far from forgetting that circumstance,
-returned Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>, that I esteem it <small>ANOTHER</small>
-of the great advantages of her situation.</p>
-
-<p>The contrary tendencies of those factions in
-some respects defeated each other. But the
-principal use of them was, that, by means of
-their practices, some domestic plot, or foreign
-alarm, was always at hand, to quicken the zeal
-and inflame the loyalty of her people. But to
-be a little more particular about the factions of
-her reign.</p>
-
-<p>The <span class="smcap">Papist</span> was, in truth, the only one she
-had reason to be alarmed at. The <span class="smcap">Puritan</span>
-had but just begun to shew himself, though indeed
-with that ferocity of air and feature,
-which signified clearly enough what spirit he
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_227">227</span>
-was of, and what, in good time, he was likely
-to come to. Yet even he was kept in tolerable
-humour, by a certain commodious policy of
-the queen; which was, so to divide her regards
-betwixt the Church and the Puritans, as
-made it the interest of both to keep well with
-her. ’Tis true, these last felt the weight of her
-resentment sometimes, when they ventured too
-saucily to oppose themselves to the establishment.
-But this was rarely, and by halves:
-and, when checked with the most rigour, they
-had the satisfaction to see their patrons continue
-in the highest places at court, and, what
-is more, in the highest degree of personal
-favour.</p>
-
-<p>And what doth all this shew, interrupted
-Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>, but that she managed so well
-as to disarm a furious faction, or rather make
-it serve against the bent of its nature, to the
-wise ends of her government?</p>
-
-<p>As to any wise ends of government, I see
-none, replied Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>, deserving to be so
-called, that were answered by her uncertain
-conduct towards the Puritans. For she neither
-restrained them with that severity, which might
-perhaps have prevented their growth, at first;
-nor shewed them that entire indulgence, which
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_228">228</span>
-might have disabled their fury afterwards. It
-is true, this temporizing conduct was well
-enough adapted to prevent disturbances in her
-own time. But large materials were laid in
-for that terrible combustion, which was soon
-to break forth under one of her successors.</p>
-
-<p>And so, instead of imputing the disasters
-that followed, said Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>, to the ill-government
-of the <span class="smcap">Stuarts</span>, you are willing to
-lay the whole guilt of them on this last and
-greatest of the <span class="smcap">Tudors</span>. This is a new way of
-defending that royal house; and, methinks,
-they owe you no small acknowledgments for it.
-I confess, it never occurred to me to make that
-apology for them.</p>
-
-<p>Though I would not undertake, said Mr.
-<span class="smcap">Addison</span>, to make their apology from this, or
-any other, circumstance; I do indeed believe
-that part of the difficulties the house of <span class="smcap">Stuart</span>
-had to encounter, were brought upon them by
-this wretched policy of their predecessor. But,
-waving this consideration, I desire you will
-take notice of what I chiefly insist upon,
-“That the ease and security of <span class="smcap">Elizabeth’s</span>
-administration was even favoured by the turbulent
-practices and clashing views of her domestic
-factions.” The <span class="smcap">Puritan</span> was an instrument,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_229">229</span>
-in her hands, of controuling the church,
-and of balancing the power of her ministers:
-besides that this sort of people were, of all
-others, the most inveterate against the common
-enemy. And for the <span class="smcap">Papists</span> themselves (not
-to insist that, of course, they would be strictly
-watched, and that they were not, perhaps, so
-considerable as to create any immediate danger<a id="FNanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">84</a>),
-the general abhorrence both of their principles
-and designs had the greatest effect in
-uniting more closely, and cementing, as it were,
-the affections of the rest of her subjects. So
-that, whether within or without, the common
-danger, as I expressed it, was the common
-safety.</p>
-
-<p>Still, said Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>, I must think this
-a very extraordinary conclusion. I have no
-idea of the security of the great queen, surrounded,
-as she was, by her domestic and foreign
-enemies.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_230">230</span></p>
-
-<p>Her foreign enemies, returned Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>,
-were less formidable than they appear at first
-view. And I even make the condition of the
-neighbouring powers on the Continent, in her
-time, a <small>THIRD</small> instance of the signal advantages
-of her situation.</p>
-
-<p>It is true, if a perfect union had subsisted
-between the Catholic princes, the papal thunders
-would have carried terror with them. But,
-as it was, they were powerless and ineffectual.
-The civil wars of <i>France</i>, and its constant jealousy
-of <i>Spain</i>, left the queen but little to apprehend
-from that quarter. The <i>Spanish</i> empire,
-indeed, was vast, and under the direction
-of a bigoted vindictive prince. But the administration
-was odious and corrupt in every
-part. So that wise men saw there was more of
-bulk than of force in that unwieldy monarchy.
-And the successful struggles of a handful of its
-subjects, inflamed by the love of liberty, and
-made furious by oppression, proclaimed its
-weakness to all the world.</p>
-
-<p>It may be true, interrupted Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>,
-that the queen had less to fear from the princes
-on the Continent, than is sometimes represented.
-But you forget, in this survey of the
-public dangers, the distractions of <span class="smcap">Ireland</span>,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_231">231</span>
-and the restless intrigues of her near neighbours,
-the <span class="smcap">Scots</span>: both of them assisted by
-<i>Spain</i>; and these last under the peculiar influence
-and direction of the <span class="smcap">Guises</span>.</p>
-
-<p>You shall have my opinion, returned Mr.
-<span class="smcap">Addison</span>, in few words.</p>
-
-<p>For the <span class="smcap">Irish</span> distractions, it was not the
-queen’s intention, or certainly it was not her
-fortune, to compose them: I mean, during the
-greatest part of her reign; for we are now
-speaking of the general tenor of her policy.
-Towards the close of it, indeed, she made some
-vigorous attempts to break the spirits of those
-savages. And it was high time she should.
-For, through her faint proceedings against them,
-they had grown to that insolence, as to think
-of setting up for an independency on <i>England</i>.
-Nay, the presumption of that arch-rebel <span class="smcap">Tyrone</span>,
-countenanced and abetted by <i>Spain</i>,
-seemed to threaten the queen with still further
-mischiefs. The extreme dishonour and even
-peril of this situation roused her old age, at
-length, to the resolution of taking some effectual
-measures. The preparation was great, and
-suitable to the undertaking. It must, further,
-be owned, it succeeded: but so late, that she
-herself did not live to see the full effect of it.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_232">232</span>
-However, this success is reckoned among the
-glories of her reign. In the mean time, it is
-not considered that nothing but her ill policy,
-in suffering the disorders of that country to
-gather to a head, made way for this glory. I
-call it her <i>ill policy</i>, for unless it were rather
-owing to her excessive frugality<a id="FNanchor_85" href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">85</a> one can hardly
-help thinking she designed to perpetuate the
-<i>Irish</i> distractions. At least, it was agreeable
-to a favourite maxim of hers, to check, and not
-to suppress them. And I think it clear, from
-the manner of prosecuting the war, that, till
-this last alarm, she never was in earnest about
-putting an end to it.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_233">233</span></p>
-
-<p><span class="smcap">Scotland</span>, indeed, demanded a more serious
-attention. Yet the weak distracted counsels of
-that court&mdash;a minor king&mdash;a captive queen&mdash;and
-the unsettled state of <i>France</i> itself, which
-defeated in a good degree the malice of the
-<span class="smcap">Guises</span>&mdash;were favourable circumstances.</p>
-
-<p>But to be fair with you (for I would appear
-in the light of a reasonable objector, not a captious
-wrangler); I allow her policy in this instance
-to have been considerable. She kept a
-watchful eye on the side of <i>Scotland</i>. And,
-though many circumstances concurred to favour
-her designs, it must be owned they were
-not carried without much care and some wisdom.</p>
-
-<p>I understand the value of this concession,
-replied Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>. It must have been
-no common degree of both, that extorted it
-from you.</p>
-
-<p>I decline entering further, said Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>,
-into the public transactions of that reign;
-if it were only that, at this distance of time, it
-may be no easy matter to determine any thing
-of the policy, with which they were conducted.
-Only give me leave to add, as a <small>FOURTH</small> instance
-of the favourable circumstances of the
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_234">234</span>
-time, “That the prerogative was then in its
-height, and that a patient people allowed the
-queen to use it on all occasions.” Hence the
-apparent vigour and firmness of her administration:
-and hence the opportunity (which is so
-rarely found in our country) of directing the
-whole strength of the nation to any end of government,
-which the glory of the prince or
-the public interest required.</p>
-
-<p>What you impute to the high strain of prerogative,
-returned Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>, might rather
-be accounted for from the ability of her
-government, and the wise means she took to
-support it. The principal of these was, by employing
-the <small>GREATEST MEN</small> in the several departments
-of her administration. Every kind
-of merit was encouraged by her smile<a id="FNanchor_86" href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">86</a>, or rewarded
-by her bounty. Virtue, she knew,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_235">235</span>
-would thrive best on its native stock, a generous
-emulation. This she promoted by all
-means; by her royal countenance, by a temperate
-and judicious praise, by the wisest distribution
-of her preferments. Hence would
-naturally arise that confidence in the queen’s
-counsels and undertakings, which the servile
-awe of her prerogative could never have occasioned.</p>
-
-<p>This is the true account of the loyalty,
-obedience, and fidelity, by which her servants
-were distinguished. And thus, in fact, it was
-that, throughout her kingdom, there was every
-where that reverence of authority<a id="FNanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">87</a>, that sense
-of honour, that conscience of duty, in a word,
-that gracious simplicity of manners, which
-renders the age of <span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span> truly <small>GOLDEN</small>:
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_236">236</span>
-as presenting the fairest picture of humanity,
-that is to be met with in the accounts of any
-people.</p>
-
-<p>It is true, as you say, interposed Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>,
-that <i>this picture is a fair one</i>. But
-of what is it a copy? Of the <span class="smcap">Genius</span> of the
-time, or of the queen’s virtues? You shall
-judge for yourself, after I have laid before you
-<small>TWO</small> remarkable events of that age, which
-could not but have the greatest effect on the
-public manners; I mean, <small>THE REFORMATION
-OF RELIGION</small>, and what was introductory of it,
-<small>THE RESTORATION OF LETTERS</small>. From these,
-as their proper sources, I would derive the
-ability and fidelity of <span class="smcap">Elizabeth’s</span> good subjects.</p>
-
-<p>The passion for <small>LETTERS</small> was extreme. The
-novelty of these studies, the artifices that had
-been used to keep men from them, their apparent
-uses, and, perhaps, some confused notion
-of a certain diviner virtue than really belongs
-to them; these causes concurred to excite
-a curiosity in all, and determined those, who
-had leisure, as well as curiosity, to make themselves
-acquainted with the <i>Greek</i> and <i>Roman</i>
-learning. The ecclesiastics, who, for obvious
-reasons, would be the first and most earnest in
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_237">237</span>
-their application to letters, were not the only
-persons transported with this zeal. The gentry
-and nobility themselves were seized with it.
-A competent knowledge of the old writers was
-looked upon as essential to a gentleman’s education.
-So that <i>Greek</i> and <i>Latin</i> became as
-fashionable at court in those days, as <i>French</i> is
-in ours. <span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span> herself, which I wonder
-you did not put me in mind of, was well
-skilled in both<a id="FNanchor_88" href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">88</a>; they say, employed her
-leisure in making some fine translations out of
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_238">238</span>
-either language. It is easy to see what effect
-this general attention to letters must have on
-the minds of the liberal and well-educated.
-And it was a happiness peculiar to that age,
-that learning, though cultivated with such zeal,
-had not as yet degenerated into pedantry: I
-mean, that, in those stirring and active times,
-it was cultivated, not so much for show, as
-use; and was not followed, as it soon came to
-be, to the exclusion of other generous and
-manly applications.</p>
-
-<p>Consider, too, the effects, which the alterations
-in <small>RELIGION</small> had produced. As they had
-been lately made, as their importance was great,
-and as the benefits of the change had been
-earned at the expence of much blood and labour:
-all these considerations begot a zeal for
-religion, which hardly ever appears under other
-circumstances. This zeal had an immediate
-and very sensible effect on the morals of the
-Reformed. It improved them in every instance;
-especially as it produced a cheerful
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_239">239</span>
-submission to the government, which had rescued
-them from their former slavery, and was
-still their only support against the returning
-dangers of superstition. Thus religion, acting
-with all its power, and that, too, heightened
-by gratitude and even self-interest, bound
-obedience on the minds of men with the
-strongest ties<a id="FNanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">89</a>. And luckily for the queen,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_240">240</span>
-this obedience was further secured to her by
-the high uncontroverted notions of royalty,
-which, at that time, obtained amongst the
-people.</p>
-
-<p>Lay all this together; and then tell me
-where is the wonder that a people, now
-emerging out of ignorance; uncorrupted by
-wealth, and therefore undebauched by luxury;
-trained to obedience, and nurtured in simplicity;
-but, above all, caught with the love of
-learning and religion, while neither of them
-was worn for fashion-sake, or, what is worse,
-perverted to the ends of vanity or ambition;
-where, say, is the wonder that such a people
-should present so bright a picture of manner’s
-to their admiring panegyrist?
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_241">241</span></p>
-
-<p>To be fair with you; it was one of those
-conjunctures, in which the active virtues are
-called forth, and rewarded. The dangers of
-the time had roused the spirit, and brought out
-all the force and genius, of the nation. A sort
-of enthusiasm had fired every man with the
-ambition of exerting the full strength of his
-faculties, which way soever they pointed, whether
-to the field, the closet, or the cabinet.
-Hence such a crop of soldiers, scholars, and
-statesmen had sprung up, as have rarely been
-seen to flourish together in any country. And
-as all owed their duty, it was the fashion of the
-times for all to bring their pretensions, to the
-court. So that, where the multitude of candidates
-was so great, it had been strange indeed,
-if an ordinary discretion had not furnished the
-queen with able servants of all sorts; and the
-rather, as her occasions loudly called upon her
-to employ the ablest.</p>
-
-<p>I was waiting, said Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>, to see
-to what conclusion this career of your eloquence
-would at length drive you. And it hath happened
-in this case, as in most others where a
-favourite point is to be carried, that a zeal for
-it is indulged, though at the expence of some
-other of more importance. Rather than admit
-the personal virtues of the queen, you fill her
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_242">242</span>
-court, nay, her kingdom, with heroes and sages:
-and so have paid a higher compliment to her
-reign, than I had intended.</p>
-
-<p>To her <i>reign</i>, if you will, replied Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>,
-so far as regards the qualities and dispositions
-of her subjects: for I will not lessen the
-merit of this concession with you, by insisting,
-as I might, that their <i>manners</i>, respectable as
-they were, were debased by the contrary, yet
-very consistent, vices of servility and insolence<a id="FNanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">90</a>;
-and their virtues of every kind deformed by,
-barbarism. But, for the queen’s own merit in
-the choice of her servants, I must take leave to
-declare my sentiments to you very plainly. It
-may be true, that she possessed a good degree
-of sagacity in discerning the natures and talents
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_243">243</span>
-of men. It was the virtue by which, her admirers
-tell us, she was principally distinguished.
-Yet, that the high fame of this virtue hath
-been owing to the felicity of the times, abounding
-in all sorts of merit, rather than to her own
-judgment, I think clear from this circumstance,
-“That some of the most deserving of those
-days, in their several professions, had not the
-fortune to attract the queen’s grace, in the proportion
-they might have expected.” I say
-nothing of poor <span class="smcap">Spenser</span>. Who has any concern
-for a poet<a id="FNanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">91</a>? But if merit alone had determined
-her majesty’s choice, it will hardly at
-this day admit a dispute, that the immortal
-<span class="smcap">Hooker</span> and <span class="smcap">Bacon</span><a id="FNanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">92</a>, at least, had ranked
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_244">244</span>
-in another class than that, in which this great
-discerner of spirits thought fit to leave them.</p>
-
-<p>And her character; continued he, in every
-other respect is just as equivocal. For having
-touched one part of it, I now turn from these
-general considerations on the circumstances
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_245">245</span>
-and genius of the time, to our more immediate
-subject, the <small>PERSONAL QUALITIES</small> of <span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span>.
-Hitherto we have stood aloof from the queen’s
-person. But there is no proceeding a step further
-in this debate, unless you allow me a little
-more liberty. May I then be permitted to
-draw the veil of <span class="smcap">Elizabeth’s</span> court, and, by the
-lights which history holds out to us, contemplate
-the mysteries, that were celebrated in that
-awful sanctuary?</p>
-
-<p>After so reverend a preface, replied Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>,
-I think you may be indulged in this
-liberty. And the rather, as I am not apprehensive
-that the honour of the illustrious queen
-is likely to suffer by it. The secrets of her
-cabinet-council, it may be, are not to be
-scanned by the profane. But it will be no presumption
-to step into the drawing-room.</p>
-
-<p>Yet I may be tempted, said Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>,
-to use a freedom in this survey of her majesty,
-that would not have been granted to her most
-favoured courtiers. As far as I can judge of
-her character, as displayed in that solemn scene
-of her court, she had some apparent <small>VIRTUES</small>,
-but more genuine <small>VICES</small>; which yet, in the
-public eye, had equally the fortune to reflect
-a lustre on her government.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_246">246</span></p>
-
-<p>Her gracious affability, her love of her people,
-her zeal for the national glory; were not
-these her more obvious and specious qualities?
-Yet I doubt they were not so much the proper
-effects of her nature, as her policy; a set of
-spurious virtues, begotten by the very necessity
-of her affairs.</p>
-
-<p>For her <small>AFFABILITY</small>, she saw there was no
-way of being secure amidst the dangers of all
-sorts, with which she was surrounded; but by
-ingratiating herself with the body of the people.
-And, though in her nature she was as
-little inclined to this condescension as any of
-her successors, yet the expediency of this measure
-compelled her to save appearances. And
-it must be owned, she did it with grace, and
-even acted her part with spirit. Possibly the
-consideration of her being a female actor, was
-no disadvantage to her.</p>
-
-<p>But, when she had made this sacrifice to interest,
-her proper temper shewed itself clearly
-enough in the treatment of her nobles, and of
-all that came within the verge of the court.
-Her caprice, and jealousy, and haughtiness,
-appeared in a thousand instances. She took
-offence so easily, and forgave so difficultly,
-that even her principal ministers could hardly
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_247">247</span>
-keep their ground, and were often obliged to
-redeem her favour by the lowest submissions.
-When nothing else would do, they sickened,
-and were even at death’s door: from which
-peril, however, she would sometimes relieve
-them; but not till she had exacted from them,
-in the way of penance, a course of the most
-mortifying humiliations. Nay, the very ladies
-of her court had no way to maintain their
-credit with her, but by, submitting patiently
-to the last indignities.</p>
-
-<p>It is allowed, from the instances you have in
-view, returned Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>, that her nature
-was something high and imperious. But
-these sallies of passion might well enough consist
-with her general character of affability.</p>
-
-<p>Hardly, as I conceive, answered Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>,
-if you reflect that these sallies, or rather
-habits of passion, were the daily terror
-and vexation of all about her. Her very minions
-seemed raised for no other purpose, than
-the exercise of her ill-humour. They were encouraged,
-by her smile, to presume on the
-royal countenance, and then beaten down
-again in punishment of that presumption.
-But, to say the truth, the slavish temper of
-the time was favourable to such exertions of
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_248">248</span>
-female caprice and tyranny. Her imperious
-father, all whose virtues, she inherited, had
-taught her a sure way to quell the spirit of her
-nobles. They had been long used to stand in
-awe of the royal frown. And the people were
-pleased to find their betters ruled with so high
-a hand, at a time when they themselves were
-addressed with every expression of respect, and
-even flattery.</p>
-
-<p>She even carried this mockery so far, that,
-as <span class="smcap">Harrington</span> observes well, “she converted
-her reign, through the perpetual love-tricks
-that passed between her and her people, into
-a kind of romance.” And though that political
-projector, in prosecution of his favourite notion,
-supposes the queen to have been determined
-to these intrigues by observing, that
-the weight of property was fallen into the popular
-scale; yet we need look no further for an
-account of this proceeding, than the inherent
-haughtiness of her temper. She gratified the
-insolence of her nature, in neglecting, or rather
-beating down, her nobility, whose greatness
-might seem to challenge respect: while
-the court, she paid to the people, revolted her
-pride less, as passing only upon herself, as
-well as others, for a voluntary act of affability.
-Just as we every day see very proud men carry
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_249">249</span>
-it with much loftiness towards their equals, or
-those who and raised to some nearness of degree
-to themselves; at the same time that they
-affect a sort of courtesy to such, as are confessedly
-beneath them.</p>
-
-<p>You see, then, what her boasted affability
-comes to. She gave good words to her people,
-whom it concerned her to be well with, and
-whom her pride itself allowed her to <i>manage</i>:
-she insulted her nobles, whom she had in her
-power, and whose abasement flattered the idea,
-she doted upon, of her own superiority and importance<a id="FNanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">93</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Let the queen’s manner of treating her subjects
-be what it would, Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span> said,
-it appears to have given no offence in those
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_250">250</span>
-days, when the sincerity of her intentions was
-never questioned. Her whole life is a convincing
-argument; that she bore the most entire
-affection to her people.</p>
-
-<p><span class="smcap">Her love of her people</span>, returned Mr.
-<span class="smcap">Addison</span> hastily, is with me a very questionable
-virtue. For what account shall we give
-of the multitude of penal statutes, passed in
-her reign? Or, because you will say, there
-was some colour for these; what excuse shall
-we make for her frequent grants of monopolies,
-so ruinous to the public wealth and happiness,
-and so perpetually complained of by her parliaments?
-You will say, she recalled them.
-She did so. But not till the general indignation
-had, in a manner, forced her to recall
-them. If by her <i>people</i>, be meant those of
-the poorer and baser sort only, it may be allowed,
-she seemed on all occasions willing to
-spare them. But for those of better rank and
-fortune, she had no such consideration. On
-the other hand, she contrived in many ways to
-pillage and distress them. It was the tameness
-of that time, to submit to every imposition
-of the sovereign. She had only to command
-her gentry on any service she thought fit, and
-they durst not decline it. How many of her
-wealthiest and best subjects did she impoverish
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_251">251</span>
-by these means (though under colour, you may
-be sure, of her high favour); and sometimes by
-her very visits! I will not be certain, added he,
-that her visit to this pompous castle of her own
-<span class="smcap">Leicester</span>, had any other intention.</p>
-
-<p>But what, above all, are we to think of her
-vow of celibacy, and her obstinate refusal to
-settle the succession, though at the constant
-hazard of the public peace and safety?</p>
-
-<p>You are hard put to it, I perceive, interrupted.
-Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>, to impeach the character
-of the queen in this instance, when a few
-penal laws, necessary to the support of her
-crown in that time of danger; one wrong measure
-of her government, and that corrected;
-the ordinary use of her prerogative; and even
-her virginity; are made crimes of. But I am
-curious to hear what you have to object to her
-<span class="smcap">zeal for the English glory</span>, carried so high
-in her reign; and the single point, as it seems
-to me, to which all her measures and all her
-counsels were directed.</p>
-
-<p>The <i>English</i> glory, Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span> said, may,
-perhaps, mean the state and independency of
-the crown. And then, indeed, I have little to
-object. But, in any other sense of the word,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_252">252</span>
-I have sometimes presumed to question with
-myself, if it had not been better consulted, by
-more effectual assistance of the Reformed on
-the Continent; by a more vigorous prosecution
-of the war against <i>Spain</i><a id="FNanchor_94" href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">94</a>; as I hinted
-before, by a more complete reduction of <i>Ireland</i>.
-But say, we are no judges of those high
-matters. What glory accrued to the <i>English</i>
-name, by the insidious dealing with the queen
-of <i>Scots</i>; by the vindictive proceedings
-against the duke of <i>Norfolk</i>; by the merciless
-persecutions of the unhappy earl of <i>Essex</i>?
-The same spirit, you see, continued from the
-beginning of this reign to the end of it. And
-the observation is the better worth attending
-to, because some have excused the queen’s
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_253">253</span>
-treatment of <span class="smcap">Essex</span> by saying, “That her nature,
-in that decline of life, was somewhat
-clouded by apprehensions; as the horizon, they
-observe, in the evening of the brightest day,
-is apt to be obscured by vapours<a id="FNanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">95</a>.” As if this
-fanciful simile, which illustrates perhaps, could
-excuse, the perverseness of the queen’s temper;
-or, as if that could deserve to pass for an
-incident of age, which operated through life;
-and so declares itself to have been the proper
-result of her nature.</p>
-
-<p>You promised, interposed Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>,
-not to pry too closely into the secrets of the
-cabinet. And such I must needs esteem the
-points to be, which you have mentioned. But
-enough of these beaten topics. I would rather
-attend you in the survey you promised to take
-of her court, and of the princely qualities that
-adorned it. It is from what passes in the inside
-of his palace, rather than from some questionable
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_254">254</span>
-public acts, that the real character of
-a prince is best determined. And there, methinks,
-you have a scene opened to you, that
-deserves your applause. Nothing appears but
-what is truly royal. Nobody knew better,
-than <span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span>, how to support the decorum
-of her rank. She presided in that high orb
-with the dignity of a great queen. In all
-emergencies of danger, she shewed a firmness,
-and, on all occasions of ceremony, a magnificence,
-that commanded respect and admiration.
-Her very diversions were tempered with
-a severity becoming her sex and place, and
-which made her court, even in its lightest and
-gayest humours, a school of virtue.</p>
-
-<p>These are the points, concluded he, I could
-wish you to speak to. The rest may be left to
-the judgment of the historian, or rather to the
-curiosity of the nice and critical politician.</p>
-
-<p>You shall be obeyed, Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span> said.
-I thought it not amiss to take off the glare
-of those applauded qualities, which have dazzled
-the public at a distance, by shewing that they
-were either feigned or over-rated. But I come
-now to unmask the real character of this renowned
-princess. I shall paint her freely indeed,
-but truly as she appears to me. And,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_255">255</span>
-to speak my mind at once; I think it is not so
-much to her virtues, which at best were equivocal,
-as to her very <small>VICES</small>, that we are to impute
-the popular admiration of her character
-and government.</p>
-
-<p>I before took notice of the high, indecent
-<small>PASSION</small>, she discovered towards her courtiers.
-This fierceness of temper in the softer sex was
-taken for heroism; and, falling in with the
-slavish principles of the age, begot a degree of
-reverence in her subjects, which a more equal,
-that is a more becoming, deportment would
-not have produced. Hence, she was better
-served than most of our princes, only because
-she was more feared; in other words, because
-she less deserved to be so. But high as she
-would often carry herself in this unprincely, I
-had almost said, unwomanly, treatment of her
-servants; awing the men by her oaths, and
-her women by blows; it is still to be remembered,
-that she had a great deal of natural
-<small>TIMIDITY</small> in her constitution.</p>
-
-<p>What! interrupted Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span> hastily,
-the magnanimous <span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span> a coward? I
-should as soon have expected that charge
-against <span class="smcap">C&aelig;sar</span> himself, or your own <span class="smcap">Marlborough</span>.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_256">256</span></p>
-
-<p>I distinguish, Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span> said, betwixt
-a parade of courage, put on to serve a turn,
-and keep her people in spirits, and that true
-greatness of mind, which, in one word, we
-call <i>magnanimity</i>. For this last, I repeat
-it, she either had it not, or not in the degree
-in which it has been ascribed to her. On the
-contrary, I see a littleness, a pusillanimity, in
-her conduct on a thousand occasions. Hence
-it was, that both to her people and such of the
-neighbouring states as she stood in awe of, she
-used an excessive hypocrisy, which, in the
-language of the court, you may be sure, was
-called policy. To the <i>Hollanders</i>, indeed, she
-could talk big; and it was not her humour to
-manage those over whom she had gained an
-ascendant. This has procured her, with many,
-the commendation of a princely magnanimity.
-But, on the other hand, when discontents
-were apprehended from her subjects, or when
-<i>France</i> was to be diverted from any designs
-against her, no art was forgotten that might
-cajole their spirits with all the professions of
-cordiality and affection. Then she was <i>wedded</i>,
-that was the tender word, to her people: and
-then the interest of religion itself was sacrificed
-by this Protestant queen to her newly-perverted
-brother on the Continent.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_257">257</span></p>
-
-<p>Her foible, in this respect, was no secret to
-her ministers. But, above all, it was practised
-upon most successfully by the Lord <span class="smcap">Burghley</span>;
-“for whom, as I have seem it observed,
-it was as necessary that there should be treasons,
-as for the state that they should be prevented<a id="FNanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">96</a>.”
-Hence it was, that he was perpetually raising
-her fears, by the discovery of some plot, or,
-when that was wanting, by the proposal of
-some law for her greater security. In short,
-he was for ever finding, or making, or suggesting,
-dangers. The queen, though she
-would look big (for indeed she was an excellent
-actress), startled at the shadows of those
-dangers, the slightest rumours. And to this
-convenient timidity of his mistress, so constantly
-alarmed, and relieved in turn by this
-wily minister, was owing, in a good degree,
-that long and unrivalled interest, he held in
-her favour.</p>
-
-<p>Still, further, to this constitutional <i>fear</i>
-(which might be forgiven to her sex, if it had
-not been so strangely mixed with a more than
-masculine ferocity in other instances) must be
-ascribed those favourite maxims of policy,
-which ran through her whole government.
-Never was prince more attached to the Machiavelian
-doctrine, <small>DIVIDE ET IMPERA</small>, than our
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_258">258</span>
-<span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span><a id="FNanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">97</a>. It made the soul of her policies,
-domestic and foreign. She countenanced the
-two prevailing factions of the time. The
-Churchmen and Puritans divided her favour so
-equally, that her favourites were sure to be the
-chiefs of the contending parties. Nay, her
-court was a constant scene of cabals and personal
-animosities. She gave a secret, and sometimes
-an open, countenance to these jealousies.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_259">259</span>
-The same principle directed all her foreign<a id="FNanchor_98" href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">98</a>
-negociations.</p>
-
-<p>And are you not aware, interrupted Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>,
-that this objected policy is the very
-topic that I, and every other admirer of the
-queen, would employ in commendation of her
-great ability in the art of government? It has
-been the fate of too many of our princes (and
-perhaps some late examples might be given) to
-be governed, and even insulted, by a prevailing
-party of their own subjects. <span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span> was
-superior to such attempts. She had no bye-ends
-to pursue. She frankly threw herself on
-her people. And, secure in their affection,
-could defeat at pleasure, or even divert herself
-with, the intrigues of this or that aspiring faction.</p>
-
-<p>We understand you, Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span> replied;
-but when two parties are contending within a
-state, and one of them only in its true interest,
-the policy is a little extraordinary that should
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_260">260</span>
-incline the sovereign to discourage <i>this</i>, from
-the poor ambition of controuling <i>that</i>, or, as
-you put it still worse, from the dangerous
-humour of playing with <i>both</i> parties. I say
-nothing of later times. I only ask; if it was indifferent,
-whether the counsels of the <span class="smcap">Cecils</span>
-or of <span class="smcap">Leicester</span> were predominant in that
-reign? But I mentioned these things before,
-and I touch them again now, only to shew
-you, that this conduct, however it may be varnished
-over by the name of wisdom, had too
-much the air of fearful womanish intrigue, to
-consist with that heroical firmness and intrepidity
-so commonly ascribed to queen <span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span><a id="FNanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">99</a>.</p>
-
-<p>And what if, after all, I should admit, replied
-Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>, that, in the composition
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_261">261</span>
-of a woman’s courage, at least, there might be
-some scruples of discretion? Is there any advantage,
-worth contending for, you could draw
-from such a concession? Or, because you
-would be thought serious, I will put the matter
-more gravely. The arts of prudence, you arraign
-so severely, could not be taken for pusillanimity.
-They certainly were not, in her own
-time; for she was not the less esteemed or
-revered by all the nations of <i>Europe</i> on account
-of them. The most you can fairly conclude
-is, that she knew how to unite address with
-bravery, and that, on occasion, she could <i>dissemble</i>
-her high spirit. The difficulties of
-her situation obliged her to this management.</p>
-
-<p>Rather say at once, returned Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>,
-that the constant dissimulation, for which she
-was so famous, was assumed to supply the want
-of a better thing, which had rendered all those
-arts as unnecessary as they were ignoble.</p>
-
-<p>But <i>haughtiness</i> and <i>timidity</i>, pursued he,
-were not the only vices that turned to good account
-in the queen’s hands. She was frugal
-beyond all bounds of decorum in a prince, or
-rather <small>AVARICIOUS</small> beyond all reasonable excuse
-from the public wants and the state of her
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_262">262</span>
-revenue. Nothing is more certain than this
-fact, from the allowance both of friends and
-enemies. It seems as if, in this respect, her
-father’s example had not been sufficient; and
-that, to complete her character, she had incorporated
-with many of his, the leading vice of
-her grandfather.</p>
-
-<p>Here Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span> could not contain
-himself; and the castle happening at that time,
-from the point where they stood, to present
-the most superb prospect, “Look there, said
-he, on the striking, though small, remnants of
-that grandeur you just now magnified so much;
-and tell me if, in your conscience, you can believe
-such grants are the signs, or were the effects,
-of avarice. For you are not to learn,
-that this palace before us is not the only one
-in the kingdom, which bears the memory of the
-queen’s bounty to her servants.”</p>
-
-<p>Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span> seemed a little struck with the
-earnestness of this address: “It is true, said
-he, the queen’s fondness for one or two of her
-favourites made her sometimes lavish of her
-grants; especially of what cost her nothing,
-and did not, it seems, offend the delicacy of
-her scruples; I mean, of the <i>church-lands</i>.
-But at the same time her treasury was shut
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_263">263</span>
-against her ambassadors and foreign ministers;
-who complain of nothing more frequently than
-the slenderness of their appointments, and the
-small and slow remittances that were made to
-them. This frugality (for I must not call it
-by a worse name) distressed the public service
-on many occasions<a id="FNanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">100</a>; and would have done it
-on more, if the zeal of her trusty servants had
-not been content to carry it on at the expence
-of their own fortunes. How many instances
-might be given of this, if <small>ONE</small> were not more
-than sufficient, and which all posterity will remember
-with indignation!</p>
-
-<p>You speak of <span class="smcap">Walsingham</span>, interposed Dr.
-<span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>. But were it not more candid to
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_264">264</span>
-impute the poverty of that minister to his own
-generous contempt of riches, which he had
-doubtless many, fair occasions of procuring to
-himself, than to any designed neglect of him
-by his mistress?</p>
-
-<p>The candour, returned Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>, must
-be very extraordinary, that can find an excuse
-for the queen in a circumstance that doubles
-her disgrace. But be it as you pretend. The
-uncommon moderation of the man shall be a
-cover to the queen’s parsimony. It was not,
-we will say, for this wise princess to provoke
-an appetite for wealth in her servants: it was
-enough that she gratified it, on proper occasions,
-where she found it already raised. And
-in this proceeding, no doubt, she was governed
-by a tender regard, for their honour, as well as
-her own interest. For how is her great secretary
-ennobled, by filling a place in the short
-list of those worthies, who, having lived and
-died in the service of their countries, have left
-not so much as a pittance behind them, to
-carry them to their graves! All this is very
-well. But when she had indulged this humour
-in one or two of her favourites, and suffered
-them, for example’s sake, to ascend to these
-heights of honour, it was going, methinks, a
-little too far, to expect the same delicacy of
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_265">265</span>
-virtue in all her courtiers. Yet it was not her
-fault, if most of them did not reap this fame
-of illustrious poverty, as well as <span class="smcap">Walsingham</span>.
-She dealt by them, indeed, as if she had ranked
-poverty, as well as celibacy, among the cardinal
-virtues.</p>
-
-<p>In the mean time, I would not deny that
-she had a princely fondness for shew and appearance.
-She took a pride in the brilliancy
-of her court. She delighted in the large trains
-of her nobility. She required to be royally
-entertained by them. And she thought her
-honour concerned in the figure they made in
-foreign courts, and in the wars. But, if she
-loved this pomp, she little cared to furnish the
-expence of it. She considered in good earnest
-(as some have observed, who would have the
-observation pass for a compliment<a id="FNanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">101</a>) <i>the purses</i>
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_266">266</span>
-<i>of her subjects as her own</i>; and seemed to
-reckon on their being always open to her on
-any occasion of service, or even ceremony.
-She carried this matter so far, that the very
-expences of her wars were rather defrayed out
-of the private purses of her nobility, than the
-public treasury. As if she had taken it for a
-part of her <i>prerogative</i> to impoverish her
-nobles at pleasure; or rather, as if she had a
-mind to have it thought that one of their <i>privileges</i>
-was, to be allowed to ruin themselves
-from a zeal to her service.</p>
-
-<p>But the queen’s avarice, proceeded he, did
-not only appear from her excessive parsimony
-in the management of the public treasure, but
-from her rapacity in getting what she could
-from particulars into her privy purse. Hence
-it was that all offices, and even personal favours,
-were in a manner set to sale. For it
-was a rule with her majesty, to grant no suit
-but for a reasonable consideration. So that
-whoever pretended to any place of profit or
-honour was sure to send a jewel, or other rich
-present beforehand, to prepare her mind for
-the entertainment of his petition. And to
-what other purpose was it that she kept her
-offices so long vacant, but to give more persons
-an opportunity of winning a preference in her
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_267">267</span>
-favour; which for the most part inclined to
-those who had appeared, in this interval, to
-deserve it best? Nay, the slightest disgust,
-which she frequently took on very frivolous
-occasions, could not be got over but by the reconciling
-means of some valuable or well fancied
-present. And, what was most grievous,
-she sometimes accepted the present, without
-remitting the offence.</p>
-
-<p>I remember a ridiculous instance of this sort.
-When the Lady <span class="smcap">Leicester</span> wanted to obtain
-the pardon of her unfortunate son, the Lord
-<span class="smcap">Essex</span>, she presented the queen with an exceeding
-rich gown, to the value of above an
-hundred pounds. She was well pleased with
-the gift, but thought no more of the pardon.
-We need not, after this, wonder at what is
-said of her majesty’s leaving a prodigious quantity
-of jewels and plate behind her, and even
-a <i>crowded wardrobe</i>. For so prevalent was
-this thrifty humour in the queen’s highness,
-that she could not persuade herself to part
-with so much, as a cast-gown to any of her servants<a id="FNanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">102</a>.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_268">268</span></p>
-
-<p>You allow yourself to be very gay, replied
-Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>, on this foible of the great
-queen. But one thing you forget, that it
-never biased her judgment so far as to prevent
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_269">269</span>
-a fit choice of her servants on all occasions<a id="FNanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">103</a>.
-And, as to her wary management of the public
-revenue, which you take a pleasure to exaggerate,
-this, methinks, is a venial fault in a prince,
-who could not, in her circumstances; have provided
-for the expences of government, but by
-the nicest and most attentive economy.</p>
-
-<p>I understand, said Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>, the full
-force of that consideration; and believe it was
-that <i>attention</i> principally, which occasioned
-the popularity of her reign, and the high esteem,
-in which the wisdom of her government
-is held to this day. The bulk of her subjects
-were, no doubt, highly pleased to find themselves
-spared on all occasions of expence. And
-it served at the same time, to gratify their natural
-envy of the great, to find, that <i>their</i> fortunes
-were first and principally sacrificed to
-the public service. Nay, I am not sure that
-the very rapacity of her nature, in the sale of
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_270">270</span>
-her offices, was any objection with the people
-at large, or even the lower gentry of the kingdom.
-For these, having no pretensions themselves
-to those offices, would be well enough
-pleased to see them not <i>bestowed</i> on their
-betters, but dearly purchased by them. And
-then this traffic at court furnished the inferior
-gentry with a pretence for making the most of
-their magistracies. This practice at least must
-have been very notorious amongst them, when
-a facetious member of the lower house could
-define a justice of peace to be, “A living creature,
-that for half a dozen of chickens, will
-dispense with a whole dozen of penal statutes<a id="FNanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">104</a>.”
-But, however this be, the queen’s ends, in
-every view, were abundantly answered. She
-enriched herself: she gained the affections of
-the people, and depressed and weakened the
-nobility. And by all these ways she effectually
-provided for, what she had ever most
-at heart, her own supreme and uncontrolled
-authority.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_271">271</span></p>
-
-<p>And is that to be wondered at in a great
-prince? returned Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>. Or, to take
-the matter in the light you place it, what if the
-queen had so much of her sex<a id="FNanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">105</a> and family in
-her disposition, as to like well enough to have
-her own way, is this such a crime as you would
-make of it? If she loved power, it was not to
-make a wanton or oppressive use of it. And
-if all princes knew as well to bound their own
-wills, as she did, we should not much complain
-of their impatience to be under the control of
-their subjects.</p>
-
-<p>I am sorry, said Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>, that the acts
-of her reign will not allow me to come into
-this opinion of her moderation. On the other
-hand, her government appears to me, in many
-instances, <small>OPPRESSIVE</small>, and highly prejudicial
-to the ancient rights and privileges of her
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_272">272</span>
-people. For what other construction can we
-make of her frequent interposition to restrain
-the counsels of their representatives in parliament:
-threatening some, imprisoning others,
-and silencing all with the thunder of her prerogative?
-Or, when she had suffered their
-counsels to ripen into bills, what shall we say
-of her high and mighty rejection of them, and
-that not in single and extraordinary cases, but
-in matters of ordinary course, and by dozens?
-I pass by other instances. But was her <i>moderation</i>
-seen in dilapidating the revenues of the
-church; of that church, which she took under
-the wing of her supremacy, and would be
-thought to have sheltered from all its enemies<a id="FNanchor_106" href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">106</a>.
-The honest archbishop <span class="smcap">Parker</span>, I have
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_273">273</span>
-heard, ventured to remonstrate against this
-abuse, the cognizance of which came so directly
-within his province. But to what effect, may
-be gathered, not only from the continuance of
-these depredations, but her severe reprehension
-of another of her bishops, whom she
-threatened with an oath to <small>UNFROCK</small>&mdash;that
-was her majesty’s own word&mdash;if he did not
-immediately give way to her princely extortions.</p>
-
-<p>It may be hardly worth while to take notice
-of smaller matters. But who does not resent
-her capricious tyranny, in disgracing such of
-her servants as presumed to deviate, on any
-pretence, from her good pleasure; nay, such
-as gave an implicit obedience to her will, if it
-stood with her interest to disgrace them? Something,
-I know, may be said to excuse the proceedings
-against the queen of <i>Scots</i>. But the
-fate of <span class="smcap">Davison</span> will reflect eternal dishonour
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_274">274</span>
-on the policy, with which that measure was
-conducted.</p>
-
-<p>I run over these things hastily, continued
-Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span>, and in no great order: but you
-will see what to conclude from these hints;
-which taken together, I believe, may furnish a
-proper answer to the most considerable parts
-of your apology.</p>
-
-<p>To sum it up in few words. Those two great
-events of her time, <span class="smcap">the establishment of
-the Reformation</span>, and <span class="smcap">the triumph over
-the power of Spain</span>, cast an uncommon lustre
-on the reign of <span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span>. Posterity, dazzled
-with these obvious successes, went into an excessive
-admiration of her personal virtues. And
-what has served to brighten them the more, is
-the place in which we chance to find her,
-between the bigot queen on the one hand, and
-the pedant king on the other. No wonder then
-that, on the first glance, her government should
-appear able, and even glorious. Yet, in looking
-into particulars, we find that much is to be
-attributed to fortune, as well as skill; and that
-her glory is even lessened by considerations,
-which, on a careless view, may seem to augment
-it. The difficulties, she had to encounter,
-were great. Yet these very difficulties, of
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_275">275</span>
-themselves, created the proper means to surmount
-them. They sharpened the wits, inflamed
-the spirits, and united the affections, of
-a whole people. The name of her great enemy
-on the continent, at that time, carried terror
-with it. Yet his power was, in reality, much
-less than it appeared. The <i>Spanish</i> empire was
-corrupt and weak, and tottered under its own
-weight. But this was a secret even to the <i>Spaniard</i>
-himself. In the mean time, the confidence,
-which the opinion of great strength
-inspires, was a favourable circumstance. It occasioned
-a remissness and neglect of counsel on
-one side, in proportion as it raised the utmost
-vigilance and circumspection on the other. But
-this was not all. The religious feuds in the
-Low Countries&mdash;the civil wars in <i>France</i>&mdash;the
-distractions of <i>Scotland</i>&mdash;all concurred to
-advance the fortunes of <span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span>. Yet all
-had, perhaps, been too little in that grand crisis
-of her fate, and, as it fell out, of her glory, if
-the conspiring elements themselves had not
-fought for her.</p>
-
-<p>Such is the natural account of her foreign
-triumphs. Her domestic successes admit as
-easy a solution. Those external dangers themselves,
-the genius of the time, the state of religious
-parties, nay, the very factions of her
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_276">276</span>
-court, all of them directly, or by the slightest
-application of her policy, administered to her
-greatness. Such was the condition of the times,
-that it forced her to assume the resemblance, at
-least, of some popular <i>virtues</i>: and so singular
-her fortune, that her very <i>vices</i> became as respectable,
-perhaps more useful to her reputation,
-than her virtues. She was vigilant in her
-counsels; careful in the choice of her servants;
-courteous and condescending to her subjects.
-She appeared to have an extreme tenderness
-for the interests, and an extreme zeal for the
-honour, of the nation. This was the bright
-side of her character; and it shone the brighter
-from the constant and imminent dangers, to
-which she was exposed. On the other hand,
-she was choleric, and imperious; jealous, timid,
-and avaricious: oppressive, as far as she durst;
-in many cases capricious, in some tyrannical.
-Yet these vices, some of them sharpened and
-refined her policy, and the rest, operating
-chiefly towards her courtiers and dependents,
-strengthened her authority, and rooted her
-more firmly in the hearts of the people. The
-mingled splendour of these qualities, good and
-bad (for even her worst had the luck, when
-seen but on one side, or in well-disposed lights
-to look like good ones) so far dazzled the eyes
-of all, that they did not, or would not, see
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_277">277</span>
-many outrageous acts of tyranny and oppression.</p>
-
-<p>And thus it hath come to pass that, with
-some ability, more cunning, and little real
-virtue, the name of <span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span> is, by the concurrence
-of many accidental causes, become
-the most revered of any in the long roll of our
-princes. How little she merited this honour,
-may appear from this slight sketch of her character
-and government. Yet, when all proper
-abatement is made in both, I will not deny her
-to have been a great, that is, a <i>fortunate</i>,
-queen; in this, perhaps, the most fortunate,
-that she has attained to so unrivalled a glory
-with so few pretensions to deserve it.</p>
-
-<p>And so, replied Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>, you have
-concluded your invective in full form, and
-rounded it, as the ancient orators used to do,
-with all the advantage of a peroration. But,
-setting aside this trick of eloquence, which is
-apt indeed to confound a plain man, unused to
-such artifices, I see not but you have left the
-argument much as you took it up; and that I
-may still have leave to retain my former reverence
-for the good old times of queen <span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span>.
-It is true, she had some foibles. You
-have spared, I believe, none of them. But, to
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_278">278</span>
-make amends for these defects, let but the
-history of her reign speak for her, I mean in its
-own artless language, neither corrupted by flattery,
-nor tortured by invidious glosses; and
-we must ever conceive of her, I will not say as
-the most faultless, perhaps not the most virtuous,
-but surely the most able, and, from the
-splendour of some leading qualities, the most
-glorious of our <i>English</i> monarchs.</p>
-
-<p>To give you my notion of her in few Words.&mdash;For
-the dispute, I find, must end, as most
-others usually do, in the simple representation
-of our own notions.&mdash;She was discreet, frugal,
-provident, and sagacious; intent on the pursuit
-of her great ends, <i>the establishment of religion</i>,
-and <i>the security and honour of her people</i>: prudent
-in the choice of the best <i>means</i> to effect
-them, the employment of able servants, and the
-management of the public revenue; dexterous at
-improving all advantages which her own wisdom
-or the circumstances of the times gave her: fearless
-and intrepid in the execution of great designs,
-yet careful to unite the deepest foresight with her
-magnanimity. If she seemed <small>AVARICIOUS</small>, let
-it be considered that the nicest frugality was
-but necessary in her situation: if <small>IMPERIOUS</small>,
-that a female government needed to be made
-respectable by a shew of authority: and if at
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_279">279</span>
-any time <small>OPPRESSIVE</small>, that the <i>English</i> constitution,
-as it then stood, as well as her own
-nature, had a good deal of that bias.</p>
-
-<p>In a word, let it be remembered, that she
-had the honour of ruling<a id="FNanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">107</a>, perhaps of forming,
-the wisest, the bravest, the most, virtuous
-people, that have adorned any age or country;
-and that she advanced the glory of the <i>English</i>
-name and that of her own dignity to a height,
-which has no parallel in the annals of our nation.</p>
-
-<p>Mr. <span class="smcap">Digby</span>, who had been very attentive to
-the course of this debate, was a little disappointed
-with the conclusion of it. He thought
-to have settled his judgment of this reign by
-the information his two friends should afford
-him. But he found himself rather perplexed
-by their altercations, than convinced by them.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_280">280</span>
-He owned, however, the pleasure they had
-given him; and said, he had profited so much
-at least by the occasion, that, for the future,
-he should conceive with something less reverence
-of the great queen, and should proceed
-with less prejudice to form his opinion of her
-character and administration.</p>
-
-<p>Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span> did not appear quite satisfied
-with this sceptical conclusion; and was going
-to enforce some things, which he thought had
-been touched too slightly, when Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>
-took notice that their walk was now at an
-end; the path, they had taken, having by this
-time brought them round again to the walls of
-the castle. Besides, he said, he found himself
-much wearied with this exercise; though the
-warmth of debate, and the opportunities he
-took of resting himself at times, had kept him
-from complaining of it. He proposed, therefore,
-getting into the coach as soon as possible;
-where, though the conversation was in some
-sort resumed, there was nothing material
-enough advanced on either side to make it necessary
-for me to continue this recital any further.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_281">281</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="xx-large">DIALOGUE V.<br />
-
-<small>ON THE</small><br />
-
-<span class="x-large">CONSTITUTION</span><br />
-
-<small>OF THE</small><br />
-
-<span class="x-large">ENGLISH GOVERNMENT.</span><br />
-
-<small>BETWEEN</small><br />
-
-<span class="large">SIR JOHN MAYNARD, MR. SOMERS,</span><br />
-
-<small>AND</small><br />
-
-<span class="large">BISHOP BURNET.</span></h2>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_282">282</span><br />
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_283">283</span></p>
-
-<h2 id="DIALOGUE_V">DIALOGUE V.<br />
-
-<span class="large">ON THE CONSTITUTION OF THE
-ENGLISH GOVERNMENT.</span></h2>
-
-<h3>SIR JOHN MAYNARD, MR. SOMERS,
-BISHOP BURNET<a id="FNanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">108</a>.</h3>
-
-<h4>TO DR. TILLOTSON.</h4>
-
-<p class="drop"><span class="uppercase">Though</span> the principles of nature and common
-sense do fully authorise resistance to the
-civil magistrate in extreme cases, and of course
-justify the late Revolution to every candid and
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_284">284</span>
-dispassionate man; yet I am sensible, my excellent
-friend, there are many prejudices which
-hinder the glorious proceedings in that affair
-from being seen in their true light. The principal
-of them, indeed, are founded on false
-systems of policy, and those tied down on the
-consciences of men by wrong notions of religion.
-And such as these, no doubt, through
-the experience of a better government, and a
-juster turn of thinking, which may be expected
-to prevail in our times, will gradually fall away
-of themselves.</p>
-
-<p>But there is another set of notions on this
-subject, not so easy to be discredited, and
-which are likely to keep their hold on the
-minds even of the more sober and considerate
-sort of men. For whatever advantage the
-cause of liberty may receive from general reasonings
-on the origin and nature of civil government,
-the greater part of our countrymen
-will consider, and perhaps rightly, the inquiry
-into the constitution of <i>their</i> own government,
-as a question of <small>FACT</small>; that must be tried by
-authorities and precedents only; and decided
-at last by the evidence of historical testimony,
-not by the conclusions of philosophy or political
-speculation.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_285">285</span></p>
-
-<p>Now, though we are agreed that this way of
-managing the controversy must, when fully and
-fairly pursued, be much in favour of the new
-settlement, yet neither, I think, is it for every
-man’s handling, nor is the evidence resulting
-from it of a nature to compel our assent. The
-argument is formed on a vast variety of particulars,
-to be collected only from a large and
-intimate acquaintance with the antiquities,
-laws, and usages of the kingdom. Our printed
-histories are not only very short and imperfect;
-but the original records, which the curious
-have in their possession, are either so obscure
-or so scanty, that a willing adversary hath
-always in readiness some objection, or some
-cavil at least, to oppose to the evidence that
-may be drawn from them. Besides, appearances,
-even in the plainest and most unquestioned
-parts of our history, are sometimes so
-contradictory; arising either from the tyranny
-of the prince, the neglect of the people, or
-some other circumstance of the times; and, to
-crown all, the question itself hath been so involved
-by the disputations of prejudiced and
-designing men; that the more intelligent inquirer
-is almost at a loss to determine for
-himself, on which side the force of evidence
-lies.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_286">286</span></p>
-
-<p>On this account I have frequently thought
-with myself, that a right good <small>CONSTITUTIONAL
-HISTORY</small> of <i>England</i> would be the noblest
-service that any man, duly qualified for the
-execution of such a work, could render to his
-country. For though, as I said, the subject
-be obscure in itself, and perplexed by the subtilties
-which contending parties have invented
-for the support of their several schemes; yet,
-from all I have been able to observe in the
-course of my own reading, or conversation,
-there is little doubt but that the form of the
-<i>English</i> government hath, at all times, been
-<small>FREE</small>. So that, if such a history were drawn
-up with sufficient care out of our authentic
-papers and public monuments, it would not
-only be matter of entertainment to the curious,
-but the greatest security to every <i>Englishman</i>
-of his religions and civil rights. For what can
-be conceived, more likely to preserve and perpetuate
-these rights, than the standing evidence
-which such a work would afford, of
-the genuine spirit and temper of the constitution?
-Of the principles of freedom<a id="FNanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">109</a>, on
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_287">287</span>
-which it was formed, and on which it hath
-been continually and uniformly conducted?
-Our youth, who at present amuse themselves
-with little more than the military part of our
-annals, would then have an easy opportunity
-of seeing to the bottom of all our civil and domestic
-broils. They would know on what pretences
-the <small>PREROGATIVE</small> of our kings hath
-sometimes aspired to exalt itself above controul;
-and would learn to revere the magnanimity
-of their forefathers, who as constantly
-succeeded in their endeavours to reduce it
-within the ancient limits and boundaries of the
-<small>LAW</small>. In a word, they would no longer rest on
-the surface and outside, as it were, of the
-<i>English</i> affairs, but would penetrate the interior
-parts of our constitution; and furnish
-themselves with a competent degree of civil and
-political wisdom; the most solid fruit that can
-be gathered from the knowledge and experience
-of past times.</p>
-
-<p>And I am ready to think that such a provision
-as this, for the instruction of the <i>English</i>
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_288">288</span>
-youth, may be the more requisite, on account
-of that limited indeed, yet awful form of government,
-under which we live. For, besides the
-name, and other ensigns of majesty, in common
-with those who wear the most despotic
-crown, the whole execution of our laws, and
-the active part of government, is in the hands
-of the prince. And this pre-eminence gives
-him so respectable a figure in the eyes of his
-subjects, and presents him so constantly, and
-with such lustre of authority, to their minds,
-that it is no wonder they are sometimes disposed
-to advance him, from the rank of first
-magistrate of a free people, into that of supreme
-and sole arbiter of the laws.</p>
-
-<p>So that, unless these prejudices are corrected
-by the knowledge of our constitutional history,
-there is constant reason to apprehend, not only
-that the royal authority may stretch itself
-beyond due bounds; but may grow, at length,
-into that enormous tyranny, from which this
-nation hath been at other times so happily, and
-now of late so wonderfully, redeemed.</p>
-
-<p>But I suffer myself to be carried by these reflexions
-much further than I designed. I would
-only say to you, that, having sometimes reflected
-very seriously on this subject, it was
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_289">289</span>
-with the highest pleasure I heard it discoursed
-of the other day by two of the most accomplished
-lawyers of our age: the venerable Sir
-<span class="smcap">John Maynard</span>, who, for a long course of
-years, hath maintained the full credit and dignity
-of his profession; and Mr. <span class="smcap">Somers</span>, who,
-though a young man, is rising apace, and
-with proportionable merits, into all the honours
-of it.</p>
-
-<p>I was very attentive, as you may suppose, to
-the progress of this remarkable conversation;
-and, as I had the honour to bear a full share in
-it myself, I may the rather undertake to give
-you a particular account of it. I know the
-pleasure it will give you to see a subject, you
-have much at heart, and which we have frequently
-talked over in the late times, thoroughly,
-canvassed, and cleared up; as I think it must
-be, to your entire satisfaction.</p>
-
-<p>It was within a day or two after that great
-event, so pleasing to all true <i>Englishmen</i>, <small>THE
-CORONATION OF THEIR MAJESTIES</small><a id="FNanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">110</a>, that Mr.
-<span class="smcap">Somers</span> and I went; as we sometimes used, to
-pass an evening with our excellent friend, my
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_290">290</span>
-Lord Commissioner<a id="FNanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">111</a>. I shall not need to attempt
-his character to you, who know him so
-well. It is enough to say, that his faculties
-and spirits are, even in this maturity of age, in
-great vigour. And it seems as if this joyful
-Revolution, so agreeable to his hopes and principles,
-had given a fresh spring and elasticity to
-both.</p>
-
-<p>The conversation of course turned on the
-late august ceremony; the mention of which
-awakened a sort of rapture in the good old
-man, which made him overflow in his meditations
-upon it. Seeing us in admiration of the
-zeal which transported him, “Bear with me,
-said he, my young friends. Age, you know,
-hath its privilege. And it may be, I use it
-somewhat unreasonably. But I, who have
-seen the prize of liberty contending for through
-half a century, to find it obtained at last by a
-method so sure, and yet so unexpected, do
-you think it possible that I should contain
-myself on such an occasion? Oh, if ye had
-lived with me in those days, when such mighty
-struggles were made for public freedom, when
-so many wise counsels miscarried, and so many
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_291">291</span>
-generous enterprises concluded but in the confirmation
-of lawless tyranny; if, I say, ye had
-lived in those days, and now at length were able
-to contrast with me, to the tragedies that were
-then acted, this safe, this bloodless, this
-complete deliverance: I am mistaken, if the
-youngest of you could reprove me for this joy,
-which makes me think I can never say enough
-on so delightful a subject.</p>
-
-<h4>BP. BURNET.</h4>
-
-<p>Reprove you, my lord? Alas! we are neither
-of us so unexperienced in what hath passed
-of late in these kingdoms, as not to rejoice
-with you to the utmost for this astonishing deliverance.
-You know I might boast of being
-among the first that wished for, I will not say
-projected, the measures by which it hath been
-accomplished. And for Mr. <span class="smcap">Somers</span>, the church
-of <i>England</i> will tell&mdash;&mdash;</p>
-
-<h4>MR. SOMERS.</h4>
-
-<p>I confess, my warmest wishes have ever
-gone along with those who conducted this noble
-enterprise. And I pretend to as sincere a
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_292">292</span>
-pleasure as any man, in the completion of it.
-Yet, if we were not unreasonable at such a
-time, I might be tempted to mention one circumstance,
-which, I know not how, a little
-abates the joy of these triumphant gratulations.</p>
-
-<h4>SIR J. MAYNARD.</h4>
-
-<p>Is not the settlement then to your mind? Or
-hath any precaution been neglected, which you
-think necessary for the more effectual security
-of our liberties?</p>
-
-<h4>MR. SOMERS.</h4>
-
-<p>Not that. I think the provision for the
-people’s right as ample as needs be desired.
-Or, if any further restrictions on the crown be
-thought proper, it will now be easy for the
-people, in a regular parliamentary way, to effect
-it. What I mean is a consideration of much
-more importance.</p>
-
-<h4>BP. BURNET.</h4>
-
-<p>The pretended prince of <span class="smcap">Wales</span>, you think,
-will be raising some disturbance, or alarm at
-least, to the new government. I believe, I
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_293">293</span>
-may take upon me to give you perfect satisfaction
-upon that subject<a id="FNanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">112</a>.</p>
-
-<h4>MR. SOMERS.</h4>
-
-<p>Still your conjectures fall short or wide of
-my meaning. Our new <span class="smcap">Magna Charta</span>, as
-I love to call the <i>Declaration of Rights</i>, seems
-a sufficient barrier against any future encroachments
-of the <small>CROWN</small>. And I think, the pretended
-prince of <span class="smcap">Wales</span>, whatever be determined
-of his birth, a mere phantom, that may
-amuse, and perhaps disquiet, the weaker sort
-for a while; but, if left to itself<a id="FNanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">113</a>, will soon
-vanish out of the minds of the <small>PEOPLE</small>. Not
-but I allow that even so thin a pretence as this
-may, some time or other, be conjured up to
-disturb the government. But it must be, when
-a certain set of principles are called in aid to
-support it. And, to save you the further
-trouble of guessing, I shall freely tell you, what
-those <i>principles</i> are.&mdash;You will see, in them,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_294">294</span>
-the ground of my present fears and apprehensions.</p>
-
-<p>It might be imagined that so necessary a
-Revolution, as that which hath taken place,
-would sufficiently approve itself to all reasonable
-men. And it appears, in fact, to have
-done so, now that the public injuries are fresh,
-and the general resentment of them strong and
-lively. But it too often happens, that when
-the evil is once removed, it is presently forgotten:
-and in matters of government especially,
-where the people rarely think till they are
-made to feel, when the grievance is taken away,
-the false system easily returns, and sometimes
-with redoubled force, which had given birth
-to it.</p>
-
-<h4>BP. BURNET.</h4>
-
-<p>One can readily admit the principles. But
-the conclusion, you propose to draw from
-them&mdash;</p>
-
-<h4>MR. SOMERS.</h4>
-
-<p>This very important one, “That, if the late
-change of government was brought about, and
-can be defended only, on the principles of
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_295">295</span>
-liberty; the settlement, introduced by it, can
-be thought secure no longer than while those
-principles are rightly understood, and generally
-admitted.”</p>
-
-<h4>BP. BURNET.</h4>
-
-<p>But what reason is there to apprehend that
-these principles, so commonly professed and
-publickly avowed, will not continue to be kept
-up in full vigour?</p>
-
-<h4>MR. SOMERS.</h4>
-
-<p>Because, I doubt, they are so commonly
-and publickly avowed, only to serve a present
-turn; and not because they come from
-the heart, or are entertained on any just ground
-of conviction.</p>
-
-<h4>BP. BURNET.</h4>
-
-<p>Very likely: and considering the pains that
-have been taken to possess the minds of men
-with other notions of government, the wonder
-is, how they came to be entertained at all. Yet
-surely the experience of better times may be
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_296">296</span>
-expected to do much. Men will of course
-think more justly on these subjects in proportion
-as they find themselves more happy.
-And thus the principles, which, as you say,
-were first pretended to out of necessity, will
-be followed out of choice, and bound upon
-them by the conclusions of their own reason.</p>
-
-<h4>MR. SOMERS.</h4>
-
-<p>I wish your lordship be not too sanguine in
-these expectations. It is not to be conceived
-how insensible the people are to the blessings
-they enjoy, and how easily they forget their
-past miseries. So that, if their principles have
-not taken deep root, I would not answer for
-their continuing much longer than it served
-their purpose to make a shew of them.</p>
-
-<h4>SIR J. MAYNARD.</h4>
-
-<p>I must confess, that all my experience of
-mankind inclines me to this opinion. I could
-relate to you some strange instances of the sort
-Mr. <span class="smcap">Somers</span> hints at. But after all, Sir, you
-do not indulge these apprehensions, on account
-of the general fickleness of human nature. You
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_297">297</span>
-have some more particular reasons for concluding
-that the system of liberty, which hath
-worked such wonders of late, is not likely to
-maintain its ground amongst us.</p>
-
-<h4>MR. SOMERS.</h4>
-
-<p>I have: and I was going to explain those
-reasons, if my lord of <span class="smcap">Salisbury</span> had not a
-little diverted me from the pursuit of them.</p>
-
-<p>It is very notorious from the common discourse
-of men even on this great occasion (and
-I wish it had not appeared too evidently in the
-debates of the houses), that very many of us
-have but crude notions of the form of government
-under which we live, and which hath
-been transmitted to us from our forefathers. I
-have met with persons of no mean rank, and
-supposed to be well seen in the history of the
-kingdom, who speak a very strange language.
-They allow, indeed, that something was to be
-done in the perilous circumstances into which
-we had fallen. But, when they come to explain
-themselves, it is in a way that leaves us
-no <i>right</i> to do any thing; at least, not what it
-was found expedient for the nation to do at
-this juncture. For they contend in so many
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_298">298</span>
-words, “that the crown of <i>England is absolute</i>;
-that the form of government is an <i>entire
-and simple monarchy</i>; and that so it hath
-continued to be in every period of it down to
-the Abdication: that the <span class="smcap">Conquest</span>, at least,
-to ascend no higher, invested the <span class="smcap">first William</span>
-in absolute dominion; that from him it
-devolved of course upon his successors; and
-that all the pretended rights of the people, the
-<span class="smcap">Great Charters</span> of ancient and modern date,
-were mere usurpations on the prince, extorted
-from him by the necessity of his affairs, and
-revocable at his pleasure: nay, they insinuate
-that parliaments themselves were the creatures
-of his will; that their privileges were all derived
-from the sovereign’s grant; and that they
-made no part in the original frame and texture
-of the <i>English</i> government.</p>
-
-<p>In support of this extraordinary system, they
-refer us to the constant tenor of our history.
-They speak of the Conqueror, as proprietary
-of the whole kingdom: which accordingly,
-they say, he parcelled out, as he saw fit, in
-grants to his <i>Norman</i> and <i>English</i> subjects:
-that, through his partial consideration of the
-church, and an excessive liberality to his favoured
-servants, this distribution was so ill
-made, as to give occasion to all the broils and
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_299">299</span>
-contentions that followed: that the churchmen
-began their unnatural claim of independency
-on the crown; in which attempt they
-were soon followed by the encroaching and too
-powerful barons: that, in these struggles, many
-flowers of the crown were rudely torn from it,
-till a sort of truce was made, and the rebellious
-humour somewhat composed, by the extorted
-articles of <span class="smcap">Running-mede</span>: that these confusions,
-however, were afterwards renewed, and
-even increased, by the contests of the two
-houses of <span class="smcap">York</span> and <span class="smcap">Lancaster</span>: but that,
-upon the union of the roses in the person of
-<span class="smcap">Henry VII</span>, these commotions were finally
-appeased, and the crown restored to its ancient
-dignity and lustre: that, indeed, the usage of
-parliaments, with some other forms of popular
-administration, which had been permitted in
-the former irregular reigns, was continued; but
-of the mere grace of the prince, and without
-any consequence to his prerogative: that succeeding
-kings, and even <span class="smcap">Henry</span> himself, considered
-themselves as possessed of an imperial
-crown; and that, though they might sometimes
-condescend to take the advice, they were
-absolutely above the control, of the people: in
-short, that the law itself was but the will of the
-prince, declared in parliament; or rather solemnly
-received and attested there, for the
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_300">300</span>
-better information and more entire obedience
-of the subject.</p>
-
-<p>This they deliver as a just and fair account
-of the <i>English</i> government; the genius of
-which, they say, is absolute and despotic in
-the highest degree; as much so, at least, as
-that of any other monarchy in <i>Europe</i>. They
-ask, with an air of insult, what restraint our
-<span class="smcap">Henry VIII</span>, and our admired <span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span>,
-would ever suffer to be put on their prerogative;
-and they mention with derision the fancy
-of dating the high pretensions of the crown
-from the accession of the <span class="smcap">Stuart</span> family. They
-affirm, that <span class="smcap">James I</span>, and his son, aimed only
-to continue the government on the footing on
-which they had received it; that their notions
-of it were authorized by constant fact; by
-the evidence of our histories; by the language
-of parliaments; by the concurrent sense of
-every order of men amongst us: and that what
-followed in the middle of this century was the
-mere effect of <small>POPULAR</small>, as many former disorders
-had been of <small>PATRICIAN</small>, violence. In a
-word, they conclude with saying, that the old
-government revived again at the <span class="smcap">Restoration</span>,
-just as, in like circumstances, it had done before
-at the <small>UNION</small> of the two houses: that, in
-truth, the voluntary desertion of the late king
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_301">301</span>
-have given a colour to the innovation of the
-present year; but that, till this new settlement
-was made, the <i>English</i> constitution, as implying
-something different from pure monarchy,
-was an unintelligible notion, or rather
-a mere whimsy, that had not the least foundation
-in truth or history.”</p>
-
-<p>This is a summary of the doctrines, which,
-I doubt, are too current amongst us. I do not
-speak of the bigoted adherents to the late king;
-but of many cooler and more disinterested men,
-whose <i>religious</i> principles, as I suppose (for it
-appears it could not be their <i>political</i>), had
-engaged them to concur in the new settlement.
-You will judge, then, if there be not reason
-to apprehend much mischief from the prevalence
-and propagation of such a system: a system,
-which, as being, in the language of the
-patrons of it, founded upon <i>fact</i>, is the more
-likely to impose upon the people; and, as referring
-to the practice of ancient times, is not
-for every man’s confutation. I repeat it, therefore;
-if this notion of the despotic form of our
-government become general, I tremble to think
-what effect it may hereafter produce on the
-minds of men; especially when joined to that
-false tenderness, which the people of <i>England</i>
-are so apt to entertain for their princes, even
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_302">302</span>
-the worst of them, under misfortune. I might
-further observe, that this prerogative system
-hath a direct tendency to produce, as well as
-heighten, this compassion to the sovereign.
-And I make no scruple to lay it before you
-with all its circumstances, because I know to
-whom I speak, and that I could not have
-wished for a better opportunity of hearing it
-confuted.</p>
-
-<h4>BP. BURNET.</h4>
-
-<p>I must own, though I was somewhat unwilling
-to give way to such melancholy apprehensions
-at this time, I think with Mr. <span class="smcap">Somers</span>,
-there is but too much reason to entertain them.
-For my own part, I am apt to look no further
-for the <i>right</i> of the legislature to settle the government
-in their own way, than their own
-free votes and resolutions. For, being used to
-consider all political power as coming originally
-from the people, it seems to me but fitting that
-they should dispose of that power for their
-own use, in what hands, and under what conditions,
-they please. Yet, as much regard is
-due to established forms and ancient prescription,
-I think the matter of <i>fact</i> of great consequence;
-and, if the people in general should
-once conceive of it according to this representation,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_303">303</span>
-I should be very anxious for the issue of so
-dangerous an opinion. I must needs, therefore,
-join very entirely with Mr. <span class="smcap">Somers</span>, in
-wishing to hear the whole subject canvassed,
-or rather finally determined, as it must be, if
-Sir <span class="smcap">John Maynard</span> will do us the pleasure to
-acquaint us what his sentiments are upon it.</p>
-
-<h4>SIR J. MAYNARD.</h4>
-
-<p>Truly, my good friends, you have opened a
-very notable cause, and in good form. Only,
-methinks, a little less solemnity, if you had so
-pleased, might have better suited the occasion.
-Why, I could almost laugh, to hear you talk
-of feats and dangers from a phantom of your
-own raising. I certainly believe the common
-proverb belies us; and that old age is not that
-dastardly thing it hath been represented. For,
-instead of being terrified by this conceit of a
-prescriptive right in our sovereigns to tyrannize
-over the subject, I am ready to think the
-contrary so evident from the constant course of
-our history, that the simplest of the people
-are in no hazard of falling into the delusion. I
-should rather have apprehended mischief from
-other quarters; from the influence of certain
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_304">304</span>
-speculative points, which have been to successfully
-propagated of late; and chiefly from
-those pernicious glosses, which too many of
-my order have made on the letter or the law,
-and too many of yours, my lord of <span class="smcap">Salisbury</span>,
-on that of the gospel. Trust me, if the matter
-once came to a question of <small>FACT</small>, and the inquiry
-be only concerning ancient form and
-precedent, the decision will be in our favour.
-And for yourselves, I assure myself, this decision
-is already made. But since you are
-willing to put me upon the task, and we have
-leisure enough for such an amusement, I shall
-very readily undertake it. And the rather, as
-I have more than once in my life had occasion
-to go to the bottom of this inquiry; and now
-very lately have taken a pleasure to reflect on
-the general evidence which history affords of
-our free constitution, and to review the scattered
-hints and passages I had formerly set down for
-my private satisfaction.</p>
-
-<p>“I understand the question to be, not
-under what <i>form</i> the government hath appeared
-at some particular conjunctures, but
-what we may conclude it to have been from
-the general current and tenor of our histories.
-More particularly, I conceive, you would ask,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_305">305</span>
-not whether the <i>administration</i> hath not at
-some seasons been <small>DESPOTIC</small>, but whether the
-<i>genius</i> of the government hath not at all times
-been <small>FREE</small>. Or, if you do not think the
-terms, in which I propose the question, strict
-enough, you will do well to state it in your
-own way, that hereafter we may have no dispute
-about it.</p>
-
-<h4>BP. BURNET.</h4>
-
-<p>I suppose, the question, as here put, is determinate
-enough for our purpose.&mdash;Or, have
-you, Mr. <span class="smcap">Somers</span>, any exceptions to make to
-it?</p>
-
-<h4>MR. SOMERS.</h4>
-
-<p>I believe we understand each other perfectly
-well; the question being only this, “Whether
-there be any ground in history, to conclude
-that the prince hath a constitutional claim to
-absolute uncontrolable dominion; or, whether
-the liberty of the subject be not essential to
-every different form, under which the <i>English</i>
-government hath appeared?”
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_306">306</span></p>
-
-<h4>SIR J. MAYNARD.</h4>
-
-<p>You expect of me then to shew, in opposition
-to the scheme just now delivered by you,
-that neither from the original constitution of
-the government, nor from the various forms
-(for they have, indeed, been various) under
-which it hath been administered, is there any
-reason to infer, that the <i>English</i> monarchy
-is, or of right ought to be, despotic and unlimited.</p>
-
-<p>Now this I take to be the easiest of all undertakings;
-so very easy, that I could trust a
-plain man to determine the matter for himself
-by the light that offers itself to him from the
-slightest of our histories. ’Tis true, the deeper
-his researches go, his conviction will be the
-clearer; as any one may see by dipping into
-my friend <span class="smcap">Nat. Bacon’s</span> discourses; where our
-free constitution is set forth with that evidence,
-as must for ever have silenced the patrons of
-the other side, if he had not allowed himself
-to strain some things beyond what the truth,
-or indeed his cause, required. But, saving to
-myself the benefit of his elaborate work, I
-think it sufficient to take notice, that the system
-of liberty is supported even by that short
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_307">307</span>
-sketch of our history, which Mr. <span class="smcap">Somers</span> hath
-laid before us; and in spite of the disguises,
-with which, as he tells us, the enemies of
-liberty have endeavoured to cloak it.</p>
-
-<p>You do not, I am sure, expect from me,
-that I should go back to the elder and more
-remote parts of our history; that I should take
-upon me to investigate the scheme of government,
-which hath prevailed in this kingdom
-from the time that the <i>Roman</i> power departed
-from us; or that I should even lay myself out
-in delineating, as many have done, the plan of
-the <i>Saxon</i> constitution: though such an attempt
-might not be unpleasing, nor altogether
-without its use, as the <i>principles</i> of the <i>Saxon</i>
-policy, and in some respects the <i>form</i> of it,
-have been constantly kept up in every succeeding
-period of the <i>English</i> monarchy. I content
-myself with observing, that the spirit of
-liberty was predominant in those times: and,
-for proof of it, appeal at present only to one
-single circumstance, which you will think remarkable.
-Our <i>Saxon</i> ancestors conceived so
-little of government, by the will of the magistrate,
-without fixed laws, that <span class="smcap">Laga</span>, or <span class="smcap">Leaga</span>,
-which in their language first and properly signified
-the same as <span class="smcap">Law</span> with us, was transferred<a id="FNanchor_114" href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">114</a>
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_308">308</span>
-very naturally (for language always
-conforms itself to the genius, temper, and manners
-of a nation) to signify a country, district,
-or province; these good people having no notion
-of any inhabited country not governed by
-laws. Thus <span class="smcap">D&aelig;na-laga</span>; <span class="smcap">Merkena-laga</span>;
-and <span class="smcap">Westsexena-laga</span>, were not only used in
-their laws and history to signify the <i>laws</i> of the
-<i>Danes</i>, <i>Mercians</i>, and <i>West-Saxons</i>, but the
-<i>countries</i> likewise. Of which usage I could
-produce to you many instances, if I did not
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_309">309</span>
-presume that, for so small a matter as this, my
-mere word might be taken.</p>
-
-<p>You see then how fully the spirit of liberty
-possessed the very language of our <i>Saxon</i> forefathers.
-And it might well do so; for it was
-of the essence of the <i>German</i> constitutions; a
-just notion of which (so uniform was the genius
-of the brave people that planned them) may be
-gathered, you know, from what the <i>Roman</i>
-historians, and, above all, from what <span class="smcap">Tacitus</span>
-hath recorded of them.</p>
-
-<p>But I forbear so common a topic: and, besides,
-I think myself acquitted of this task, by
-the prudent method, which the defenders of
-the regal power have themselves taken in conducting
-this controversy. For, as conscious of
-the testimony which the <i>Saxon</i> times are ready
-to bear against them, they are wise enough to
-lay the foundation of their system in the <span class="smcap">Conquest</span>.
-They look, no higher than that event
-for the origin of the <i>constitution</i>, and think
-they have a notable advantage over us in deducing
-their notion of the <i>English</i> government
-from the form it took in the hands of the <i>Norman</i>
-invader. But is it not pleasant to hear
-these men calumniate the improvements that
-have been made from time to time in the plan
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_310">310</span>
-of our civil constitution with the name of <i>usurpations</i>,
-when they are not ashamed to erect the
-<i>constitution</i> itself on what <i>they</i> must esteem, at
-least, a great and manifest usurpation?</p>
-
-<h4>BP. BURNET.</h4>
-
-<p><span class="smcap">Conquest</span>, I suppose, in their opinion, gives
-<i>right</i>. And since an inquiry into the origin
-of a constitution requires that we fix <i>somewhere</i>,
-considering the vast alterations introduced by
-the Conquest, and that we have never pretended
-to reject, but only to improve and complete, the
-duke of <span class="smcap">Normandy’s</span> establishment; I believe
-it may be as proper to set out from that &aelig;ra
-as from any other.</p>
-
-<h4>SIR J. MAYNARD.</h4>
-
-<p>Your lordship does not imagine that I am
-about to excuse myself from closing with them,
-even on their own terms. I intended that question
-only as a reproach to the persons we have
-to deal with; who, when a successful event
-makes, or but seems to make, for their idol of
-an absolute monarchy, call it a regular establishment:
-whereas a revolution brought about
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_311">311</span>
-by the justest means, if the cause of liberty receive
-an advantage by it, shall be reviled by the
-name of usurpation. But let them employ
-what names they please, provided their facts be
-well grounded. We will allow them to dignify
-the <i>Norman</i> settlement with the title of <small>CONSTITUTION</small>.
-What follows? That <i>despotism</i>
-was of the essence of that constitution? So they
-tell us indeed; but without one word of proof,
-for the assertion. For what! do they think the
-name of conquest, or even the <i>thing</i>, implies
-an absolute unlimited dominion? Have they
-forgotten that <span class="smcap">William’s</span> claim to the crown
-was, not <i>conquest</i> (though it enabled him to
-support his claim), but <i>testamentary succession</i>:
-a title very much in the taste of that
-time<a id="FNanchor_115" href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">115</a>, and extremely reverenced by our <i>Saxon</i>
-ancestors? That, even waving this specious
-claim, he condescended to accept the crown,
-as a free gift; and by his coronation-oath submitted
-himself to the same terms of administration,
-as his predecessors? And that, in one
-word, he confirmed the <i>Saxon</i> laws, at least
-before he had been many years in possession of
-his new dignity<a id="FNanchor_116" href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">116</a>.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_312">312</span></p>
-
-<p>Is there any thing in all this that favours the
-notion of his erecting himself, by the sole virtue
-of his victory at <i>Hastings</i>, into an absolute
-lord of the conquered country? Is it not
-certain that he bound himself, as far as oaths
-and declarations could bind him, to govern according
-to law; that he could neither touch
-the honours nor estates of his subjects but by
-legal trial; and that even the many forfeitures
-in his reign are an evidence of his proceeding
-in that method?</p>
-
-<p>Still we are told “of his parcelling out the
-whole land, upon his own terms, to his followers;”
-and are insulted “with his famous
-institution of feudal tenures.” But what if the
-<i>former</i> of these assertions be foreign to the
-purpose at least, if not false; and the <i>latter</i>
-subversive of the very system it is brought to
-establish? I think, I have reason for putting
-both these questions. For, what if he parcelled
-out most, or all, of the lands of <i>England</i> to
-his followers? The fact has been much disputed.
-But be it, as they pretend, that the
-property of all the soil in the kingdom had
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_313">313</span>
-changed hands: What is that to us, who claim
-under our <i>Norman</i>, as well as <i>Saxon</i>, ancestors?
-For the question, you see, is about the form
-of government settled in this nation at the time
-of the Conquest. And they argue with us,
-from a supposed act of tyranny in the Conqueror,
-in order to come at that settlement. The
-<i>Saxons</i>, methinks, might be injured, oppressed,
-enslaved; and yet the constitution, transmitted
-to us through his own <i>Normans</i>, be perfectly
-free.</p>
-
-<p>But their <i>other</i> allegation is still more unfortunate.
-“He instituted, they say, the feudal
-law.” True. But the feudal law, and absolute
-dominion, are two things; and, what is more,
-perfectly incompatible.</p>
-
-<p>I take upon me to say, that I shall make out
-this point in the clearest manner. In the mean
-time, it may help us to understand the nature
-of the feudal establishment, to consider the
-practice of succeeding times. What that was,
-our adversaries themselves, if you please, shall
-inform us. Mr. <span class="smcap">Somers</span> hath told their story
-very fairly; which yet amounts only to this,
-“That, throughout the <i>Norman</i> and <i>Plantagenet</i>
-lines, there was one perpetual contest
-between the prince and his feudatories for law
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_314">314</span>
-and liberty:” an evident proof of the light in
-which our forefathers regarded the <i>Norman</i> constitution.
-In the competition of the two <span class="smcap">Roses</span>,
-and perhaps before, they lost sight indeed of
-this prize. But no sooner was the public
-tranquillity restored, and the contending claims
-united in <span class="smcap">Henry VII.</span> than the old spirit revived.
-A legal constitution became the constant
-object of the people; and, though not
-always avowed, was, in effect, as constantly
-submitted to by the sovereign.</p>
-
-<p>It may be true, perhaps, that the ability of
-<i>one</i> prince<a id="FNanchor_117" href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">117</a>, the imperious carriage of <i>another</i><a id="FNanchor_118" href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">118</a>,
-and the generous intrigues of a <i>third</i><a id="FNanchor_119" href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">119</a>; but,
-above all, the condition of the times, and a sense
-of former miseries, kept down the spirit of liberty
-for some reigns, or diminished, at least, the
-force and vigour of its operations. But a passive
-subjection was never acknowledged, certainly
-never demanded as a matter of right, till
-<span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span> now and then, and King <span class="smcap">James</span>,
-by talking continually in this strain, awakened
-the national jealousy; which proved so uneasy
-to himself, and, in the end, so fatal to his
-family.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_315">315</span></p>
-
-<p>I cannot allow myself to mention these things
-more in detail to you, who have so perfect a
-knowledge of them. One thing only I insist
-upon, that, without connecting the system of
-liberty with that of prerogative in our notion
-of the <i>English</i> government, the tenor of our
-history is perfectly unintelligible; and that no
-consistent account can be given of it, but on
-the supposition of a <small>LEGAL LIMITED CONSTITUTION</small>.</p>
-
-<h4>MR. SOMERS.</h4>
-
-<p>Yet that constitution, it will be thought, was
-at least ill defined, which could give occasion to
-so many fierce disputes, and those carried on
-through so long a tract of time, between the
-crown and the subject.</p>
-
-<h4>SIR J. MAYNARD.</h4>
-
-<p>The fault, if there was one, lay in the original
-plan of the constitution itself; as you will
-clearly see when I have opened the nature of it,
-that is, when I have explained the genius,
-views, and consequences of the <small>FEUDAL POLICY</small>.
-It must, however, be affirmed, that this policy
-was founded in the principles of freedom, and
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_316">316</span>
-was, in truth, excellently adapted to an active,
-fierce, and military people; such as were all
-those to whom these western parts of <i>Europe</i>
-have been indebted for their civil constitutions.
-But betwixt the burdensome services imposed
-on the subject by this tenure, or which it gave
-at least the pretence of exacting from him, and
-the too great restraint which an unequal and disproportioned
-allotment of feuds to the greater
-barons laid on the sovereign; but above all, by
-narrowing the plan of liberty too much; and,
-while it seemed to provide for the dependency of
-the prince on one part of his subjects, by leaving
-both him and them in a condition to exercise
-an arbitrary dominion over all others:
-hence it came to pass that the feudal policy
-naturally produced the struggles and convulsions,
-you spoke of, till it was seen in the end
-to be altogether unsuited to the circumstances
-of a rich, civilized, and commercial people.
-The event was, that the inconveniences, perceived
-in this form of government, gradually
-made way for the introduction of a better;
-which was not, however, so properly a new
-form, as the old one amended and set right;
-cleared of its mischiefs and inconsistencies, but
-conducted on the same principles as the former,
-and pursuing the same end, though by different
-methods.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_317">317</span></p>
-
-<p>It is commonly said, “That the feudal tenures
-were introduced at the Conquest.” But
-how are we to understand this assertion? Certainly,
-not as if the whole system of military
-services had been created by the Conqueror;
-for they were essential to all the <i>Gothic</i> or
-<i>German</i> constitutions. We may suppose then,
-that they were only new-modelled by this great
-prince. And who can doubt that the form,
-which was now given to them, would be copied
-from that which the <i>Norman</i> had seen established
-in his own country? It would be copied
-then from the proper <small>FEUDAL FORM</small>; the essence
-of which consisted in the perpetuity
-of the feud<a id="FNanchor_120" href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">120</a>; whereas these military tenures
-had been elsewhere temporary only, or revocable
-at the will of the lord.</p>
-
-<p>But to enter fully into the idea of the feudal
-constitution; to see at what time, and in what
-manner, it was introduced: above all, to comprehend
-the reasons that occasioned this great
-change; it will be convenient to look back to
-the estate of <i>France</i>, and especially of <i>Normandy</i>,
-where this constitution had, for some
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_318">318</span>
-years, taken place before it was transferred to
-us at the Conquest.</p>
-
-<p>Under the first princes of the <i>Carlovingian</i>
-line, the lands of <i>France</i> were of two kinds,
-<small>ALLODIAL</small>, and <small>BENEFICIARY</small>. The allodial,
-were estates of inheritance; the persons possessing
-them, were called <span class="smcap">Hommes libres</span>.
-The beneficiary, were held by grants from the
-crown. The persons holding immediately under
-the emperor, were called <span class="smcap">Leudes</span>; the
-sub-tenants, <span class="smcap">Vassals</span>.</p>
-
-<p>Further, the allodial lands were alienable, as
-well as hereditary. The beneficiary were properly
-neither. They were held for life, or a
-term of years, at the will of the lord, and reverted
-to him on the expiration of the term for
-which they were granted.</p>
-
-<p>I do not stay to explain these institutions
-minutely. It is of more importance to see the
-alterations that were afterwards made in them.
-And the <small>FIRST</small> will be thought a strange one.</p>
-
-<p>The possessors of allodial lands, in <i>France</i>,
-were desirous to have them changed into <i>tenures</i>.
-They who held of the crown <i>in capite</i>
-were entitled to some distinctions and privileges,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_319">319</span>
-which the allodial lords wished to obtain; and
-therefore many of them surrendered their lands
-to the emperor, and received them again of
-him, in the way of <i>tenure</i>. This practice had
-taken place occasionally from the earliest times:
-but under <span class="smcap">Charles</span> the Bald, it became almost
-general; and <i>free-men</i> not only chose to hold
-of the emperor, but of other lords. This last
-was first allowed, in consequence of a treaty
-between the three brothers, after the battle of
-<i>Fontenay</i> in 847.</p>
-
-<p>But these <i>free-men</i> were not so ill-advised
-as to make their estates precarious, or to accept
-a life estate instead of an inheritance. It
-was requisite they should hold for a perpetuity.
-And this I take to have been the true
-origin of hereditary feuds. Most probably, in
-those dangerous times, little people could not
-be safe without a lord to protect them: and
-the price of this protection was the change of
-propriety into tenure.</p>
-
-<p>The <small>SECOND</small> change was by a law made under
-the same emperor in the year 877, the last of
-his reign. It was then enacted, that beneficiary
-estates held under the crown should descend
-to the sons of the present possessors:
-yet not, as I conceive, to the eldest son; but
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_320">320</span>
-to him whom the emperor should chuse; nor
-did this law affect the estates only, but <i>offices</i>,
-which had hitherto been also beneficiary; and
-so the sons of counts, marquises, <i>&amp;c.</i> (which
-were all names of offices, not titles of honour)
-were to succeed to the authority of their fathers,
-and to the benefice annexed to it. The new
-feuds, created in allodial lands, had, I suppose,
-made the emperor’s tenants desirous of
-holding on the same terms; and the weakness
-of the reigning prince enabled them to succeed
-in this first step, which prepared the
-way for a revolution of still more importance.
-For,</p>
-
-<p>The <small>THIRD</small> change, by which the inheritance
-of beneficiary lands and offices was extended to
-perpetuity, and the possession rendered almost
-independent of the crown, was not, we may
-be sure, effected at once, but by degrees. The
-family of <span class="smcap">Charlemagne</span> lost the empire: they
-resisted with great difficulty the incursions of
-the <i>Normans</i>; and, in the year 911, <i>Normandy</i>
-was granted to them as an hereditary
-fee. The great lords made their advantage of
-the public calamities; they defended the king
-on what terms they pleased; if not complied
-with in their demands, they refused their assistance
-in the most critical conjunctures: and
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_321">321</span>
-before the accession of <span class="smcap">Hugh Capet</span>, had entirely
-shaken off their dependence on the crown.
-For it is, I think, a vulgar mistake to say,
-that this great revolution was the effect of
-<span class="smcap">Hugh’s</span> policy. On the contrary, the independence
-of the nobles, already acquired, was,
-as it seems to me, the cause of his success.
-The prince had no authority left, but over his
-own demesnes; which were less considerable
-than the possessions of some of his nobles.
-<span class="smcap">Hugh</span> had one of the largest fiefs: and for this
-reason, his usurpation added to the power of
-the crown, instead of lessening it, as is commonly
-imagined. But to bring back the feuds
-of the other nobles to their former precarious
-condition was a thing impossible: his authority
-was partly supported by superior wisdom, and
-partly by superior strength, his vassals being
-more numerous than those of any other lord.</p>
-
-<p>I cannot tell if these foreigners, when they
-adopted the feudal plan, were immediately
-aware of all the consequences of it. An hereditary
-tenure was, doubtless, a prodigious acquisition;
-yet the advantage was something
-counter-balanced by the great number of impositions
-which the nature of the change
-brought with it. These impositions are what,
-in respect of the lord, are called his <small>FRUITS</small> of
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_322">322</span>
-tenure; such as <span class="smcap">Wardship</span>, <span class="smcap">Marriage</span>, <span class="smcap">Relief</span>,
-and other services: and were the necessary
-consequence of the king’s parting with
-his arbitrary disposal of these tenures. For
-now that the right of inheritance was in the
-tenant, it seemed but reasonable, and, without
-this provision, the feudal policy could not
-have obtained its end, that the prince, in these
-several ways, should secure to himself the honour,
-safety, and defence, which the very nature
-of the constitution implied and intended.
-Hence hereditary feuds were very reasonably
-clogged with the obligations. I have mentioned;
-which, though trifling in comparison with the
-disadvantages of a precarious tenure, were
-yet at least some check on the independency
-acquired. However, these services, which were
-due to the king under the new model, were
-also due to the tenant in chief from those who
-held of him by the like tenure. And so the
-barons, or great proprietaries of land, considering
-more perhaps the subjection of their
-own vassals, than that by which themselves
-were bound to their sovereign, reckoned these
-burdens as nothing, with respect to what they
-had gained by an hereditary succession.</p>
-
-<p>The example of these <i>French</i> feudataries,
-we may suppose, would be catching. We accordingly
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_323">323</span>
-find it followed, in due time, in <i>Germany</i>;
-where <span class="smcap">Conrad II.</span><a id="FNanchor_121" href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">121</a> granted the like
-privilege of <i>successive</i> tenures, and at the
-pressing instance of his tenants.</p>
-
-<p>I thought it material to remind you of these
-things; because they prove the feudal institution
-on the continent to have been favourable
-to the cause of liberty; and because it
-will abate our wonder to find it so readily accepted
-and submitted to here in <i>England</i>.</p>
-
-<h4>MR. SOMERS.</h4>
-
-<p>The account you have given, and, I dare
-say, very truly, of the origin of feuds in <i>France</i>
-and <i>Germany</i>, is such as shews them to have
-been an extension of the people’s liberty.
-There is no question that hereditary alienable
-estates have vastly the preference to beneficiary.
-But the case, I suspect, was different with us
-in <i>England</i>. The great offices of state, indeed,
-in this country, as well as in <i>France</i>,
-were beneficiary. But, if I do not mistake,
-the lands of the <i>English</i>, except only the
-church-lands, were all allodial. And I cannot
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_324">324</span>
-think it could be for the benefit of the <i>English</i>
-to change their old <i>Saxon</i> possessions, subject
-only to the famous triple obligation, for these
-new and burdensome tenures.</p>
-
-<h4>SIR J. MAYNARD.</h4>
-
-<p>Strange as it may appear, we have yet seen
-that the <i>French</i> did not scruple to make that
-exchange even of their allodial estates. But to
-be fair, there was a great difference, as you
-well observe, in the circumstances of the two
-people. All the lands in <i>England</i> were, I believe,
-allodial, in the <i>Saxon</i> times: while a
-very considerable proportion of those in <i>France</i>
-were beneficiary.</p>
-
-<p>Another difference, also, in the state of the
-two countries, is worth observing. In <i>France</i>,
-the allodial lands (though considerable in quantity)
-were divided into small portions. In
-<i>England</i>, they seem to have been in few
-hands; the greater part possessed by the King
-and his <i>Thanes</i>; some smaller parcels by the
-lesser <i>Thanes</i>; and a very little by the <i>Ceorles</i>.
-The consequence was, that, though the allodial
-proprietors in <i>France</i> were glad to renounce
-their property for tenure, in order to secure
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_325">325</span>
-the protection they much wanted; yet with
-us, as you say, there could not be any such inducement
-for the innovation. For, the lands
-being possessed in large portions by the nobility
-and gentry, the allodial lords in <i>England</i>
-were too great to stand in need of protection.
-Yet from this very circumstance, fairly attended
-to, we shall see that the introduction of
-the feudal tenures was neither difficult nor unpopular.
-The great proprietors of land were,
-indeed, too free and powerful, to be bettered
-by this change. But their tenants, that is, the
-bulk of the people, would be gainers by it.
-For these tenants were, I believe, to a man
-beneficiaries. The large estates of the <i>Thanes</i>
-were granted out in small portions to others,
-either for certain quantities of corn or rent, reserved
-to the lord, or on condition of stipulated
-services. And these grants, of whichever sort
-they were, were either at pleasure, or at most
-for a limited term. So that, though the proprietors
-of land in <i>England</i> were so much superior
-to those in <i>France</i>; yet the tenants of
-each were much in the same state; that is,
-they possessed beneficiary lands on stipulated
-conditions.</p>
-
-<p>When, therefore, by right of forfeiture, the
-greater part of the lands in <i>England</i> fell, as
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_326">326</span>
-they of course would do, into the power of the
-king (for they were in few hands, and those
-few had either fought at <i>Hastings</i>, or afterwards
-rebelled against him), it is easy to see that the
-people would not be displeased to find themselves,
-instead of beneficiary tenants<a id="FNanchor_122" href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">122</a>, feudatary
-proprietors.</p>
-
-<p>I say this on supposition that these great forfeited
-estates and signiories, so bountifully bestowed
-by the Conqueror on his favourite <i>Normans</i>,
-were afterwards, many of them at least,
-granted out in smaller parcels to <i>English</i> sub-tenants.
-But if these sub-tenants were also
-<i>Normans</i> (though the case of the <i>English</i> or
-old <i>Saxon</i> freeholders was then very hard), the
-change of allodial into feudatary estates is the
-more easily accounted for.</p>
-
-<p>The main difficulty would be with the churchmen;
-who (though the greatest, and most of
-them were, perhaps, <i>Normans</i> too) were well
-acquainted with the <i>Saxon</i> laws, and for special
-reasons were much devoted to them. They
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_327">327</span>
-were sensible that their possessions had been
-held, in the <i>Saxon</i> times, in <span class="smcap">Franc-almoign</span>:
-a sort of tenure, they were not forward to give
-up for this of <i>feuds</i>. ’Tis true, the burdens of
-these tenures would, many of them, not affect
-them. But then neither could they reap the
-principal fruit of them, the fruit of inheritance.
-They, besides, considered every restraint on
-their privileges as impious; and took the subjection
-of the ecclesiastic to the secular power,
-which the feudal establishment was to introduce,
-for the vilest of all servitudes. Hence
-the churchmen were, of all others, the most
-averse from this law<a id="FNanchor_123" href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">123</a>. And their opposition
-might have given the Conqueror still more
-trouble, if the suppression of the great Northern
-rebellion had not furnished him with the power,
-and (as many of them had been deeply engaged
-in it) with the pretence, to force it upon them.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_328">328</span>
-And thus, in the end, it prevailed universally,
-and without exception.</p>
-
-<p>I would not go further into the history of
-these tenures. It may appear from the little I
-have said of them, that the feudal system was
-rather improved and corrected by the duke of
-<span class="smcap">Normandy</span>, than originally planted by him in
-this kingdom: that the alteration made in it
-was favourable to the public interest; and that
-our <i>Saxon</i> liberties were not so properly restrained,
-as extended by it. It is of little moment
-to inquire whether the nation was won, or
-forced, to a compliance with this system. It
-is enough to say, that, as it was accepted by
-the nation, so it was in itself no servile establishment,
-but essentially founded in the principles
-of liberty. The duties of lord and feudatary
-were reciprocal and acknowledged: services
-on the one part, and protection on the
-other. The institution was plainly calculated
-for the joint-interest<a id="FNanchor_124" href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">124</a> of both parties, and the
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_329">329</span>
-benefit of the community; the proper notion
-of the feudal system being that “of a confederacy
-between a number of military persons,
-agreeing on a certain limited subordination and
-dependence on their chief, for the more effectual
-defence of his and their lives, territories,
-and possessions.”</p>
-
-<h4>MR. SOMERS.</h4>
-
-<p>I have nothing to object to your account of
-the feudal constitution. And I think you do
-perfectly right, to lay the main stress on the
-general nature and genius of it; as by this
-means you cut off those fruitless altercations,
-which have been raised, concerning the personal
-character of the <i>Norman</i> Conqueror. Our
-concern is not with him, but with the government
-he established. And if that be free, no
-matter whether the founder of it were a tyrant.
-But, though I approve your method, I doubt
-there is some defect in your argument. <i>Freedom</i>
-is a term of much latitude. The <i>Norman</i>
-constitution may be free in one sense, as it excludes
-the sole arbitrary dominion of one man;
-and yet servile enough in another, as it leaves
-the government in few hands. For it follows,
-from what I understand of the feudal plan, that
-though its genius be indeed averse from absolute
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_330">330</span>
-monarchy, yet it is indulgent enough to
-absolute <i>aristocracy</i>. And the notion of each
-is equally remote from what we conceive of true
-<i>English</i> liberty.</p>
-
-<h4>SIR J. MAYNARD.</h4>
-
-<p>It is true, the proper feudal form, especially
-as established in this kingdom, was in a high
-degree oligarchical. It would not otherwise,
-perhaps, have suited to the condition of those
-military ages. Yet the principles it went upon,
-were those of public liberty, and generous
-enough to give room for the extension of the
-system itself, when a change of circumstances
-should require it.&mdash;But your objection will best
-be answered by looking a little more distinctly
-into the nature of these tenures.</p>
-
-<p>I took notice that the feudal system subjected
-the <small>CHURCH</small> more immediately to the civil
-power: and laid the foundation of many services
-and fruits of tenure to which the <small>LAY-FEUDATARIES</small>
-in the <i>Saxon</i> times had been altogether
-strangers. It is probable that all the
-consequences of this alteration were not foreseen.
-Yet the churchmen were pretty quick-sighted.
-And the dislike, they had conceived
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_331">331</span>
-of the new establishment, was the occasion of
-those struggles, which continued so long
-between the mitre and crown, and which are
-so famous more especially in the early parts of
-our history. The cause of these ecclesiastics
-was a bad one. For their aim was, as is rightly
-observed by the advocates for the prerogative,
-to assert an independency on the state; and for
-that purpose the pope was made a party in the
-dispute; by whose intrigues it was kept up in
-one shape or other till the total renunciation
-of the papal power. Thus far, however, the
-feudal constitution cannot be blamed. On the
-contrary, it was highly serviceable to the cause
-of liberty, as tending only to hold the ecclesiastic,
-in a due subordination to the civil,
-authority.</p>
-
-<p>The same thing cannot be said of the other
-instance, I mean the <i>fruits of tenure</i>, to which
-the lay-fees were subjected by this system. For
-however reasonable, or rather necessary, those
-<i>fruits</i> might be, in a feudal sense, and for the
-end to which the feudal establishment was directed,
-yet, as the <i>measure</i> of these fruits, as
-well as the manner of exacting them, was in a
-good degree arbitrary, and too much left to
-the discretion of the sovereign, the practice, in
-this respect, was soon found by the tenants in
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_332">332</span>
-chief to be an intolerable grievance. Hence
-that other contest, so memorable in our history,
-betwixt the king and his barons: in which
-the former, under the colour of maintaining
-his feudal rights, laboured to usurp an absolute
-dominion over the persons and properties of his
-vassals; and the latter, impatient of the feudal
-burdens, or rather of the king’s arbitrary exactions
-under pretence of them, endeavoured to
-redeem themselves from so manifest an oppression.</p>
-
-<p>It is not to be denied, that, in the heat of
-this contest, the barons sometimes carried their
-pretensions still further, and laboured in their
-turn to usurp on the crown, in revenge for the
-oppressions they had felt from it. However,
-their first contentions were only for a mitigation
-of the feudal system. It was not the character
-of the <i>Norman</i> princes to come easily
-into any project that was likely to give the least
-check to their pretensions. Yet the grievances,
-complained of, were in part removed, in part
-moderated, by <span class="smcap">Henry</span> the First’s and many
-other successive charters: though the last blow
-was not given to these feudal servitudes till
-after the Restoration, when such of them as
-remained, and were found prejudicial to the
-liberty of the subject, were finally abolished.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_333">333</span></p>
-
-<p>Thus we see that <small>ONE</small> essential defect in the
-feudal policy, considered not as a military, but
-civil institution, was, the too great power it gave
-the sovereign in the arbitrary impositions, implied
-in this tenure. <span class="smcap">Another</span> was accidental.
-It arose from the disproportionate allotment of
-those feuds, which gave the greater barons an
-ascendant over the prince, and was equally unfavourable
-to the cause of liberty. For the
-bounty of the duke of <span class="smcap">Normandy</span>, in his distribution
-of the forfeited estates and signiories
-to his principal officers, had been so immense<a id="FNanchor_125" href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">125</a>,
-that their share of influence in the state was
-excessive, and intrenched too much on the independency
-of the crown and the freedom of
-the people. And this undue poize in the constitution,
-as well as the tyranny of our kings,
-occasioned the long continuance of those civil
-wars, which for many ages harrassed and distressed
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_334">334</span>
-the nation. The evil, however, in the
-end, brought on its own remedy. For these
-princely houses being much weakened in the
-course of the quarrel, <span class="smcap">Henry VII.</span> succeeded,
-at length, to the peaceable possession of the
-crown. And by the policy of this prince,
-and that of his successor, the barons were
-brought so low as to be quite disabled from
-giving any disturbance to the crown for the future.</p>
-
-<p>It appears then that <small>TWO</small> great defects in the
-feudal plan of government, as settled amongst
-us, were, at length, taken away. But a <small>THIRD</small>,
-and the greatest defect of all, was the narrowness
-of the plan itself, I mean when considered
-as a system of <small>CIVIL</small> polity; for, in its primary
-martial intention, it was perfectly unexceptionable.</p>
-
-<p>To explain this matter, which is of the
-highest importance, and will furnish a direct
-answer to Mr. <span class="smcap">Somers’</span> objection, we are to
-remember that in the old feudal policy the
-king’s barons, that is, such as held <i>in capite</i>
-of the crown by barony or knight’s service,
-were the king’s, or rather the kingdom’s, great
-council. No public concerns could be regularly
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_335">335</span>
-transacted, without their consent<a id="FNanchor_126" href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">126</a>; though
-the lesser barons, or tenants by knight’s service,
-did not indeed so constantly appear in
-the king’s court, as the greater barons; and
-though the public business was sometimes even
-left to the ordinary attendants on the king,
-most of them churchmen. It appears that,
-towards the end of the Conqueror’s reign, the
-number of these tenants in chief was about
-700; who, as the whole property of the kingdom
-was, in effect, in their power, may be
-thought a no unfit representative (though this
-be no proper <i>feudal</i> idea) of the whole nation.
-It was so, perhaps, in those rude and warlike
-times, when the strength of the nation lay entirely
-in the soldiery; that is, in those who
-held by military services, either immediately
-of the crown, or of the mesne lords. For the
-remainder of the people, whom they called
-tenants in socage, were of small account; being
-considered only in the light of servants, and
-contributing no otherwise to the national support
-than by their cultivation of the soil, which
-left their masters at leisure to attend with less
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_336">336</span>
-distraction on their military services. At least,
-it was perfectly in the genius of the feudal,
-that is, military constitutions, to have little regard
-for any but the men of arms; and, as
-every other occupation would of course be accounted
-base and ignoble, it is not to be wondered
-that such a difference was made between
-the condition of <i>pr&aelig;dial</i> and <i>military</i> tenures.</p>
-
-<p>However, a policy, that excluded such numbers
-from the rank and privileges of citizens,
-was so far a defective one. And this defect
-would become more sensible every day, in proportion
-to the growth of arts, the augmentation
-of commerce, and the security the nation
-found itself in from foreign dangers. The ancient
-military establishment would now be
-thought unjust, when the exclusive privileges
-of the swordsmen were no longer supported by
-the necessities of the public, and when the
-wealth of the nation made so great a part of
-the force of it. Hence arose an important
-change in the legislature of the kingdom, which
-was much enlarged beyond its former limits.
-But this was done gradually; and was more
-properly an extension than violation of the ancient
-system.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_337">337</span></p>
-
-<p>First, the number of tenants in chief, or the
-king’s freeholders, was much increased by various
-causes, but chiefly by the alienation which
-the greater barons made of their fees. Such
-alienation, though under some restraint, seems
-to have been generally permitted in the <i>Norman</i>
-feuds; I mean, till <span class="smcap">Magna Charta</span> and
-some subsequent statutes laid it under particular
-limitations. But, whether the practice were
-regular or not, it certainly prevailed from the
-earliest times; especially on some more extraordinary
-occasions. Thus, when the fashionable
-madness of the <span class="smcap">Croisades</span> had involved
-the greater barons in immense debts, in order
-to discharge the expences of these expeditions,
-they alienated their fees, and even dismembered
-them; that is, they parted with their right in
-them, and made them over in small parcels to
-others, to hold of the superior lord. And what
-these barons did from necessity, the crown itself
-did, out of policy: for the <i>Norman</i> princes,
-growing sensible of the inconvenience of making
-their vassals too great, disposed of such estates
-of their barons as fell in to them by forfeiture,
-and were not a few, in the same manner. The
-consequence of all this was, that, in process of
-time, the lesser military tenants <i>in capite</i> multiplied
-exceedingly. And, as many of them
-were poor, and unequal to a personal attendance
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_338">338</span>
-in the court of their lord, or in the common
-council of the kingdom (where of right and
-duty they were to pay their attendance), they
-were willing, and it was found convenient to
-give them leave, to appear in the way of <i>representation</i>.
-And this was the origin of what we
-now call <span class="smcap">the Knights of the Shires</span>; who,
-in those times, were appointed to represent, not
-all the free-holders of counties, but the lesser
-tenants of the crown only. For these not attending
-in person, would otherwise have had
-no place in the king’s council.</p>
-
-<p>The rise of <span class="smcap">Citizens and Burgesses</span>, that
-is, representatives of the cities and trading
-towns, must be accounted for somewhat differently.
-These had originally been in the jurisdiction,
-and made part of the demesnes, of
-the king and his great lords. The reason of
-which appears from what I observed of the
-genius of the feudal policy. For, little account
-being had of any but martial men, and trade
-being not only dishonourable, but almost unknown
-in those ages; the lower people, who
-lived together in towns, most of them small
-and inconsiderable, were left in a state of subjection
-to the crown, or some other of the barons,
-and exposed to their arbitrary impositions
-and talliages.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_339">339</span></p>
-
-<p>But this condition of burghers, as it sprang
-from the military genius of the nation, could
-only be supported by it. When that declined
-therefore, and, instead of a people of soldiers,
-the commercial spirit prevailed, and filled our
-towns with rich traders and merchants, it was
-no longer reasonable, nor was it the interest of
-the crown, that these communities and bodies
-of men should be so little regarded. On the
-contrary, a large share of the public burdens
-being laid upon them, and the frequent necessities
-of the crown, especially in foreign wars,
-or in the king’s contentions with his barons,
-requiring him to have recourse to their purses,
-it was naturally brought about that those, as
-well as the tenants <i>in capite</i>, should, in time,
-be admitted to have a share in the public
-councils.</p>
-
-<p>I do not stay to trace the steps of this change.
-It is enough to say, that arose insensibly
-and naturally out of the growing wealth and
-consequence of the trading towns; the convenience
-the king found in drawing considerable
-sums from them, with greater ease to
-himself, and less offence to the people; and,
-perhaps, from the view of lessening by their
-means the exorbitant power and influence of
-the barons.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_340">340</span></p>
-
-<p>From these, or the like reasons, the great
-towns and cities, that before were royal demesnes,
-part of the king’s private patrimony,
-and talliable by him at pleasure, were allowed
-to appear in his council by their deputies, to
-treat with him of the proportion of taxes to be
-raised on them, and, in a word, to be considered
-it the same light as the other members
-of that great assembly.</p>
-
-<p>I do not inquire when this great alteration
-was first made. I find it subsisting at least
-under <span class="smcap">Edward III.</span> And from that time, there
-is no dispute but that the legislature, which
-was originally composed of the sovereign and
-his feudal tenants, included also the representatives
-of the counties, and of the royal towns
-and cities. To speak in our modern style, the
-<span class="smcap">House of Commons</span> was, now, formed. And
-by this addition, the glorious edifice of <i>English</i>
-liberty was completed.</p>
-
-<p>I am sensible, I must have wearied you with
-this deduction, which can be no secret to either
-of you. But it was of importance to shew,
-that the constitution of <i>England</i>, as laid in the
-feudal tenures, was essentially free; and that
-the very changes it hath undergone, were the
-natural and almost unavoidable effects of those
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_341">341</span>
-tenures. So that what the adversaries of liberty
-object to us, as usurpations on the regal prerogative,
-are now seen to be either the proper
-result of the feudal establishment, or the most
-just and necessary amendments of it.</p>
-
-<h4>BP. BURNET.</h4>
-
-<p>I have waited with much pleasure for this
-conclusion, which entirely discredits the notion
-of an absolute, despotic government. I will
-not take upon me to answer for Mr. <i>Somers</i>,
-whose great knowledge in the laws and history
-of the kingdom enables him to see further into
-the subject than I do; but to me nothing appears
-more natural or probable than this account
-of the rise and progress of the <i>English</i>
-monarchy. One difficulty, in particular, which
-seemed to embarrass this inquiry, you have
-entirely removed, by shewing how, from the
-aristocratical form which prevailed in the earlier
-times, the more free and popular one of
-our days hath gradually taken place, and that
-without any violence to the antient constitution<a id="FNanchor_127" href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">127</a>.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_342">342</span></p>
-
-<h4>MR. SOMERS.</h4>
-
-<p>At least, my lord, with so little, that we
-may, perhaps, apply to the <i>English</i> government
-what the naturalists observe of the <small>HUMAN
-BODY</small><a id="FNanchor_128" href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">128</a>; that, when it arrives at its full
-growth, it does not perhaps retain a single particle
-of the matter it originally set out with;
-yet the alteration hath been made so gradually
-and imperceptibly, that the system is accounted
-the same under all changes. Just so, I think,
-we seem to have shaken off the constituent
-parts of the <small>FEUDAL CONSTITUTION</small>; but, liberty
-having been always the informing principle,
-time and experience have rather completed
-the old system, than created a new one:
-and we may account the present and <i>Norman</i>
-establishment all one, by the same rule as we
-say that <span class="smcap">Hercules</span>, when he became the deliverer
-of oppressed nations, was still the same
-with him who had strangled serpents in his
-cradle.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_343">343</span></p>
-
-<h4>SIR. J. MAYNARD.</h4>
-
-<p>I know not what fanciful similes your
-younger wit may delight in. I content myself
-with observing, that the two great points,
-which they, who deny the liberty of the subject,
-love to inculcate, and on which the plausibility
-of all their reasonings depends, are,
-<small>THE SLAVISH NATURE OF THE FEUDAL CONSTITUTION</small>,
-and <span class="smcap">the late rise of the House of
-Commons</span>. And I have taken up your time to
-small purpose, if it doth not now appear, that
-the <i>former</i> of these notions is false, and the
-<i>latter</i> impertinent. If the learned inquirers
-into this subject had considered that the question
-is concerning the freedom itself of our
-constitution, and not the most convenient form
-under which it may be administered, they must
-have seen that, the feudal law, though it narrowed
-the system of liberty, was founded in
-it; that the spirit of freedom is as vital in this
-form, and the principles it goes upon as solid,
-as in the best-formed republic; and that <i>villanage</i>
-concludes no more against the <i>feudal</i>,
-than <i>slavery</i> against the <i>Greek</i> or <i>Roman</i>,
-constitutions.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_344">344</span></p>
-
-<h4>MR. SOMERS.</h4>
-
-<p>That is, Sir <span class="smcap">John</span>, you make <i>liberty</i> to have
-been the essence of all <small>THREE</small>; though, to the
-perfection of an equal commonwealth, you
-suppose it should have been further spread out
-and dilated: as they say of <i>frankincense</i> (if
-you can forgive another allusion), which, when
-lying in the lump, is of no great use or pleasure;
-but, when properly diffused, is the
-sweetest of all odours. But you was going on
-with the application of your principles.</p>
-
-<h4>SIR J. MAYNARD.</h4>
-
-<p>I was going to say that, as many have been
-misled by wrong notions of the <i>feudal tenures</i>,
-others had erred as widely in their reasonings
-on <i>the late origin of the lower house of parliament</i>.
-How have we heard some men triumph,
-in dating it no higher than the reign of
-<span class="smcap">Edward III</span>? Let the fact be admitted.
-What follows? That this house is an usurpation
-on the prerogative? Nothing less. It
-was gradually brought forth by time, and grew
-up under the favour and good liking of our
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_345">345</span>
-princes<a id="FNanchor_129" href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">129</a>. The constitution itself supposed the
-men of greatest consequence in the commonwealth
-to have a seat in the national councils.
-Trade and agriculture had advanced vast numbers
-into consequence, that before were of
-small account in the kingdom. The public
-consideration was increased by their wealth,
-and the public necessities relieved by it. Were
-these to remain for ever excluded from the
-king’s councils? or was not that council, which
-had liberty for its object, to widen and expand
-itself in order to receive them? It did, in fact,
-receive them with open arms; and, in so
-doing, conducted itself on the very principles
-of the old feudal policy.</p>
-
-<p>In short, the <i>feudal constitution</i>, different
-from all others that human policy is acquainted
-with, was of such a make, that it readily gave
-way, and fitted itself to the varying situations
-of society: narrow and contracted, when the
-public interest required a close connexion between
-the governor and the governed; large
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_346">346</span>
-and capacious, when the same interest required
-that connexion to be loosened. Just as the
-skin (if you will needs have a comparison),
-the natural cincture of the body, confines the
-young limbs with sufficient tightness, and
-yet widens in proportion to their growth,
-so as to let the different parts of the
-body play with ease, and obtain their full size
-and dimensions. Whereas the other policies,
-that have obtained in the world, may be compared
-to those artificial coverings, which, being
-calculated only for one age and size; grow
-troublesome and insupportable in any other;
-and yet cannot, like these, be thrown off and
-supplied by such as are more suitable and convenient;
-but are worn for life, though with
-constant, or rather increasing, uneasiness.</p>
-
-<p>This then being the peculiar prerogative of
-the feudal policy, I think we may say with
-great truth, not that the House of Commons
-violated the constitution, but, on the contrary,
-that the constitution itself demanded, or rather
-generated, the House of Commons.</p>
-
-<p>So that I cannot by any means commend
-the zeal which some have shewn in seeking the
-origin of this house in the <i>British</i> or even
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_347">347</span>
-<i>Saxon</i> annals. Their aim was, to serve the
-cause of liberty; but, it must be owned, at the
-expence of truth, and, as we now perceive,
-without the least necessity.</p>
-
-<h4>BP. BURNET.</h4>
-
-<p>It hath happened then in this, as in so many
-other instances, that an excellent cause hath
-suffered by the ill judgment of its defenders.
-But, when truth itself had been disgraced by
-one sort of men in being employed by them to
-the worst purposes, is it to be wondered that
-others should not acknowledge her in such
-hands, but be willing to look out for her in
-better company?</p>
-
-<h4>SIR J. MAYNARD.</h4>
-
-<p>Let us say, my lord, they should have acknowledged
-her in whatever company she was
-found; and the rather, as ill-applied truths are
-seen to be full as serviceable to a bad cause, as
-downright falsehoods. Besides, this conduct
-had not only been fairer, but more politic.
-For when so manifest a truth was rejected, it
-was but natural to suspect foul play in the rest,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_348">348</span>
-and that none but a bad cause could want to be
-supported by so disingenuous a management.</p>
-
-<h4>MR. SOMERS.</h4>
-
-<p>I think so, Sir <span class="smcap">John</span>; and there is this further
-use of such candor, that it cuts off at once
-the necessity of long and laboured researches
-into the dark parts of our history; and so not
-only shortens the debate, but renders it much
-more intelligible to the people.</p>
-
-<h4>SIR J. MAYNARD.</h4>
-
-<p>I was aware of that advantage, and am therefore
-not displeased that truth allowed me to
-make use of it.&mdash;But to resume the main argument;
-for I have not yet done with my evidence
-for the freedom of our excellent constitution:&mdash;It
-seemed of moment to shew, from
-the nature and consequences of the <i>Norman</i>
-settlement, that the <i>English</i> government was
-essentially free. But, because the freest form
-of government may be tamely given up and
-surrendered into the hands of a master, I hold
-it of consequence to prove, that the <i>English</i>
-spirit hath always been answerable to the constitution,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_349">349</span>
-and that even the most insidious attempts
-on their liberties have never failed to
-awaken the resentment of our generous forefathers.
-In a word, I would shew that the
-jealously, with which the <i>English</i> have ever
-guarded the national freedom, is at once a convincing
-testimony of their <i>right</i>, and of their
-constant <i>possession</i> of it.</p>
-
-<p>And though I might illustrate this argument
-by many other instances, I chuse to insist only
-on <small>ONE, THEIR PERPETUAL OPPOSITION TO THE
-CIVIL AND CANON LAWS</small>; which, at various times
-and for their several ends, the crown and
-church have been solicitous to obtrude on the
-people.</p>
-
-<p>To open the way to this illustration, let it
-be observed that, from the time of <span class="smcap">Honorius</span>,
-that is, when the <i>Roman</i> authority ceased
-amongst us, the <i>Saxon</i> institutions, incorporated
-with the old <i>British</i> customs, were the
-only standing laws of the kingdom. These
-had been collected and formed into a sort of
-digest by <span class="smcap">Edward</span> the Confessor; and so great
-was the nation’s attachment to them, that
-<span class="smcap">William</span> himself was obliged to ratify them,
-at the same time that the feudal law itself was
-enacted. And afterwards, on any attempt to
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_350">350</span>
-innovate on those laws, we hear of a general
-outcry and dissatisfaction among the people:
-which jealousy of theirs was not without good
-grounds; as we may see from an affair that happened
-in the Conqueror’s own reign, and serves
-to illustrate the policy of this monarch.</p>
-
-<p>It had been an old custom, continued
-through the <i>Saxon</i> times, for the bishops and
-sheriffs to sit together in judicature in the
-county courts. This had been found a very
-convenient practice; for the presence of the
-churchmen gave a sanction to the determinations
-of the temporal courts, and drew an extraordinary
-reverence towards them from the
-people. Yet we find it abolished by the Conqueror;
-who, in a rescript to the bishop of
-<i>Lincoln</i>, ordained that, for the future, the
-bishops and aldermen of the shires should
-have separate courts and separate jurisdictions.
-The pretence for this alteration was
-the distinct nature of the two judicatures,
-and the desire of maintaining a strict conformity
-to the canons of the church. The real
-design was much deeper. There is no question
-but <span class="smcap">William’s</span> inclinations, at least, were for
-arbitrary government; in which project his
-<i>Norman</i> lawyers, it was hoped, might be of
-good use to him. But there was a great
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_351">351</span>
-obstacle in his way. The churchmen of those
-times had incomparably the best knowledge of
-the <i>Saxon</i> laws. It matters not, whether those
-churchmen were <i>Normans</i>, or not. They were
-equally devoted, as I observed before, to the
-<i>Saxon</i> laws, with the <i>English</i>; as favouring
-that independency, they affected, on the civil
-power. Besides, in the Confessor’s time, many
-and perhaps the greatest of the churchmen
-had been <i>Normans</i>; so that the study of the
-<i>Saxon</i> laws, from the interest they promised
-themselves in them, was grown familiar to the
-rising ecclesiastics of that country. Hence, as
-I said, the churchmen, though <i>Normans</i>, were
-well instructed in the spirit and genius of the
-<i>Saxon</i> laws; and it was not easy for the king’s
-glossers to interpret them to their own mind,
-whilst the bishops were at hand to refute and
-rectify their comments.</p>
-
-<p>Besides, the truth is (and my lord of <span class="smcap">Salisbury</span>
-will not be displeased with me for telling
-it), the ecclesiastics of that time were much
-indevoted to the court. They considered the
-king as the wickedest of all tyrants. He had
-brought them into subjection by their baronies,
-and had even set the pope himself at defiance.
-In this state of things, there was no hope of
-engaging the clergy in his plot. But when a
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_352">352</span>
-separation of the two tribunals was made, and
-the civil courts were solely administered by his
-own creatures, the laws, it was thought, would
-speak what language he pleased to require of
-them.</p>
-
-<p>Such appears to have been the design of this
-prince in his famous distinction of the ecclesiastic
-and temporal courts. It was so artfully
-laid, and so well coloured, that the laity seem
-to have taken no umbrage at it. But the
-clergy saw his drift; and their zeal for the
-ancient laws, as well as their resentments, put
-them upon contriving methods to counteract
-it. They hit upon a very natural and effectual
-one. In a word, they all turned common
-lawyers; and so found means of introducing
-themselves into the civil courts. This expedient
-succeeded so well, and was so generally
-relished, that the clergy to a man almost in
-the next reign were become professors of the
-common law; <span class="smcap">nullus Clericus nisi Causidicus</span>,
-as <span class="smcap">William</span> of <i>Malmesbury</i> takes care
-to inform us<a id="FNanchor_130" href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">130</a>.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_353">353</span></p>
-
-<h4>BP. BURNET.</h4>
-
-<p>Whatever their motive might be, the churchmen,
-I perceive, interposed very seasonably in
-the support of our civil liberties. It was a
-generous kind of revenge, methinks, to repay
-the king’s tyranny over the church by vindicating
-the authority of the <i>English</i> laws.</p>
-
-<h4>SIR J. MAYNARD.</h4>
-
-<p>It was so; and for this good service, I let
-them pass without any harsher reflection.
-Though the true secret is, perhaps, no more
-than this: Their main object was the church,
-of whose interests, as is fitting, we will allow
-them to be the most competent judges. And,
-as these inclined them, they have been, at different
-junctures, the defenders or oppressors of
-civil liberty.</p>
-
-<h4>BP. BURNET.</h4>
-
-<p>At <i>some</i> junctures, it may be, they have.
-But, if you insist on so general a censure, I
-must intreat Mr. <span class="smcap">Somers</span>, once more, to take
-upon him the defence of our order.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_354">354</span></p>
-
-<h4>SIR J. MAYNARD.</h4>
-
-<p>All I intended by this instance, was, to shew
-the spirit of the <i>Saxon</i> laws, which could excite
-the jealousy of the prince, and deserve, at
-such a season, the patronage of the clergy. It
-seems, however, for once, as if they had a little
-misconceived their true interests. For the distinction
-of the two judicatures, which occasioned
-their resentment, was, in the end, a great
-means of the hierarchical greatness and independency.</p>
-
-<p>Matters continued on this footing during the
-three first of the <i>Norman</i> reigns. The prince
-did his utmost to elude the authority of the
-<i>English</i> laws; and the nation, on the other
-hand, laboured hard to confirm it. But a new
-scene was opened under King <span class="smcap">Stephen</span>, by
-means of the <i>Justinian</i> laws; which had lately
-been recovered in <i>Italy</i>, and became at once
-the fashionable study over all <i>Europe</i>. It is
-certain, that the Pandects were first brought
-amongst us in that reign; and that the reading
-of them was much favoured by Archbishop
-<span class="smcap">Theobald</span><a id="FNanchor_131" href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">131</a>, under whose encouragement they
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_355">355</span>
-were publicly read in <i>England</i> by <span class="smcap">Vacarius</span>,
-within a short time after the famous <span class="smcap">Irnerius</span>
-had opened his school at <i>Bologna</i>. There is
-something singular in the readiness with which
-this new system of law was embraced in these
-Western parts of <i>Europe</i>. But my friend Mr.
-<span class="smcap">Selden</span> used to give a plausible account of it.
-It was, he said<a id="FNanchor_132" href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">132</a>, in opposition to <span class="smcap">Innocent II</span>,
-who was for obtruding on the Christian states
-the <i>decretals</i>, as laws; manifestly calculated
-for the destruction of the civil magistrate’s
-power. And what seems to authorize the
-opinion of my learned friend, is, that the popes
-very early took the alarm, and, by their decrees,
-forbad churchmen to teach the civil
-law: as appears from the constitution of <span class="smcap">Alexander
-III</span>, so early as the year 1163, in the
-council of <span class="smcap">Tours</span>; and afterwards from the
-famous decretal of <span class="smcap">Super-specula</span> by <span class="smcap">Honorius
-III</span>, in 1219, in which the clergy of all
-denominations, seculars as well as regulars,
-were prohibited the study of it. And it was,
-doubtless, to defeat the mischief which the
-popes apprehended to themselves, from the
-credit of the imperial laws, that <span class="smcap">Gratian</span> was
-encouraged, about the same time, to compose
-and publish his <span class="smcap">Decree</span>; which, it is even
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_356">356</span>
-said<a id="FNanchor_133" href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">133</a>, had the express approbation of Pope
-<span class="smcap">Eugenius</span>.</p>
-
-<p>Let us see, now, what reception this newly-recovered
-law, so severely dealt with by the
-pope, and so well entertained by the greatest
-part of <i>Europe</i>, had in <i>England</i>.</p>
-
-<p><span class="smcap">Vacarius</span> had continued to teach it for some
-time, in the archbishop’s palace at <i>Lambeth</i>,
-to great numbers, whom first, the novelty of
-the study, and then, the fashion of the age,
-had drawn about him. The fame of the teacher
-was high, and the new science had made a
-great progress, when on a sudden it received a
-severe check, and from a quarter whence one
-should not naturally expect it. In short, the
-king himself interdicted the study of it. Some
-have imagined, that this inhibition was owing
-to the spite he bore to archbishop <span class="smcap">Theobald</span>.
-But the truer reason seems to be, that the canon
-law was first read by <span class="smcap">Vacarius</span> at the same
-time, and under colour of the imperial. I
-think we may collect thus much very clearly
-from <span class="smcap">John of Salisbury</span>, who acquaints us
-with this edict. For he considers it as an
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_357">357</span>
-offence against the church, and expressly calls
-the prohibition, an <small>IMPIETY</small><a id="FNanchor_134" href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">134</a>.</p>
-
-<p>It is true, the decretals of <span class="smcap">Gratian</span> were not
-yet published. But Ivo had made a collection
-of them in the reign of <span class="smcap">Henry I</span>; and we may
-be sure that some code of this sort would privately
-go about amongst the clergy, from what
-was before observed of the pains taken by <span class="smcap">Innocent
-II</span>, to propagate the decretals. We
-may further observe, that <span class="smcap">Theobald</span> had been
-in high favour with <span class="smcap">Innocent</span>; and that his
-school, at <i>Lambeth</i>, was opened immediately
-on his return from <i>Rome</i>, whither he had been
-to receive his pall from this pope, on his appointment
-to the see of <i>Canterbury</i><a id="FNanchor_135" href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">135</a>. All
-which makes it probable, that <span class="smcap">Stephen’s</span> displeasure
-was not so much at the civil, as <i>canon</i>
-law, which he might well conclude had no
-friendly aspect on his sovereignty.</p>
-
-<p>And we have the greater reason to believe
-that this was the fact, from observing what
-afterwards happened in the reign of <span class="smcap">Henry III</span>,
-when a prohibition of the same nature was
-again issued out against the teachers of the
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_358">358</span>
-<i>Roman</i> laws in <i>London</i><a id="FNanchor_136" href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">136</a>. The true cause of
-the royal mandate is well known. <span class="smcap">Gregory IX</span>
-had just then published a new code of the decretals;
-which, like all former collections of this
-sort, was calculated to serve the papal interest,
-and depress the rights of princes.</p>
-
-<p>However, these edicts, if we suppose them
-levelled against the civil law, had no effect,
-any more than those of the popes <span class="smcap">Alexander</span>
-and <span class="smcap">Honorius</span>, before mentioned. For the
-imperial law, being generally well received by
-the princes of <i>Europe</i>, presently became a kind
-of <i>Jus gentium</i>. And the clergy, who aspired
-to power and dignities, either abroad or at
-home, studied it with an inconceivable rage;
-insomuch, that <span class="smcap">Roger Bacon</span> tells us, that,
-in his time for forty years together, the seculars,
-who were the ecclesiastics employed in
-business, never published a single treatise in
-divinity<a id="FNanchor_137" href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">137</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The truth is, whatever shew the popes or
-our own princes might make, at times, of discountenancing
-the civil law, it was not the
-design of either absolutely and universally to
-suppress it. It was properly, not the civil, but
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_359">359</span>
-the canon law, which was discountenanced by
-our kings. And the case of the popes was,
-that, when they found the imperial law opposed
-to the <i>common</i>, they were ready to favour it;
-when it was opposed to the <i>canon</i>, and brought
-that into neglect, they forbad ecclesiastics the
-study of it.</p>
-
-<h4>MR. SOMERS.</h4>
-
-<p>In the mean time the poor people, methinks,
-were in a fine condition, between two laws,
-the one founded on civil, and the other on ecclesiastical,
-tyranny. If either had prevailed,
-there had been an end of their liberties.</p>
-
-<h4>SIR J. MAYNARD.</h4>
-
-<p>Certainly their situation was very critical.
-Yet in the end it was precisely this situation
-that saved them. For betwixt these contentions
-of the crown and mitre, each endeavouring to
-extend its dominion over the other, the people,
-who were of course to be gained by either side
-in its distress, found means to preserve themselves
-from both.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_360">360</span></p>
-
-<p>To see how this happened, we must remember,
-what appears indeed from the two edicts
-of <span class="smcap">Stephen</span> and <span class="smcap">Henry</span>, that the king himself
-was a bulwark betwixt them and the papal
-power. And when the king in his turn wanted
-to exalt his prerogative over all, the church
-very naturally took the alarm, as we saw in the
-case of <span class="smcap">William’s</span> separation of the two tribunals.
-And thus it happened, as <span class="smcap">Nat. Bacon</span>
-observes<a id="FNanchor_138" href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">138</a>, “That many times the pope and
-the clergy became protectors of the people’s
-liberties, and kept them safe from the rage of
-kings.” The greatest danger was, when the two
-powers chanced to unite in one common design
-against them; as they did in their general
-inclination for the establishment of the civil
-law. But here the people had the courage
-always to defend themselves; and with that
-wisdom too, as demonstrates their attention to
-the cause of civil liberty, and the vigilance
-with which they guarded even its remotest outworks.</p>
-
-<p>Of their steady and watchful conduct, in
-this respect, I shall mention some of the
-many memorable examples, that occur in our
-history.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_361">361</span></p>
-
-<p>I have said that from the time of <span class="smcap">Stephen</span>,
-notwithstanding his famous edict, the imperial
-laws were the chief and favourite study of the
-clergy. They had good reason for applying
-themselves so closely to this science, and still
-further views than their own immediate advancement.
-They wanted to bring those laws
-into the civil courts, and to make them the
-standing rule of public administration; not
-merely from their good-will to the papal authority,
-which would naturally gain an advantage
-by this change, but for the sake of controlling
-the too princely barons, and in hopes, no
-doubt, that the imperial would in due time
-draw the canon laws into vogue along with
-them. Such, I think, were at least the secret
-designs of the ruling clergy; and they did not
-wait long before they endeavoured to put their
-project in execution. The plot was admirably
-laid, and with that deep policy as hath kept it,
-I believe, from being generally understood to
-this day.</p>
-
-<p>The great men of that time were, we may be
-sure, too like the great men of every other, to
-be very scrupulous about the commission of
-those vices to which they were most inclined.
-The truth is, their profligacy was in proportion
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_362">362</span>
-to their greatness and their ignorance. They
-indulged themselves in the most licentious
-amours, and even prided themselves in this
-licence. The good churchmen, no doubt, lamented
-this corruption of manners; but, as
-they could not reform, they resolved at least to
-draw some emolument to themselves from it.
-The castles of the barons, they saw, were full
-of bastards. Nay, the courtesy of that time
-had so far dignified their vices, that the very
-same was had in honour. <span class="smcap">Ego Gulielmus
-Bastardus</span>, is even the preamble to one of
-<span class="smcap">William</span> the First’s charters.</p>
-
-<p>Yet, as respectable as it was become, there
-was one unlucky check on this favourite indulgence:
-and this, with the barons leave, the
-considerate bishops would presently take off.
-Subsequent marriage, by the imperial as well
-as canon laws, legitimated bastards, as to succession;
-whereas the common law kept them
-eternally in their state of bastardy. It is not
-to be doubted, but the barons would be sensible
-enough of this restraint. They earnestly wished
-to get rid of it. And could any thing bid so
-fair to recommend the imperial law to their
-good liking, as the tender of it for so desirable
-a purpose? At a parliament, therefore, under
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_363">363</span>
-<span class="smcap">Henry III</span><a id="FNanchor_139" href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">139</a>, <i>Rogaverunt omnes episcopi, ut
-consentirent quod nati ante matrimonium essent
-legitimi</i>. What think ye now of this
-general supplication of the hierarchy? What
-could the barons do but comply with it, especially
-as it was so kindly intended for their relief,
-and the proposal was even made with a
-delicacy that might enable them to come into
-it with a good grace, and without the shame
-of seeming to desire it? All this is very true.
-Yet the answer of the virtuous barons is as
-follows: <i>Omnes comites et barons un&acirc; voce
-responderunt</i>, <span class="smcap">Quod nolumus leges Angli&aelig;
-mutari</span>.</p>
-
-<p>We see then what stuck with them. These
-barons, as licentious as they were, preferred
-their liberty to their pleasure. The bishops,
-they knew, as partisans of the pope, were for
-subjecting the nation to the imperial and papal
-laws. They offered, indeed, to begin with a
-circumstance very much to their taste. But if
-they accepted the benefit of them in one instance,
-with what decency could they object
-to them in others? They determined therefore
-to be consistent. They rejected a proposition,
-most agreeable in itself, lest their acceptance
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_364">364</span>
-of it should make way for the introduction of
-foreign laws; whose very genius and essence,
-they well knew, was arbitrary, despotic power.
-Their answer speaks their sense of this matter,
-<span class="smcap">Nolumus leges Angli&aelig; mutari</span>. They had
-nothing to object to the proposal itself. But
-they were afraid for the constitution.</p>
-
-<h4>MR. SOMERS.</h4>
-
-<p>I doubt, Sir <span class="smcap">John</span>, my lord of <span class="smcap">Salisbury</span>
-will bring a fresh complaint against you, for
-this liberty with the bishops. But I, who
-shall not be thought wanting in a due honour
-for that bench, must needs confess myself
-much pleased, as well with the novelty, as
-justice of this comment. I have frequently
-considered this famous reply of the old barons.
-But I did not see to the bottom of the contrivance.
-Their aversion to the imperial laws,
-as you say, must have been very great, to have
-put them on their guard against so inviting a
-proposal.</p>
-
-<h4>BP. BURNET.</h4>
-
-<p>One thing, however, is forgotten or dissembled
-in this account, that the law of <span class="smcap">Justinian</span>,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_365">365</span>
-which allows the privilege of legitimation
-to subsequent marriage, is grounded on
-some reasons that might, perhaps, recommend
-it to the judgment, as well as interest of the
-old prelates. Besides, they doubtless found
-themselves much distressed by the contrariety
-of the two laws in this instance. For the
-ground of their motion, as I remember, was,
-<i>Quod esset secundum communem formam ecclesi&aelig;</i>.
-But, to deal ingenuously with you,
-Sir <span class="smcap">John</span>, you have dressed up your hypothesis
-very plausibly. And I, who am no advocate
-for the civil or ecclesiastical laws, in this or
-any instance where they clash with those of my
-country, can allow your raillery on <span class="smcap">Henry’s</span>
-good bishops, if it were only that I see it
-makes so much for your general argument.</p>
-
-<h4>SIR J. MAYNARD.</h4>
-
-<p>Your lordship may the rather excuse this
-liberty with the <i>church</i>, as I propose, in due
-time, to deal as freely with <span class="smcap">Westminster-hall</span>;
-a similar plot, which I shall have occasion
-to mention presently, having been formed
-against the ancient constitution by the men
-of our profession.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_366">366</span></p>
-
-<h4>MR. SOMERS.</h4>
-
-<p>In the mean time, Sir <span class="smcap">John</span>, you must give
-me leave, in quality of advocate for the church,
-to observe one thing, that does the churchmen
-honour. It is, that, in these attempts on the
-constitution, the judges and great officers of
-the realm, who in those times were of the
-clergy, constantly took the side of the <i>English</i>
-laws; as my Lord <span class="smcap">Coke</span> himself, I remember,
-takes notice in his commentary on this statute
-of <span class="smcap">Merton</span>.</p>
-
-<h4>SIR J. MAYNARD.</h4>
-
-<p>I believe the observation is very just. But
-I should incline to impute this integrity, not
-to the influence of church principles, but those
-of the common law, and so turn your compliment
-to the honour of our profession instead of
-theirs, if it were not too clear in fact that
-every profession, in its turn, hath been liable
-to this charge of corruption.</p>
-
-<p>But I was going on with my proofs of the
-national aversion to the imperial law.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_367">367</span></p>
-
-<p>The next shall be taken from that famous
-dispute concerning the succession to the crown
-of <i>Scotland</i> in the reign of <span class="smcap">Edward I</span>. For
-a question arising about the kind of law by
-which the controversy should be decided, and
-it being especially debated, whether the <i>C&aelig;sarean</i>
-law, as a sort of <i>jus gentium</i>, ought
-not in such a cause to have the preference to
-the law of <i>England</i>; it was then unanimously
-determined by the great council of <span class="smcap">Norham</span>,
-that the authority of the <i>C&aelig;sarean</i> law should
-by no means be admitted; <span class="smcap">ne inde majestatis
-Anglican&aelig; juri fieret detrimentum</span><a id="FNanchor_140" href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">140</a>.</p>
-
-<p>This determination was public, and given
-on a very solemn occasion. And in general
-we may observe, that at the junctures when
-the state hath been most jealous of its liberty
-and honour, it hath declared the loudest
-against the <i>imperial laws</i>: as in the <small>WONDER-WORKING</small>
-parliament under <span class="smcap">Richard II</span>, when
-the duke of <i>Gloucester</i> accused the archbishop
-of <i>York</i>, the duke of <i>Ireland</i>, and other creatures
-of the king, of high treason. The
-charge was so fully proved, that the court had
-no other way of diverting the storm, than by
-pretending an irregularity in the forms of procedure.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_368">368</span>
-To this end the lawyers were consulted
-with, or more properly directed. I will disguise
-nothing. They descended so much from
-the dignity of their profession, as to act in perfect
-subserviency to the views of the court;
-and therefore gave it as their opinion, that the
-proceedings against the lords were of no validity,
-as being contrary to the forms prescribed
-by the <i>civil law</i>. The barons took themselves
-to be insulted by these shifts of the lawyers.
-They insisted that the proceedings were agreeable
-to their own customs, and declared roundly
-that they would never suffer <i>England</i> to be
-governed by the <i>Roman</i> civil law<a id="FNanchor_141" href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">141</a>.</p>
-
-<p>What think ye now of these examples? Are
-they not a proof that the spirit of liberty ran
-high in those times, when neither the intrigues
-of churchmen nor the chicane of lawyers could
-put a stop to it? It seems as if no direct
-attempts on the constitution could have been
-made with the least appearance of success; and
-that therefore the abettors of arbitrary power
-were obliged to work their way obliquely, by
-contriving methods for the introduction of a
-foreign law.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_369">369</span></p>
-
-<p>In this project they had many advantages,
-which nothing but an unwearied zeal in the
-cause of liberty could have possibly counteracted.
-From the reign of <span class="smcap">Stephen</span> to that of
-<span class="smcap">Edward III</span>, that is, for the space of near
-200 years, the <i>Roman</i> law had been in great
-credit<a id="FNanchor_142" href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">142</a>. All the learning of the times was in
-the clergy, and that learning was little more
-than the imperial and canon laws. The fact
-is so certain, that some of the clergy themselves,
-when in an ill temper, or off their
-guard, complain of it in the strongest terms.
-And to see the height to which this humour
-was carried, not the seculars only who intended
-to rise by them, but the very monks in their
-cells studied nothing but these laws<a id="FNanchor_143" href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">143</a>. To
-complete the danger, the magistracies and
-great offices of the kingdom were filled with
-churchmen<a id="FNanchor_144" href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">144</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Who would expect, now, with those advantages,
-but that the <i>Roman</i> law would have
-forced its way into our civil courts? It did indeed
-insinuate itself there as it were by stealth,
-but could never appear with any face of authority.
-The only service, that would be
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_370">370</span>
-accepted from it, was that of illustration only in
-the course of their pleadings, whilst the lawyers
-quoted occasionally from the <span class="smcap">Institutes</span>, just
-as they might have done from any other ancient
-author<a id="FNanchor_145" href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">145</a>. Yet, so long as the churchmen presided
-in the courts of justice, this intruder was
-to be respected; and it is pleasant to observe
-the wire-drawing of some of our ablest lawyers,
-in their endeavours to make the policy of <i>England</i>
-speak the language of <i>Rome</i>.</p>
-
-<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Selden’s</span> dissertation on <span class="smcap">Fleta</span><a id="FNanchor_146" href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">146</a>, which
-lies open before me, affords a curious instance.
-The civil law says, “Populus ei [C&aelig;sari] et in
-eum omne suum imperium et potestatem conferat;”
-meaning by <i>people</i>, the <i>Roman</i> people,
-and so establishing the despotic rule of the
-prince. But <span class="smcap">Bracton</span> took advantage of the
-ambiguity, to establish that maxim of a free
-government, “That all dominion arises from
-the people.” This, you will say, was good
-management. But what follows is still better.
-“Nihil aliud, says he, potest rex in terris,
-cum sit Dei minister et vicarius, nisi quod
-JURE potest. <span class="smcap">Nec obstat</span> quod dicitur, <small>QUOD
-PRINCIPI PLACET LEGIS HABET VIGOREM</small>; quia
-sequitur in fine legis, <span class="smcap">CUM LEGE REGIA QU&AElig;
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_371">371</span>
-DE IMPERIO EJUS LATA EST</span>; id est, non quicquid
-de voluntate regis temer&egrave; pr&aelig;sumptum
-est, sed quod consilio magistratuum suorum,
-rege auctoritatem pr&aelig;stante, et habit&acirc; super
-hoc deliberatione et tractatu, rect&egrave; fuerit definitum.”
-Thus far old <span class="smcap">Bracton</span>; who is religiously
-followed in the same gloss by <span class="smcap">Thornton</span>,
-and the author of <span class="smcap">Fleta</span>. But what!
-you will say, this is an exact description of the
-present constitution. It is so, and therefore
-certainly not to be found in the civil law. To
-confess the truth, these venerable sages are
-playing tricks with us. The whole is a premeditated
-falsification, or, to say it softer, a
-licentious commentary, for the sake of <i>English</i>
-liberty. The words in the <span class="smcap">Pandects</span> and <span class="smcap">Institutions</span>
-are these; “<small>QUOD PRINCIPI PLACUIT,
-LEGIS HABET VIGOREM, UTPOTE CUM LEGE
-REGIA, QU&AElig; DE IMPERIO EJUS LATA EST, POPULUS
-EI ET IN EUM OMNE SUUM IMPERIUM ET
-POTESTATEM CONFERAT</small>.”</p>
-
-<p>My honest friend, in mentioning this extraordinary
-circumstance, says, one cannot consider
-it <i>sine stupore</i>. He observes, that these
-lawyers did not quote the Pandects by hearsay,
-but had copies of them; and therefore
-adds (for I will read on) “Unde magis mirandum
-qu&acirc;nam ratione evenerit, ut non sol&ugrave;m
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_372">372</span>
-ipse, ade&ograve; judiciis forensibus clarus, et (si Biographis
-scriptorum nostratium fides) professor
-juris utriusque Oxoniensis, ver&ugrave;m etiam <span class="smcap">Thorntonius</span>
-juris ali&agrave;s peritissimus, et <span class="smcap">Flet&aelig;</span> author,
-ade&ograve; diversam lectionem sensumque diversum
-atque interpretibus aliis universis ade&ograve;
-alienum in illustrissimo juris C&aelig;sarei loco explicando
-tam fident&egrave;r admiserint.” The difficulty,
-you see, increases upon him. But we
-shall easily remove it by observing, that the
-C&aelig;sarean laws, though they had no proper
-authority with us, yet were much complimented
-in those times, and were to be treated
-on all occasions with ceremony. And therefore
-those lawyers that lived under and wanted
-to support a free constitution, saw there was
-no way of serving their cause so effectually,
-as by pretending to find it in the <i>Roman institutes</i>.</p>
-
-<h4>MR. SOMERS.</h4>
-
-<p>This management of <span class="smcap">Bracton</span> and his followers
-makes some amends for the ill conduct
-of <span class="smcap">Richard</span> the Second’s lawyers. And as to
-their chicanery, the ingenuity of the gloss, we
-will suppose, was no more than necessary to
-correct the malignity of the text.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_373">373</span></p>
-
-<h4>SIR J. MAYNARD.</h4>
-
-<p>They had, no doubt, consulted their honour
-much more, by insisting roundly, as they
-might have done, that the text had no concern
-at all in the dispute. But I mention these
-things only to shew the extreme reverence,
-that was then paid to the civil law, by the
-shifts the common lawyers were put to in order
-to evade its influence. From which we learn
-how rooted the love of liberty must have been
-in this nation, and how unshaken the firmness
-of the national councils in supporting it, when,
-notwithstanding the general repute it was of in
-those days, the imperial law could never gain
-authority enough to prescribe to us in any matters
-that concerned the rights of the crown, or
-the property of the subject. And this circumstance
-will be thought the more extraordinary,
-if it be considered, that, to the general esteem
-in which the <i>Roman</i> law was held by the clergy,
-our kings have usually added the whole weight
-of their influence; except indeed at some particular
-junctures, when their jealousy of the
-<i>canon</i> law prevailed over their natural bias to
-the <i>civil</i>.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_374">374</span></p>
-
-<h4>MR. SOMERS.</h4>
-
-<p>I should be unwilling to weaken any argument
-you take to be of use in maintaining the
-noble cause you have undertaken. But, methinks,
-this charge on our princes would require
-to be made out by other evidence<a id="FNanchor_147" href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">147</a> than
-hath been commonly produced for it. There
-is no doubt but many of them have aimed at
-setting themselves above the laws of their
-country; but is it true (I mean, though <span class="smcap">Fortescue</span>
-himself<a id="FNanchor_148" href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">148</a> has suggested the same thing)
-that for this purpose they have usually expressed
-a partiality to the <i>Roman</i> laws?</p>
-
-<h4>SIR J. MAYNARD.</h4>
-
-<p>I believe it certain that they have, and on
-better reasons than the bare word of any lawyer
-whatsoever.</p>
-
-<p>What think you of <span class="smcap">Richard</span> the Second’s
-policy in the instance before mentioned; that
-<span class="smcap">Richard</span>, who used to declare, “That the
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_375">375</span>
-laws were only in his mouth and breast, and
-that he himself could make and unmake them
-at his pleasure?” We may know for what reason
-a prince of this despotic turn had recourse
-to the <i>Roman</i> law.</p>
-
-<p>But even his great predecessor is known to
-have been very indulgent towards it. And still
-earlier, <span class="smcap">Edward I.</span> took much pains to establish
-the credit of this law; and to that end
-engaged the younger <span class="smcap">Accursius</span>, the most renowned
-doctor of the age, to come over into
-<i>England</i>, and set up a school of it at <i>Oxford</i>.
-Or, to wave these instances, let me refer you
-to a certain and very remarkable fact, which
-speaks the sense, not of this or that king, but
-of the whole succession of our princes.</p>
-
-<p>The imperial law, to this day, obtains altogether
-in the courts of admiralty, in courts
-marescall, and in the universities<a id="FNanchor_149" href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">149</a>. On the
-contrary, in what we call the courts of law and
-equity, it never hath, nor ever could prevail.
-What shall we say to this remarkable difference?
-or to what cause will you ascribe it,
-that this law, which was constantly excluded
-with such care from the one sort of courts,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_376">376</span>
-should have free currency and be of sole authority
-in the other? I believe it will be difficult
-to assign any other than this: that the subjects
-of decision in the first species of courts are
-matters in the resort of the king’s prerogative,
-such as peace and war, and the distribution of
-honours; whilst the subjects of decision in the
-courts of common law are out of his prerogative,
-such as those of liberty and property.
-The king had his choice by what law the first
-sort of subjects should be regulated; and therefore
-he adopted the imperial law. He had not
-his choice in the latter instance; and the people
-were never satisfied with any other than the law
-of the land.</p>
-
-<h4>MR. SOMERS.</h4>
-
-<p>Yet Mr. <span class="smcap">Selden</span>, you know, gives another
-reason of this preference: it was, he thinks,
-because foreigners are often concerned with
-the natives in those tribunals where the civil
-law is in use.</p>
-
-<h4>SIR J. MAYNARD.</h4>
-
-<p>True; but my learned friend, as I conceive,
-did not attend to this matter with his usual
-exactness. For foreigners are as frequently
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_377">377</span>
-concerned in the courts of law and equity, as
-in the other tribunals. The case in point of
-reason is very clear. In all contests that are
-carried on between a native and a foreigner,
-as the subject of another state, the decision
-ought to be by the law of nations. But when
-a foreigner puts himself with a native under
-the protection of our state, the determination
-is, of course, by our law. The practice hath
-uniformly corresponded to the right in the
-courts of law and equity. In the other tribunals
-the right hath given way to the will of the
-prince, who had his reasons for preferring the
-authority of the imperial law.</p>
-
-<p>Upon the whole, if we consider the veneration,
-which the clergy usually entertained, and
-endeavoured to inculcate into the people, for
-the civil law; the indulgence shewn it by the
-prince; its prevalence in those courts which
-were immediately under the prerogative; and
-even the countenance shewn it at times in the
-course of pleading at common law; we cannot
-avoid coming to this short conclusion, “That
-the genius of the imperial laws was repugnant
-to our constitution; and that nothing but the
-extreme jealousy of the barons, lest they might
-prove, in pleas of the crown, injurious to civil
-liberty, hath kept them from being received
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_378">378</span>
-in <i>England</i> on the same footing that we every
-where find they are in the other countries of
-<i>Europe</i>, and as they are in <i>Scotland</i> to this
-day.”</p>
-
-<p>But, if you think I draw this conclusion too
-hastily, and without grounding it on sufficient
-premises, you may further consider with me,
-if you please, <small>THE FATE AND FORTUNES OF THE
-CIVIL LAW IN THIS KINGDOM DOWN TO THE PRESENT
-TIME</small>.</p>
-
-<p>In the reigns of <span class="smcap">Henry VII</span><a id="FNanchor_150" href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">150</a> and VIII, and
-the two first kings of the house of <span class="smcap">Stuart</span>,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_379">379</span>
-that is, the most despotic of our princes, the
-study of the civil law hath been more especially
-favoured; as we might conclude from the general
-spirit of those kings themselves, but as
-we certainly know from the countenance they
-shewed to its professors; from their chusing
-to employ them in their business, and from
-the salaries and places they provided for their
-encouragement. Yet see the issue of all this
-indulgence to a foreign law, and the treatment
-it met with from our parliaments and people!
-The oppressions of <span class="smcap">Empson</span> and <span class="smcap">Dudley</span> had
-been founded in a stretch of power, usurped
-and justified on the principles of the civil law;
-by which these miscreants had been enabled to
-violate a fundamental part of our constitution,
-the way of <i>trial by</i> <small>JURIES</small>. The effect on the
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_380">380</span>
-people was dreadful. Accordingly, in the entrance
-of the next reign, though the authority,
-by which they had acted, had even been parliamentary,
-these creatures of tyranny were
-indicted of high treason, were condemned and
-executed for having been instrumental in subverting
-<span class="smcap">LEGEM TERR&AElig;</span>; and the extorted statute,
-under which they had hoped to shelter
-themselves, was with a just indignation repealed.</p>
-
-<p>Yet all this was considered only as a necessary
-sacrifice to the clamours of an incensed
-people. The younger <span class="smcap">Henry</span>, we may be
-sure, had so much of his father in him, or rather
-so far outdid him in the worst parts of his
-tyranny, that he could not but look with an
-eye of favour on the very law he had been
-constrained to abolish. His great ecclesiastical
-minister was, no doubt, in the secret of his
-master’s inclinations, and conducted himself
-accordingly. Yet the vengeance of the nation
-pursued and overtook him in good time. They
-resented his disloyal contempt of the original
-constitution; and made it one of the articles
-against this <i>Roman</i> cardinal, “That he endeavoured
-to subvert <i>antiquissimas leges hujus
-regni, universumque hoc regnum</i> <small>LEGIBUS IMPERIALIBUS</small>
-<i>subjicere</i>.”
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_381">381</span></p>
-
-<p>From this time, the study of the civil law
-was thought to languish in <i>England</i>, till it revived
-with much spirit in the reigns of those
-unhappy princes who succeeded to the house
-of <span class="smcap">Tudor</span>. Then indeed, by inclination and
-by pedantry, <span class="smcap">James I.</span> was led to patronize
-and encourage it. And the same project was
-resumed, and carried still further, by his unfortunate
-son. I speak now from my own experience
-and observation. The civil lawyers
-were most welcome at court. They were
-brought into the Chancery and court of Requests.
-The minister, another sort of man
-than <span class="smcap">Wolsey</span>, yet a thorough ecclesiastic, and
-bigoted, if not to the religion; yet to the policy
-of <i>Rome</i>, gave a countenance to this profession
-above that of the common law. He
-had found the spirit, and even the forms of it,
-most convenient for his purpose in the <span class="smcap">Star-chamber</span>
-and <span class="smcap">High-commission</span> court, those
-tribunals of imperial justice, exalted so far
-above the controul of the common law; and
-by his good will, therefore, would have brought
-the same regimen into the other branches of
-the administration. Great civilians were employed
-to write elaborate defences of their science;
-to the manifest exaltation of the prerogative;
-to the prejudice of the national rights
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_382">382</span>
-and privileges; and to the disparagement of
-the common law. The consequence of these
-proceedings is well known. The most immediate
-was, that they provoked the jealousy of
-the common lawyers; and, when the rupture
-afterwards happened, occasioned many of the
-most eminent of them to throw themselves into
-the popular scale<a id="FNanchor_151" href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">151</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Yet, to see the uniformity of the views of
-tyranny, and the direct opposition which it
-never fails to encounter from the <i>English</i> law,
-no sooner had a set of violent men usurped the
-liberties of their country, and with the sword
-in their hands determined to rule despotically
-and in defiance of the constitution, than the
-same jealousy of the common law, and the
-same contempt of it, revived. Nay, to such an
-extreme was the new tyranny carried, that the
-very game of <span class="smcap">Empson</span> and <span class="smcap">Dudley</span> was played
-over again. The trial of an <i>Englishman</i> by
-his peers was disgraced and rejected; and (I
-speak from what I felt) the person imprisoned
-and persecuted, who dared appeal, though in
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_383">383</span>
-his own case<a id="FNanchor_152" href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">152</a>, to the ancient essential forms
-of the constitution. Under such a state of
-things, it is not to be wondered that much
-pains was taken to depreciate a law which these
-mighty men were determined not to regard.
-Invectives against the professors of the <i>English</i>
-laws were the usual and favoured topics of parliamentary
-eloquence. These were sometimes
-so indecent, and pushed to that provoking
-length, that <span class="smcap">Whitlocke</span> himself, who paced
-it with them through all changes, was forced
-in the end to hazard his reputation with his
-masters, by standing on the necessary defence
-of himself and his profession<a id="FNanchor_153" href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">153</a>.</p>
-
-<p>I need not, I suppose, descend lower. Ye
-have both seen with your own eyes the occurrences
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_384">384</span>
-of the late reign. Ye have heard the
-common language of the time. The practice
-was but conformable to such doctrines as were
-current at court, where it was generally maintained,
-that the king’s power of dispensing with
-law, was <small>LAW</small>; by which if these doctors did
-not intend the <i>imperial</i> or <i>civil law</i>, the insult
-was almost too gross to deserve a confutation,
-It must be owned, and to the eternal
-shame of those who were capable of such baseness,
-there were not wanting some even of the
-common lawyers that joined in this insult.</p>
-
-<p>I but touch these things slightly; for I consider
-to whom I speak. But if, to these examples
-of the nation’s fondness for their laws,
-you add, what appears in the tenor of our histories,
-the constant language of the <i>coronation-oaths</i>,
-of the <i>oaths of our judges</i>, and,
-above all, of the <i>several great charters</i>; in all
-which express mention is made of the <span class="smcap">LEX
-TERR&AElig;</span>, in opposition to every foreign, but especially
-the C&aelig;sarean, law; you will conclude
-with me, “That, as certainly as the <span class="smcap">C&aelig;sarean
-law</span> is founded in the principles of slavery,
-our <span class="smcap">English law</span>, and the constitution to
-which it refers, hath its foundation in freedom,
-and, as such, deserved the care with which it
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_385">385</span>
-hath been transmitted down to us from the
-earliest ages.”</p>
-
-<p>What think ye now, my good friends? Is
-it any longer a doubt, that the constitution of
-the <i>English</i> government, such I mean as it
-appears to have been from the most unquestioned
-annals of our country, is a free constitution?
-Is there any thing more in the way of
-this conclusion? or does it not force itself upon
-us, and lie open to the mind of every plain
-man that but turns his attention upon this
-subject?</p>
-
-<p>You began, Mr. <span class="smcap">Somers</span>, with great fears
-and apprehensions; or you thought fit to
-counterfeit them, at least. You suspected the
-matter was too mysterious for common understandings
-to penetrate, and too much involved
-in the darkness of ancient times to be brought
-into open day-light. Let me hear your free
-thoughts on the evidence I have here produced
-to you. And yet it is a small part only of that
-which might be produced, of that I am sure
-which yourself could easily have produced, and
-perhaps expected from me.</p>
-
-<p>But I content myself with these obvious
-truths, “That the liberty of the subject appears,
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_386">386</span>
-and of itself naturally arose, from the
-very nature of the <small>FEUDAL</small>, which is properly
-(at least if we look no further back than the
-Conquest) the <i>English</i> constitution; that the
-current of liberty has been gradually widening,
-as well as purifying, in proportion as it descended
-from its source; that charters and
-laws have removed every scruple that might
-arise about the reciprocal rights and privileges
-of prince and people; that the sense of that
-liberty which the nation enjoyed under their
-admirable constitution was so quick, that every
-the least attempt to deprive them of it gave an
-alarm; and their attachment to it so strong
-and constant, that no artifice, no intrigue, no
-perversion of law and gospel, could induce
-them to part with it: that, in particular, they
-have guarded this precious deposite of legal
-and constitutional liberty with such care, that,
-while the heedless reception of a foreign law,
-concurring with other circumstances, hath
-riveted the yoke of slavery on the other nations
-of <i>Europe</i>, this of <i>England</i> could never be
-cajoled nor driven into any terms of accommodation
-with it; but, as <span class="smcap">Nat. Bacon</span><a id="FNanchor_154" href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">154</a> said
-truly, <i>That the triple crown could never well
-solder with the English</i>, so neither could the
-<i>imperial</i>; and that, in a word, the <span class="smcap">English</span>
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_387">387</span>
-<small>LAW</small> hath always been preserved inviolate from
-the impure mixtures of the canon and C&aelig;sarean
-laws, as the sole defence and bulwark
-of our civil liberties.”</p>
-
-<p>These are the plain truths, which I have
-here delivered to you, and on which I could
-be content to rest this great cause; I mean, if
-it had not already received its formal, and, I
-would hope, final determination, in another
-way. For no pretences will surely prevail
-hereafter with a happy people to renounce that
-liberty, which so rightfully belonged to them
-at all times, and hath now so solemnly been
-confirmed to them by the great transactions of
-these days. I willingly omit therefore, as superfluous,
-what in a worse cause might have
-been thought of no small weight, the express
-testimony of our ablest lawyers to the freedom
-of our constitution. I do not mean only the
-<span class="smcap">Cokes</span> and <span class="smcap">Seldens</span> of our time (though in
-point of authority what names can be greater
-than theirs?); but those of older and therefore
-more reverend estimation, such as <span class="smcap">Glanvil</span>,
-<span class="smcap">Bracton</span>, the author of <span class="smcap">Fleta</span>, <span class="smcap">Thornton</span>,
-and <span class="smcap">Fortescue</span><a id="FNanchor_155" href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">155</a>: men the most esteemed and
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_388">388</span>
-learned in their several ages; who constantly
-and uniformly speak of the <i>English</i>, as a mixed
-and limited form of government, and even go
-so far as to seek its origin, where indeed the
-origin of all governments must be sought, in the
-free will and consent of the people.</p>
-
-<p>All this I might have displayed at large; and
-to others perhaps, especially if the cause had
-required such management, all this I should
-have displayed. But, independently of the
-judgments of particular men, which prejudice
-might take occasion to object to, I hold it sufficient
-to have proved from surer grounds, from
-the very form and make of our political fabric,
-and the most unquestioned, because the most
-public, monuments of former times, “<span class="smcap">That
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_389">389</span>
-the English constitution is assuredly and
-indisputably free</span><a id="FNanchor_156" href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">156</a>.”</p>
-
-<h4>BP. BURNET.</h4>
-
-<p>You will read, Sir <span class="smcap">John</span>, in our attention to
-this discourse, the effect it has had upon us.
-The zeal, with which you have pleaded the
-cause of liberty, makes me almost imagine I
-see you again in the warmth and spirit of your
-younger years, when you first made head
-against the encroachments of civil tyranny.
-The same cause has not only recalled to your
-memory the old topics of defence, but restores
-your former vigour in the management of them.
-So that, for myself, I must freely own, your
-vindication of our common liberties is, at least,
-the most plausible and consistent that I have
-ever met with.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_390">390</span></p>
-
-<h4>MR. SOMERS.</h4>
-
-<p>And yet, if one was critically disposed, there
-are still, perhaps, some things that might deserve
-a further explanation.&mdash;But enough has
-been said by you, Sir <span class="smcap">John</span>, to shew us where
-the truth lies: and, indeed, from such plain
-and convincing topics, that, whatever fears my
-love of liberty might suggest, they are much
-abated at least, if not entirely removed, by your
-arguments.</p>
-
-<h4>BP. BURNET.</h4>
-
-<p>Mr. <span class="smcap">Somers</span>, I perceive, is not easily cured
-of his scruples and apprehensions. But for
-my own part, Sir <span class="smcap">John</span>, I can think but of
-one objection of weight that can be opposed
-to your conclusion. It is, “That, notwithstanding
-the clear evidence you have produced,
-both for the free nature of the <i>English</i> constitution,
-and the general sense of the <i>English</i>
-nation concerning it, yet, in fact, the government
-was very despotic under the <span class="smcap">Tudor</span>,
-and still more perhaps under the first princes
-of the <span class="smcap">Stuart</span>, line. How could this happen,
-may it be asked, on your plan, which supposes
-the popular interest to have been kept
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_391">391</span>
-up in constant vigour, or rather to have been
-always gaining, insensibly indeed, but necessarily,
-on the power of the crown? Will not
-the argument then from historical evidence be
-turned against you, whilst it may be said that
-your theory, however plausible, is contradicted
-by so recent and so well-attested a part of our
-history? And, in particular, will not the partisans<a id="FNanchor_157" href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">157</a>
-of the late king and his family have to
-allege in their behalf, that their notions of the
-prerogative were but such as they succeeded to
-with the crown; and, whatever may be pretended
-from researches into remoter times,
-that they endeavoured only to maintain the
-monarchy on the footing on which it had stood
-for many successions, and on which it then
-stood when the administration fell into their
-hands? If this point were effectually cleared,
-I see nothing that could be further desired
-to a full and complete vindication of <i>English</i>
-liberty.”</p>
-
-<h4>SIR J. MAYNARD.</h4>
-
-<p>Your lordship, I must own, has touched a
-very curious and interesting part of our subject.
-But you must not believe it was so much overlooked
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_392">392</span>
-by me, as purposely left for your lordship’s
-better consideration. You, who have
-looked so minutely and carefully into the story
-of those times, will, better than any other, be
-able to unfold to us the mysteries of that affair.
-The fact is certain, as you say, that the
-<i>English</i> government wore a more despotic appearance
-from the time of the <span class="smcap">Tudor</span> family’s
-accession to the throne, than in the reigns
-preceding that period. But I am mistaken, if
-your lordship will not open the reason of it so
-clearly as to convince us, that that increase of
-prerogative was no proof of a change in the
-constitution, and was even no symptom of declining
-liberty. I do not allow myself to speak
-my sentiments more plainly at present. But
-I am sure, if they are just, they will receive
-a confirmation from what your lordship will
-find occasion to observe to us in discoursing
-op this subject.</p>
-
-<h4>MR. SOMERS.</h4>
-
-<p>I will not disown that this was one of the
-matters I had in view, when I hinted some remaining
-doubts about your general conclusion.
-But I knew it would not escape my lord of
-<span class="smcap">Salisbury</span>, who, of all others, is certainly the
-most capable of removing it.
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_393">393</span></p>
-
-<h4>BP. BURNET.</h4>
-
-<p>So that I have very unwarily, it seems, been
-providing a fine task for myself. And yet, as
-difficult as I foresee it will be for me to satisfy
-two such Inquirers, I should not decline that
-task, if I was indeed prepared for it, or if I
-could boast of such a memory as Sir <span class="smcap">J. Maynard</span>
-has shewn in the course of this conversation.
-But the truth is, though I have not
-wanted opportunities of laying in materials
-for such a design, and though I have not
-neglected to take some slight notes of them,
-yet I cannot pretend to have them at once in
-that readiness, as to venture on such a discourse
-as I know you expect from me. But if, against
-our next meeting, I shall be able to digest
-such thoughts as have sometimes occurred to
-me when I was engaged in the History of the
-Reformation, I shall take a pleasure to contribute
-all I can to the further and more entire
-elucidation of this subject.</p>
-
-<h4>THE END OF THE THIRD VOLUME.</h4>
-
-<p class="copy">Printed by J. Nichols and Son,<br />
-Red Lion Passage, Fleet Street, London.</p>
-
-<div class="footnotes">
-
-<h2>FOOTNOTES:</h2>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">1</a>
-Mala et impia consuetudo est contra Deos disputandi, sive
-ex animo id fit, sive simulat&egrave;. <i>De Nat. D.</i> l. ii. c. 67.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="label">2</a>
-Genus hoc sermonum, positum in hominum veterum auctoritate,
-et eorum illustrium, plus nescio quo pacto videtur habere
-gravitatis. Itaque ipse mea legens, sic afficior interdum,
-ut Catonem, non me loqui exist&iacute;mem. <span class="smcap">Cic.</span> <i>De Amic.</i> c. 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="label">3</a>
-Omnem sermonem tribuimus non Tithono, ut Aristo
-Chius; <i>parum enim esset auctoritatis in fabul&acirc;</i>. De Senect. c. 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="label">4</a>
-See the Dialogue intituled, Πρὸς τὸν εἰπόντα, ΠΡΟΜΗΘΕΥΣ
-εἶ ἐν λόγοις.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="label">5</a>
-Ἔπαιζεν ἅμα σπουδάζων· Xen. Mem. l. i. c. 3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="label">6</a>
-Γέλωτα κωμικὸν ὑπὸ σεμνότητι φιλοσόφῳ. Προμηθ. c. 7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="label">7</a>
-Difficillimam illam societatem <i>Gravitatis cum Humanitate</i>.
-<i>Leg</i>. l. iii. c. 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="label">8</a>
-Ἐτολμήσαμεν ἡμεῖς τὰ οὕτως ἔχοντα ϖρὸς ἄλληλα ξυναγαγεῖν καὶ
-ξυναρμόσαι, οὐ ϖάνυ ϖειθόμενα, οὐδὲ εὐμαρῶς ἀνεχόμενα τὴν κοινωνίαν.
-Προμηθ. c. 7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="label">9</a>
-Προμηθ. c. 7. to the end. Δὶς κατηγορούμενος. c. 33. and
-Ζεῦξις.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="label">10</a>
-&mdash;&mdash;quo in genere orationis utrumque Oratorem cognoveramus,
-id ipsum sumus in eorum sermone <i>adumbrare conati</i>.
-De Orat. iii. 4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11" class="label">11</a>
-A curious passage, or two, in his Letters to Atticus, will
-serve to illustrate this observation. The <i>academic questions</i> were
-drawn up, and finished, when a doubt occurred to him, whether
-he should not change one of the speakers in that Dialogue, and,
-instead of Varro, introduce Brutus; who would suit his purpose,
-he said, just as well, because his philosophic principles
-were the same with those of Varro&mdash;<i>si addubitas</i>, says he to
-Atticus, <i>ad Brutum transeamus. Est enim is quoque Antiochius.</i>
-l. xiii. 25. Was this a change to be easily made, if it were necessary,
-in this kind of writing, to suit the <i>style</i> and <i>manner of
-expression</i> to the character of the speakers? Yet, hear how
-negligently he treats this matter&mdash;<i>Opinor igitur consideremus,
-etsi nomina jam facta sunt. Sed</i> <small>VEL INDUCI, VEL MUTARI POSSUNT</small>.
-l. xiii. 14.&mdash;In other words, provided the <i>cast</i> of the
-several parts was the same, the <i>language</i> of the Dialogue would
-require no alteration. It was indifferent, in this respect, who
-were the speakers.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12" class="label">12</a>
-Scripsit enim et <span class="smcap">Dialogos</span> quos non magis philosophi&aelig;
-annumerare possis, quam <span class="smcap">Histori&aelig;</span>. <span class="smcap">Seneca, Ep. c.</span></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13" class="label">13</a>
-Lord <span class="smcap">Shaftesbury’s</span> <i>Moralists</i>, P. 1. S. <small>I</small>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14" class="label">14</a>
-<i>Adv. to an Author</i>, P. 1. S. <small>III</small>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15" class="label">15</a>
-<i>Adv. to an Author</i>, P. 1. towards the end.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16" class="label">16</a>
-The scene of Dr. <span class="smcap">More’s Divine Dialogues</span>, printed
-in 1668.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17" class="label">17</a>
-At <span class="smcap">Beaconsfield</span> in <i>Bucks</i>, the supposed scene of the
-Dialogue.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_18" href="#FNanchor_18" class="label">18</a>
-See his works, where are some pieces of a very early
-date; though Lord <span class="smcap">Clarendon</span> tells us, <i>he was near thirty
-years of age, before he was much taken notice of as a Poet</i>.
-Contin. of his Life, P. I. p. 25.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_19" href="#FNanchor_19" class="label">19</a>
-Dr. <span class="smcap">Andrews</span>, bishop of <i>Winchester</i>, and Dr. <span class="smcap">Neal</span>,
-bishop of <i>Durham</i>. The story is well known.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_20" href="#FNanchor_20" class="label">20</a>
-Dr. <span class="smcap">George Morley</span>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_21" href="#FNanchor_21" class="label">21</a>
-This alludes to the impeachment of Mr. <i>Justice</i> <span class="smcap">Crawley</span>,
-<i>July 6, 1641</i>, for his extra-judicial opinion in the
-affair of <i>Ship-money</i>. Mr. <span class="smcap">Waller’s</span> speech on this occasion
-is extant amongst his works.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_22" href="#FNanchor_22" class="label">22</a>
-The famous Mr. <span class="smcap">Hampden</span> was his uncle.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_23" href="#FNanchor_23" class="label">23</a>
-That of <i>Secretary of State</i>. The Lord <span class="smcap">Clarendon</span> tells
-us it was with the utmost difficulty he persuaded him to
-accept it. “There were two considerations (says the historian)
-that made most impression on him; the <i>one</i>, lest
-the world should believe that his own ambition had procured
-this promotion, and that he had therefore appeared
-signally in the house to oppose those proceedings, that he
-might thereby render himself gracious to the court: The
-<i>other</i>, lest the king should expect such a submission and
-resignation of himself and his own reason and judgment
-to his commands as he should never give or pretend to
-give; for he was so severe an adorer of truth, that he
-would as easily have given himself leave to steal as to dissemble,”
-&amp;c. B. iv.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_24" href="#FNanchor_24" class="label">24</a>
-The noble historian, before cited, gives us two instances
-of Lord <span class="smcap">Falkland’s</span> scrupulosity. The <i>one</i> was,
-“That he could never bring himself to employ spies, or
-give any countenance or entertainment to them:” The
-<i>other</i>, “That he could never allow himself the liberty of
-opening letters, upon a suspicion that they might contain
-matter of dangerous consequence.” B. viii.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_25" href="#FNanchor_25" class="label">25</a>
-To this purpose my Lord <span class="smcap">Clarendon</span>. “He [Mr. W.]
-spoke, upon all occasions, with great sharpness and freedom:
-which (now there were so few that used it, and
-there was no danger of being over-voted) was not restrained;
-and therefore used as an argument against those,
-who were gone upon pretence, that they were not suffered
-to declare their opinion freely in the house; which could
-not be believed, when all men knew what liberty Mr.
-<span class="smcap">Waller</span> took, and spoke every day with impunity, against
-the sense and proceedings of the house.” B. vii.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_26" href="#FNanchor_26" class="label">26</a>
-See Lord <span class="smcap">Clarendon’s</span> History.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_27" href="#FNanchor_27" class="label">27</a>
-Ἅπλωσον σεαυτόν, lib. iv. &sect; 26, which Dr. <span class="smcap">More</span>, in l.
-ii. c. 3. of his <span class="smcap">Enchiridion Ethicum</span>, translates, <i>simplifica
-teipsum</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_28" href="#FNanchor_28" class="label">28</a>
-In the year 1654.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_29" href="#FNanchor_29" class="label">29</a>
-Lord <span class="smcap">Clarendon</span> died in 1674.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_30" href="#FNanchor_30" class="label">30</a>
-The character of Mr. <span class="smcap">Waller</span> is given at large in the
-<i>Life of Lord Clarendon</i>, P. I. p. 25.&mdash;As for Dr. <span class="smcap">More</span>,
-Bishop <span class="smcap">Burnet</span> tells us, in one word, “That he was an
-open-hearted and sincere Christian philosopher.” <i>Hist.
-of his own Time</i>, vol. p. 273. 12<sup>mo</sup>, <i>Edinb.</i> 1753.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_31" href="#FNanchor_31" class="label">31</a>
-This Dialogue is founded on a short passage in Mr.
-<span class="smcap">Sprat’s</span> Life of Mr. <span class="smcap">Cowley</span>, in which he observes,
-“That in his long dependence on my Lord St. <span class="smcap">Albans</span>,
-there never happened any manner of difference between
-them; except a little at <small>LAST</small>, because he would leave his
-service.”</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_32" href="#FNanchor_32" class="label">32</a>
-A small village on the <i>Thames</i>, which was Mr. <span class="smcap">Cowley’s</span>
-first retreat, before he removed to <i>Chertsea</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_33" href="#FNanchor_33" class="label">33</a>
-Meaning an estate he had obtained by means of this
-lord. This particular is several times referred to in the
-course of the Dialogue.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_34" href="#FNanchor_34" class="label">34</a>
-The writer of the Dialogue has thought fit to soften
-the misanthropy of Mr. <span class="smcap">Cowley</span> in this instance. In one
-of his Essays he talks strangely. “It is the great boast,”
-says he, “of eloquence and philosophy, that they first
-congregated men dispersed, united them into cities, and
-built up the houses and the walls of cities. I wish they
-could unravel all they had woven, that we might have our
-woods and our innocence again, <i>instead of our castles and
-our policies</i>.”</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_35" href="#FNanchor_35" class="label">35</a>
-These verses are inserted in one of his <i>Essays</i>, and in
-some editions of his works.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_36" href="#FNanchor_36" class="label">36</a>
-“Perhaps, says he (speaking of the poets), it was
-the immature and immoderate love of them, which stampt
-first, or rather engraved, the characters in me: they were
-like letters cut in the bark of a young tree, which with
-the tree, still grow proportionably.”
-<span class="author">[<i>Essay on himself.</i>]</span></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_37" href="#FNanchor_37" class="label">37</a>
-“When the civil war broke out, his [Mr. <span class="smcap">Cowley’s</span>]
-affection to the king’s cause drew him to <i>Oxford</i>, as soon
-as it began to be the chief seat of the royal party.” [Dr.
-<span class="smcap">Sprat’s</span> life of him.]</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_38" href="#FNanchor_38" class="label">38</a>
-Dr. <span class="smcap">Sprat</span> tells us in <i>his Life</i>, “That, during his residence
-at <i>Oxford</i>, he had the entire friendship of my Lord
-<span class="smcap">Falkland</span>, one of the principal secretaries of state. That
-affection was contracted by the agreement of their learning
-and manners. For you may remember, Sir, [addressing
-himself to Mr. M. <span class="smcap">Clifford</span>] we have often heard Mr.
-<span class="smcap">Cowley</span> admire him, not only for the profoundness of
-his knowledge, which was applauded by all the world, but
-more especially for those qualities which he himself more
-regarded, for <i>his generosity of mind, and his neglect of the
-vain pomp of human greatness</i>.”</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_39" href="#FNanchor_39" class="label">39</a>
-<i>The Cutter of Coleman-street</i>; the occasion and purpose
-of which was this: At the Restoration, there was not a set
-of men more troublesome to the ministry than the cavalier
-officers; amongst whom had crept in all the profligate of
-broken fortunes, to share in the merits and rewards of that
-name. <span class="smcap">Cowley</span> writ this comedy to unmask these wretches,
-and might reasonably pretend to some thanks for it. But,
-contrary to expectation, this very attempt raised a storm
-against him even at court, which beat violently upon
-him. See his preface to that play in the later editions
-in 8vo.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_40" href="#FNanchor_40" class="label">40</a>
-<span class="smcap">Shakespear.</span> <i>As you like it.</i> Act II. S. 1.&mdash;There is
-a quaintness in these lines of the great poet, which however
-are not unlike some of Mr. <span class="smcap">Cowley’s</span> addressed to
-<span class="smcap">J. Evelyne</span>, Esq.</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">Where does the wisdom and the pow’r divine,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">In a more bright and sweet reflexion shine;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Where do we finer strokes and colours see<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Of the Creator’s real poetry;<br /></span>
-</div><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">Than when we with attention look<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Upon the third day’s volume of the book?<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">If we could open and intend our eye,<br /></span>
-<span class="i2">We all, like <i>Moses</i>, should espy,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Ev’n in a <i>Bush</i>, the radiant Deity.<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_41" href="#FNanchor_41" class="label">41</a>
-In the <small>PREFACE</small> to his <i>Proposition for the advancement
-of experimental philosophy</i>, first printed in 1661. <i>See the
-edition in 24<sup>to</sup>, Lond. for H. Herringham.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_42" href="#FNanchor_42" class="label">42</a>
-Dr. <span class="smcap">Sprat</span> tells us, “That he had obtained a plentiful
-estate by the favour of my Lord <span class="smcap">St. Albans</span>, and the
-bounty of my lord duke of <span class="smcap">Buckingham</span>.” [See his <i>Life</i>.]</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_43" href="#FNanchor_43" class="label">43</a>
-Meaning <i>The true history of</i> Don Quixote; in which
-poor <i>Sancho Panca</i> is drawn into all adventures, by the
-promise of his <i>knight</i>, to reward him in due time with the
-government of an <i>island</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_44" href="#FNanchor_44" class="label">44</a>
-<span class="smcap">Lord Bacon</span> gives another account of this matter.&mdash;“As
-for the privateness of life of contemplative men, it
-is a theme so common to extol a private life, not taxed
-with sensuality and sloth, in comparison, and to the disadvantage
-of a civil life, for safety, liberty, pleasure, and
-dignity, <i>as no man handleth it, but handleth it well</i>: such
-a consonancy it hath to men’s conceits in the expressing,
-and to men’s consents in the allowing.” [<i>Adv. of Learning</i>,
-Book 1.]</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_45" href="#FNanchor_45" class="label">45</a>
-The justness of this encomium on Lord <span class="smcap">Clarendon</span>
-will hardly be disputed by any man, whose opinion is
-worth regarding.&mdash;What pity, that Mr. <span class="smcap">Cowley’s</span> connexions
-with some persons, indevoted to the excellent
-Chancellor, kept him at a distance from a man, so congenial
-to himself, and for whom he could not but entertain
-the highest esteem! The Chancellor, though he could
-not be expected to take him out of the hands of his old
-patrons, seems, yet, to have been generous enough to Mr.
-<span class="smcap">Cowley</span>, not to resent those connexions: as may be gathered
-from the handsome testimony paid to his merit, in
-the <i>Continuation of the History of his own Life</i>. Speaking
-of <span class="smcap">B. Jonson</span>, he says&mdash;“He [<span class="smcap">Ben Jonson</span>] was the best
-judge of, and fittest to prescribe rules to, poetry and
-poets, of any man who had lived with, or before him, or
-since; <i>If Mr.</i> <span class="smcap">Cowley</span> <i>had not made a flight beyond all
-men</i>; with that modesty yet, to ascribe much of this, to
-the example and learning of <span class="smcap">Ben Jonson</span>.”&mdash;Among the
-other infelicities of men of genius, <small>ONE</small> is, and not the
-least, that it rarely happens to them to have the choosing
-of the persons, to whom they would most wish to be
-obliged. The sensibility of their gratitude being equal to
-their other parts and virtues, the man, whose favour they
-chance first to experience, is sure of their constant services
-and attachment through life, how strongly soever their
-interest, and even their judgment, may <i>draw</i> another
-way.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_46" href="#FNanchor_46" class="label">46</a>
-The reader is not to forget, that Mr. <span class="smcap">Sprat</span> is writing
-to the Lord <span class="smcap">St. Albans</span>, and was, at this time, chaplain
-to the Duke of <span class="smcap">Buckingham</span>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_47" href="#FNanchor_47" class="label">47</a>
-“Ingenium illustre altioribus studiis juvenis admodum
-dedit: non, ut <small>PLERIQUE, UT NOMINE MAGNIFICO
-SEGNE OTIUM VELARET</small>, sed quo firmior adversus fortuita
-rempublicam capesseret.” [<i>Hist.</i> IV. 5.]&mdash;Part of the fine
-character given us of <span class="smcap">Helvidius Priscus</span>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_48" href="#FNanchor_48" class="label">48</a>
-<span class="smcap">The royal society</span>; not yet instituted, but much
-talked of at this time.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_49" href="#FNanchor_49" class="label">49</a>
-We have in this remonstrance that follows, the usual
-language of those we call our <i>friends</i>; which may sometimes
-be the <i>cause</i>, but is oftner the <i>pretence</i>, of ambition.
-Hear how gravely Sir <span class="smcap">Dudley Carlton</span>, who loved
-business, and drudged on in it all his life, is pleased, in
-an evil hour, to express himself: “The best is, I was
-never better, and were it not more for a necessity that is
-imposed by the <small>EXPECTATION OF FRIENDS</small>, not to stand at
-a stay and <small>SENESCERE</small>, whilst a man is young, than for
-ambition, I would not complain myself of my misfortune.”
-[Sir <span class="smcap">Ralph Winwood’s</span> <i>Memorials</i>, vol. II. p. 45.]</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_50" href="#FNanchor_50" class="label">50</a>
-That Mr. <span class="smcap">Cowley</span> <i>had</i> his prince’s grace appears from
-what the king said of him, on the news of his death:
-“<i>That he had not left a</i> <small>BETTER</small> <i>man behind him in</i> England.”
-And this with <i>grace</i> enough, in reason, from <small>SUCH</small>
-a prince.&mdash;How it came to pass that he <i>wanted</i> the grace
-of his peers (if, indeed, he <i>did</i> want it), hath been explained
-in a note, p. 140.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_51" href="#FNanchor_51" class="label">51</a>
-The application of this line is the affair of the <i>Mastership
-of the</i> Savoy; “which though granted, says Mr.
-Wood, to his highest merit by both the <span class="smcap">Charleses</span> I. and
-II. yet by certain persons, enemies to the Muses, he lost
-that place.” But this was not the worst. For, such is
-the hard lot of unsuccessful men, the <i>Savoy-missing</i> <span class="smcap">Cowley</span>
-became the object of ridicule, instead of pity, even to
-the wits themselves; as may be seen in “<i>The session of
-the poets</i>, amongst <i>the miscellaneous poems</i> published by
-Mr. <span class="smcap">Dryden</span>.”</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">Quid <small>DOMINI</small> facient, audent si talia <small>FURES</small>?<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_52" href="#FNanchor_52" class="label">52</a>
-Printed among his works, under the name of <small>THE
-COMPLAINT</small>. The relation it has to the subject debated,
-made me think it not amiss to print it at the end of this
-Dialogue&mdash;It must raise one’s indignation to find that so
-just, so delicate, and so manly a <i>complaint</i> should be
-scoffed at, as it was by the wits before mentioned, under
-the name of <small>THE PITIFUL MELANCHOLY</small>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_53" href="#FNanchor_53" class="label">53</a>
-Juvenal, <i>Sat.</i> i. ver. 112.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_54" href="#FNanchor_54" class="label">54</a>
-Whether it were owing to his other occupations, or
-that he had no great confidence in the success of this
-attempt, these <i>Essays</i>, which <i>were to give entire satisfaction</i>
-to his court-friend in the affair of his retirement, went on
-very slowly. They were even left imperfect at his death,
-“a little before which (says Dr. <span class="smcap">Sprat</span>) he communicated
-to me his resolution, to have dedicated them all to my
-Lord <span class="smcap">St. Albans</span>, as a testimony of his entire respects to
-him; and a <i>kind of apology</i> for having left human affairs
-in the strength of his age, while he might have been serviceable
-to his country.”&mdash;&mdash;However, if this apology had
-not the <i>intended</i> effect, it had a much better. Lords and
-wits may decide of the qualities of Mr. <span class="smcap">Cowley’s</span> <i>head</i> as
-they please; but, so long as these <i>Essays</i> remain, they will
-oblige all honest men <i>to love the language of his heart</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_55" href="#FNanchor_55" class="label">55</a>
-Alas! he was mistaken.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_56" href="#FNanchor_56" class="label">56</a>
-A citation from one of his own poems.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_57" href="#FNanchor_57" class="label">57</a>
-Mr. <span class="smcap">Sprat</span> himself tells us, speaking of Mr. <span class="smcap">Cowley’s</span>
-retreat, that “some few friends and books, a
-<i>chearful heart</i>, and innocent conscience, were his constant
-companions.” <i>Life.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_58" href="#FNanchor_58" class="label">58</a>
-This is one of the prettiest of Mr. <span class="smcap">Cowley’s</span> smaller
-Poems. The plan of it is highly poetical: and, though
-the numbers be not the most pleasing, the expression is
-almost every where natural and beautiful. But its principal
-charm is that air of <i>melancholy</i>, thrown over the
-whole, so expressive of the poet’s character.</p>
-
-<p>The <i>address</i> of the writer is seen in conveying his just
-reproaches on the <i>Court</i>, under a pretended vindication of
-it against the <i>Muse</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_59" href="#FNanchor_59" class="label">59</a>
-An execrable line.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_60" href="#FNanchor_60" class="label">60</a>
-For the account of these <i>Monuments</i>, and of <i>Kenelworth-Castle</i>,
-see the plans and descriptions of <span class="smcap">Dugdale</span>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_61" href="#FNanchor_61" class="label">61</a>
-The speaker’s idea of Lord <span class="smcap">Leicester’s</span> porter agrees
-with the character he sustained on the queen’s reception
-at <i>Kenelworth</i>; as we find it described in a paper of good
-authority written at that time. “Here a <small>PORTER</small>, tall of
-person, big of limbs, stark of countenance&mdash;with club
-and keys of quantity according; in a rough speech, full of
-passion in metre, while the queen came within his ward,
-burst out in a great pang of impatience to see such uncouth
-trudging to and fro, such riding in and out, with
-such din and noise of talk, within his charge; whereof he
-never saw the like, nor had any warning once, ne yet
-could make to himself any cause of the matter. At last,
-upon better view and advertisement, he proclaims open
-gates and free passage to all; yields over his club, his keys,
-his office and all, and on his knees humbly prays pardon
-of his ignorance and impatience. Which her highness
-graciously granting, <i>&amp;c.</i>”&mdash;</p>
-
-<blockquote>
-
-<p>A letter from an attendant in court to his friend a
-citizen and merchant of <i>London</i>. From the court
-at <i>Worcester, 20 August 1575</i>.</p></blockquote>
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_62" href="#FNanchor_62" class="label">62</a>
-In the first volume of the <span class="smcap">Spectator</span>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_63" href="#FNanchor_63" class="label">63</a>
-The factious use, that was afterwards made of this
-humour of magnifying the character of <span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span>, may
-be seen in the <i>Craftsman</i> and <i>Remarks on the History of
-England</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_64" href="#FNanchor_64" class="label">64</a>
-What the <i>political</i> character of Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span> was,
-may be seen from his <i>Whig-examiner</i>. This amiable man
-was keen and even caustic on subjects, where his party,
-that is, <i>civil liberty</i>, was concerned. Nor let it be any
-objection to the character I make him sustain in this
-Dialogue, that he treats <span class="smcap">Elizabeth’s</span> government with
-respect in the <i>Freeholder</i>. He had then the people to
-cajole, who were taught to reverence her memory. He is,
-here, addressing himself, in private, to his friends.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_65" href="#FNanchor_65" class="label">65</a>
-Lucian expresses this use of the Table prettily&mdash;ΦΙΛΙΑΣ
-ΜΕΣΙΤΗΝ ΤΡΑΠΕΖΑΝ, Ἔρωτες, c. 27.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_66" href="#FNanchor_66" class="label">66</a>
-Besides this sort of hospitality, there was another still
-more noble and disinterested, which distinguished the
-early times, especially the purer ages of chivalry. It was
-customary, it seems, for the great lords to fix up <small>HELMETS</small>
-on the roofs and battlements of their castles as a signal of
-hospitality to all adventurers and noble passengers.
-“Adoncques etoit une coustume en la Grant Bretagne
-(says the author of the old romance, called <span class="smcap">Perceforest</span>)
-et fut tant que charit&eacute; regna illecque, tous gentils hommes
-et nobles dames faisoient mettre au plus hault de leur
-hostel ung heaulme, en <small>SIGNE</small> que tous gentils hommes et
-gentilles femmes trespassans les chemins, entrassent hardyement
-en leur hostel comme en leur propre; car leurs
-biens estoient davantage &agrave; tous nobles hommes et femmes
-trespassans le royaulme.” Vol. iii. fol. 103.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_67" href="#FNanchor_67" class="label">67</a>
-This is not said without authority: “Give me leave,
-says one, to hold this paradox, that the English were
-never more idle, never more ignorant in manual arts,
-never more factious in following the parties of princes
-or their landlords, never more base (as I may say) trencher
-slaves, than in that age, wherein great men kept
-open houses for all comers and goers: and that in our
-age, wherein we have better learned each man to live of
-his own, and great men keep not such troops of idle
-servants, not only the English are become very industrious
-and skilful in manual arts, but also the tyranny
-of lords and gentlemen is abated, whereby they nourished
-private dissensions and civil wars, with the destruction
-of the common people.” <span class="smcap">Fynes Moryson’s</span> <i>Itinerary</i>,
-Part III. Ch. v.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_68" href="#FNanchor_68" class="label">68</a>
-Dr. <span class="smcap">Arbuthnot</span>, too, has his authority. A famous
-politician of the last century expresseth himself to much
-the same purpose, after his manner: “Henceforth, says
-he, [that is, after the statutes against retainers in <span class="smcap">Hen.
-VII’s</span> reign] the country lives, and <i>great tables</i> of the nobility,
-which no longer nourished veins that would bleed
-for them, were fruitless and loathsome till they changed
-the air, and of princes became <i>courtiers</i>; where their revenues,
-never to have been exhausted by beef and mutton,
-were found <i>narrow</i>; whence followed racking of rents,
-and, at length, sale of lands.” <span class="smcap">Sir James Harrington’s
-Oceana</span>, p. 40. <i>Lond.</i> 1656.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_69" href="#FNanchor_69" class="label">69</a>
-True it is, that this divertisement of <i>bear-baiting</i> was
-not altogether unknown in the age of <span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span>, and,
-as it seemeth, not much misliked of master <span class="smcap">Stow</span> himself,
-who hath very graphically described it. He is speaking
-of the <i>Danish</i> embassador’s reception and entertainment
-at <i>Greenwich</i> in 1586. “As the better sort, saith
-he, had their convenient disports, so were not the ordinary
-people excluded from competent pleasure. For, upon
-a green, very spacious and large, where thousands might
-stand and behold with good contentment, their <small>BEAR-BAITING</small>
-and bull-baiting (tempered with other merry
-disports) were exhibited; whereat it cannot be spoken of
-what pleasure the people took.</p>
-
-<p>For it was a sport alone, of these beasts, continueth
-the historian, to see the bear with his pink-eyes leering
-after his enemies; the nimbleness and wait of the dog to
-take his advantage; and the force and experience of the
-bear again to avoid the assaults; if he were bitten in one
-place, how he would pinch in another to get free; and if
-he were once taken, then what shift with biting, clawing,
-roaring, tugging, grasping, tumbling, and tossing, he would
-work to wind himself away; and, when he was loose, to
-shake his ears with the blood and slaver about his phisnomy,
-was a pittance of good relief. The like pastime
-also of the bull.&mdash;And now the day being far spent, and
-the sun in his declination, the embassador withdrew to
-his lodging by barge to <span class="smcap">Crosby’s</span> place; where, no doubt,
-<small>THIS DAY’S SOLEMNITY WAS THOUGHT UPON AND TALKED
-OF</small>.”&mdash;p. 1562.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_70" href="#FNanchor_70" class="label">70</a>
-See the <i>Anarcharsis</i> of <span class="smcap">Lucian</span>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_71" href="#FNanchor_71" class="label">71</a>
-If the reader be complaisant enough to admit the
-fact, it may be accounted for, on the ideas of chivalry,
-in the following manner. The knight forfeited all pretensions
-to the favour of the ladies, if he failed, in any
-degree, in the point of valour. And, reciprocally, the
-claim which the ladies had to protection and courtesy
-from the order of knights, was founded singly in the reputation
-of chastity, which was the female point of honour.
-“Ce droit que les dames avoient sur la chevalerie (says
-<span class="smcap">M. de la Curne de Ste Palaye</span>) devoit &eacute;tre conditionel;
-il supposoit que leur conduite et leur reputation ne les
-rendoient point indignes de l’espece d’association qui les
-unissoit &agrave; cet ordre uniquement fond&eacute; sur l’honneur.</p>
-
-<p>Par celle voye (says an old <i>French</i> writer, the chevalier
-<span class="smcap">de la Tour</span>, about the year 1371) les bonnes se craignoient
-et se tenoient plus fermes de faire chose dont elles
-peussent perdre leur honneur et leur etat. <i>Si vouldroye
-que cel&ucirc;i temps fust revenu, car je pense qu’il n’en seroit pas
-tant de blasm&eacute;es comme il est &agrave; present.”</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_72" href="#FNanchor_72" class="label">72</a>
-Sir <span class="smcap">Philip Sydney</span>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_73" href="#FNanchor_73" class="label">73</a>
-What is hinted, here, of the <i>reality</i> of these representations,
-hath been lately shewn at large in a learned
-memoir on this subject, which the reader will find in the
-<small>XX</small><sup>th</sup> Tom. of <span class="smcap">Hist. de l’Acad. des Inscriptions et
-Belles Lettres</span>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_74" href="#FNanchor_74" class="label">74</a>
-This representation of things in the ages of chivalry
-agrees with what we are told by the author of the memoir
-just quoted: “Les premi&egrave;res le&ccedil;ons,” (says he, speaking
-of the manner in which the youth were educated in the
-houses of the Great, which were properly the schools of
-those times) “qu’on leur donnoit, regardoient principalement
-<i>l’amour de Dieu, et des dames</i>, c’est-&agrave;-dire, la
-religion, et la galanterie. Mais autant la d&eacute;votion qu’on
-leur inspiroit &eacute;toit accompagn&eacute;e de puerilit&eacute;s et de superstitions,
-autant l’amour des dames, qu’on leur recommandoit,
-&eacute;toit il rempli de <small>RAFFINEMENT</small> et de <small>FANATISME</small>.
-Il semble qu’on ne pouvoit, dans ces si&eacute;cles ignorans et
-grossiers, pr&eacute;senter aux hommes la religion sous une
-forme assez materielle pour la mettre &agrave; leur port&eacute;e; ni
-leur donner, en m&ecirc;me tems, une id&eacute;e de l’amour assez
-pure, assez metaphysique, pour prevenir les desordres et
-les exc&egrave;s, dont etoit capable une nation qui conservoit
-par-tout le caractere impetueux qu’elle montroit &agrave; la
-guerre.” Tom. xx. p. 600.</p>
-
-<p>One sees then the origin of that furious gallantry which
-runs through the old romances. And so long as the <i>refinement
-and fanaticism</i>, which the writer speaks of, were
-kept in full vigour by the force of institution and the
-fashion of the times, the morals of these enamoured
-knights might, for any thing I know, be as pure as their
-apologist represents them. At the same time it must be
-confessed that this discipline was of a nature very likely to
-relax itself under another state of things, and certainly to
-be misconstrued by those who should come to look upon
-these pictures of a <i>refined and spiritual passion</i>, as incredible
-and fantastic. And hence, no doubt, we are to account
-for that censure which a famous writer, and one of the
-ornaments of <span class="smcap">Elizabeth’s</span> own age, passeth on the old
-books of chivalry. His expression is downright, and somewhat
-coarse. “In our fathers time nothing was read but
-books of chivalry, wherein a man by reading should be
-led to none other end, but only to <i>manslaughter</i> and <i>baudrye</i>.
-If any man suppose they were good enough to pass
-the time withall, he is deceived. For surely vain words
-do work no small thing in vain, ignorant, and young
-minds, especially if they be given any thing thereunto of
-their own nature.” He adds, like a good Protestant,
-“These books, as I have heard say, were made the most
-part in abbayes and monasteries; a very likely and fit fruit
-of such an idle and blind kind of living.” <i>Pr&aelig;f.</i> to <span class="smcap">Ascham’s
-Toxophilus</span>, 1571.</p>
-
-<p>I thought it but just to set down this censure of Mr.
-<span class="smcap">Ascham</span> over-against the candid representation of the
-French memorialist.&mdash;However, what is said of the influence,
-which this ancient institution had on the character
-of his countrymen, is not to be disputed. “Les preceptes
-d’amour repandoient dans le commerce des dames ces considerations
-et ces egards respectueux, qui, n’ayant jamais
-&eacute;t&eacute; effac&eacute;s de l’esprit des Fran&ccedil;ois, ont toujours fait un des
-caract&egrave;res distinctifs de n&ocirc;tre nation.”</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_75" href="#FNanchor_75" class="label">75</a>
-Of <span class="smcap">Scriblerus</span>. See the <small>VI</small><sup>th</sup> chapter of that learned
-work, <i>On the ancient Gymnastics</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_76" href="#FNanchor_76" class="label">76</a>
-<span class="smcap">Masques</span>, p. 181. <span class="smcap">Whaley’s</span> edition.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_77" href="#FNanchor_77" class="label">77</a>
-This romantic spirit of the Queen may be seen as well
-in her <i>amours</i>, as military achievements. “Ambiri, coli
-ob formam, et <small>AMORIBUS</small>, etiam inclinat&acirc; jam &aelig;tate, videri
-voluit; de <small>FABULOSIS INSULIS</small> per illam relaxationem
-renovat&acirc; quasi memori&acirc; in quibus <small>EQUITES AC STRENUI
-HOMINES ERRABANT</small>, et <small>AMORES</small>, fœditate omni prohibit&acirc;,
-generos&egrave; per <small>VIRTUTEM</small> exercebant.”</p>
-
-<p class="author"><span class="smcap">Thuani</span> Hist. tom. vi. p. 172.</p>
-
-<p>The observation of the great historian is confirmed by
-<span class="smcap">Francis Osborne</span>, Esq., who, speaking of a contrivance
-of the Cecilian party to ruin the earl of <span class="smcap">Essex</span>, by giving
-him a rival in the good graces of the queen, observes&mdash;“But
-the whole result concluding in a duel, did rather inflame
-than abate the former account she made of him:
-the opinion of a <small>CHAMPION</small> being more splendid (in the
-weak and romantic sense of women, that admit of nothing
-fit to be made the object of a quarrel but themselves) and
-far above that of a captain or general. So as Sir <span class="smcap">Edmund
-Cary</span>, brother to the Lord <span class="smcap">Hunsdon</span>, then chamberlain
-and near kinsman to the Queen, told me, that though she
-chid them both, nothing pleased her better than a conceit
-she had, that her <i>beauty</i> was the subject of this quarrel,
-when, God knows, it grew from the stock of honour, of
-which then they were very tender.”&mdash;<span class="smcap">Mem. of Q. Elizabeth</span>,
-p. 456.</p>
-
-<p>But nothing shews the romantic disposition of the
-Queen, and indeed of her times, more evidently than the
-<small>TRIUMPH</small>, as it was called; devised and performed with
-great solemnity, in honour of the <i>French</i> commissioners in
-1581. The contrivance was for four of her principal
-courtiers, under the quaint appellation of “four foster-children
-of <small>DESIRE</small>,” to besiege and carry, by dint of arms,
-“<span class="smcap">the fortress of Beauty</span>;” intending, by this courtly
-&aelig;nigma, nothing less than the queen’s majesty’s own person.&mdash;The
-actors in this famous triumph were, the Earl
-of <span class="smcap">Arundel</span>, the Lord <span class="smcap">Windsor</span>, Master <span class="smcap">Philip Sidney</span>,
-and Master <span class="smcap">Fulk Grevil</span>. And the whole was conducted
-so entirely in the spirit and language of knight errantry,
-that nothing in the Arcadia itself is more romantic.
-See the account at large in <span class="smcap">Stow’s</span> continuation of
-<span class="smcap">Holinshed’s</span> Chronicles, p. 1316-1321.</p>
-
-<p>To see the drift and propriety of this triumph, it is to
-be observed that the business which brought the <i>French</i>
-commissioners into <i>England</i> was, the great affair of the
-queen’s marriage with the duke of <span class="smcap">Alan&ccedil;on</span>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_78" href="#FNanchor_78" class="label">78</a>
-Speeches at Prince <span class="smcap">Henry’s</span> barriers.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_79" href="#FNanchor_79" class="label">79</a>
-There was an instance of this kind, and perhaps the
-latest upon record in our history, in the 13th year of the
-queen, when “a combat was appointed to have been
-fought for a certain manor, and demain lands belonging
-thereto, in <i>Kent</i>.” The matter was compromised in the
-end. But not till after the usual forms had been observed,
-by the two parties: of which we have a curious and circumstantial
-detail in <i>Holinshed’s</i> Chronicles, p. 1225.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_80" href="#FNanchor_80" class="label">80</a>
-Alluding to a tract, so called, by <span class="smcap">Gascoigne</span>, an attendant
-on the court, and poet of that time, who hath
-given us a narrative of the entertainments that passed on
-this occasion at <i>Kenelworth</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_81" href="#FNanchor_81" class="label">81</a>
-Hence then it is that a celebrated dramatic writer of
-those days represents the entertainment of <small>MASKS</small> and
-<small>SHOWS</small>, as the highest indulgence that could be provided
-for a luxurious and happy monarch. His words are
-these;</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">“Music and poetry are his delight.<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Therefore I’ll have <i>Italian</i> masques by night,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Sweet speeches, comedies, and pleasing shows;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">And in the day, when he shall walk abroad,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Like <span class="smcap">Sylvan Nymphs</span>, my pages shall be clad:<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">My men, like <span class="smcap">Satyrs</span>, grazing on the lawns,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Shall, with their goat-feet dance the antic hay:<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Sometimes a lovely boy in <span class="smcap">Dian’s</span> shape,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">With hair, that gilds the water as it glides,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Crownets of pearls about his naked arms,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">And in his sportful hands an olive-tree,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Shall bathe him in a spring, and there hard-by<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">One like <span class="smcap">Act&aelig;on</span>, peeping through the grove,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Shall by the angry Goddess be transform’d&mdash;<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Such things as these best please his Majesty.”<br /></span>
-<span class="author"><span class="smcap">Marlow’s</span> Edward II.<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<p>And how exactly this dramatist painted the humour of
-the times, we may see from the entertainment provided,
-not many years after, for the reception of King <span class="smcap">James</span> at
-<i>Althorp</i> in <i>Northamptonshire</i>; where this very design of
-<i>Sylvan Nymphs</i>, <i>Satyrs</i>, and <span class="smcap">Act&aelig;on</span>, was executed in a
-masque by <span class="smcap">B. Jonson</span>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_82" href="#FNanchor_82" class="label">82</a>
-Whom his friend Mr. <span class="smcap">Selden</span> characterizeth in this
-manner,</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i17">“Omnia carmina doctus<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Et calles mythων plasmata et historiam.”<br /></span>
-<span class="author"><span class="smcap">Tit. of Hon.</span> p. 466.<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_83" href="#FNanchor_83" class="label">83</a>
-<i>Sacrifices</i>, says <span class="smcap">Plutarch</span>, <i>without chorusses and without
-music, we have known: but for poetry, without fable
-and without fiction, we know of no such thing</i>. Θυσίας μὲν
-ἀχόρους καὶ ἀναύλους ἴσμεν· οὐκ ἴσμεν δὲ ἄμυθον οὐδὲ ἀψευδῆ ϖοίησιν.
-De aud. po&euml;t. vol. i. p. 16.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_84" href="#FNanchor_84" class="label">84</a>
-This will be admitted, if a calculation said to have
-been made by themselves of their number at that time may
-be relied on&mdash;“They make reasoning (saith Sir <span class="smcap">Edwin
-Sandys</span> in his <i>Speculum Europ&aelig;</i>, written in 1699) forty
-hundred sure catholics in <i>England</i>, with four hundred
-<i>English Roman</i> priests to maintain that militia,” p. 157.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_85" href="#FNanchor_85" class="label">85</a>
-Mr. <span class="smcap">Camden</span> owns that the <i>Irish</i> rebellion, which in
-the end became so dangerous, had been “encouraged by
-a slighting of it, and a gripple-handedness of <i>England</i>.”
-[<i>Hist. of</i> <span class="smcap">Eliz.</span> B. iv.]&mdash;To the same purpose another
-eminent writer of that time&mdash;“Before the transmitting of
-the last great army, the forces sent over by <span class="smcap">Q. Elizabeth</span>
-were <small>NOT</small> of sufficient power to break and subdue all the
-<i>Irishry</i>.” At last, however, “The extreme peril of losing
-the kingdom; the dishonour and danger that might
-thereby grow to the crown of <i>England</i>; together with a
-just disdain conceived by that great-minded queen, that
-so wicked and ungrateful a rebel should prevail against
-her, who had ever been victorious against all her enemies;
-did move and almost <small>ENFORCE</small> her to send over
-that mighty army.” [Sir. <span class="smcap">J. Davies</span>, <i>Discovery of the State
-of Ireland</i>, p. 97. <i>Lond.</i> 1613.]</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_86" href="#FNanchor_86" class="label">86</a>
-Sir <span class="smcap">Robert Naunton</span> tells us, “The queen was
-never profuse in delivering out of her treasure; but paid
-her servants part in money, and the rest with <small>GRACE</small>;
-which, as the case stood, was then taken for good payment.”
-[<span class="smcap">Fragm. Reg.</span> p. 89.] And <span class="smcap">Nat. Bacon</span> to the
-same purpose. “A wise man, that was an eye-witness of
-<small>HER</small> actions, and those that succeeded to her, many times
-hath said, That a courtier might make a better meal of
-one good <small>LOOK</small> from her, than of a gift from some other.”
-[<span class="smcap">Disc.</span> P. ii. p. 266. <i>Lond.</i> 1651.]</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_87" href="#FNanchor_87" class="label">87</a>
-This <i>reverence of authority</i>, one of the characteristics
-of that time, and which Mr. <span class="smcap">Addison</span> presently accounts
-for, a great writer celebrates in these words&mdash;“It was an
-ingenuous uninquisitive time, when all the passions and
-affections of the people were lapped up in such an innocent
-and humble obedience, that there was never the least contestation
-nor capitulation with the queen, nor (though
-she very frequently consulted with her subjects) <i>any further
-reasons urged of her actions than</i> <small>HER OWN WILL</small>.”
-See a tract intitled <span class="smcap">The Disparity</span>, in Sir <span class="smcap">H. Wotton’s</span>
-Remains, p. 46, supposed to have been written by the earl
-of <span class="smcap">Clarendon</span>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_88" href="#FNanchor_88" class="label">88</a>
-<span class="smcap">Paulus Hentznerus</span>, a learned <i>German</i>, who was in
-<i>England</i> in 1598, goes still further in his encomium on
-the queen’s skill in languages. He tells us, that, “pr&aelig;terquam
-qu&ograve;d Gr&aelig;c&egrave; et Latin&egrave; eleganter est docta, tenet,
-ultra jam memorata idiomata, etiam Hispanicum, Scoticum,
-et Belgicum.” See his <span class="smcap">Itinerarium</span>.</p>
-
-<p>But this was the general character of the great in that
-reign: at least, if we may credit Master <span class="smcap">William Harrison</span>,
-who discourseth on the subject before us in the
-following manner: “This further is not to be omitted,
-to the singular commendation of both sorts and sexes of
-our courtiers here in <i>England</i>, that there are very few of
-them, which have not the use and skill of sundry speeches,
-beside an excellent vein of writing, before time not regarded.
-Truly it is a rare thing with us now, to hear of
-a courtier which hath but his own language. And to say
-how many gentlewomen and ladies there are, that, beside
-sound knowledge of the <i>Greek</i> and <i>Latin</i> tongues, are
-thereto no less skilful in the <i>Spanish</i>, <i>Italian</i>, and <i>French</i>,
-or in some one of them, it resteth not in me; sith I am
-persuaded, that as the noblemen and gentlemen do surmount
-in this behalf, so these come very little or nothing
-behind them for their parts; which industry God continue,
-and accomplish that which otherwise is wanting.” <span class="smcap">Descript.</span>
-of <span class="smcap">England</span>, p. 196.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_89" href="#FNanchor_89" class="label">89</a>
-One of these <i>ties</i> was the <i>prejudice of education</i>; and
-some uncommon methods used to bind it fast on the
-minds of the people.&mdash;A book, called ΕΙΡΗΝΑΡΧΙΑ, sive
-<span class="smcap">Elizabeth</span>, was written in <i>Latin</i> verse by one <span class="smcap">Ockland</span>,
-containing the highest panegyrics on the queen’s character
-and government, and setting forth the transcendant virtues
-of her ministers. This book was enjoined by authority
-to be taught, as a classic author, in Grammar-schools, and
-was of course to be gotten by heart by the young scholars
-throughout the kingdom.</p>
-
-<p>This was a matchless contrivance to imprint a sense of
-loyalty on the minds of the people. And, though it flowed,
-as we are to suppose, from a tender regard, in the advisers
-of it, for the interests of Protestantism in that reign; yet
-its uses are so apparent in any reign, and under any administration,
-that nothing but the moderation of her successors,
-and the reasonable assurance of their ministers
-that their own acknowledged virtues were a sufficient support
-to them, could have hindered the expedient from
-being followed.</p>
-
-<p>But, though the stamp of public authority was wanting,
-private men have attempted, in several ways, to supply
-this defect. To instance only in one. The Protestant
-queen was to pass for a mirror of <i>good government</i>: hence
-the Εἰρηνάρχια. Her successor would needs be thought a
-mirror of <i>eloquence</i>: and hence the noble enterprise I am
-about to celebrate. “Mr. <span class="smcap">George Herbert</span> (I give it in
-the grave historian’s own words) being prelector in the
-rhetorique school in <i>Cambridge</i>, in 1618, passed by those
-fluent orators, that domineered in the pulpits of <i>Athens</i>
-and <i>Rome</i>, and insisted to read upon an oration of <span class="smcap">K.
-James</span>, which he analysed; shewed the concinnity of the
-parts; the propriety of the phrase; the height and power
-of it to move the affections; the style, <small>UTTERLY UNKNOWN
-TO THE ANCIENTS</small>, who could not conceive what kingly
-eloquence was, in respect of which those noted demigogi
-were but hirelings and tribolary rhetoricians.” Bishop
-<span class="smcap">Hacket’s</span> Life of Archbishop <span class="smcap">Williams</span>, p. 175.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_90" href="#FNanchor_90" class="label">90</a>
-A learned foreigner gives this character of the <i>English</i>
-at that time: “Angli, ut <small>ADDICTE SERVIUNT</small>, ità evecti
-ad dignitates priorem humilitatem <small>INSOLENTIA</small> rependunt.”
-<span class="smcap">H. Grotii Ann.</span> L. v. p. 95. <i>Amst.</i> 1657. Hence
-the propriety of those complaints, in our great poet, of,</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i4">“The whips and scorns of th’ time,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">Th’ oppressor’s wrong, the proud man’s contumely,<br /></span>
-<span class="i0"><span class="smcap">The insolence of office</span>;”&mdash;<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<p><i>complaints</i> so frequent, and so forcibly expressed by him,
-that we may believe he painted from his own observation,
-and perhaps experience, of this insolent misuse of authority.
-<span class="smcap">Measure for Measure</span>, A. II. S. vii.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_91" href="#FNanchor_91" class="label">91</a>
-Yet it may seem probable, from this poet’s conduct in
-<i>Ireland</i>, and his <i>View of the state of that country</i>, that his
-talents for <i>business</i> (such as <span class="smcap">Cecil</span> himself must have approved)
-were no less considerable than for poetry. But he
-had served a disgraced man; and had drawn upon himself
-the admiration of the generous earl of <i>Essex</i>. So that, as
-the historian expresseth it, “by a fate which still follows
-poets, he always wrestled with poverty, though he had
-been secretary to the lord <span class="smcap">Gray</span>, lord deputy of <i>Ireland</i>.”
-All that remained for him was, “to be interred at <i>Westminster</i>,
-near to <span class="smcap">Chaucer</span>, at the charge of the earl of <i>Essex</i>;
-his hearse being attended by poets, and mournful elegies
-and poems, with the pens that wrote them, thrown into
-his grave.” <span class="smcap">Camden</span>, lib. iv.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_92" href="#FNanchor_92" class="label">92</a>
-As to Sir <span class="smcap">Francis Bacon</span>, the queen herself gave a
-very plausible reason, and doubtless much approved by the
-grave lawyers and other judicious persons of that time,
-for her neglect of this gentleman. “She did acknowledge
-(says the earl of <i>Essex</i> in a letter to Mr. <span class="smcap">Francis Bacon</span>)
-you had a great wit, and an excellent gift of speech, and
-much other good learning. But in <span class="smcap">Law</span>, she rather thought
-you could make shew, to the utmost of your knowledge,
-than, that you were deep.” <span class="smcap">Mem. of Q. Elizabeth</span> by
-Dr. <span class="smcap">Birch</span>; to whom the public is exceedingly indebted
-for abundance of curious information concerning the history
-of those times.</p>
-
-<p>If it be asked, how the queen came to form this conclusion,
-the answer is plain. It was from Mr. <span class="smcap">Bacon’s</span>
-having a <small>GREAT WIT</small>, an excellent <small>GIFT OF SPEECH</small>, and
-much other <small>GOOD LEARNING</small>.</p>
-
-<p>It is true, Sir <span class="smcap">Francis Bacon</span> himself gives another
-account of this matter. In a letter of advice to Sir.
-<span class="smcap">George Villiers</span>, he says, “In this dedication of yourself
-to the public, I recommend unto you principally
-that which I think was never done since I was born&mdash;that
-you countenance and encourage and advance <small>ABLE MEN</small>, in
-all kinds, degrees, and professions. For in the time of
-the <span class="smcap">Cecils</span>, father and son, <small>ABLE MEN WERE BY DESIGN
-AND OF PURPOSE SUPPRESSED</small>.” <span class="smcap">Cabala</span>, p. 57, ed. 1691.&mdash;But
-either way, indeed, the queen’s character is equally
-saved.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_93" href="#FNanchor_93" class="label">93</a>
-The lord <span class="smcap">Mountjoy</span> [then Sir <span class="smcap">Charles Blount</span>],
-being of a military turn, had stolen over into <i>France</i>, without
-the queen’s knowledge, in order to serve in <i>Bretagne</i>,
-under one of her generals. Upon his return, which was
-hastened too by her express command, “Serve me so again,
-said the queen, once more, and I will lay you fast enough
-for running. You will never leave, till you are knocked
-o’ the head, as that inconsiderate fellow <span class="smcap">Sidney</span> was. You
-shall go when I send you. In the mean time see that you
-lodge in the Court, where you may <small>FOLLOW YOUR BOOKS,
-HEAD, AND DISCOURSE OF THE WARS</small>.” Sir <span class="smcap">Robert
-Naunton’s Fr. Reg.</span> in <span class="smcap">L. Burleigh</span>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_94" href="#FNanchor_94" class="label">94</a>
-So good a judge of military matters, as Sir <span class="smcap">Walter
-Raleigh</span>, was of this opinion with regard to the conduct
-of the <i>Spanish</i> war. “If the late queen would have believed
-her men of war, as she did her scribes, we had, in
-her time, beaten that great empire in pieces, and made
-their kings, kings of figs and oranges, as in old times.
-But <i>her majesty did all by halves</i>, and, by petty invasions,
-taught the <i>Spaniard</i> how to defend himself, and to see his
-own weakness; which, till our attempts taught him, was
-hardly known to himself.” See his Works, vol. i. 273.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Raleigh</span>,
-it may be said, was of the <span class="smcap">Cecil</span> faction.
-But the men of war, of the <span class="smcap">Essex</span> faction, talked exactly
-in the same strain; which shews that this might probably
-be the truth.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_95" href="#FNanchor_95" class="label">95</a>
-See Sir <span class="smcap">Henry Wotton’s</span> <i>Parallel of the earl of
-Essex and duke of Buckingham</i>. The words are these: “He
-[the earl of <i>Essex</i>] was to wrestle with a queen’s declining,
-or rather with her very setting age, as we may term it;
-which, besides other respects, is commonly even of itself
-the more umbratious and apprehensive; as for the most
-part all horizons are charged with certain vapours towards
-their evening.” <span class="smcap">Remains</span>, p. 11.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_96" href="#FNanchor_96" class="label">96</a>
-<span class="smcap">The Disparity</span>, p. 43</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_97" href="#FNanchor_97" class="label">97</a>
-This account of her policy is confirmed by what we
-read in the <span class="smcap">Disparity</span>, before cited. “That trick of
-countenancing and protecting factions (as that queen,
-almost her whole reign, did with singular and equal demonstration
-of grace look upon several persons of most
-distant wishes one towards another) was not the least
-ground of much of her quiet and success. And she never
-doubted but that men, that were never so opposite in
-their good-will each to other, or never so dishonest in
-their projectments for each other’s confusion, might yet
-be reconciled in their allegiance towards her. Insomuch
-that, during her whole reign, she never endeavoured to
-reconcile any personal differences in the court, though
-the unlawful emulations of persons of nearest trust about
-her, were ever like to overthrow some of her chiefest
-designs: <i>A policy, seldom entertained by princes, especially
-if they have issues to survive them</i>,” p. 46. Her own historian,
-it is true, seems a little shy of acknowledging this
-conduct of the queen, with regard to her nobility and ministers.
-But he owns, “She now and then took a pleasure
-(and not unprofitably) in the emulation and privy
-grudges of her women.” <span class="smcap">Camden’s Elizabeth</span>, p. 79.
-fol. <i>Lond.</i> 1688.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_98" href="#FNanchor_98" class="label">98</a>
-We find an intimation to this purpose, in a writer of
-credit, at least with respect to the <i>Dutch</i> and <i>Ireland</i>&mdash;“Jam
-et <i>divulsam</i> Hiberniam, et in Batavis Angli militis
-<i>seditiones</i>, velut <small>JUSSAS</small>, erant qui exprobrarent.” <span class="smcap">Grotii
-Annal.</span> l. xii. p. 432.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_99" href="#FNanchor_99" class="label">99</a>
-Something like this was observed of her disposition
-by Sir <span class="smcap">James Melvil</span>. After having related to his mistress,
-the queen of <i>Scots</i>, the strong professions of friendship
-which the queen of <i>England</i> had made to him, “She
-[the queen of <i>Scots</i>] inquired, says he, whether I thought
-that queen meant truly towards her inwardly in her heart,
-as she appeared to do outwardly in her speech. I answered
-freely, that, in my judgment, there was neither plain
-dealing, nor upright meaning; but great dissimulation,
-emulation, and <small>FEAR</small>, lest her princely qualities should
-over-soon chace her from her kingdom,” &amp;c. <span class="smcap">Memoirs</span>,
-p. 53.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_100" href="#FNanchor_100" class="label">100</a>
-Secretary <span class="smcap">Walsingham</span>, in a letter to the queen,
-Sept. 2, 1581, amongst other things to the same purpose,
-has the following words&mdash;“<i>Remember</i>, I humbly beseech
-your majesty, <i>the respect of charges hath lost Scotland</i>: and
-I would to God I had no cause to think, that <i>it might put
-your highness in peril of the loss of England</i>.”&mdash;“And even
-the Lord Treasurer himself (we are told) in a letter still
-extant in the paper-office, written in the critical year 1588,
-while the <i>Spanish</i> armada was expected against <i>England</i>,
-excuses himself to sir <span class="smcap">Edward Stafford</span>, then embassador
-in <i>France</i>, for not writing to him oftener, <i>on account
-of her majesty’s unwillingness to be at the expence of
-messengers</i>.” Sir <span class="smcap">T. Edmondes’</span> State-papers, by Dr.
-<span class="smcap">Birch</span>, p. 21.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_101" href="#FNanchor_101" class="label">101</a>
-One of these complaisant observers was the writer of
-<i>the Description of England</i>, who, speaking of the variety
-of the queen’s houses, checks himself with saying, “But
-what shall I need to take upon me to repeat all, and tell
-what houses the queen’s majesty hath? Sith <small>ALL IS HIRS</small>;
-and when it pleaseth hir in the summer season to recreate
-hirself abroad, and view the state of the countrie, and hear
-the complaints of hir unjust officers or substitutes, <i>every
-nobleman’s house is hir palace</i>, where she continueth during
-pleasure, and till she returne again to some of hir owne;
-in which she remaineth as long as pleaseth hir.” p. 196.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_102" href="#FNanchor_102" class="label">102</a>
-Perhaps they had no need of such favours: It seems
-as if they had provided for themselves another way. One
-of her ladies, the Lady <span class="smcap">Edmondes</span>, had been applied to
-for her interest with the queen in a certain affair of no
-great moment, then depending in the Court of Chancery.
-The person, commissioned to transact this matter with her
-ladyship, had offered her 100<i>l.</i> which she treated <i>as too
-small a sum</i>. The relater of this fact adds&mdash;“This ruffianry
-of causes I am daily more and more acquainted
-with, and see the manner of dealing, which cometh of the
-<i>queen’s straitness</i> to give these women, whereby they presume
-thus to grange and truck causes.” See a letter in
-<span class="smcap">Mem.</span> of <span class="smcap">Q. Elizabeth</span>, by Dr. <span class="smcap">Birch</span>, vol. i. p. 354.
-But this 100<i>l.</i> as the virtuous Lady <span class="smcap">Edmondes</span> says, was <i>a
-small sum</i>. It appears, that bishop <span class="smcap">Fletcher</span>, on his
-translation to <i>London</i>, “bestowed in allowances and gratifications
-to divers attendants [indeed we are not expressly
-told, they were <i>female</i>] about her majesty, the sum of
-3100<i>l.</i> which money was given by him, for the most part
-of it, <i>by her majesty’s direction and special appointment</i>.”
-Mem. vol. ii. p. 113. And the curiosity is, to find this
-minute of episcopal <i>gratifications</i> in a petition presented
-to the queen herself, “To move her majesty in commiseration
-towards the orphans of this bishop.”&mdash;However, to
-do the ladies justice, the contagion of bribery was so general
-in that reign, that the greatest men in the court
-were infected by it. The lord-keeper <span class="smcap">Puckering</span>, it
-seems, had a finger in the affair of the 100<i>l.</i>; nay, himself
-speaks to the lady to get him commanded by the queen to
-favour the suit. And we are told, that Sir <span class="smcap">W. Raleigh</span>
-had no less than 10,000<i>l.</i> for his interest with the queen
-on a certain occasion, after having been invited to this
-service by the finest letter that ever was written.&mdash;Indeed
-it is not said how much of this secret service money went
-<i>in allowances and gratifications to the attendants about the
-queen’s majesty</i>, vol. ii. p. 497.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_103" href="#FNanchor_103" class="label">103</a>
-Lord <span class="smcap">Bacon</span> made the same excuse for <i>his</i> bribery;
-as he had learnt, perhaps, the trade itself from his royal
-mistress. It was a rule with this great chancellor, “Not
-to sell injustice, but never to let justice go scot-free.”</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_104" href="#FNanchor_104" class="label">104</a>
-See <i>Hist. Collections</i>, by <span class="smcap">H. Townshend</span>, Esq.; p.
-268. <i>Lond.</i> 1680.&mdash;The lord-keeper too, in a speech in the
-star-chamber, confirms this charge on the country justices.
-“The thirst, says he, after this authority, proceedeth
-from nothing but an ambitious humour of gaining
-of reputation amongst their neighbours; that still, when
-they come home, <i>they may be presented with presents</i>.”
-Ibid. p. 355.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_105" href="#FNanchor_105" class="label">105</a>
-When the queen declared to Sir <span class="smcap">James Melvil</span> her
-resolution of virginity, “I know the truth of that, madam,
-(said he); you need not tell it me. Your majesty thinks,
-if you were married, you would be but queen of <i>England</i>;
-and now you are both king and queen. <i>I know your spirit
-cannot endure a commander.</i>” <span class="smcap">Mem.</span> p. 49. This was frank.
-But Sir <span class="smcap">James Melvil</span> was too well seen in courts to have
-used this language, if he had not understood it would be
-welcome. Accordingly, the queen’s highness did not seem
-displeased with the imputation.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_106" href="#FNanchor_106" class="label">106</a>
-This was a common topick of complaint against the
-queen; or at least her ministers, and gave occasion to that
-reproof of the poet <span class="smcap">Spenser</span>, which the persons concerned
-could hardly look upon as very decent,</p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">“Scarce can a bishoprick forepass them bye<br /></span>
-<span class="i0">But that it must be gelt in privity.”<br /></span>
-<span class="author">Mother <span class="smcap">Hubbard’s</span> <i>Tale</i>.<br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<p>But a bishop of that time carries the charge still further.
-In one of his sermons at court before the queen,
-“Parsonages and vicarages, says he, seldom pass now-a-days
-from the patron, but either for the lease, or the present
-money. Such merchants are broken into the church
-of God, a great deal more intolerable than were they
-whom <span class="smcap">Christ</span> whipped out of the temple.”&mdash;This language
-is very harsh, and surely not deserved by the Protestant
-patrons of those days, who were only, as we may suppose,
-for reducing the church of <span class="smcap">Christ</span> to its pure and primitive
-state of indigence and suffering. How edifying is it to
-hear St. <span class="smcap">Paul</span> speak of his being&mdash;<i>In hunger and thirst,
-in fastings often, in cold and nakedness!</i> And how perfectly
-reformed would our church be, if its ministers were but
-once more in this blessed apostolical condition!</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_107" href="#FNanchor_107" class="label">107</a>
-It was this circumstance that seemed to weigh most
-with the Lord Chancellor <span class="smcap">Bacon</span>; who, in his short tract,
-<i>In felicem memoriam</i> <span class="smcap">Elizabeth&aelig;</span>, saith, “Illud cogitandum
-censeo, in quali populo imperium tenuerit: si enim in
-Palmyrenis, aut Asi&acirc; imbelli et molli regnum sortita esset,
-min&ugrave;s mirandum fuisset&mdash;ver&ugrave;m in <span class="smcap">Anglia</span>, <i>natione ferocissim&acirc;
-et bellicosissim&acirc;</i>, omnia ex nutu fœmin&aelig; moveri
-et cohiberi potuisse, <small>SUMMAM MERITO ADMIRATIONEM
-HABET</small>.”</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_108" href="#FNanchor_108" class="label">108</a>
-The subject of these Dialogues, on <i>the English Constitution</i>,
-is the most important in <i>English</i> politics.&mdash;To
-cite all the passages from our best antiquaries and historians,
-out of which this work was formed, and which lay
-before the writer in composing it, would swell this volume
-to an immoderate size. It is enough to say, that nothing
-<i>material</i> is advanced in the course of the argument, but on
-the best authority.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_109" href="#FNanchor_109" class="label">109</a>
-That is, of the <i>feudal law</i>: which was one of the
-subjects explained by the bishop to his royal pupil the duke
-of <i>Gloucester</i>. “I acquainted him, says he, with all the
-great revolutions that had been in the world, and gave
-him a copious account of the <i>Greek</i> and <i>Roman</i> histories,
-and of <span class="smcap">Plutarch’s</span> Lives: the last thing I explained to
-him was the Gothic constitution, and the <small>BENEFICIARY
-AND FEUDAL LAWS</small>.” [<span class="smcap">Hist.</span> <i>of his own Times</i>, vol. iv.
-p. 357. <i>Edinb.</i> 1753.]</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_110" href="#FNanchor_110" class="label">110</a>
-On <i>April 11, 1689</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_111" href="#FNanchor_111" class="label">111</a>
-Of the great seal&mdash;The other lawyers in commission
-were <span class="smcap">Keck</span> and <span class="smcap">Rawlinson</span>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_112" href="#FNanchor_112" class="label">112</a>
-This was a favourite subject with our good bishop;
-and how qualified he was to discuss it, even in its minutest
-particularities, may be learnt from his history at large.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_113" href="#FNanchor_113" class="label">113</a>
-It was not thus <i>left to itself</i>, but was nursed and fostered
-with great care by the preachers of <i>divine indefeasible
-hereditary right</i>, in this and the following reign.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_114" href="#FNanchor_114" class="label">114</a>
-This casual remark seems to determine a famous dispute
-among the Antiquaries on the subject before us.
-Bishop <span class="smcap">Nicolson</span> attended so little to this tralatitious use
-of words, in which all languages abound, that finding
-<span class="smcap">Laga</span> in several places signified a <i>country</i>, he would needs
-have it that <span class="smcap">Camden</span>, <span class="smcap">Lambarde</span>, <span class="smcap">Spelman</span>, <span class="smcap">Cowell</span>,
-<span class="smcap">Selden</span>, and all our best Antiquaries, were mistaken,
-when they supposed <i>Laga</i> ever signified, in the compositions
-here mentioned, a <i>law</i>. However, his adversaries
-among the Antiquaries were even with him; and finding
-that <i>Laga</i>, in these compositions, did signify a law in several
-places of our ancient laws, historians, and lawyers,
-deny that it ever signifies a <i>country</i>. Each indeed had a
-considerable object in view; the one was bent on overthrowing
-a system; the other on supporting it; namely,
-that famous threefold body of laws, the <i>Danish</i>, <i>Mercian</i>,
-and <i>West-Saxon</i>. It must be owned, the bishop could not
-overthrow the common system, without running into his
-extreme: it seems, his opponents might have supported it
-without running into theirs.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_115" href="#FNanchor_115" class="label">115</a>
-See <i>Historical Law-Tracts</i>, vol. i. p. 294.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_116" href="#FNanchor_116" class="label">116</a>
-<span class="smcap">Milton</span> did not forget to observe, in his <i>Tenure of
-kings and magistrates</i>, That <span class="smcap">William</span> the <i>Norman</i>, though
-a Conqueror, and not unsworn at his Coronation, was
-compelled a second time to take oath at <i>St. Albans</i>, ere
-the people would be brought to yield obedience. Vol. i.
-<i>of his Prose works</i>, 4<sup>to</sup>, 1753. p. 345.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_117" href="#FNanchor_117" class="label">117</a>
-<span class="smcap">Henry VII.</span></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_118" href="#FNanchor_118" class="label">118</a>
-<span class="smcap">Henry VIII.</span></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_119" href="#FNanchor_119" class="label">119</a>
-<span class="smcap">Elizabeth.</span></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_120" href="#FNanchor_120" class="label">120</a></p>
-
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0"><span class="smcap">Propria feudi natura est ut sit perpetua.</span></span>
-<span class="author"><span class="smcap">Cujacius, Littleton.</span><br /></span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_121" href="#FNanchor_121" class="label">121</a>
-<span class="smcap">Craig’s</span> <i>Jus feudale</i>, lib. i. p. 21. <i>Lond.</i> 1655.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_122" href="#FNanchor_122" class="label">122</a>
-This account of the <i>Saxon</i> benefices is much confirmed
-by the famous charter of Bishop <span class="smcap">Oswald</span>, and the
-comment of Sir <span class="smcap">H. Spelman</span> upon it. See his discourse
-on <small>FEUDS</small> and <small>TENURES</small>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_123" href="#FNanchor_123" class="label">123</a>
-<span class="smcap">Matthew Paris</span> gives us the following account of
-this matter&mdash;“Episcopatus et Abbatias omnes, qu&aelig; baronias
-tenebant, et eatenus ab omni servitute s&aelig;culari libertatem
-habuerant, sub servitute statuit militari, inrotulans
-singulos episcopatus et abbatias pro voluntate su&acirc;, quot
-milites sibi et successoribus suis, hostilitatis tempore, voluit
-&agrave; singulis exhiberi. Et <span class="smcap">ROTULOS HUJUS ECCLESIASTIC&AElig;
-SERVITUTIS</span> ponens in thesauris, multos viros ecclesiasticos
-<span class="smcap">HUIC CONSTITUTIONI PESSIM&AElig;</span> reluctantes, &agrave;
-regno fugavit.”
-<span class="author"><span class="smcap">Hist. Ang. Willielmus Conq&aelig;stor.</span></span></p>
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_124" href="#FNanchor_124" class="label">124</a>
-The learned <span class="smcap">Craig</span>, who has written so largely and
-accurately on the feudal law, was so far from seeing any
-thing servile in it, that he says, “The foundations of this
-discipline are laid in the most generous of all considerations,
-those of <span class="smcap">Gratitude</span>. <i>Hujus feudalis disciplin&aelig; fundamenta
-&agrave; gratitudine et ingratitudine descendunt.</i>” <span class="smcap">Epist.
-Nuncup.</span> to <span class="smcap">K. James</span>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_125" href="#FNanchor_125" class="label">125</a>
-This bounty in so wise a prince as <span class="smcap">William</span> will be
-thought strange. I believe it may be, in part, accounted
-for, from what is observed above of the <i>Saxon</i> allodial
-lords. These had possessed immense estates. And, as
-they fell in upon forfeiture, the great <i>Norman</i> adventurers
-would of course expect to come into the entire succession.&mdash;Perhaps
-too, in that confusion of affairs, the prince
-might not always, himself, be apprized of the extent and
-value of these possessions.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_126" href="#FNanchor_126" class="label">126</a>
-The law of <span class="smcap">Edward</span> the Confessor is express to this
-purpose, and it was ratified by the Conqueror&mdash;“Debet
-rex omnia rit&egrave; facere in regno et per judicium procerum
-regni.” Sir <span class="smcap">H. Spelman</span> of Parliaments, p. 58.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_127" href="#FNanchor_127" class="label">127</a>
-M. <span class="smcap">De Montesquieu</span> observes of the Gothic government&mdash;“Il
-fut d’abord mel&eacute; de l’aristocratie, et de la monarchie.
-Il avoit cet inconvenient, que le bas-peuple
-y &eacute;toit esclave: <i>C’&eacute;toit un bon gouvernment, qui avoit en
-soi la capacit&eacute; de devenir meilleur.</i>” [l. xi. c. 8.]&mdash;the
-very idea, which is here inculcated.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_128" href="#FNanchor_128" class="label">128</a>
-See old <span class="smcap">Fortescue</span>, in his book <i>De laudibus legum
-Angli&aelig;</i>, where this sort of analogy is pursued at length
-through a great part of the <small>XIII</small><sup>th</sup> chapter.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_129" href="#FNanchor_129" class="label">129</a>
-Agreeably to what Sir <span class="smcap">H. Spelman</span> asserts, in his
-Glossary, of its parent, the <i>feudal law</i> itself; “<span class="smcap">De lege
-feudali</span>&mdash;pronunciandum censeo, <small>TEMPORIS</small> eam esse
-filiam, sensimque succrescentem, <small>EDICTIS PRINCIPUM</small>
-auctam indies excultam.” In voce <span class="smcap">Feodum</span>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_130" href="#FNanchor_130" class="label">130</a>
-<span class="smcap">Diss. ad Flet.</span> 1091. and <span class="smcap">William of Malmesbury</span>,
-lib. iv. 1. 69. <i>Lond.</i> 1596.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_131" href="#FNanchor_131" class="label">131</a>
-<span class="smcap">Selden’s</span> Works, vol. ii. p. 1082.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_132" href="#FNanchor_132" class="label">132</a>
-<span class="smcap">Diss. ad Flet.</span> 1078.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_133" href="#FNanchor_133" class="label">133</a>
-Dr. <span class="smcap">Duck</span>, <i>De usu et authoritate juris civilis</i>, p. 103.
-<i>Lugd. Batav.</i> 1654.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_134" href="#FNanchor_134" class="label">134</a>
-<span class="smcap">Policratic.</span> lib. viii. c. 22. p. 672. <i>Lugd. Bat.</i> 1639.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_135" href="#FNanchor_135" class="label">135</a>
-<span class="smcap">Diss. ad Flet.</span> 1082.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_136" href="#FNanchor_136" class="label">136</a>
-<span class="smcap">Diss. ad Flet.</span> 1097.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_137" href="#FNanchor_137" class="label">137</a>
-Dr. <span class="smcap">Duck</span>, p. 364.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_138" href="#FNanchor_138" class="label">138</a>
-<span class="smcap">Disc.</span> Part I. p. 78. <i>Lond.</i> 1739.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_139" href="#FNanchor_139" class="label">139</a>
-At <span class="smcap">Merton</span>, in the year 1236.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_140" href="#FNanchor_140" class="label">140</a>
-<span class="smcap">Diss. ad Flet.</span> 1108.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_141" href="#FNanchor_141" class="label">141</a>
-See <span class="smcap">Fortescue</span>, <i>De laudibus leg. Angl.</i> p. 74. <i>Lond.</i>
-1741; and <span class="smcap">Selden’s Janus Anglorum</span>, 1610, vol. ii. tom. ii.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_142" href="#FNanchor_142" class="label">142</a>
-<span class="smcap">Diss. ad Flet.</span> 1104.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_143" href="#FNanchor_143" class="label">143</a>
-Dr. <span class="smcap">Duck</span>, p. 365.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_144" href="#FNanchor_144" class="label">144</a>
-<span class="smcap">Diss. ad Flet.</span> 1010.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_145" href="#FNanchor_145" class="label">145</a>
-<span class="smcap">Diss. ad Flet.</span> 1106.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_146" href="#FNanchor_146" class="label">146</a>
-P. 1046.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_147" href="#FNanchor_147" class="label">147</a>
-Mr. <span class="smcap">Selden’s Diss. ad Flet.</span> 1100.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_148" href="#FNanchor_148" class="label">148</a>
-<i>De laud. leg. Ang.</i> c. 33, 34.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_149" href="#FNanchor_149" class="label">149</a>
-<span class="smcap">Diss. ad Flet.</span> 1102.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_150" href="#FNanchor_150" class="label">150</a>
-The speaker might have begun this account of the
-<i>fate and fortunes</i> of the civil law still higher. <span class="smcap">Nat. Bacon</span>,
-speaking of <span class="smcap">Henry</span> the Fifth’s reign, observes, “The
-times were now come about, wherein light began to spring
-forth, conscience to bestir itself, and men to study the
-scriptures. This was imputed to the idleness and carelessness
-of the clergy, who suffered the minds of young
-scholars to luxuriate into errors of divinity, for want of
-putting them on to other learning; and gave no encouragement
-to studies of human literature, by preferring
-those that were deserving. The convocation taking this
-into consideration, do decree, that no person should exercise
-any jurisdiction in any office, as <i>vicar-general</i>,
-<i>commissary</i>, or <i>official</i>, or otherwise, unless he shall first
-in the university have taken degrees in the <small>CIVIL OR CANON
-LAWS</small>. A shrewd trick this was, to stop the growth of
-the study of divinity, and <span class="smcap">Wickliff’s</span> way; and to embellish
-men’s minds with a kind of learning that may gain
-them preferment, or at least an opinion of abilities beyond
-the common strain, and dangerous to be meddled with.
-Like some gallants, that wear swords as badges of honour,
-and to bid men beware, because they possibly may
-strike, though in their own persons they may be very
-cowards. And no less mischievously intended was this
-against the rugged <small>COMMON LAW</small>, a rule so nigh allied to
-the gospel-way, as it favoureth liberty; and so far estranged
-from the way of the civil and canon law, as there is no
-hope of accommodation till Christ and Antichrist have
-sought the field.” <span class="smcap">Disc.</span> Part II. p. 90. <i>Lond.</i> 1739.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_151" href="#FNanchor_151" class="label">151</a>
-It should however be observed, in honour of their
-patriotism, that “they afterwards took themselves out of
-it,” when they saw the extremities to which the popular
-party were driving.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_152" href="#FNanchor_152" class="label">152</a>
-This alludes to the proceedings against the <i>eleven
-members</i> upon the charge of the Army. Sir <span class="smcap">John Maynard</span>
-was one of them. And when articles of high treason
-were preferred against him, and the trial was to come
-on before the lords, he excepted to the jurisdiction of the
-court, and, by a written paper presented to them, required
-to be tried by his peers according to <i>Magna Charta,
-and the law of the land</i>. See <span class="smcap">Whitlocke’s</span> <i>Memorials</i>; and
-a short pamphlet written on that occasion, called <span class="smcap">The
-Royal Quarrel</span>, dated 9th of <i>Feb.</i> 1647.&mdash;Sir <span class="smcap">John</span> was,
-at this time, a close prisoner in the Tower.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_153" href="#FNanchor_153" class="label">153</a>
-See his speech, inserted in his <i>Memorials of English
-Affairs, Nov. 1649</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_154" href="#FNanchor_154" class="label">154</a>
-<span class="smcap">Disc.</span> Part I. p. 78.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_155" href="#FNanchor_155" class="label">155</a>
-The reader may not be displeased to see the words of
-old <span class="smcap">Fortescue</span> on this subject of the origin of the <i>English</i>
-government, which are very remarkable. In his famous
-book <i>De laudibus legum Angli&aelig;</i>, he distinguishes between
-the <small>REGAL</small> and <small>POLITICAL</small> forms of government. In explaining
-the <i>latter</i>, which he gives us as the proper form of
-the <i>English</i> government, he expresseth himself in these
-words&mdash;“Habes instituti omnis <small>POLITICI REGNI</small> formam, ex
-qu&acirc; metiri poteris potestatem, quam rex ejus in leges ipsius
-aut subditos valeat exercere: ad tutelam namque legis
-subditorum, ac eorum corporum et bonorum rex hujusmodi
-erectus est, et hanc potestatem <small>A POPULO EFFLUXAM</small>
-ipse habet, quo ei non licet potestate ali&acirc; <i>suo populo dominari</i>.”
-<span class="smcap">Cap.</span> xiii.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_156" href="#FNanchor_156" class="label">156</a>
-It may be of little moment to us, at this day, to inquire,
-how far the princes of the house of <span class="smcap">Stuart</span> were
-blameable for their endeavours to usurp on the constitution.
-But it must ever be of the highest moment to
-maintain, that we had a constitution to assert against
-them. Party-writers perpetually confound these two
-things. It is the author’s purpose, in these two Dialogues,
-to contend for the <i>latter</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_157" href="#FNanchor_157" class="label">157</a>
-See the late History of England by <span class="smcap">David Hume</span>,
-esq.; who forms the apology of the house of <span class="smcap">Stuart</span> on
-these principles.</p></div></div></div>
-
-<div class="transnote">
-
-<h3>Transcriber’s Note:</h3>
-
-<p>Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation are as in the original.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-<pre>
-
-
-
-
-
-End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Works of Richard Hurd, Volume 3
-(of 8), by Richard Hurd
-
-*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WORKS OF RICHARD HURD, VOL 3 ***
-
-***** This file should be named 54514-h.htm or 54514-h.zip *****
-This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
- http://www.gutenberg.org/5/4/5/1/54514/
-
-Produced by Charlene Taylor, Bryan Ness, Wayne Hammond and
-the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
-http://www.pgdp.net (This book was produced from scanned
-images of public domain material from the Google Books
-project.)
-
-Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will
-be renamed.
-
-Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright
-law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,
-so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United
-States without permission and without paying copyright
-royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part
-of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project
-Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm
-concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark,
-and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you receive
-specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of this
-eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook
-for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports,
-performances and research. They may be modified and printed and given
-away--you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks
-not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the
-trademark license, especially commercial redistribution.
-
-START: FULL LICENSE
-
-THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
-PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
-
-To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
-distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
-(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
-Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
-Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at
-www.gutenberg.org/license.
-
-Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project
-Gutenberg-tm electronic works
-
-1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
-electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
-and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
-(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
-the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
-destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your
-possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
-Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound
-by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the
-person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph
-1.E.8.
-
-1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be
-used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
-agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
-things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
-even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
-paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
-Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this
-agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm
-electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.
-
-1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the
-Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection
-of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual
-works in the collection are in the public domain in the United
-States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the
-United States and you are located in the United States, we do not
-claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing,
-displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as
-all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope
-that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting
-free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm
-works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the
-Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily
-comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the
-same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when
-you share it without charge with others.
-
-1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
-what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are
-in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States,
-check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this
-agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing,
-distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any
-other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no
-representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any
-country outside the United States.
-
-1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
-
-1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other
-immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear
-prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work
-on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the
-phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed,
-performed, viewed, copied or distributed:
-
- This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
- most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
- restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it
- under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this
- eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the
- United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you
- are located before using this ebook.
-
-1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is
-derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not
-contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the
-copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in
-the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
-redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project
-Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply
-either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or
-obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm
-trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
-
-1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
-with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
-must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
-additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
-will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works
-posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the
-beginning of this work.
-
-1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
-License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
-work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
-
-1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
-electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
-prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
-active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
-Gutenberg-tm License.
-
-1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
-compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including
-any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access
-to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format
-other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official
-version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site
-(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
-to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means
-of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain
-Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the
-full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
-
-1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
-performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
-unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
-
-1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
-access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
-provided that
-
-* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
- the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
- you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed
- to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has
- agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project
- Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid
- within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are
- legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty
- payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project
- Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in
- Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg
- Literary Archive Foundation."
-
-* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
- you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
- does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
- License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all
- copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue
- all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm
- works.
-
-* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of
- any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
- electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
- receipt of the work.
-
-* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
- distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
-
-1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project
-Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than
-are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing
-from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and The
-Project Gutenberg Trademark LLC, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm
-trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
-
-1.F.
-
-1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
-effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
-works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project
-Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm
-electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may
-contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate
-or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
-intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or
-other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or
-cannot be read by your equipment.
-
-1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
-of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
-Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
-Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
-Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
-liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
-fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
-LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
-PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
-TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
-LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
-INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
-DAMAGE.
-
-1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
-defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
-receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
-written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
-received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium
-with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you
-with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in
-lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person
-or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second
-opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If
-the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing
-without further opportunities to fix the problem.
-
-1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
-in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO
-OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT
-LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
-
-1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
-warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of
-damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement
-violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the
-agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or
-limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or
-unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
-remaining provisions.
-
-1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
-trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
-providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in
-accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the
-production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm
-electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,
-including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of
-the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this
-or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or
-additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any
-Defect you cause.
-
-Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
-
-Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
-electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
-computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It
-exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations
-from people in all walks of life.
-
-Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
-assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
-goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
-remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
-Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
-and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future
-generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary
-Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see
-Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at
-www.gutenberg.org
-
-
-
-Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
-
-The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
-501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
-state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
-Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
-number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary
-Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by
-U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
-
-The Foundation's principal office is in Fairbanks, Alaska, with the
-mailing address: PO Box 750175, Fairbanks, AK 99775, but its
-volunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous
-locations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt
-Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to
-date contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and
-official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact
-
-For additional contact information:
-
- Dr. Gregory B. Newby
- Chief Executive and Director
- gbnewby@pglaf.org
-
-Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
-Literary Archive Foundation
-
-Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
-spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
-increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
-freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
-array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
-($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
-status with the IRS.
-
-The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
-charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
-States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
-considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
-with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
-where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND
-DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular
-state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate
-
-While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
-have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
-against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
-approach us with offers to donate.
-
-International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
-any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
-outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
-
-Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
-methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
-ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To
-donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate
-
-Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works.
-
-Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
-Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be
-freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
-distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of
-volunteer support.
-
-Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
-editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
-the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
-necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
-edition.
-
-Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search
-facility: www.gutenberg.org
-
-This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
-including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
-Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
-subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
-
-
-
-</pre>
-
-</body>
-</html>
diff --git a/old/54514-h/images/cover.jpg b/old/54514-h/images/cover.jpg
deleted file mode 100644
index d18d39a..0000000
--- a/old/54514-h/images/cover.jpg
+++ /dev/null
Binary files differ
diff --git a/old/54514-h/images/i_009.png b/old/54514-h/images/i_009.png
deleted file mode 100644
index 134ec3a..0000000
--- a/old/54514-h/images/i_009.png
+++ /dev/null
Binary files differ
diff --git a/old/54514-h/images/titlepage.png b/old/54514-h/images/titlepage.png
deleted file mode 100644
index 7395d3c..0000000
--- a/old/54514-h/images/titlepage.png
+++ /dev/null
Binary files differ