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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c3c2286 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #54161 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/54161) diff --git a/old/54161-0.txt b/old/54161-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 8311dbb..0000000 --- a/old/54161-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,3866 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's The republic of Cicero, by Marcus Tullius Cicero - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: The republic of Cicero - Translated from the Latin; and Accompanied With a Critical - and Historical Introduction. - -Author: Marcus Tullius Cicero - -Translator: George William Featherstonhaugh - -Release Date: February 12, 2017 [EBook #54161] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE REPUBLIC OF CICERO *** - - - - -Produced by Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - -[Illustration: - - _Specimen palimpsesti vaticani._ - - _Imbert’s Lithographic Facsimile._ -] - - - - - THE - REPUBLIC OF CICERO, - TRANSLATED FROM THE LATIN; - AND ACCOMPANIED WITH A - CRITICAL AND HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. - - - BY - - G. W. FEATHERSTONHAUGH, ESQ. - - FELLOW OF THE GEOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF LONDON; OF THE AMERICAN - PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY; OF THE LYCEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY OF NEW-YORK, &C. - &C. &C. - -[Illustration] - - NEW-YORK: - PUBLISHED BY G. & C. CARVILL, 108 BROADWAY. - 1829. - - - - - SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW-YORK, ss. - - -Be it remembered, that on the 23d day of January, A. D. 1829, in the -fifty-third year of the Independence of the United States of America, G. -& C. Carvill, of the said district, hath deposited in this office the -title of a book, the right whereof they claim as proprietors, in the -words following, to wit: - -“The Republic of Cicero, translated from the Latin; and accompanied with -a Critical and Historical Introduction. By G. W. Featherstonhaugh, Esq., -Fellow of the Geological Society of London; of the American -Philosophical Society; of the Lyceum of Natural History of New-York, &c. -&c. &c.” - -In conformity to the Act of Congress of the United States, entitled, “An -Act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, -charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during -the times therein mentioned;” and also, to an Act, entitled, “An Act, -supplementary to an Act, entitled an Act for the encouragement of -learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the -authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein -mentioned, and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, -engraving, and etching historical and other prints.” - - FRED. I. BETTS, - _Clerk of the Southern District of New-York_. - - - ERRATA. - - INTRODUCTION, p. 22, line 12, dele “then.” - DO. p. 27, line 16, for “requires,” read “require.” - - Sleight & George, Printers, Jamaica, L. I. - - - - - TO - RODERICK IMPEY MURCHISON, ESQ. - F. R. S., F. G. S., &c. &c. &c. - - -I dedicate these pages to you, my dear MURCHISON, that you may have a -renewed assurance of my great esteem and friendship for you. I should -have had a livelier satisfaction in doing so, if the part I have had in -the production of them, were more worthy of your refined taste. I hope -to offer some compensation, however, in the assurance, that you will -find in them many congenial opinions and principles. - - G. W. FEATHERSTONHAUGH. - - New-York, January 21, 1829. - - - - - PREFACE. - - -I am not aware that any translation of the Republic of Cicero into the -English tongue has been made. - -Believing that it cannot but excite a deep interest with generous minds, -as well on account of the high nature of the subject, the illustrious -name of Cicero, as of the great motives which led him to compose this -work, I venture to offer a translation of it to the public. - -In this extensive republic, where every individual reads, it appears -peculiarly proper, that an English dress should be given to a work, of -which almost every page teaches that public happiness depends upon -individual virtue. - -Cicero’s definition of a republic, that it is an association of the -people for the defence and advancement of the common interest; will be -understood here, which may be doubtingly said of any other republics now -in existence. - -A bare translation of the fragments of this mutilated work, unassisted -by any commentary, could not but have been unsatisfactory. The -deficiencies of the original are somewhat compensated to us, not alone -in the grandeur of thought which pervades it, but in the majesty of -diction, precise, elevated, as it frequently is, and always governed by -the most refined taste. It would be a vain effort to attempt the dignity -of the Latin tongue, when adorned with the elegancies of the Ciceronian -style. Humbly as the translation may deserve to be considered, it will -perhaps be deemed sufficiently faithful: and that the translator has not -altogether failed in pointing out to grave and reflecting minds, the -immediate cause of the ruin of a noble Republic. - -He has therefore prefixed a brief historical introduction; the which, -whether it will be thought too long, or not sufficiently detailed, will -probably depend upon the reader’s historical recollections. The motive -for drawing it up was to render the work more generally useful and -acceptable. - - - - - INTRODUCTION. - - -The imperfect manuscript, a translation of which is now presented to the -American public, was discovered in the Library of the Vatican, by -Professor Angelo Mai; a person of singular ingenuity in the detection of -those Palimpsests whose contents were written upon ancient writings -partially erased. A fac simile of part of the MSS. accompanies this -work. The Republic of Cicero was greatly cherished by those who lived in -and near his times; of which occasional evidences are found in the -writings of antiquity. But the tyranny of the emperors bridled the -Romans so soon after its appearance, that Horace, Virgil, Seneca, -Quintilian, Pliny, and even Tacitus, have not dared to praise it, lest -they should bring down vengeance upon themselves. It is remarkable that -while despotism was rapidly extinguishing philosophy and letters, and -the very existence of these precious monuments of better times was -scarcely thought of; the Christian religion was gradually raising up -amidst the persecutions of the primitive church, new champions for truth -and justice; to whose works we are indebted for many valuable fragments -of the best writers of antiquity, and for almost all the passages of -Cicero’s Republic which we were acquainted with, until the late -discovery of professor Mai. It is in the works of St. Augustin and of -Lactantius that these passages most abound; and they are appealed to by -them as most eloquent arguments, in support of just government, and -virtuous conduct. Scipio’s Dream, forming the only part of the sixth -book which has been preserved, and which is one of the most splendid -passages that has been saved from antiquity, has long had a place in the -works of Macrobius, a writer at the beginning of the fifth century, -addicted to the Pythagorean mysticisms; and who has preserved it -probably on account of the occult astronomical relation of numbers -contained in it. Notwithstanding the mutilated state of the MSS., the -order of the books is distinctly preserved, the general plan of the work -is obvious, and we have much greater reason to rejoice at what we -possess, than to regret what is wanting. The disordered state of the -government and the republic at large, evidently suggested to Cicero this -patriotic and bold attempt to stem the influence of bad men, and raise -the falling liberties of his country. In this highly philosophical -discourse he sought to recall the Romans from the interests of ambitious -individuals, and fix their attention upon the greater interests of the -country, where each man had a stake: to revive their veneration for the -simplicity of the early institutions of Rome, and for the men who had -made themselves illustrious by their virtues: and to guard the people -more effectually against the innovations and factions now succeeding -each other with so much rapidity, he invests those ancient times with a -perfection, that the attractions of his eloquence alone can excuse. - -Of the original simplicity of the government, some evidences are -afforded by this work; as where it is stated that lands were assigned to -the sovereign, and cultivated for him by the people, that he might have -nothing to do but administer justice. The principal men too of the state -in those early times lived in the vicinity of Rome, cultivating a small -possession. The illustrious names of Fabius, Lentulus, Cicero, &c., were -perhaps given to those husbandmen who excelled in the cultivation of -those vegetables; such was the opinion of Pliny.[1] - -The censor had the power of reprimanding those whose fields were -slovenly cultivated. Many customs of those antique times are found in -Cato’s curious Treatise on Rural Affairs. “Our ancestors constituted and -ordained thus in their Laws: A thief was condemned to double -restitution; an usurer to quadruple. You may judge from this how much -worse a citizen they deemed the usurer to be than the thief. And when -they praised a worthy man, they spoke thus of him: ‘that he was a good -farmer, an excellent husbandman.’ He that was commended in these terms, -was thought to be praised enough.”[2] And again speaking of a good -husbandman, he says, “He should part with his old cattle, his weaned -calves and lambs, his wool, his skins, his old carts and worn out irons, -his old slaves, and his sick ones; and if he has got any thing else he -does not want, let him sell it. A father of a family ought always to -sell and never to buy.” Dion says that a messenger summoned the -patricians by name, but that the people were convened _by the blowing of -a horn_.[3] But the splendid military government which soon grew up, -gave both state employment and riches to that class once distinguished -for their industry and frugality. Agriculture was abandoned to slaves, -and men branded for crimes: it was no longer deemed an honourable -employment. Luxury and habits of profusion made it necessary for -conspicuous men to acquire the means of indulging in them, at the -expense of principle and patriotism. At length when sensual -gratifications became dearer to a majority of the Romans than liberty, -the republic was overthrown, and military despotism accomplished the -circle of military influence; extinguished every spark of light and -liberty; stripped the empire of its moral and physical power, and left -it unmindful of its past glorious existence, to perish in a blind and -helpless old age. - -Marcus Tullius Cicero was born at Arpinum, a city of the Samnites, which -had long enjoyed the freedom of Rome. His family was an ancient one, and -of the equestrian order; which comprehended the most respectable gentry -of the empire, who were only inferior in rank to the patricians. Having -assumed the manly gown at his sixteenth year, he immediately began to -acquire a knowledge of the laws of his country, under the two Scævolas, -eminent persons of that day. The Marsian war, and the civil broils of -Marius and Sylla, the former of whom was also a native of Arpinum, -occurred during the prosecution of his civil studies; and although they -gave some interruption to them, yet these violent contentions falling -immediately under his observation, he became at an early period -accustomed to consider the political situation of his country. These -circumstances no doubt had some influence in deciding his future career; -although the rare natural activity of his mind would perhaps have led -him under any situation to the investigation of all moral and physical -relations. Prompted by this impulse, he now began the study of Grecian -philosophy under the learned Athenians who fled to Rome from the -persecutions of Mithridates, and afterwards perfected himself in it -under Molo the Rhodian; a man so distinguished, that he was permitted to -address the Roman Senate in the Greek tongue without an interpreter. -About the age of twenty-six, with his mind filled with all the knowledge -taught at that period, he first began to plead at the Forum. His -celebrated successful defence of S. Roscius was made soon after, in -which he braved, what the other Roman orators had not dared to do, the -resentment of Sylla. By this bold measure, the generosity of his -character, as well as the force of his talents, were developed, and his -reputation established as the most powerful orator of Rome. He visited -Athens not long after this period, partly to avoid the displeasure of -Sylla, and partly to renew the study of philosophy, which he here -pursued with great ardour. His friend Atticus, who was at Athens at the -same time, had embraced the Epicurean doctrines; but Cicero appears at -this early period to have believed in a future state; a doctrine which -at a later period he has most eloquently recorded in his celebrated -Dream of Scipio. At the end of two years, he returned to Rome, greatly -improved by his intercourse with the philosophers and orators of Greece -and Asia. - -In his thirty-first year, and not long after his marriage, he was -elected to the quæstorship, which opened his way to the Senate. One of -the provinces of Sicily fell to him by lot, and he exercised his -quæstorial functions with such moderation and ability, as to induce the -Sicilians to confer extraordinary honours upon him at the termination of -his year; when he returned to Rome, determined henceforward to withdraw -himself as little as possible from the eyes of the Roman people. In his -thirty-seventh year he received the unanimous suffrages of all the -tribes for the edileship, which introduced him into the magistracy. The -exhibition of the shows and games, which was the province of the ediles, -was conducted by Cicero with great satisfaction to the people, and -without injuring materially his own private fortune. In this he achieved -a difficult point, which marks his great prudence and address. So great -had the affection of the people now become for him, that at three -different elections for prætor, he was each time placed at the head of -the list by the unanimous vote of all the centuries. In his forty-third -year, having been very diligent in strengthening his interest, he became -a candidate for the consulship with others; among whom were L. Sergius -Cataline: but such was his popularity that he was saluted consul by -acclamation of the people before the votes were counted. He received -also a strong support from the patricians, who had uniformly been -opposed to his advancement; but Cicero’s reputation for knowledge and -probity was so great, and the times were becoming so critical, that they -deemed the government safe in his hands. The patricians at this time -were of the faction of Sylla, to which also Cataline belonged: and the -Tribunes and the people were of the Marian faction; at the head of which -was Julius Cæsar, a near relation to Marius. Although Cæsar, and Cicero -were both on the popular side, yet they were not united upon any common -principles of order. Cæsar was always individually opposed to him: and -when Cicero being consul, was endeavouring in the senate to bring the -associates of Cataline to punishment; Cæsar defended them, and even -indirectly encouraged their cause, by declaring his disbelief in the -immortality of the soul. The suppression of this conspiracy of Cataline, -Cethegus, Lentulus and many others, among whom Cæsar was generally -numbered, raised the reputation of Cicero to the greatest height. By his -incessant vigilance, Rome was saved from the horrors of a general -massacre and pillage. The greatest honours were paid him by the senate -and equestrian order: and for the first time the sublime epithet of -“Father of his Country” was addressed to a Roman citizen in the senate, -in the person of Cicero.[4] This great action of his life he most -feelingly alludes to in the introduction to his first book of the -Republic. “Nor is my name forgotten,” &c. The feelings too which the -circumstances attending the very last act of his consulship excited in -him, are eloquently pourtrayed in a passage immediately following. It -was the custom for the consul at the expiration of his office, to make a -speech in the assembly of the people, and to swear that he had executed -his duties with fidelity. When he was already in the rostra, and was -about to address the whole people assembled on this interesting -occasion; Metellus, a new tribune, prompted by the officious spirit of -popular authority, which often delights to mortify the great and good, -forbade the consul to address the people, alleging that Cicero having -caused Lentulus and the rest to suffer death without being heard in -their defence, did not deserve to be heard himself. Whereat with an -enthusiastic presence of mind peculiar to himself, he swore with a loud -voice that he had saved the republic: and the multitude moved by a -generous feeling which the demagogues had no time to tamper with, more -than atoned to him for the intended affront from their tribune, by a -simultaneous shout that he had sworn nothing but the truth,[5] and by -accompanying him from the Forum to his own house. - -In this most glorious year of his life, and at the very time when he was -occupied in saving his country, Octavius Cæsar was born; by whose arts -and influence Cicero, as well as the republic, were not more than twenty -years after destroyed. And although he had acted so noble a part toward -his country, which under his government had been saved from the most -profligate attempt that had yet been made upon its liberties; and -enjoyed the highest rank in the senate, and the first consideration from -all good men; corruption had now reached such a height, that -pre-eminence in virtue, shining forth in so active a citizen as Cicero, -who was constantly thwarting the designs of bad men, served but to unite -their efforts against him. He became henceforward the object of their -hatred and vengeance. Cæsar, who did not believe in a future state, and -who consequently had no principle to restrain him, was constantly -plotting means to usurp the government. Pompey, in whose interest Cicero -had always been, and who at the close of the Mithridatic war had become -the most powerful man in the Republic, was afraid to disoblige the -numerous enemies of Cicero, and declined even to strengthen him by a -public approbation of the measures he had taken to suppress the -conspiracy of Catiline. The luxurious and the corrupt, who far -outnumbered the rest, were willing to sell the republic and themselves -to the highest bidders. The people were as usual the tools of -demagogues. Every thing conspired to accelerate the downfall of the -republic. In the face of these fearful odds stood Cicero, a large -majority of the senate, and of the equestrian order, which comprehended -the independent landholders and gentry of the Roman nation: and with but -little other support than the satisfaction of being engaged in the -noblest of causes, the maintenance of regular government. It is most -painful to look back upon the history of the degradation of such a -people; corrupted and ruined by their blind admiration of that falsest -of all idols, military glory. - -An event occurred the year after his consulate, which brought him into a -new conflict with some of the worst of these men. P. Clodius, at this -time a quæstor, a vicious and debauched young man of family, and who -possessed many personal advantages, had an intrigue with Cæsar’s wife -Pompeia. Satiated with ordinary voluptuousness, he disguised himself as -a woman, and entered the house of Pompeia in the night time, when she -with other distinguished Roman matrons, was celebrating the mysteries of -the Bona Dea, or Patroness of Chastity. He was discovered and fled. Such -was the respect in which these mysteries, at which women alone -officiated, were held, that the profanation excited the utmost -indignation throughout the city. Even Cæsar found it necessary to put -away his wife. The senate directed the consuls to prepare a law for the -trial of Clodius before the people, which was resisted by one of the -tribunes friendly to Clodius. At length it was agreed that a law should -be passed to try him before the prætor and a select number of judges. -Clodius rested his defence upon an alibi, which he endeavoured to -sustain by witnesses. When Cicero was called to give his deposition, he -was insulted by the mob which adhered to Clodius; but such was the -veneration in which he was held, that the judges stood up, and received -him with great honour. He testified that Clodius had been with him in -his house in Rome on the very day of the pollution. Cæsar who was also -called, said that he was ignorant of the whole affair; although it -occurred in his own house, and in the presence of his mother and sister, -who had deposed to the truth of the accusation. Being asked, why then he -had put away his wife? he answered, “Because those who are connected -with me, must be as free from suspicion as from crime.”[6] - -That the wife of Cæsar must be free even from suspicion, is a saying -that has passed down to our days: yet too many who have heard it are -ignorant of the circumstances attending its origin. We read the -commentaries of Cæsar at school, and are fired with admiration at his -talents and successes. We are thus prepared to pity his death and the -manner of it. But the military and political glories of Cæsar, can never -furnish an apology for a profligate private life; and a memorable saying -is stripped of every attraction, when we know that it was uttered by the -lips of a perjured atheist. - -In a letter to Atticus, Cicero draws a curious picture of the judges -selected to try this famous cause; a majority of whom appears to have -been packed from the outcasts of all the orders, and to have been paid -for the occasion. Clodius was acquitted by a majority of thirty-one -voices over twenty-five. Upon their appointment some of them had -requested a guard from the senate to protect them from the mob. Upon -which occasion, Catulus a distinguished member of the senate, very -facetiously asked one of the judges, “why they wanted a guard, and -whether it was to protect the money which Clodius had bribed them with?” - -After his acquittal, Clodius was wont to attempt to throw ridicule upon -Cicero in the senate, finding it vain to encounter him in argument, and -hoping to divert in some degree the force of his attacks. “So the -judges” said Clodius, “would give no credit to your oath.” “Twenty-five -of them did,” replied Cicero: “the rest would give you none it seems, -but made you pay beforehand.” - -After the return of Pompey to Rome, as well as of Cæsar from Spain, a -triumvirate of interests was formed between these two and Crassus: each -having his own ascendancy in view. Cæsar, to make the interest it was -thus intended to direct against the independence of the republic, still -stronger, made overtures to Cicero, who declined connecting himself with -them. At length Cæsar openly declared against him, and favoured the -election of Clodius to the tribunate, in the which he succeeded. Being -now in authority, he brought forward the law, that whoever had taken -away the life of a Roman citizen, uncondemned, should be interdicted -bread and water. This was directed against Cicero, in relation to his -consular acts respecting the conspirators; and affected him so much, -that although the law was in general terms, and his name was not -mentioned in it, he changed his garments, and appeared abroad sordidly -dressed to attract the compassion of the people. The young Romans of -liberal character, to the number of twenty thousand also changed their -dress, and accompanied him; soliciting the favour of all in authority, -and of the people, against the passage of this law. But the combination -of bad men proved too strong against him, and Pompey having refused his -protection, Cicero was induced by the advice of his friends, to withdraw -himself into a temporary exile from Rome. This humiliating event took -place in his forty-ninth year. During his absence his residences both in -town and country, which were upon a scale commensurate with his dignity, -were despoiled; and together with the furniture appropriated by the -consuls and by Clodius. At length the daring insolence of that tribune, -and the perpetual broils he occasioned, began to indispose all men -against him, except his immediate profligate retainers. Advantage was -taken of this to propose in the senate the recall of Cicero; which -finally prevailed at a very numerous convocation of the senators and -magistrates; Clodius alone giving a dissenting voice. At its final -passage into a law by the Roman people, the field of Mars was crowded -with their assembled centuries. Such was the public veneration for him, -that voters from every town in Italy were present to insure the passage -of a law which restored so great a benefactor to his country. All the -centuries concurred in an act thus most solemnly passed by the whole -Roman people. In anticipation of the event, he left Dyrrhachium in -Macedonia, and soon after his arrival at Brundisium, where his daughter -Tullia had come to meet him, he received the welcome news from Rome. His -journey was a continued triumph, and he was received on his arrival at -the city in the most enthusiastic manner. An insufficient sum of money -was voted to him to rebuild his mansions. When he had almost finished -his palatine house, it was attacked by one of Clodius’ mobs, and -destroyed. Broils and slaughters were now so common in the streets of -Rome, that gladiators were retained to assist in these feuds; in which -the consuls of the same year were sometimes opposed to each other. -Cicero who had now reached his fifty-first year, was again made to feel -how unremitting is the hatred of enemies, and uncertain the support of -friends. Public virtue appeared to him to have no longer any value in -the eyes of the Romans. He saw that every man attended more to his -private safety and advancement, than to the public peace and dignity of -the city; and perceiving the necessity of a powerful protector for -himself and family in his old age, he appears from one of his letters to -have determined to conform himself in every thing to the pleasure of -Pompey. We also see him from time to time engaged in agreeable services -to Cæsar, with whom Pompey was yet connected. Experience and persecution -appear to have induced him to adopt a course foreign to the character of -the perfect citizen he has pourtrayed in his republic. In his fourth -epistle to Atticus, he says[7] “If they will not be friendly to me who -possess no power, I must endeavour to make those like me who have the -power of being useful. ‘I told you so long ago,’ you will say; I know -that you did, and I was an ass for not taking your advice.” The opinion -too of his friend Cælius, would have great weight with most men, in such -disturbed times. “It cannot have escaped you, that the duty of men -amidst domestic dissensions, is to espouse the honestest side, as long -as the contention is of a civil nature, and force is not used. But when -it comes to wars and camps, they should take the strongest side, and -consider that the best which is the most safe.”[8] - -The influence of Cæsar was now becoming very conspicuous. His military -career in Gaul, his generosity, and the universality of his talents, -gave him at length a pre-eminence over Pompey in the public estimation. -Pompey and Crassus had entered into the consulship with little -observance of constitutional forms; and, with as little deference to the -senate, had caused provinces to be assigned to them for five years. -Spain and Africa to Pompey. Syria and the fatal Parthian war to Crassus. -This triumvirate had now almost the whole Roman military force at their -command. - -It was in the spring of the next year, that Cicero at his Cuman villa, -began his famous work on government. He was now advancing into his -fifty-fourth year, and it appears that he had completed his work before -he entered upon his command in Cilicia. His military career was -distinguished by great activity and judgment. He was saluted emperor by -the army upon one of his military successes, and returned gladly to Rome -at the end of the year. During the remainder of his eventful life, he -appears to have found comfort only in the cultivation of philosophy and -letters. The corruption of the Romans, the ruin of the republic, the -death of his beloved daughter, and his separation from the wife he had -lived with thirty years, embittered his days. He was too conspicuous a -man not to be affected by all the political changes which took place. -Crassus perished in the Parthian war; and Cæsar, as soon as he felt -himself strong enough, crossed the Rubicon, which was the limit of his -military command, and marched upon Rome, from which Pompey and the -senate ingloriously fled. Cicero at length felt himself also constrained -to follow the fortunes of Pompey, because he believed the dignity of the -Roman name was alone to be found under his banners. And when the battle -of Pharsalia left Cæsar sole master of the Roman world, he submitted to -Cæsar, because there was no other government to submit to. But he -rejoiced in his death, of which he was a spectator, and to the last, -gave all the aid in his power to the patriots who sought to raise the -liberties of his country. In his latter days, he showed an invincible -spirit, defying the profligate Anthony in the plenitude of his power. -And when the assassins of the second and more bloody triumvirate -surprised him, he ordered his servants to set down the litter in which -they were carrying him, and forbade them to defend him. Then undauntedly -stretching out his neck, he bade his executioners do their pleasure; -happy to escape from so much misery, to the immortality he had always -believed in. This occurred when he was just entering his -sixty-fourth-year. - -This rapid sketch of the transactions of Cicero’s times, will, it is -hoped, not be deemed impertinent, but may rather be considered as -assisting the general reader to form an adequate estimate of the great -object which Cicero had in view, when he drew up this celebrated -treatise, which was to revive the veneration of the Roman people for -their ancient institutions, now in danger from the machinations of -lawless men, at the head of whom was Cæsar, who denying in the senate a -future existence, expressed his contempt for all religion. But it has -been objected to Cicero that he was insincere, and that he called upon -his countrymen to venerate what was often the object of his ridicule. -The leading men of Rome who formed the sacerdotal order, from the -earliest periods and under all circumstances maintained their influence -over the people, chiefly by that religion they had been brought up in -the veneration of, and especially by the observance of auspices. But in -time the credulity of the Romans began to relax. Men like Cicero had for -their religion the glorious doctrine of the immortality of the soul, and -a great majority of his enlightened equals no doubt entertained his -opinions. Others, and among them was his brother Quintus, from various -motives, as has always been the case in the history of superstitions, -persevered in the prejudices they had received from education. -Prejudices acquired in infancy from our earliest and dearest protectors, -and to relinquish which, seems to require the relinquishment of all -reverence for those we most venerate. When therefore Cicero ridicules -the religious observances of his times, it is to enlightened men he -sometimes addresses himself; just as men have in all times laughed at -absurdities they do not care publicly to assail: and at other times he -may have used his ridicule to expose the most stupid superstitions -indiscriminately to all. When in his Republic he praises the institution -of auspices, however he may be charged with inconsistency, it was done -from great and public motives, and not from selfish ones. There is no -hypocrisy in this conduct, as we understand the word; and if we examine -the whole bearing of Cicero’s life, the policy which the circumstances -of it, sometimes obliged him to, will not offend liberal minds. In -estimating therefore the character of Cicero, it is well to remember Dr. -Middleton’s remark in his preface “and in every thing especially that -relates to Cicero, I would recommend the reader to contemplate the whole -character, before he thinks himself qualified to judge of its separate -parts, on which the whole will always be found the surest comment.” - -The first book is the most complete of the whole six: the opening -however is imperfect. Cicero in his own person enters into a discussion -whether governments should be administered by contemplative -philosophers, or by active practical men. He recapitulates the arguments -on both sides of the question, often discussed by the ancients, and -decides the question in consonance with those feelings which had -governed his very active life. The eloquence and force of some of the -passages are inimitable. They will be applicable to all times as long as -civil government exists among men. But in this country where the -experiment of a popular government is trying upon so comprehensive a -scale, the grandeur of the sentiments deserves the attention of every -man. As where he states as an argument of those who shun active -occupations, that it is dangerous to meddle with public affairs in -turbulent times, and disgraceful to associate with the low and -disreputable men who are conspicuous at those periods; that it is vain -to hope to restrain the mad violence of the vulgar, or to withdraw from -such a contest without injury; “As if,” he adds with a generous -enthusiasm, “there could be a more just cause for good and firm men, -endowed with noble minds, to stand forth in aid of their country, than -that they may not be subject to bad men; nor suffer the republic to be -lacerated by them, before the desire of saving it may come too late.” - -After disposing of this question, he proceeds with great address to open -the plan of his work, and presents in all the beautiful simplicity of -the times, Scipio, his friend Lælius, with some of their most -accomplished cotemporaries, seated, not in the gorgeous saloon of a -Lucullus or Crassus, but in the sunny part, because it was the winter -season, of the lawn of Scipio’s country place; where they had convened -to pass the Latin holidays in discussing philosophical questions. Here, -upon an inquiry being instituted into the cause of two suns reported to -have been seen in the heavens, occasion is found to introduce in a very -pleasing manner, the astronomical knowledge of the day, which Cicero was -well versed in. Scipio is made here to deliver a magnificent passage, -beginning at the 17th section. “Who can perceive any grandeur in human -affairs,” &c.[9] This inquiry about celestial phenomena, which appeared -so foreign to a philosophical investigation on the principles of -government, is admirably closed and without the abruptness being -perceived, by Lælius asking how it can interest him that Scipio should -be solicitous about the two suns, “when he does not inquire the cause -why two senates, and almost two people exist in one republic.” At the -general request Scipio consents to deliver his opinion of government. He -defines a republic to be the “public thing,” or common interest of all: -and he shews most satisfactorily that human beings congregate not on -account of their weakness, but that they are led thereto by the social -principle, which is innate in man, and leads him even in the midst of -the greatest abundance to seek his fellow. He successively examines the -despotic, the aristocratic, and democratic forms of government: their -advantages and disadvantages; and concludes that a fourth kind of -government, moderated and compounded from those three is most to be -approved. This is subsequently recurred to and enlarged upon. Many -persons will be surprised that the balanced representative form of -government, which has but in modern times received the sanction of the -wisest nations, should have been shadowed forth in an apparently -speculative opinion, two thousand years ago. We must however remember, -that in the numerous small independent states of Greece; their various -forms of government, the tyranny of their kings, the oppression of the -aristocracies, and the violence of the people, had produced many -discussions among their writers. Few of these have come down to us. Yet -Cicero was familiar with them, and it is evident that his plan of a -mixed government was drawn from this source. There is a passage to this -effect preserved in the Anthology of Stobæus, of Hyppodamus. He says -that royalty, which is a copy of divinity, is insufficient, on account -of the degeneracy of human nature. That it must be limited by an -aristocracy, where the principle of emulation leads men to excel each -other: and that the citizen also should be admitted into that mixed -government as of right: but cautiously, as the people are apt to fall -into disorders. These opinions also flattered the Romans, for in fact it -was substantially their own form of government, which consisted of -consuls, patricians, and the people and their tribunes. - -Scipio in the 43d section, gives an eloquent passage from Plato, where -the excesses of the multitude are painted in the strongest language; a -passage which might well have been inspired by the French revolution. - -Scipio opens the second book with the origin of the Roman people, -adopting the received opinions concerning the early history of Rome, of -Romulus, and the succeeding kings. These opinions have of late, been -much controverted. Niebuhr whose erudition appears to be inimitable, -whatever success he may be thought to have had in shaking them, has -substituted nothing satisfactory in their place, at least as far as we -may gather from his first volume. One thing may be safely asserted, that -Cicero might well present in his republic, those traditions of the -times, as the real history of his country, because the Roman people were -acquainted with no other. He could not call upon them to venerate the -founders of Rome and their institutions, and tell them at the same time -they had never existed. Niebuhr himself strengthens the account given at -section 19, Book II., of the Greek descent of the first Tarquin, by -observing that the clay vases made at Tarquinii were painted, and -resembled in colour and drawing some discovered near Corinth. He says -they are found only in the district of Tarquinii, and that the -circumstance implies a peculiar intercourse between Corinth and -Tarquinii. - -In the 22d section of the 2d Book, is another passage with which Niebuhr -is not satisfied, and which even Professor Mai terms “vexatissimum -locum.” Cicero says the Roman people were distributed by Servius into -six classes, whose entire elective force was one hundred and -ninety-three centuries. To give the landed proprietors who were rated in -the first class, a majority of this number, or ninety-seven votes, three -centuries of horse with six suffrages, meaning those inscribed in the -great census or register, in contradistinction to the horsemen set apart -from the mass of the whole people; the century of carpenters, and the -first class, constituted together eighty-nine centuries. Eight more -centuries taken from the other five classes and added to this number, -made ninety-seven, being a majority of one over ninety-six, and thus in -Cicero’s words “Confecta est vis, populi universa.” The unwearied -erudition of Niebuhr, to which great deference is due, is not satisfied -with the simplicity of this statement of the Roman Constitution, but -assails it with an unusual bitterness of critical spirit. He supposes -the passage from its genuine state to have been corrupted by successive -transcribers and commentators, to the order in which Professor Mai has -thought proper to give it to the public, and that in its original state -it stood thus. “Nunc rationem videtis esse talem ut prima classis, -addita centuria quæ ad summum usum urbis fabris tignariis est data: -LXXXI centurias habeat; quibus ex CXIV centuriis, tot enim reliquæ sunt, -equitum centuriæ cum sex suffragiis solæ si accesserunt,” &c. - -“Now you will perceive the plan was such, that the first class, a -century being added from the carpenters on account of their great -utility to the city, consisted of eighty-one centuries; to which if from -the one hundred and fourteen centuries, for so many remain, only the -centuries of horse with six suffrages are added,” &c. I forbear to add -his very curious reasons for this proposed restoration, and which, not -to be deemed extravagant, require to be judged by those familiar with -the emendations of ancient MSS. It will be perceived, however, that he -makes the whole number of centuries to consist of one hundred and -ninety-five; and that he gives the landed proprietors a majority of -ninety-nine over the ninety-six centuries belonging to the other five -classes, which appears superfluous in a system which aimed at the -appearance of moderation, “ne superbum esset.” Substantially the system -appears to have been this. The Roman people were distributed into six -classes, having one hundred and ninety-three centuries or votes. The -first class consisting of men of rank and property, with the centuries -of horse, had ninety-six votes; leaving ninety-seven votes to the other -five classes. In order, however, to give the ascendancy to the first -class in the least offensive way, the century of blacksmiths and -carpenters was added to the first class, under pretence of their great -utility to the city; but really because they were dependent upon the -first class and the cavalry for employment, and could be relied upon. In -this manner the first class secured a majority of ninety-seven votes. -The second book closes with a declaration from Scipio, that unless the -most perfect justice is observed, no government can prosper. - -The third book opens with a philosophical analysis of the faculties of -man, introductory to the great principle of the immutable nature of -justice, which it appears was fully discussed in this book, of which so -small a portion is preserved. A splendid picture is drawn in the second -section of an accomplished statesman, such as Cicero himself had aimed -to be, and which from a passage in one of his letters to Atticus, -appears to have been farther elaborated in the sixth book. It relates to -a triumph about which he felt some anxiety after his government of -Cilicia. “If this idea of a triumph which even you approve, had not been -infused into me, you would not have had to look far for the perfect -citizen described in the sixth book.”[10] Philus is called upon to -defend the cause of injustice after the manner of Carneades the Greek -sophist. The powerful passage contained in the seventeenth section is -delivered by him. It was reserved for Lælius to close the discussion as -the advocate of justice. Scarce any part of his discourse is preserved. -Some fragments have, however, been collected by Professor Mai, preserved -by Nonius the Philologist, and by Lactantius. In the one, Lælius is made -to declare, that the Roman youth ought not to be permitted to listen to -Carneades, who if he thought as he spoke, was a bad man; and if he was -not, as he preferred to believe, his discourse was nevertheless -detestable. One of the passages from Lanctantius is that well known -exposition of eternal right, or natural law of justice of which -conscience is the voice. - -“There is indeed a law, right reason, which is in accordance with -nature; existing in all, unchangeable, eternal. Commanding us to do what -is right, forbidding us to do what is wrong. It has dominion over good -men, but possesses no influence over bad ones. No other law can be -substituted for it, no part of it can be taken away, nor can it be -abrogated altogether. Neither the people or the senate can absolve us -from it. It wants no commentator or interpreter. It is not one thing at -Rome, and another thing at Athens: one thing to-day, and another thing -to-morrow; but it is a law eternal and immutable for all nations and for -all time. God, the sole Ruler, and universal Lord, has framed and -proclaimed this law. He who does not obey it, renounces himself, and is -false to his own nature: he brings upon himself the direst tortures, -even when he escapes human punishments.”[11] - -The fourth book of which a mere fragment is preserved, appears to have -treated of domestic manners, the education of youth, and of Roman life, -public and private. We have lost here many fine pictures of the -simplicity of Roman manners, at that flourishing period of the republic, -as well as of the progress of luxury, which was not inconsiderable. A -fragment of this book is preserved in Nonius, where Scipio opposes the -collection of a revenue, necessary perhaps to make good those -deficiencies which extravagance had produced. “Nolo enim eundem populum -imperatorem et portitorem esse terrarum. Optimum autem et in privatis -familiis et in republica vectigal duco esse parsimoniam.” “I am not -willing that the same people should be the sovereigns and the -toll-gatherers of the world. I look upon economy to be the best revenue -for the republic, and for private individuals.” - -The fifth book is also a mere fragment. St. Augustin has preserved some -notices of it, from which it appears that it treated very much of the -ancient Roman institutions, with a view to show the degeneracy of the -times in which Cicero wrote. In the fifth section of this book, he -speaks of the comfortable enjoyment of life depending upon legal -marriages and lawful children; from whence perhaps we may gather the -obligation which the dissolute manners of the times had laid him under, -of asserting the value of these ties, as well as his own veneration for -them. - -Of the sixth book no part whatever has come down to us with this MSS: -but the important fragment on a future state preserved in Macrobius, -warrants our supposing that he was naturally led in a treatise so highly -philosophical, to pass from the consideration of human morals, to the -great object which moral conduct has in view: the resisting of human -weakness, for the sake of fitting the immortal part of our nature for a -higher condition of being. The dream of Scipio, encumbered as it is by -some of the pedantry of the schools, is a production of the highest -order, upon this most sublime of all subjects. - ------ - -Footnote 1: - - His. Nat. 18. 3. 1. - -Footnote 2: - - Cato de Re Rustica. Majores enim nostri, &c. - -Footnote 3: - - Dio. 11. 8. Gellius xv. 27. - -Footnote 4: - - Roma patrem patriæ Ciceronem libera dixit. Juv. 8. - -Footnote 5: - - Magna Voce me vere jurasse juravit. Ep. fam. 5. 2. - -Footnote 6: - - Quoniam, inquit, meos tam suspicione quam crimine judico carere - oportere. Suet. J. Cæs. 74. - -Footnote 7: - - Sed quoniam qui nihil possunt, &c. - -Footnote 8: - - Ep. fam. 8. 14. - -Footnote 9: - - “Quid porro aut præclarum putet in rebus humanis.” Lib. 1. xvii. - -Footnote 10: - - Let. to Att. vii. 3. - -Footnote 11: - - Lact. Inst. vi. 8. - - - - - CICERO’S REPUBLIC. - - -[Illustration] - - - - - BOOK I. - - -I. For without the strong feeling of patriotism, neither had G. Duelius, -Aulus Atilius or L. Metellus freed us from the terror of Carthage; or -the two Scipios extinguished with their blood the rising flame of the -second punic war. Quintus Maximus would not have weakened, nor M. -Marcellus have crushed the one which was springing up with still greater -strength: or P. Africanus turning it from the gates of this city, have -borne it amid the walls of our enemies. Yet it was not thought -unbecoming in M. Cato, an unknown and a new man, by whom all of us who -emulate his course are led as a bright example of industry and virtue, -to enjoy the repose of Tusculum, that healthy and convenient situation. -That insane man, however, as some have considered him, preferred when -urged by no necessity, to contend amid those waves and tempests to -extreme old age; rather than pass his days in the most agreeable manner, -amid so much ease and tranquillity. Men without number I omit, each of -whom were benefactors to the State, and who are not far removed from the -remembrance of this generation. I forbear to commemorate them, lest any -one should reproach me with neglecting to speak of himself or his -immediate friends. This one truth I would mark, that nature has so -strongly implanted in man the necessity of virtue, and so powerful an -inclination to defend the common welfare, that this principle overcomes -all the blandishments of voluptuousness and ease. - -II. Yet to possess virtue, like some art, without exercising it, is -insufficient. Art indeed, when not effective, is still comprehended in -science. The efficacy of all virtue consists in its use. Its greatest -end is the government of states, and the perfection not in words but in -deeds, of those very things which are taught in the halls. For nothing -is propounded by philosophers, concerning what is esteemed to be just -and proper, that is not confirmed and assured by those who have -legislated for states. For from whence springs piety, or from whom -religion? Whence the law, either of nations, or that which is called -civil? Whence justice, faith, equity? Whence modesty, continence, the -dread of turpitude, the love of praise and esteem? Whence fortitude in -trouble and dangers? From those who having laid a foundation for these -things in early education, have strengthened some of them by the -influence of manners, and sanctioned others by the influence of laws. Of -Xenocrates, one of the noblest of philosophers, it is said, that when he -was asked what his disciples learnt of him, he replied “to do that of -their own choice, which the laws enjoined them to do,” therefore the -citizen who obliges every one by the authority and fear of the law to do -that, which philosophers by reasoning, with difficulty persuade a few to -do, is to be preferred to those learned men who only dispute about these -things. For which of their orations, however exquisite, can be compared -in value to a well constituted state, to public right and to morals. -Truly as great and powerful cities, as Ennius says, are as I think, to -be preferred to villages and castles; so those who stand pre-eminent in -those cities, in authority and counsel, are to be esteemed far before -those in wisdom, who are altogether ignorant of the conduct of public -affairs. And since we are chiefly urged by a desire to increase the -possessions of the human race, and seek by our counsels and labours, to -surround the life of man with gratification and security, and are -incited by the instincts of nature to these enjoyments; let us hold the -course which was always that of the best men: nor attend to those -signals which speculative philosophers make from their retirement, to -allure back those who are already far advanced. - -III. Against these reasons so certain and so clear, it is urged by those -who are opposed to us: first, the labour to be undergone in preserving -the public welfare; a slight impediment to the zealous and industrious, -not alone in matters of such high import, but in inferior things: -whether in studies or in official stations; and to be despised even in -affairs of business. To this they add the dangers to which life is -exposed, and the dread of death, which brave men scorn; being wont to -view it as more wretched to waste away by infirmity and old age, than to -seize an occasion to devote that life to the advantage of their country, -which one day must be rendered to nature. It is here however they deem -themselves most successful and eloquent, when they bring forward the -calamities of eminent men, and the injuries heaped upon them by their -ungrateful countrymen. Here come the instances in Grecian history. -Miltiades, the conqueror and subduer of the Persians, with those wounds -yet streaming, which he received in front, in the height of victory: -preserved from the weapons of the enemy, to waste away his life in the -chains of his countrymen. And Themistocles proscribed and driven from -the country he had freed, flying, not to the harbours of that Greece he -had preserved, but to the barbarous shores he had harrassed. Nor indeed -are instances wanting among the Athenians of levity and cruelty towards -great numbers of their citizens; instances which springing up repeatedly -among them, are said also to have abounded too conspicuously in our -city. For either the exile of Camillus, the misfortune of Ahala, the ill -will towards Nasica, or the expulsion of Lenas, or the condemnation of -Opimus is remembered: or the flight of Metellus, the sad overthrow of C. -Marius, the cutting off of the most eminent citizens, or the destruction -of many of them, which soon after followed. Nor indeed is my name -forgotten. And I judge that deeming themselves to owe both life and ease -to my peril and counsel, they have a more deep and tender remembrance of -me. But it is not easy to explain how they who cross the seas for the -sake of observing or describing * * * - - [Two pages wanting.] - -IV. * * * * At the expiration of my consulship, when in the assembly of -the Roman people, I swore that the republic had been saved by my -exertions, which they confirmed by universal acclamation, I was requited -for the cares and vexations of every injury. Albeit my reverses had more -honour than pain attached to them, and less disquietude than glory. -Greater was my pleasure at receiving the approbation of good men, than -my regret at observing the satisfaction of the bad. But had it happened -otherwise, as I said, what complaint could I make? Nothing unforeseen -could have occurred, nor more grievous than I might have expected for so -many of my deeds. For I was one who could well have gathered greater -fruits from ease than others, on account of the agreeable variety of the -studies I had pursued from my childhood; and if any disaster had -overtaken the republic, I need not have sustained a greater share of it, -but have divided it equally with the rest. I hesitated not to oppose -myself to those stormy tempests, and almost raging waves, for the sake -of preserving my fellow citizens, and of accomplishing at my own risk -the common safety of all. For our country has not produced us, or -educated us under a law, that she is entitled to no support on our part, -lending herself as it were to our convenience only; furnishing a secure -refuge, and a tranquil and peaceful asylum to our indolence: but rather -holds as pledges to her, to be employed for her benefit, the many and -great faculties of our mind, genius, and reason; and only permits us to -appropriate to our private purposes, that portion of them, of which she -stands in no need. - -V. The pretences which are urged for the enjoyment of indolence are not -to be listened to. As when it is stated that the public affairs are -meddled with by men worthy of no confidence, with whom it is disgraceful -to associate: yet to contend against whom is a miserable and dangerous -effort, especially when the multitude is excited. For which reason a -prudent man ought not to take the reins, when he is not able to restrain -the mad and untameable violence of the vulgar: or a generous man expose -himself to the lashes of contumely in a strife with low and outrageous -adversaries: or a wise man hope to withdraw from such a contest without -injury. As if there could well be a more just cause for good and firm -men, endowed with noble minds, to stand forth in aid of their country, -than that they may not be subject to bad men; nor suffer the republic to -be lacerated by them, before the desire of saving it may come too late. - -VI. But who can approve of their exception, that a wise man ought not to -take upon him any part of the public affairs, unless an occasion of -extraordinary need should drive him to it? as if indeed a greater -necessity could ever have happened to any one, than occurred to myself. -How could I have been useful then, had I not been consul? and how could -I have been consul, had I not pursued that course of life from my youth, -which belonging to the equestrian rank, in which I was born, enabled me -to attain the first honours of the state? No man therefore can assume at -pleasure the ability of aiding in the public service, however urgent the -danger may be, unless he stands in that relation to his country, which -fits him for the occasion. And it appears to me most marvellous, that in -the discourse of learned men, they who declare themselves unable to -steer in a calm sea, because they have never been taught, nor have ever -studied the subject, talk of taking the helm in the midst of the -greatest storms. For these very men openly declare, and pride themselves -greatly upon it, that they have never studied or taught the mode of -establishing or protecting the public interest; which they think the -exclusive province, not of learned and erudite men, but of those who are -practised in these matters. What consistency is there then in promising -to aid the republic in times of peril, when they are incapable of the -easier task of directing it in the calmest moments? And although, in -truth, the philosopher is not wont of his own accord, to consider the -details of state affairs, unless called upon by the times to do it, when -indeed he will not decline what duty imposes on him; nevertheless, I -judge the knowledge of state affairs is least to be neglected by a wise -man; that every thing may be familiar to him, for he cannot tell the -moment, when it may be necessary for him to avail himself of his -knowledge. - -VII. These things I have somewhat enlarged upon, because the discussion -proposed and undertaken by me in this work, was on government: and in -order to prevent its being without effect, it was necessary in the first -instance, to remove every doubt as to the duty of engaging in the public -service. Nevertheless if there are any who are governed by the opinions -of philosophers, let them turn their attention for a while, and listen -to those who enjoy a proud pre-eminence among learned men, even when -they have not borne any charge in the republic; still whom I deem from -the extent of their studies, and their writings on government, to have -been invested with functions appertaining to the public interest. But -those seven, whom the Greeks call wise, I perceive have almost all been -greatly engaged in public affairs. For there is no one thing in which -human worth is more nearly allied to the power of the gods, than to -found new states, or to preserve those already founded. - -VIII. Concerning which matters, since it hath happened to me, to be -deemed something worthy of memory in my administration of public -affairs, and to possess some talent for unfolding them; not only in -practice, but being versed too in the art of speaking and teaching: -while of those before me, some were perfect in debate, yet unknown by -their deeds; others of respectable parts for business, without the -talent of oratory. Still it is not my intention here to bring forward -any new system invented by myself, but to repeat a discussion, that took -place at a certain period of our history, among our most illustrious and -wise men, which was related to me a long time ago in my youth, by P. -Rutilius Rufus, when we were at Smyrna together: in the which I think -scarce any point was omitted that belongs to the consideration of these -great matters. - -IX. When P. Africanus, the son of Paulus, established Latin holidays in -his gardens, during the consulate of Tuditanus, and Aquilius; and his -most intimate friends had promised to visit him frequently at that -season. On the morning of the first day, Q. Tubero, the eldest son of -his sister, came. Pleased with his visit, and kindly addressing him -“What! Tubero,” said he, “is it you so early? I should have thought -these holidays would have given you a favourable opportunity of pursuing -your literary inquiries.” “Why in truth,” replied he, “I can apply all -my leisure to my books, for they are always disengaged. But to find you -at leisure, is very remarkable; especially at this time so critical for -the republic.” “So help me Hercules,” said Scipio, “however you find me, -it is more idle in appearance than in truth.” “You must now,” said -Tubero, “relax your mind a little also, for several of us have -determined if it is not inconvenient to you, to spend some of our -leisure with you.” “With all my heart,” replied Scipio, “provided we may -acquire some information thereby on philosophical subjects.” - -X. “Since you invite and encourage me to it yourself,” said Tubero, “let -us first converse, Africanus, before the others come, about the meaning -of this double sun which has been spoken of in the senate. For those who -declare that they have seen two suns, are neither few in number, nor -insignificant persons: so that it appears to be of less importance to -doubt the fact, than to inquire into the cause of it.” “Would that we -had with us our excellent Panætius,” said Scipio, “who among other -objects of knowledge, was so diligent an inquirer about celestial -phenomena. As to myself, Tubero—for to you I will freely declare what I -think; I am not drawn in to adopt in matters of this sort, the opinions -of our friend, who pronounces things which are scarcely within the reach -of conjecture, to be as manifest, as if he beheld them with his eyes, or -could lay his hands upon them. On which account I am accustomed to -consider Socrates much wiser, who leaves the consideration of such -things aside, and teaches that the phenomena about which nature may be -interrogated, are either beyond the force of human reason, or irrelevant -to the conduct of human affairs.” “I know not,” rejoined Tubero, “what -authority there is for the fact, that Socrates rejected all discussion -upon such matters, and confined himself to the moral conduct of human -life. For what author is to be commended, as more ample on that head -than Plato; in whose writings, in many places, it is the custom of -Socrates in discussing morals, the virtues, and finally public affairs; -to allude studiously to the science of numbers, to geometry, and to -harmony, after the Pythagorean mode.” Scipio answered, “these things are -as you say; but I dare say you have heard, Tubero, that Plato after the -death of Socrates, was carried by the love of knowledge first into -Egypt, afterwards into Italy and Sicily, that he might obtain an insight -into the discoveries of Pythagoras. That he associated much with -Archytas the Tarentine, and with Timæus of Locram. That he acquired the -commentaries of Philolaus, and perceiving that the name of Pythagoras -was at that time in great reputation in those places, he dedicated his -time to the disciples of Pythagoras and to their opinions. But as he had -loved Socrates alone, and wished to make all things conducive to his -reputation, he interwove very skilfully the subtlety and humour of the -Socratic style with the mysteries of Pythagoras, and with many branches -of the arts.” - -As Scipio ceased to speak, he suddenly saw L. Furius approaching, and as -soon as he had kindly saluted him, he took him by the hand, and placed -him on his couch. And as P. Rutilius the accomplished preserver of this -conversation appeared at the same time, saluting him also in the same -manner, he bade him be seated near to Tubero. “What are you engaged in,” -said Furius; “hath our arrival broken in upon your conversation?” “Not -in the least,” replied Africanus, “for it is precisely about matters, -such as Tubero has just been introducing, that thou art wont diligently -to inquire into, and to investigate. And indeed our friend Rutilius was -in the habit occasionally of discussing things of this kind with me, -when we were under the walls of Numantia.” “What is the subject you have -fallen upon?” said Philus. “These two suns,” replied he, “respecting -which I am desirous of hearing your opinion.” - -XII. As he spoke this, a boy announced that Lælius was approaching, -having already left his house; upon which Scipio having dressed himself, -left his chamber, and had made but a few paces in the portico, when he -saluted Lælius who was approaching, and those who were with him: Spurius -Mummius, to whom he was particularly attached; Fannius, and Quintus -Scævola, sons-in-law of Lælius, highly gifted young men of the -quæstorial age. And having welcomed them all, he made another turn on -the portico, placing Lælius in the middle; for in their friendship it -was a sort of law between them, that Lælius did homage to Scipio as to a -god, on account of his glorious pre-eminence in war; while in his turn -Scipio, in private life, paid to Lælius all the reverence due to a -parent, on account of his superior years. And having chatted a little -together in various places, Scipio, who was very much enlivened and -gratified with their arrival, was pleased to have them seated in a sunny -place in a little meadow, on account of its being the winter season; -which as they were about to do, M. Manilius came, a prudent and -agreeable person, and very dear to them all; who being cordially saluted -by Scipio and the rest, took his seat next to Lælius. - -XIII. “It does not seem to me necessary,” said Philus “that we should -seek another subject of conversation on account of those who are -arrived, but that we should observe more accuracy, and say something -worthy of their ears.” “What subject were you upon,” said Lælius, “and -what discussion are we come to be present at?” “Scipio was inquiring of -me,” replied Philus, “what my opinion was respecting the fact of two -suns having been seen.” - -Lælius. “Why truly Philus, is there no longer any thing left for us to -inquire about, touching our own domestic affairs, or those appertaining -to the republic, that we must be exploring the things that are passing -in the heavens?” “Dost thou then think,” replied he, “that it does not -concern our own mansions, to know what is passing, and what is done in -that vast one, not the one surrounded by our walls, but that which -constitutes the universe, and which the gods have given to us for a -domicile, and a common country with themselves. Especially when if we -are ignorant of them, many and very high matters will be hidden from us. -As to myself, the contemplation and knowledge of these things delight -me, as certainly as it does you, Lælius, and all who are eager in the -pursuit of knowledge.” “I offer no impediment,” said Lælius, especially -at this holiday time; but shall we hear any thing, or are we come too -late?” - -Philus. “Nothing has been discussed yet, and as the subject is entire, I -freely concede to you, Lælius, the right of expressing your sentiments -first.” - -Lælius. “Let us rather hear you, unless Manilius thinks, that some -decree by way of compromise between these two suns may be adjusted; so -that each may keep possession of its own part of the firmament.” “You -love still to banter that science, Lælius, in which I am proud to -excel,” replied Manilius, “and without which no one could know his own -possession from anothers. But of that by and by. Let us now listen to -Philus, who I perceive has a case of greater difficulty referred to him, -than ever came before me or P. Mucius.” - -XIV. “I shall lay nothing new before you,” said Philus, “nor any thing -discovered or thought of by myself. I remember, however, that C. -Sulpicius Gallus, a very learned man as you know; when this same -phenomenon was stated to have been seen, being by chance in the house of -M. Marcellus, who had been in the consulate with him; ordered a sphere -to be placed before him, which the ancestor of M. Marcellus had taken -from the conquered Syracusans, and brought out of their wealthy and -embellished city; the only thing he had possessed himself of among so -great a spoil. I had heard a great deal of this sphere, on account of -the fame of Archimedes, but did not admire the construction of it so -much; for another which Archimedes also had made, and which the same -Marcellus had placed in the temple of virtue, was more elegant and -remarkable in the general opinion. But subsequently, when Gallus began -very scientifically to explain the nature of the mechanism; the Sicilian -appeared to me to possess more genius, than human nature would seem to -be capable of. Gallus said, that the other solid and full sphere was an -old invention, and was first wrought by Thales of Miletas: but -afterwards was delineated over with the fixed stars in the heavens by -Eudoxus, the Cnidian, a disciple of Plato. The which adorned and -embellished as it was by Eudoxus, Aratus who had no knowledge of -astronomy, but a certain poetical faculty, many years afterwards -extolled in his verses. The mechanism of this sphere, however, on which -the motions of the sun, moon, and those five stars which are called -wandering and irregular, are shown; could not be illustrated on that -solid sphere. But what appeared very admirable in this invention of -Archimedes was, that he had discovered a method of producing the unequal -and various courses, with their dissimilar velocities, by one -revolution. When Gallus put this sphere in motion, the moon was made to -succeed the sun by as many revolutions of the brass circle, as it -actually took days to do in the heavens. From which the same setting of -the sun was produced on the sphere as in the heavens: and the moon fell -on the very point, where it met the shadow of the earth, when the sun -from the region * * * * - - [About ten pages wanting.] - -XV. * * * * * for he was a man I was very much attached to, and I know -that my father Paulus esteemed and placed the highest value on him. I -remember when I was but a boy, being with my father, who was then consul -in Macedonia; that while we were encamped, our army was struck with a -religious dread, because the full and splendid moon in the serenity of -the night, was suddenly eclipsed. He being then our lieutenant, the year -just before that in which he was declared consul, did not hesitate the -following day, to pronounce openly in the camp, that it was no prodigy. -And that what had then taken place, would always occur in future at -those particular periods, when the position of the sun was such, that -its rays could not fall upon the moon. “But how could he,” asked Tubero, -“make men half wild, comprehend such matters, or venture to speak of -them before the unenlightened?” - -Scipio. “Indeed he did, and with great * * * * - - [About two pages wanting.] - -* * * * * there was neither a haughty ostentation, nor any thing in his -speech unbecoming a grave personage; and he accomplished a point of -great importance, in removing from the disturbed minds of the men, the -influence of an idle and fearful superstition. - -XVI. There was an occurrence similar to this during the great war, which -the Athenians and Lacedemonians waged against each other with so much -inveteracy. Darkness being suddenly produced by the obscuration of the -sun, and a prodigious fear taking possession of the minds of the -Athenians. Pericles, the first man in the city, in authority, in -eloquence, and in council; taught the citizens what he had himself -learnt from Anaxagoras, whose pupil he had been: that it was an -unavoidable appearance at the particular period, when the moon had -placed herself immediately before the orb of the sun: and although it -did not take place every lunar period; it could nevertheless be -occasioned only by the moon’s motion. Having convinced them by -reasoning, he delivered the people from their apprehension. For it was -then a strange and unknown reason to give for an eclipse, that the sun -and moon were in opposition to each other, which it is said, was first -observed by Thales the Milesian. At a later period, this had not escaped -our Ennius, who wrote about the year 350 of the building of Rome, in the -nones of June; that “_the moon and night stood before the sun_.” So -great, however, is the advancement of knowledge in these matters, that -from this day, which we find noted in the principal annals, and by -Ennius; the previous occultations of the sun are fixed up to that which -took place in the reign of Romulus, in the nones of the fifth month. -During which darkness, Romulus, whom the laws of nature indeed would -have carried to the tomb, is said to have been borne by his virtue to -heaven. - -XVII. Then Tubero, “Dost thou not perceive Africanus, that what appeared -otherwise to thee a while ago * * * * * * - - [About two pages wanting.] - -* * * * * * “Who can perceive any grandeur in human affairs, whose eyes -are accustomed to survey the empire of the gods? What are temporal -things in the eyes of those conversant with eternal ones? What is there -glorious to the contemplation of him, who looks at the small size of the -earth; first as to its whole extent, then to that part of it which men -inhabit? And yet we, confined to so small a portion of it, unknown to -most nations, hope our name will be diffused to its utmost limits. What -are lands, and houses, and flocks, and immense masses of gold and silver -to him who neither considers them desirable nor calls them so: the -fruition of which appears to him trifling, the use unsatisfactory, the -possession uncertain: and which are often in the hands of the most -contemptible of men? How fortunate may that man be esteemed, who alone -claims a share in all things, not as the privilege of a citizen, but of -a philosopher: not by civil rights, but by the common law of nature, -which forbids any one to be the proprietor of aught, of the proper use -of which he is ignorant! Who considers our consulships and high offices, -not to be sought after for the sake of personal advantage or glory; not -as things to be coveted, but to be undertaken as duties. The man finally -who can say that of himself which my ancestor Africanus, as Cato writes, -was wont to say, “that he never was more busy than when he was doing -nothing; and that he never was less alone, than when nobody was with -him.” - -For who can deem Dionysius to have accomplished a greater thing, when by -the greatest exertion he snatched their liberties from the citizens, -than Archimedes his countryman, who appearing to be occupied in nothing, -produced this sphere of which we were but now conversing? Are they not -more alone, who find no one in the forum or in the crowd who chooses to -talk with them, than those who without any witness can converse with -themselves; or as it were, be present at the councils of the most -learned men, when they solace themselves with their discoveries and -writings? Who in truth can imagine any one to be more rich, than the man -who has no wants, beyond the simple calls of nature; or more powerful -than him, who has attained the possession of al that he desires; or more -blessed than him who is freed from all anxiety of mind? or what man’s -fortune is better established than his, who can carry along with him, or -out of a shipwreck as men are wont to say, all his possessions? What -command, what office, what kingdom can be preferred to that condition of -mind, which looking down upon all things human, and esteeming them to be -the objects of an inferior wisdom, turns ever to the contemplation of -those things that are divine and eternal: persuaded that they only -deserve to be called men, who are refined by the sciences of humanity? -That which has been said of Plato, or of some other sage, appears to me -therefore very excellent. Who being borne by a tempest to unknown lands, -and cast on a desert shore, while his companions were apprehensive on -account of their ignorance of the place, is said to have perceived -geometrical figures described on the sand. Which when he saw, he bade -them all be of good heart, for he had seen vestiges of men. Not that he -judged so from the cultivation of the fields which he beheld, but from -these indications of science. For all these reasons, Tubero, learning, -and learned men, and these thy studies have always been pleasing to me. - -XVIII. Then said Lælius, “I am not bold enough, Scipio, to speak of -these things: nor even to thee, or Philus, or Manilius * * * * * - - [Two pages wanting] - -* * * * in his paternal house we have had a friend, worthy to be -imitated by him. - -“Ælius Sextus, conspicuously discreet and wise.” That he was -conspicuously discreet and wise, is said by Ennius, not because he -sought after what he was not able to discover, but because he answered -those who made inquiries of him, in a manner to solve their difficulties -and anxieties, in whose mouth when arguing against the studies of -Gallus, were always these words of Achilles, in Iphigenia. - - “Astrology, its signs; how are they read in heaven? - When goat or scorpion, or ferocious names arise, - The obvious earth is shunned, to scrutinize the skies.” - -He also said, for many times and willingly I listened to him, that -Zethus the author of Pacuvius, was too great an enemy to science. The -Neoptolemus of Ennius pleased him more; who says that he likes to -philosophize but only with a few; not willing to give himself up to it -altogether. But if the studies of the Greeks delight you so much, there -are others freer and more easily diffused, which we may bring to the use -of life, or even to that of the republic. As for these arts, their value -consists, if in any thing, in stimulating and sharpening the genius of -young boys; enabling them in this manner the better to comprehend -greater things. - -XIX. “I do not dissent from you, Lælius,” said Tubero, “but ask what you -understand by greater things?” - -Lælius. “I will tell you in good faith, although you may somewhat -despise me for it; since it is you who are asking Scipio about these -celestial matters. As for myself, I think those things most worthy of -our attention, which lay immediately before our eyes. How can it -interest me that the grandson of L. Paulus by the mother’s side, born of -such a noble and illustrious family in this republic, should seek for -reasons why two suns have been seen, when he does not inquire the cause -why two senates, and almost two people exist in one republic? For as you -perceive the death of Tiberius Gracchus, and even before that event, the -whole proceedings of his tribunate were dividing one people into two -parties: those who are the detractors of Scipio also, and are envious of -him, urged on at first by P. Crassus and Appius Claudius, keep up -notwithstanding their death, an opposition to us in the senate, through -the influence of Metellus and P. Mucius. Nor will they suffer him to -come forward, who is alone equal to so dangerous a crisis, amidst the -factious and dangerous associations made under the Roman name: amidst -violated compacts, and the new matters daily stirring by the seditious -triumvirs, to the consternation of good and respectable men. Wherefore -young men, if you will listen to me, entertain no apprehensions about -this double sun: for either it is nothing at all, or if it is a reality, -as far as it has been observed, there is nothing injurious in it. Either -we can know nothing about such matters, or even if we could know all -about them, we should not be better or happier for that knowledge. But -one senate and one people we may have; that is practicable. And if it is -not done, we shall suffer for it. And we know it is otherwise, and that -if it were effected, we should have more stability, and be happier and -better.” - -XX. Then Mucius. “What is it we have to learn, in your opinion, Lælius, -that we may be able to effect what you require of us?” - -Lælius. “Those sciences whose tendency is to enable us to be useful to -the state; for I deem that to be the most pre-eminent gift of wisdom, as -well as the noblest fruit of virtue and duty. Wherefore that these -holidays may be productive of conversations in an especial manner useful -to the republic, let us entreat Scipio to impart to us, what he deems to -be the happiest condition of a state. Afterwards we can consider other -matters, the knowledge of which I hope will bring us to the subject -before us, and will unfold the causes of the present condition of -things. - - [Two pages wanting.] - -XXI. * * * * * not for that cause alone I wished it, but because I -thought it proper that the first person in the republic should first -speak on public affairs; and because I remembered that you were -accustomed frequently to discuss with Panætius before Polybius, two -Greeks extremely versed in civil affairs; and that you had proved by -various reasonings the excellence of that form of government, which our -ancestors had transmitted to us from so distant a period. In the which -matter, you, being more competent to it, will do an agreeable thing to -us all, (for I speak also for the rest,) if you will unfold to us your -opinion of the commonwealth.” - -XXII. “I cannot,” he began, “say that I have been in the habit of -turning my mind more intensely and diligently to the consideration of -any subject, than the very one which you now propose to me, Lælius. For -when I perceive that every artificer who truly excels in his vocation, -is filled with anxiety, care, and zeal, lest any one should surpass him -in his art. I, whose chief duty, bequeathed to me by my parents and -ancestors, is the conduct and administration of the republic, must -confess myself more indolent than any artisan, if I bestowed less -attention on the greatest of arts, than he does on the most -insignificant. But neither am I satisfied with the writings on this -subject which the first and wisest among the Greeks have left to us; -while I hesitate to establish my own conclusions in preference to -theirs. Wherefore I intreat you, not to listen to me as one entirely -ignorant of the affairs of the Greeks, nor as one who gives them the -preference to our own writers, particularly in matters of this kind; but -as one liberally brought up by the diligence of distinguished parents, -and ardent in the love of knowledge from his youth; yet nevertheless -much more formed by domestic experience, than by literary studies.” - -XXIII. “I doubt,” said Philus here, “whether any one has ever excelled -you in genius. We know to what studies you have always been partial, and -that in your acquaintance with the great affairs of the state, you have -surpassed every one: wherefore if as you say, your mind has been -particularly turned to matters which have now become almost a science: I -feel very much indebted to Lælius, feeling a hope that what you will say -will be more instructive, than all those things which the Greeks have -written for us.” “You are creating” replied he, “much expectation from -my discourse, which is a very great weight upon one, who is about to -speak of matters of importance.” “However great it may be,” said Philus, -“you will throw it off as you are accustomed to do; nor is there any -danger that a dissertation from you on government will be deficient in -any requisite.” - -XXIV. “I will do what you desire, as well as I am able,” rejoined -Scipio, “and will begin the discussion in conformity with the rule which -I think ought to be observed in the examination of all things, if you -would avoid error. That the name of the subject in discussion being -agreed upon, the meaning of the name shall be defined. If this be found -to be appropriate, the matter can be entered upon at once; for unless -this be perfectly understood at first, we never can understand what we -are disputing about. Wherefore since it is of the republic we are -inquiring, let us first examine what that is we are inquiring about.” -Lælius having shown his acquiescence. “I do not intend, however,” said -Africanus, “in a matter so clear and familiar, to begin with the very -origin of things; the first conjunction of the sexes; then their progeny -and descendants, as some of our learned men are accustomed to do: nor -shall I go into continual definitions of terms—what they are—and how -many varieties of them. When I address wise men, who in war and in -peace, have taken a glorious part in the affairs of a great republic, I -shall not expose myself in such a manner, that the very thing under -discussion shall be more intelligible, than my own explanation of it. -Neither do I take upon me to pursue the subject in every direction, as a -master would: nor can I promise to do it so effectually, that no -omission whatever shall escape me.” “It is exactly such a discourse as -you promise, that I am in expectation of,” said Lælius. - -XXV. “A republic or commonwealth then,” said Scipio, “is the wealth or -common interest of the people. Every assemblage of men however, gathered -together without an object, is not the people, but only an assemblage of -the multitude associated by common consent, for reciprocal rights, and -reciprocal usefulness. The leading cause of this congregating, is not to -be ascribed so much to his weakness, as to the social principle innate -with man. Our species is not a solitary and wandering one, but is so -created that even when enjoying the greatest affluence * * * * - - [Two pages wanting.] - -XXVI. * * * * rather intuitive; for no original institution of the -social state has been found, nor of the other moral virtues. These -congregations therefore made for the purposes I have explained, -established their first seat in some particular place for a residence. -Which after being fortified by their labours and by its position, and -fitted with temples and public squares, the re-union of dwellings -constructed after this manner, they called a town or city. Every people -therefore, formed by the assemblage of such a multitude as I have -described, every city which is the settlement of a people, every -commonwealth which as I have said, is the wealth of the people, must in -order to be permanent, be governed by some authority. That authority -however must always have a strong relation to the causes from whence the -commonwealth derived its origin. It may then be delegated to one, or to -some selected persons; or it may be borne by the whole multitude of the -people. When therefore authority over all things, is in the control of -one man, we call him king; and a commonwealth so ordered, his kingdom. -When the authority is exercised by selected persons, then such a state -is said to be under the government of the better class. But there is -also a popular form of government, for so it is called, where all things -are ruled by the people. And of any of these three modes, if the chain -is in any manner kept together, which at first united men into the -social pact for the sake of the common interest, I would not indeed call -the mode perfect, nor say that in my opinion it was the best, but that -it was to be tolerated, and that one might be preferable to another. For -whether under a just and wise king, or chosen eminent citizens, or the -people themselves, although this last is least to be approved of, -setting aside the irregularities occasioned by the bad passions of some -men, any one may see that a steady government might be preserved. - -XXVII. In kingdoms however, the governed are too much deprived of common -rights, and of power. Under the better class, the multitude can scarcely -be partakers of liberty, as they are not admitted either to the public -councils or offices: and when the government is conducted by the people, -although it be justly and moderately administered, yet equality itself -becomes injustice, seeing that it admits of no degrees of rank. -Therefore, although Cyrus the Persian, was a most just and wise king, -yet such a commonwealth, (for as I said before, it is the common -property,) governed by the nod of one man, does not appear to me very -desirable. And although the Massilians our clients are governed with -great justice, by their chosen chief men, nevertheless in that condition -of a people, there is something resembling slavery. And the Athenians at -a certain period having abolished the Areopagus, conducted every thing -by ordinances, and decrees of the people; yet as they had no -distinctions in dignity, their state was without its ornament. - -XXVIII. And this I say of these three kinds of government, not of the -agitations and disturbances incidental to them, but of their tranquil -and regular state. Those varieties are principally remarkable for the -defects I have alluded to. Then they have other pernicious failings, for -every one of these governments is travelling a dangerous road, bordering -on a slippery and precipitous path. To a king so commendable, or if you -choose, since I especially name him; to the amiable Cyrus; a parallel -springs up in the cruel Phalaris, with all his capricious tyranny; into -whose similitude the government of one man so easily slides with a -downward course. To the administration of the city of the Massilians by -their select chiefs, may be opposed the plot and faction of the Thirty, -which took place at a certain period among the Athenians. Nor need we -look farther; the very Athenian people having assumed the power over all -things, and giving license to the fury of the multitude * * * * * * - - - [Two pages wanting.] - -XXIX. * * * * * * and this great mischief arises whether under the rule -of the better class, or under a tyrannical faction, or under the regal -government; and even frequently under the popular form. At the same time -from the various forms of government of which I have spoken, something -excellent is wont to emanate. For the changes and vicissitudes in public -affairs, appear to move in a circle of revolutions; which when -recognized by a wise man, as soon as he beholds them impending, if he -can moderate their course in the administration of affairs, and restrain -them under his control; he acts truly the part of a great citizen, and -almost of a divine man. Therefore I think a fourth kind of government, -moderated and mixed from those three of which I first spoke, is most to -be approved.” - -XXX. “I know” said Lælius, “that such is your opinion Africanus, for I -have often heard you say so. Nevertheless, unless it is troublesome to -you, I should be glad to learn which you judge best of these three kinds -of government. For either it will throw some light upon * * * * * * - - [Two pages wanting.] - -XXXI. * * * * * * every government partakes of the nature and will of -him who administers it. So that in no other state, save where the power -of the people predominates, has liberty any home. Liberty the sweetest -of all blessings, and which if it is not equal for all, is not liberty. -For what equality can there be, I do not mean in kingdoms where slavery -has no doubtful character: but in those states where all are nominally -free: there indeed they give their votes, confer commands, magistracies -and are solicited and intreated. But in truth they only part with that, -however repugnant it may be to them, which must be conferred: things -which they cannot retain, which is the reason why others seek to possess -them. For they are invested with no command, have no public authority, -nor are called to be judges in the tribunals: privileges which belong -either to ancient families, or are purchased by money. Among a free -people however, as at Rhodes or Athens, there is no citizen -who * * * * * - - [Two pages wanting.] - -XXXII. Some assert, that when one or more in a state becomes conspicuous -by his opulence or riches, disdain and pride soon break out: and the -weak and indolent yield and bend under the arrogance of riches. But if -the people are able to preserve their rights, they think no condition of -things could be more excellent, more free, or more happy. For in their -hands would be the laws, the tribunals, war, peace, treaties, and the -properties and lives of all the citizens. This sort of government they -think is properly called one republic, that is the common interest of -the people. Wherefore it is, that the people are wont to restore -commonwealths to liberty from the domination of kings, and patricians; -not that kings are believed to be necessary to a free people, or that -the better class are the source of power and wealth. And they deny that -these advantages should not be conceded to a free people on account of -the excesses of uncivilized nations: for where the people are unanimous, -and every thing tends to the public safety and liberty, nothing can be -more unchangeable, nothing more firm. Unanimity in such a commonwealth -is very easy, where the common effort is for the public good. But from -opposing interests, where one man clashes with another, discord arises. -Wherefore when the senate had possession of the government, the -condition of the state was never sound. In kingdoms the disadvantages -are still greater; of them Ennius said - - “No holy confidence or fellowship reigns there.” - -Wherefore as the law is the bond of civil society, and equal rights form -that of the law, by what power can a community of citizens be -maintained, where their condition is not an equal one? If therefore it -is not expedient to equalize fortunes; if the powers of mind cannot be -equalized in all, certainly then an equality of rights ought to exist, -among those who are citizens of the same republic. For what is a state -but a community of rights? * * * * * - - [Two pages wanting.] - -XXXIII. * * other governments however are deemed by them not to deserve -those names, which they have chosen to arrogate to themselves. For why -should I call a man who is greedy of rule, or of the sole command, and -who is trampling upon an oppressed people, king, which is the title of -the good Jupiter, rather than tyrant? A tyrant may be clement as well as -a king may be oppressive; the matter really interesting to the people -is, whether they are to serve under a gentle or a severe master: for as -to being any thing but servants, that is not to be avoided. How could -Lacedemon, when she was thought to excel in the science of government, -possess only good and just kings, when she was obliged to take any king -who was sprung from the royal blood? And the better class, who can -endure them, who have arrogated to themselves in their own assemblies, a -name not conceded to them by the people? For who is the man to be -pronounced best, in learning, in the arts, in studies? * * * * * - - [Four pages wanting.] - -XXXIV. * * * * If it was done by lot, the government would be -overthrown; like a ship, at whose helm, some passenger taken at hazard -was placed. A nation can entrust its affairs to whom it may choose; and -if it wishes to remain free, it will choose from among the best. For -certainly the security of states is found in the counsels of the best -citizens; especially as nature has not only ordained that they should -preserve an influence over the weak by their conspicuous virtue and -courage, but also that the weak should resign themselves to the -government of great minds. This most desirable state of things, they -say, is prevented by the erroneous opinions of men who, through -ignorance of that virtue, which belongs to but few, and is seen and -appreciated only by few, deem those who are sprung from a noble race, or -who are opulent and wealthy, to be the best men. Under this vulgar -error, when the power, not the virtues of a few, have got possession of -the government; those chiefs tenaciously preserve the title of better -class; a name however to which the substance is wanting. For riches, -titles, and power, devoid of wisdom, of the knowledge of -self-government, and that of the government of others, exhibit nothing -but insolent and disgraceful pride. Nor can the condition of any city be -more deplorable, than where the richest men pass for the best. But what -can be more delightful than a state virtuously governed? What more -illustrious than the man, who while he governs others, is himself the -slave of no bad passions? Who, while he calls upon the citizens to -observe the regulations he has formed, lives up to them all himself? Nor -imposes any laws upon the people, which he himself obeys not, but who -presents his whole life to his fellow citizens as one unbroken law. If -one man could suffice to all things, there would be no need of many; and -if all men could perceive what is best, and consent to it, no one would -require any chiefs to be elected. The difficulty of coming to wise -determinations, has transferred the rule from one king to many persons; -and the error and rashness of the people, from the multitude to a few. -Thus between the obstinacy of one, and the temerity of many, the better -class have possessed themselves of the middle and least turbulent of all -the situations: by whom if the commonwealth is well administered, the -people relieved from all care and thought, must necessarily be happy: -enjoying their independence through the labours of those, whose duty it -is to preserve it to them; and who ought never to permit the people to -think that their interests are neglected by their rulers. As to that -exact equality of rights, which is held so dear by a free people; it -cannot be preserved: for the people themselves, however free and -unrestrained they may be, are remarkable for their deference to many -persons; and exercise a great preference as it respects men and -dignities. That which is called equality also, is a most unjust thing in -itself: for when the same honour is enjoyed by the high and by the low, -through a whole people, that very equality must be unjust; and in those -states which are governed by the better class, it can never happen. -These, Lælius, and some other reasons resembling them, are wont to be -urged by those who chiefly praise that form of government. - -XXXV. “But which, Scipio, among those three, do you chiefly approve of?” -said Lælius. - -Scipio. “You do well to ask, which chiefly of the three, since -separately I do not approve of any of them; but should prefer to every -one of them, a government constituted out of all three. But if one of -them for its simplicity may be admired, I should approve of the kingly -form, and give it the highest praise. For the name of king calls up at -once the idea of a father, consulting with his citizens as if they were -his own children; and more anxious to preserve them, than to reduce them -to slavery: it being a great advantage to the weak to be sustained by -the exertions and by the foresight of one pre-eminent and good man. Here -however the better class profess to do the same thing to more advantage, -and say there is more wisdom with numbers than with one, and at the same -time equal justice and faith. But the people call out with a loud voice, -that they choose neither to obey one nor many; that nothing is sweeter -to the beasts of the field than liberty, which is wanting to all who -serve either under the better class or under a king. Thus on the score -of personal attachment, kings attract us. The better class by their -wisdom; and liberty on the side of the people. So that in making the -comparison, it is difficult to say which is preferable.” - -L. “I believe it,” said he, “but if you leave this point unfinished, the -other parts of the subject can scarcely be cleared up.” - -XXXVI. S. “Let us imitate therefore Aratus, who in his introduction to a -discourse upon high matters, thought it best to begin with Jupiter.” - -L. “Why with Jupiter? and what has this discussion to do with the verses -of Aratus?” - -S. “Insomuch, that the opening of our debate may be honoured with the -name of him, whom all, learned and unlearned, consent with one voice, to -be the one king of all the gods and men.” “What then!” said Lælius. -“What do you believe in but the things which are before your eyes?” -replied he. “This opinion has been established for the conduct of life, -by those who have had the direction of public affairs; that the belief -might prevail, that one king ruled in heaven, who with his nod, as Homer -says, could tumble down Olympus; and that he should be considered as the -King and Father of all. Great is the authority for it, and many the -witnesses, inasmuch as all have concurred in it. Nations too have -agreed, as we find in the decrees of princes, that the regal form of -government was most excellent, since they imagine the gods themselves to -be under the government of one king. And if we have been told that this -and similar opinions have sprung from fables and the errors of the -ignorant, let us listen to those who may be considered almost the common -teachers of erudite men; who as it were, saw these very things with -their eyes, which we scarcely are acquainted with, when we hear of -them.” “And who are they?” said Lælius. “They,” replied he, who in their -investigations of the nature of all things, have perceived a design in -the universal structure of this world * * * * * * - - [Four pages wanting.] - -XXXVII. * * * * * * “But if you desire it Lælius, I can give you -authorities in no wise barbarous, nor of too remote an antiquity.” - -L. I should be glad to have them. - -S. You are aware that it is now somewhat less than four hundred years -since this city has been governed without kings. - -L. That is true; rather less. - -S. What then are four hundred years, for the age of a city or state; is -it such a long period? - -L. It can hardly be called an adult age. - -S. Then there was a king in Rome four hundred years ago? - -L. And a very superb one. - -S. Who before him? - -L. A most just one; and from that period up to Romulus, who reigned six -hundred years from the present time. - -S. Then he is not so very remote. - -L. Not at all. The institutions of Greece were already on the wane. - -S. I submit to you now, whether Romulus was the king of a barbarous -people? - -L. If as the Greeks say, all men were either Greeks or Barbarians; then -I am afraid he must be esteemed a king of a barbarous people. But if -that epithet is appropriate to a difference of manners, rather than to -languages, I think the Greeks not less barbarians than the Romans.” “In -relation to the matter of which we speak,” said Scipio, “it is -intelligence we are looking for, rather than men. If a discreet people -therefore, not of a very ancient period, have preferred the government -of kings, I am availing myself of testimony which cannot be deemed -savage, uncivilized, or of a barbarous antiquity.” - -XXXVIII. “I perceive Scipio,” said Lælius, “that you are sufficiently -provided with testimony. But with me, as with good judges, sound -argument prevails more than witnesses.” “Make use of an argument then,” -replied Scipio, “which your knowledge of yourself can suggest to you.” -“What knowledge,” said he. - -S. Why as when by chance it happens to you to be angry with some one. - -L. That occurs oftener than I could wish. - -S. What! when you are in anger, do you suffer your mind to fall under -the domination of that passion? - -L. No, so help me Hercules. I rather imitate Archytas, the Tarentine; -who on arriving at his country house, and being greatly offended at -perceiving his orders had been disobeyed, “You are a miserable wretch,” -said he to his farmer, “and I would have you flogged to death if I were -not angry.” “Excellent,” said Scipio. “Archytas wished to calm his anger -by reflection, considering that degree of it which was not under the -control of reason, to be leading on to a sort of sedition of the mind. -To it add avarice, ambition, the passion for glory, and for sensual -pleasures; and it will appear that there exists in the minds of men, a -sort of regal controlling power, to wit, reflection. For that is the -best part of the mind, and where its authority prevails, there is no -room for sensuality, for anger, or for rashness. - -L. So it is. - -S. Do you approve therefore of a mind so disposed? - -L. There is nothing I admire more. - -S. Then you really do not think, reflection being driven away; that -voluptuousness or the angry passions, which are without end, should have -the mastery in all things. - -L. Indeed I can conceive of nothing more wretched, than such a state of -mind; nor of a man more debased than when under such government. - -S. You prefer then all parts of the mind, to be under some government, -the government of reflection? - -L. I certainly prefer it. - -S. Why therefore do you hesitate in your opinion about public affairs; -where if the administration is transferred to many, there will be no -one, as I now understand it, to take the command. And it seems that if -authority is not one thing, it is nothing at all. - -XXXIX. “I would ask,” said Lælius, “of what consequence it is to us, -whether one or many, if justice is dispensed by the latter.” “Since I -find Lælius,” said Scipio, “that my witnesses have made no great -impression on you, I shall not desist from making use of yourself as a -witness to prove what I say.” “Me,” said he, “in what way?” - -S. Why adverting to the directions you so earnestly gave to your family, -when we were lately at Formianum; to obey only the orders of one person. - -L. Oh! my farmer! - -S. Well, at home, I suppose, several are entrusted with the management -of your affairs? - -L. No, only one. - -S. What, your whole establishment! does no one but yourself manage it? - -L. Just so. - -S. Do not you therefore accede to the same conclusion in public affairs: -that the government of a single person, if it is a just one, is the -best? - -L. I am brought to the conclusion, and must almost assent to it. - -XL. You will be more inclined to that opinion, said Scipio, when -omitting the analogies of one pilot, one physician, who if they are any -way skilled in their arts, ought one to have the control of the ship; -the other of the patient, in preference to many; I come to the -consideration of greater matters. - -L. What are they? - -S. Are you not aware that the name of king became odious to this people, -on account of the oppression and pride of one man, Tarquin? - -L. Yes, I am aware. - -S. Then you are aware of what haply in the course of this discussion, I -may find occasion to speak. Tarquin being driven out, the people exulted -with a marvellous sort of insolence of freedom. At one time driving -innocent people into exile; at another, confiscating the property of -many. Next came annual consuls. Then the fasces prostrated before the -people—appeals in all cases. Then the mutiny of the plebeians—then a -complete revolution in every thing, placing all things in the power of -the people. - -L. It is as you say. “It is true,” said Scipio—“in peace and -tranquillity, some license may be permitted when there is nothing to -fear, as at sea sometimes, or in a slight fever: but like him who is at -sea, when suddenly the ocean puts on its terrors, or the sick man, when -his complaint oppresses him, and the assistance of one is implored: so -our people in time of peace, interfere in internal affairs, threaten the -magistrates, refuse submission to them, denounce them and provoke them; -yet in war obey them as they would a king, preferring their safety to -the indulgence of their passions. Also in our more important wars, our -countrymen have constantly preferred the command to be in the hands of -one, without any colleague; the extent of whose power is indicated by -his name. For a dictator is so called on account of every thing being -dictated by him. But in our books, Lælius, you see also that he is -called master of the people.” - -L. It is so. “Wisely therefore did those ancients,” said Scipio * * * * - - [Two pages wanting.] - -XLI. * * * When a people is deprived of a just king, as Ennius says, -after the death of one of the best of kings, - - “Long were their bosoms moved with deep regret; - Oft they together call upon his manes. - Oh, godlike Romulus! the bounteous gods - What a protector did they give in thee? - Oh father, parent, blood derived from heaven!” - -Those whom the laws enjoined them to obey, they did not call lords or -masters; finally, not even kings, but guardians of the country, fathers -and gods. Nor without cause, for what is added, - - “Thou broughtest us into the realms of light!” - -They thought that life, honour, and every comfort was given to them by -the justice of a king. And the same inclinations would have remained -with their posterity, if the character of their kings had not changed. -But you perceive that kind of government was ruined by the injustice of -one man. - -L. I do perceive it, and I am desirous of knowing the course of these -changes, not only in our own country, but in all governments. - -XLII. “It will be for you,” said Scipio, “when I shall have given my -opinion of that kind of government which I prefer, to give a more -accurate account of the mutations in governments; although I do not -think them much to be apprehended in the form I am inclined to. But a -regal form of government is particularly and most certainly exposed to -change. When a king begins to be unjust, that form of government -perishes at once. The tyrant is, at the same time, the worst of all -conditions of government, and the nearest to the best. Whom, if the -better class have overturned, which for the most part happens, the -commonwealth possesses that second class of the three. And this is a -sort of royalty; a paternal government of the principal people, for the -benefit of the rest. But if the people cast out or slay the tyrant; -rejoicing in their own deed, they are more moderate, as long as they -know and feel the value of being so, in their endeavour to protect the -commonwealth constituted by themselves. But when the populace have bent -their force against a just king, and have stripped him of his kingdom; -or even, as it happens very often, have tasted the blood of the better -class, and have prostrated the whole republic in their madness; think -not that the vexed ocean or the wildest conflagration, can be more -easily kept down, than the unbridled insolence of the multitude. - -XLIII. Then is produced what in Plato is so clearly described, if I can -in any manner express it in Latin, a thing difficult to be done, but I -will endeavour. “It is then,” he says, “when the insatiable throats of -the people, parched with the thirst of liberty, and led on by rash -demagogues, have greedily drank, not temperate but too unalloyed -draughts of freedom. Then the magistrates and chiefs, unless they are -too lenient and indulgent, permitting them every excess of liberty; are -pursued, impeached, insulted, and called oppressors, kings, and -tyrants.” I think this part of his works is known to you. - -L. I am well acquainted with it. - -S. Then follows, “Those who pay obedience to the magistrates, are -tormented by the people, are called voluntary slaves. But those -magistrates who affect to be on an equality with the lowest; and other -individuals who strive to abolish all distinction between citizens and -magistrates, are exalted with praises, and overwhelmed with honours. And -in this condition of things, it follows, of course, that there is an -unrestrained license in a government of this kind; so that every private -family is without any government: and this evil extends even to the -beasts. At length the father fears the son—the son disregards the -father: every sort of decency is extinguished, that an open license may -prevail. Nothing distinguishes the citizen from the stranger. The master -pays court to his scholars, that he may be flattered by them. Teachers -are despised by their disciples. Young persons take upon themselves the -authority of aged ones, who abase themselves to mingle in their games, -lest they become odious and burdensome to them. At last slaves give -themselves all sorts of liberties. Wives assume the privileges of their -husbands. Nay the dogs, the horses, the asses at length are so infected -with liberty, and run kicking about so, that it is absolutely necessary -to get out of their way. Wherefore from this infinite license these -things result, that the minds of the citizens become so scornful and -impatient, that if the least power of government is exercised, they -become exasperated and will not endure it; whence they come to despise -every kind of law, that they may be without the least restraint -whatever.” - -XLIV. “You have,” said Lælius, “precisely expressed Plato’s sentiments.” - -S. Returning therefore to the subject of my discourse. “It is from this -very license,” he says, “which they deem to be liberty itself, that a -tyrant springs up as a sapling from a root. For as the destruction of -the better class arises from their overweening power, so this excess of -liberty, effects the slavery of this free people. Thus all extremes of -an agreeable nature, whether in the seasons, or in the fertility of the -fields, or in our natural feelings, are often converted into their -opposites. Especially it occurs in public affairs, where excess of -liberty degenerates into public and individual slavery. Out of such -licentious freedom a tyrant arises, and the most unjust and severe -bondage. For by a people so untameable, or rather so outrageous, some -leader is chosen out of the multitude, in opposition to the better -class, now persecuted and driven from their offices: bold and dishonest, -perversely persecuting those who have frequently deserved well of their -country, and gratifying the people from his own means and from those of -others. To whom, that he may be freed from all apprehensions on account -of his private condition, authority is given and continued to him. -Surrounded too by guards, as was the case with Pisistratus at Athens, at -length he becomes the tyrant of the very citizens who brought him -forward. Who, if he is subdued by the good, as often happens, the state -is regenerated. If by the bad, then a faction is established, another -kind of tyranny. The same state of things too frequently occurs in that -goodly form of government of the better class, when the vices of the -chiefs have caused them to deviate from their integrity. Thus do they -snatch the government of the commonwealth from each other like a -ball—tyrants from kings—chiefs or the people from tyrants; and factions -or tyrants from them, nor does the same mode of government ever last a -long time. - -XLV. These things being so, the regal form of government is in my -opinion much to be preferred of those three kinds. Nevertheless one -which shall be well tempered and balanced out of all those three kinds -of government, is better than that; yet there should be always something -royal and pre-eminent in a government, at the same time that some power -should be placed in the hands of the better class, and other things -reserved for the judgment and will of the multitude. Now we are struck -first with the great equability of such a constitution, without which a -people cannot be free long; next with its stability. The three other -kinds of government easily fall into the contrary extremes: as a master -grows out of a king; factions from the better class; and mobs and -confusion from the people. The changes too are perpetual which are -taking place. This cannot well happen in such a combined and moderately -balanced government, unless by the great vices of the chief persons. For -there is no cause for change, where every one is firmly placed in his -proper station, and never gives way, whatever may fall down or be -displaced. - -XLVI. But I am afraid, Lælius, and you too my very discreet and -respected friends, if I continue long in this strain, my discourse will -appear more like that of a master or teacher to you, than as a -conversation with you. Wherefore I will speak of matters known to us -all, and which we have all inquired into long ago. For I am convinced, -and believe, and declare, that no kind of government, either in the -constitution, the planning, or the practice, is to be compared with that -which our fathers have left to us, and which was adopted by our -ancestors. Which if you please, since you have been desirous that I -should repeat things known to yourselves, I will shew not only what it -is, but that it is the best. And with our own government in view, I will -if I can, have a reference to it, in whatever I may say respecting the -best form of government. The which if I can follow up and effect, I -shall, as I think, amply fulfil the task which Lælius has imposed on me. - -XLVII. “It is your task indeed, Scipio,” said Lælius, “most truly yours. -For who in preference to yourself may speak of the institutions of our -forefathers; you being sprung from such illustrious ancestors; or of the -best form of government. The which if we now possess it, would hardly be -so, if any one stood in a more conspicuous situation than yourself. Or -who may venture to advise measures for posterity, when thou, having -delivered the city from its greatest terrors, hast foreseen for the -latest times?” - - - - - CICERO’S REPUBLIC. - - -[Illustration] - - - - - BOOK II. - - -I. Perceiving them all now eager to listen to him, Scipio thus began to -speak. “It was old Cato, to whom as you know I was singularly attached, -and whom I admired in the highest degree: to whom, either through the -advice of both my parents, or from my own prepossession, I devoted -myself entirely from my youth; whose conversation never could satiate -me. Such was the experience of the man in public affairs, which he had -for a long time successfully conducted in peace and war. His manner of -speaking too, a facetiousness mixed with gravity: his constant desire -also to improve himself and others; indeed his whole life in harmony -with his maxims. He was wont to say, that the condition of our country -was pre-eminent above all others for this cause. That among other -people, individuals generally had respectively constituted the -government by their laws and by their institutes, as Minos in Crete, -Lycurgus in Lacedemon. At Athens, where the changes were frequent, at -first Theseus, then Draco, then Solon, then Clisthenes; afterwards many -others. Finally exhausted and prostrated, it had been upheld by that -learned man Demetrius, of Phalera. But that the constitution of our -republic was not the work of one, but of many; and had not been -established in the life of one man, but during several generations and -ages. For he said so powerful a mind had never existed; from which -nothing had escaped; nor that all minds collected into one, could -foresee so much at one time, as to comprehend all things without the aid -of practice and time. For which reason, as he was wont, so shall my -discourse now repeat the origin of the people; for I have a pleasure in -using the very words of Cato. But I shall more easily follow up my -proposition in describing our own republic to you, in its infancy, its -growth, in its adult, and its present firm and robust state; than if I -were to create an imaginary one, as Socrates is made to do in Plato. - -II. When all had approved of this, he proceeded. “What beginning, -therefore, have we of the establishment of a republic so illustrious and -so known to you all, as the origin of the building of this city by -Romulus, born of his father Mars? For let us concede to the common -opinion of men, especially as it is not only well established, but also -wisely recorded by our ancestors, that those who have deserved well of -us on account of our common interest, be deemed not only to have -possessed a divine genius, but also a divine origin. He therefore after -his birth, with Remus his brother, is said to have been ordered to be -exposed on the Tiber, by the Alban king, Amulius, apprehensive lest his -kingdom should be shaken. In which place, having been sustained by the -teats of a wild beast, the shepherds took him, and brought him up in the -labour and cultivation of the fields. It is said, that when he had grown -up, he was distinguished above the rest by his corporeal strength, and -the daringness of his mind. So that all who then inhabited the fields, -where at this day stands the city, obeyed him willingly and without -dissent. And being constituted their leader, that we may now come from -fables to facts, with a strong force he took Alba-longa, a powerful and -well constructed city in those times, and put the king Amulius to death. - -III. Having acquired which glory, he is said first to have auspiciously -thought of building a city, and of establishing a government. In regard -to the situation of the city, a circumstance which is most carefully to -be considered by him, who endeavours to establish a permanent -government; he chose it with incredible skill. For neither did he remove -to the sea, although it was a very easy thing for him with his forces, -to march through the territory of the Rutulians and Aborigines; neither -would he build a city at the mouth of the Tiber, to which place the king -Ancus led a colony many years after. For he perceived, with an admirable -foresight, that maritime situations were not proper for those cities -which were founded in the hope of continuance, or with a view to empire. -First, because maritime towns were not only exposed to many dangers, but -to unseen ones. For the ground over which an expected enemy moves, as -well as an unexpected one, announces his approach beforehand by many -indications: by sound itself of a peculiarly tumultuous kind. No enemy -can make a march, however forced, without our not only knowing him to be -there, but even who he is, and whence he comes. But a maritime enemy and -a naval force may be before you, ere any one can suspect him to be come. -Nor even when he does come, does he carry before him any indication of -who he is, or from whence he comes, or even what he wants. Finally by no -kind of sign can it be discerned or determined whether he is a friend or -an enemy. - -IV. In maritime cities, too, a sort of debasing and changeable manners -prevail. New languages and new customs are mingled together, and not -only productions but manners are imported from abroad; so that nothing -remains entire of the pristine institutions. Even they who inhabit those -cities are not faithful to their homes, but with capricious inclinations -and longings are carried far from them; and although their persons -remain, their minds are rambling and wandering abroad. Nor did Carthage -or Corinth, long before shaken, owe their ruin to any thing more than to -the unsettled scattering of the citizens, who abandoned the study of -agriculture and arms through their cupidity of gain and love of roaming. -Many pernicious excitements too to luxury, are brought over the sea to -cities by commercial importation or by conquest. Even the very amenity -of the situation suggests many costly and enervating allurements. What I -have said of Corinth, I know not if I may as truly say of all Greece; -for almost all Peloponnessus lies on the sea, and except the -Phliuntians, there are none whose lands do not extend to the coast. -Beyond Peloponnessus, the Enianes, the Dorians, and the Dolopians are -the only people in the interior. What shall I say of the islands of -Greece? which surrounded with billows, float about as it were with the -institutions and manners of their cities. These things as I said before, -relate to ancient Greece; but of the colonies brought by the Greeks into -Asia, Thrace, Italy, Sicily, and Africa, except Magnesia alone, which of -them is not washed by the ocean? Thus a part of the Grecian shores -seemed to be joined to the lands of the barbarians. For among the -barbarians themselves, none were a maritime people, except the Etruscans -and the Carthagenians; the one for the sake of commerce, the other for -the sake of piracy. A most obvious cause of the evils and revolutions of -Greece, arising from the vices of these maritime cities, which awhile -ago I slightly touched upon. Nevertheless among these evils there is a -great convenience. The products of every distant nation can be wafted to -the city you inhabit; and in return the productions of your own lands -can be sent or carried into whatever countries you choose. - -V. Who then more inspiredly than Romulus could secure all the maritime -conveniences, and avoid all the defects? placing the city on the banks -of a perennial river, broadly flowing with an equal course to the sea. -By which the city might receive what it wanted from the ocean, and -return whatever was superfluous. Receiving by the same channel all -things essential to the wants and the refinements of life, not only from -the sea, but likewise from the interior. So that it appears to me, he -had foreseen this city, at some period, would be the seat and capital of -a mighty empire: for a city placed in any other part of Italy would not -easily have been able to acquire such a powerful influence. - -VI. As to the native defences of the city, who is so unobservant as not -to have them marked and fixed in his mind? Such is the alignment and -direction of the wall, which by the wisdom of Romulus, as well of -succeeding kings, was bounded on every part by lofty and craggy hills: -so that the only entrance, which was between the Esquiline and the -Quirinal hills, was defended by a huge mound, and a very wide ditch. The -citadel, surrounded by this craggy and seemingly hewn rock, had such a -gallant position, that in that furious invasion of the terrible Gauls, -it remained safe and intact. He choose also a place abounding in -springs, and salubrious even in a pestilent region. For there are hills -which while they enjoy the breezes, at the same time throw a cool shade -upon the vallies. - -VII. These things were done too with great celerity. For he not only -founded a city, which he ordered to be called Rome, from his own name; -but to establish it, and strengthen the power of the people and his -kingdom, he adopted a strange and somewhat clownish plan, but worthy of -a great man, whose providence extended far into futurity. When the -Sabine virgins, descended from respectable families, were come to Rome -to see the games, whose first anniversary he had then ordered to be -celebrated in the circus, he ordered them to be seized during the -sports, and gave them in marriage to the most honourable families. For -which cause, when the Sabines had made war upon the Romans, and when the -success of the battle was various and doubtful, he struck a league with -Tatius, king of the Sabines, at the entreaty of the very matrons who had -been seized: in consequence of which he admitted the Sabines into the -city: and mutually having embraced each others sacred rites, he -associated their king with him in the government. - -VIII. After the death however of Tatius, all the power came back into -his hands: although he had admitted some chiefs into the royal council -with Tatius, who were called fathers, on account of the affection borne -to them. He also divided the people into three tribes, named after -himself, after Tatius, and after Lucumon, a companion of Romulus, who -had been slain in the Sabine war: and into thirty curia, which curia he -called by the names of those from among the Sabine virgins seized, at -whose entreaties the peace and league had been formed. But although -these things were done before the death of Tatius, yet after that event, -his government became much better established, aided by the authority -and counsel of the fathers. - -IX. In the which he saw and judged as Lycurgus at Sparta had done, a -little while before him: that states were better governed by individual -command and royal power, if the authority of some of the better class -were added to the energy of that kind of government. Thus sustained, and -as it were propped up by the senatorial authority, he carried on many -wars very successfully with his neighbours; and appropriating to himself -no part of the spoil, he never ceased to enrich the citizens. At that -time Romulus paid in most things attention to auspices, a custom we -still retain, and greatly advantageous to the republic. For he built the -city under the observance of auspices at the very beginning of the -republic; and in the establishment of all public affairs, he chose an -augur from each of the tribes to assist him in the auspices. He also had -the common people assigned as clients to the principal men, the utility -of which measure I will afterwards consider. Fines were paid in sheep -and cattle: for then all property consisted in flocks, and in -possessions of lands, whence the terms pecuniary[12] and landholders[13] -were derived. He did not attempt to govern by severity or the infliction -of punishments. - -X. When Romulus had reigned thirty-seven years, and had established -those two excellent foundations of the state, the auspices and the -senate, he obtained this great meed: for when he had disappeared upon a -sudden obscuration of the sun, he was deemed to have been placed among -the number of the gods. A belief which no mortal had ever inspired -without the greatest pre-eminence in virtue. And this is most to be -admired in Romulus, that others who are said to have been deified out of -the mortal state, lived in the less civilized ages of man, when the -proneness to fiction was great, and the unenlightened were easily led to -believe in it. But during the period of Romulus, not quite six hundred -years ago, we know that learning and literature existed, and that the -ancient errors peculiar to the uncultivated ages of mankind were -removed. For if Rome, according to an investigation of the annals of the -Greeks, was built in the second year of the seventh olympiad; the reign -of Romulus occurred at that period when Greece was full of poets and -musicians; and when but little faith would be given to fabulous stories, -unless they were concerning very ancient things. For one hundred and -eight years after Lycurgus ordained laws to be written, the first -olympiad was established: which through a mistake in the name, some have -thought to be founded by Lycurgus. Homer, however, by those who take the -lowest period, is made to precede Lycurgus about thirty years. From -which it may be gathered that Homer flourished many years before -Romulus. So that there was scarce room in so intelligent an age, and -amid so many learned men, for any one to establish fictions. Antiquity -sometimes has received fables crudely devised, but that age already -refined, and especially deriding improbable events, has rejected * * * - - [About 230 letters wanting.] - -* * * * Simonides was born in the fifty-sixth olympiad, by which the -credit given to the immortality of Romulus may be more easily -understood, seeing that the institutions of society were then so well -established, organized, and known. But really so great was the force of -his genius and virtue, that what men would have given no credit to for -many ages in favour of any other man, was believed of Romulus upon the -evidence of Proculus Julius, a countryman, who at the instigation of the -fathers, in order to repel from themselves every suspicion of the death -of Romulus, is said to have declared in the assembly, that he had seen -Romulus on that mount which is now called Quirinal; and that he had -commanded him to request the people to erect a temple for him upon that -hill; that he was a god, and was called Quirinus. - -XI. “Do not you perceive therefore a new people not only sprung from the -wisdom of one man, and not left crying in leading strings, but already -grown up, and almost an adult?” “Indeed we perceive it,” said Lælius, -“and that you have entered upon a new method of discussion, which is no -where to be found in the writings of the Greeks. For that pre-eminent -person,[14] whom no one has excelled in writing, has imagined to himself -a situation, in which he might construct his city after his own -pleasure: admirable enough perhaps, but foreign to the conduct and the -manners of men. Others have discussed the subject in relation to the -kinds and causes of governments, but not under any particular example of -a form of government. You seem to me to be about to do both, for -according to your method, you appear to prefer to attribute to others -what you yourself have observed, than to imagine a state of things, as -Socrates is made to do in Plato. And these matters respecting the -foundation of the city, you suppose to be part of a system, which were -only adopted by Romulus through necessity or chance. And your discourse -is not of a desultory kind, but concerning a particular commonwealth. -Wherefore proceed as you have begun, for already I perceive you are -about to follow on with the other kings, as perfecting the government.” - -XII. “Wherefore,” said Scipio, “when the senate, which Romulus had -instituted out of the better class, and which had been so much favoured -by the king, as to cause them to be called fathers, and their children -patricians; endeavoured after the death of Romulus, to carry on the -government itself without any king; the people would not endure it, and -in their regret for Romulus did not cease to demand a king. Upon which -the leading men prudently imagined a mode of interregnum, new and -unknown to other nations. So that until a regular king was proclaimed, -neither the city should be without a king, nor with one too long a -period. Fearing lest from too long an enjoyment of the government, the -interrex should be reluctant to lay it down, or strong enough to -maintain himself in it. Even in these times, this new people perceived -what had escaped the Lacedemonian Lycurgus; who esteemed it best not to -choose a king, if this were indeed in the power of Lycurgus to do, but -rather to be governed by any one whatever descended from the race of -Hercules. But our ancestors, rude as they appear to have been, thought -it behoved them rather to look to royal wisdom and virtue, than to -descent. - -XIII. When the great fame of Numa Pompilius had reached them, the -people, leaving aside their own citizens, called in by the authority of -the fathers, a king not born among them, and sent to the Curians for a -Sabine to reign over Rome. When he arrived, although the people had -decided that he should be king in the conventions of the curia, -nevertheless he himself had a law passed in the curia concerning his own -power; and as he saw the Romans through the institutions of Romulus were -eager after warlike pursuits, he deemed it proper to wean them somewhat -from that propensity. - -XIV. And first, the lands which Romulus had acquired in war, he divided -equally among the citizens; and pointed out to them, that without -depopulating and pillaging, they might possess all the necessaries of -life, by the cultivation of their lands. He inspired them also with the -love of peace and repose, under which justice and good faith most kindly -flourish; and under the protection of which, the cultivation of the -fields, and the gathering of the harvest are most secure. The same -Pompilius having established auspices of a superior kind, added two -augurs to the ancient number, and placed five priests over sacred things -from the class of the chief men. And having established those laws which -we possess in our monuments, he softened, by the ceremonies of religion, -minds which were inflamed by the habit and inclination of making war. He -added also Flamens, Salii, and Vestal Virgins; and established with -great solemnity all the branches of religion: ordaining many ceremonies -to be learnt and observed, but without any expense. Thus he increased -the duty of religious observances and diminished the cost of them. In -like manner he established markets, games, and all the stated occasions -of assembling the people together. Under which institutions, he recalled -the minds of men become fierce and wild in warlike pursuits, to humanity -and gentleness. When he had reigned thirty-nine years in the most -perfect peace and concord, (in this we follow principally our friend -Polybius, than whom no one was more accurate in ascertaining periods,) -he departed from life; having strengthened every thing for the endurance -of the government, by those two conspicuous virtues, religion and -clemency. - -XV. When Scipio had spoken these words. “Is it true, Africanus,” said -Manilius, “what tradition has brought down to us, that this king Numa -was a disciple of Pythagoras, or is it certain he was a Pythagorean? For -often we have heard this, as having been declared by old people, and -understand it also to be the common opinion; yet we do not see it -sufficiently proved by the authority of the public annals.” “It is -false,” replied Scipio, “entirely so Manilius! Not false alone, but -ignorantly and absurdly false; for the mendacity of those assertions is -not to be endured, which we not only see are not true, but which could -never have been so. It was in the fourth year of the reign of Lucius -Tarquinius Superbus, that Pythagoras is ascertained to have come to -Sybaris and Crotona, and those parts of Italy. For the sixty-second -Olympiad announces that very arrival of Pythagoras, and the beginning of -the reign of Superbus. From which it may be understood by a calculation -of the reigns, that Pythagoras touched first at Italy about a hundred -and forty years after the death of Numa. Nor has this fact, by those who -have very diligently investigated the annals of the times, ever been -thrown into any doubt.” “Immortal gods,” said Manilius, “how inveterate -and great is the error of men! Nevertheless, I can be very well pleased -in the belief, that our intelligence has not been derived from abroad, -and through foreign arts, but from natural and domestic virtues.” - -XVI. “You will distinguish that more clearly,” said Africanus, “when you -perceive how the commonwealth advances and comes to the greatest -perfection by a straight forward and natural course. For in this also -the wisdom of our ancestors is to be praised; that many things derived -from abroad, have been rendered much more perfect by us, than they were -from whence they were brought, and where they first had existence. You -will see also that the greatness of the Roman people has not been -confirmed by chance, but by wisdom and discipline. Fortune indeed being -propitious to us. - -XVII. King Pompilius being dead, the people upon the proposition of an -interrex, created Tullus Hostilius king, in the conventions of the -curia; and he, after the example of Pompilius, consulted the people in -the curia, concerning his power. His military glory was great, and -important warlike affairs took place. He constructed edifices for the -senate and the curia, and surrounded them with military trophies. He -established a law also for the declaration of war, which most justly -decreed by him, he made more sacred by the solemnity of Heralds: so that -every war which was not proclaimed and declared, was deemed to be -impious and unjust. And observe how wisely our kings saw that some sort -of deference must be paid to the people. I might say many things on that -head. Tullus indeed did not venture to appear with royal insignia unless -at the command of the people. For in order that it might be lawful for -him to be preceded by twelve lictors with their fasces * * - - [Two pages wanting.] - -XVIII. * * * * * “The government which your discourse is establishing, -does not creep, but rather flies towards perfection.” S. “After him, -Ancus Martius, grandson to Numa Pompilius by his daughter, was made king -by the people, who had his elevation sanctioned by a law of the curia. -Who having conquered the Latins in a war, incorporated them into the -state. He also added the Aventine and Cælian Mounts to the city. The -lands too which he had conquered he distributed, and made a public -domain of all the forests he had taken on the sea coast. He built a city -at the mouth of the Tiber, and planted a colony there. When he had thus -reigned twenty-three years, he died. “This king also is to be praised,” -said Lælius, “but the Roman history is obscure: for although we know who -was the mother of this king, we do not know who was his father.” S. “So -it is” said he, “but generally the names of the kings only of those -times are conspicuous.” - -XIX. “But it is here that we first perceive the city to have become more -intelligent by extrinsic information. For not a gentle stream flowed -from Greece into this city, but an abundant flood of arts and knowledge. -It is stated that one Demaratus, a Corinthian, a principal man, and of -much honour and authority in his own city, and of an easy fortune, not -being able to endure Cypselus, the tyrant of the Corinthians, fled with -a great deal of money, and betook himself to a flourishing city of -Etruria, among the Tarquinians. When he had heard that the domination of -Cypselus was confirmed, being an independent and powerful man, he -renounced his country, and was received a citizen by the Tarquinians: -and in that city he fixed his home and establishment. Where when he had -begotten two sons from one of the Tarquinian matrons, he instructed them -in all the arts after the manner of the Greeks * * * * - - [Two pages wanting.] - -XX. * * * * * He was well received in the city, and became intimate with -king Ancus on account of his learning and liberal knowledge. So much so -that he shared all his counsels, and might be deemed even a partner in -his kingdom. For there was a great affability in him, and an extreme -readiness in aiding, protecting, and doing liberal acts to every -citizen. Martius therefore being dead, L. Tarquinius was created king by -the united suffrages of the people; for thus he had changed his name -from his Grecian one, that in every thing he might be seen to imitate -the manners of the people. Having caused his accession to be confirmed -by a law, he doubled the pristine number of the fathers; calling those -whose opinions he first asked, ancient fathers of the greater families; -and those whom he had admitted, he called the lesser families. Then he -established the knights; after the manner that has obtained unto our -day. He could not change the names of the Titienses, of the -Rhamnensians, or the Luceres, when he wished to do so; because Attus -Nævius being then Augur in great reputation, would not consent to it. We -see the Corinthians chose formerly to assign cavalry for the public -service, and to have their expenses defrayed by taxes on orphans and -widows. But to the old troops of horse he added others, and made twelve -hundred knights. He doubled this number after he had subdued the Equi in -war, a powerful and ferocious race, which threatened the affairs of the -Roman people. And when he had driven the Sabines from the walls of the -city, he scattered them with his horse and conquered them. It is he whom -we understand to have instituted the great games, which we call Roman, -and to have made a vow during the Sabine war, while in battle, that he -would raise a temple on the capitol to the great and good Jupiter. He -died when he had reigned thirty-eight years. - -XXI. “Now,” said Lælius, “is that saying of Cato very certain, that the -constitution of the state is not the work of one moment or one man: for -it is evident how great an accession of good and useful institutions -occurred under each reign. But he comes next, who appears to me to have -looked farther than them all into the nature of government.” “So it is,” -said Scipio, “for after him Servius Sulpicius is stated first to have -reigned without the command of the people. He is said to have been born -of a Tarquinian slave: she having conceived him by some client of the -king. Brought up among the number of the servants, when he attended at -the royal table, he did not suppress those sparks of genius, which even -then shone forth in the boy: so shrewd was he in every thing, whether in -business or conversation. Wherefore Tarquin, who at that time had only -young children, became so attached to Servius, that he was generally -thought to be his son; and with great pains instructed him in all those -arts, which he himself had been taught, after the very superior manner -of the Greeks. But when Tarquin had perished by the plots of the sons of -Ancus, Servius, as I before said, began to reign, not by the command, -but by the assent and sufferance of the people. For when Tarquin was -falsely said to be alive, and sick from the effects of his wound; he -declared the law in royal pomp, and discharged debtors with his own -money. Conducting himself with much courtesy, he declared that he -pronounced the law at the command of Tarquin. He did not commit himself -to the fathers, but Tarquin being buried, he conferred with the people -about himself, and being authorised to reign, he had his accession -confirmed by a law of the curia. And first he avenged himself by war, -for injuries received from the Etruscans, * * * * * * - - [Two pages wanting.] - -XXII. * * he inscribed eighteen centuries of horse in the great -register. Afterwards having set apart a great number of equestrians -from the mass of the whole people, he distributed the rest of the -citizens into five classes, and divided the old from the young: and -classed them in such a manner, that the suffrages were not in the -power of the multitude, but of the landed proprietors. He was careful -of what ought always to be observed in government; that numbers alone -should not have the ascendency. Which classification if it were -unknown to you, should be explained by me. You will perceive the plan -was such, that the centuries of horse with six suffrages, (a century -being added from the carpenters on account of their great utility to -the city,) and the first class, make eighty-nine centuries: to which -from the one hundred and four centuries, for so many remain; if only -eight are added, the whole power of the people is obtained: and the -much greater multitude comprehended in the ninety-six centuries -remaining, is neither excluded from voting, lest it should seem -disdainful; nor is it made too effective, lest it should be dangerous. -In the which matter he was very circumspect even as to terms and -names. Those from among the wealthy he called “assiduos”[15] from -paying their taxes in money. Those who possessed no more than one -thousand five hundred pieces of brass, or those who were polled in the -register without any possessions whatever, he called proletaries; as -if progeny only; that is, as if nothing but population might be -expected from them. But of those ninety six centuries, more were -enumerated in one century, than almost in the whole first class. Thus -the right of suffrage was not prohibited to any one by law, and that -class had a greater weight of suffrage, which had most at stake in the -preservation of good government. As to public criers, men hired for -parade, clarion players, horn players, and proletaries, * * * * - - [Four pages wanting.] - -XXIII. * * * * * Was[16] sixty-five years more ancient, being built -thirty-nine years before the first olympiad. And the very ancient -Lycurgus had the same thing in view. This equality therefore, and this -triple nature of public affairs appears to me to have been common to us -and to those people. But what is peculiar in our republic, and than -which nothing can be more admirable, I will look very critically into if -I am able; as nothing similar is to be found in any government. For -these things which I have adverted to, were so mingled in this state, -and among the Lacedemonians, and the Carthagenians, that they were not -properly balanced. For in whatever government any one man enjoys -perpetual power, especially royalty, although even a Senate may exist in -it, as was the case at Rome under the kings, and in the laws of Lycurgus -at Sparta; and even granting the people some share in the government, as -was the fact under our kings: still that royal name will stand -pre-eminent, nor can a government of that kind be any thing but a -kingdom, or be called otherwise. But such a form of government is -especially subject to change for this reason; that it easily falls into -the most unprofitable courses, precipitated thereunto by the vices of -one man. For the royal form of government itself, not only is not to be -condemned, but I know not whether it is not greatly to be preferred to -the other simple forms, if I could approve of any simple form of -government. But only as long as it preserves its proper character, which -is that the safety, the equality, and tranquillity of the citizens, are -to be preserved by the justice, the wisdom, and the perpetual power of -one man. Many things however are altogether wanting to a people subject -to a king. Liberty among the first: which is not that we may live under -a just master, but under none at all. * * * - - [Two pages wanting.] - -XXIV. For some time fortune prosperously accompanied this unjust and -cruel master in the administration of affairs. He subdued all Latium in -war, and took Suessa, an opulent and well stored Pometian city. Enriched -with great spoils of gold and silver, he accomplished the vow of his -ancestor in the building of the capitol. He established colonies, and -according to the institutions of those from whom he had derived his -origin, he sent magnificent gifts, as offerings of his spoils, to Apollo -at Delphos. - -XXV. Here the very circle is set in motion, whose natural movement and -revolution you learn to distinguish from the beginning. For the very -head of discretion in civil matters, upon which all our discourse turns, -is to observe the ways and bendings of public affairs; so that when you -perceive what way any thing inclines, you may either keep it back, or -meet it by opposing other things to it. For the king of whom I speak, -having stained himself first with the murder of a good king, no longer -preserved his integrity of mind, and wished to inspire fear himself, -because he dreaded every sort of punishment for his wickedness. -Afterwards borne up with his victories and riches, he exulted with -insolence, and imposed no restraint on his own conduct, or the -licentiousness of his followers. Wherefore when his eldest son had used -violence with Lucretia, the wife of Collatinus, and daughter of -Tricipitinus, and the noble and chaste woman had inflicted death upon -herself on account of that injury; L. Brutus, a man pre-eminent in mind -and courage, released his fellow citizens from that unjust yoke of a -cruel slavery: who, although he was a private citizen, sustained the -whole government, and was the first who taught in this city, that no man -was to be considered insignificant, when the public liberties were to be -preserved. Under which leader and head, the whole city being in -commotion, as well with the recent complaints of the family and kindred -of Lucretia, as with the remembrance of the many wrongs done by the -haughtiness of Tarquin himself, and his sons; the banishment of the -king, his children, and his whole race was pronounced. - -XXVI. Do not you perceive then how a master may spring out of a king, -and how a form of government from being good, may become the very worst, -through the vice of one man. This is that master over the people, whom -the Greeks call tyrant; him only they esteem a king, who consults like a -parent with the people, and preserves those over whom he is placed, in -the most prosperous condition of life. A sort of government very good as -I have said, but bordering upon and inclining to a very pernicious one. -For when this king deviates into unjust rule, at once he becomes a -tyrant, and an animal more hideous, more destructive, and more odious, -in the eyes of gods and men cannot be conceived: surpassing, although in -the human form, the most monstrous wild beasts in cruelty. How can he be -rightly called a man, who observes no fellowship of humanity with his -fellow citizens, no communion of law with the whole race of man? But a -more proper place to speak of this will occur, when circumstances will -suggest to us to speak of those, who have sought to usurp the Government -over free cities. - -XXVII. You have here then the origin of a tyrant, for the Greeks would -have this to be the name of an unjust king. Our ancestors indeed have -called all who have had an exclusive and perpetual dominion over the -people, kings. Thus Spurius Cassius, M. Manilius, and Spurius Mælius, -are said to have wished to establish a kingdom, and even * * * * * * - - [Two pages wanting.] - -XXVIII. Lycurgus gave the name of ancients[17] at Lacedemon, to that too -small number of twenty-eight, to whom he wished the whole authority of -counsel to be confided, while the sole command should be held by the -king. Wherefore our ancestors translating and adopting that term, those -whom he called ancients, they called a senate: as we have already stated -Romulus to have done with the select fathers. Nevertheless, the royal -title, and its strength and power were always pre-eminent. Impart too -something of power to the people, as was done by Lycurgus and Romulus, -and you will not satisfy them with freedom, but you will inflame them -with the passion of liberty, when you have only permitted them to taste -of power. The fear indeed will always hang over them, lest they should -have an unjust king, which generally happens. The fortune therefore of a -people is, as I said before, very uncertain, which is placed in the will -or conduct of one man. - -XXIX. Wherefore this first form, example, and origin of a tyrant, is -found by us in that very government which Romulus instituted with -auspices, and not in that, which Plato says Socrates imagined to himself -in that peripatetic discourse. And as Tarquin subverted the whole fabric -of royalty, not because he grasped a new sort of authority, but because -he made a bad use of it; so let us oppose to him another; a good man, -wise and expert in every thing useful and dignified in civil life: a -tutor and steward as it were of the commonwealth, for so may be called -whoever is the ruler and governor of a state. Imagine to yourselves that -you recognise such a man; one who can protect the state, both by his -counsel and conduct. And since the name of such a man has not been -alluded to in this discourse, and that a character of this kind will be -frequently treated of in what remains to be said * * * * * * - - [Twelve pages wanting.] - -XXX. * * * * * * Plato described a state more to be desired, than to be -hoped for upon the smallest scale. He did not constitute things as they -might exist, but in such a manner as the nature of civil affairs might -be considered. As to myself, if in any way I am able to accomplish it, -with the same principles which he had in view, I will look, not into the -picture and shadow of a state, but into a most powerful republic; that I -may appear to touch, as it were, the true cause of every public good and -evil. After these two hundred and forty years of regal government, and -indeed a little more, including the interregnums, Tarquin being -banished, the royal title was as odious to the Roman people, as it had -been regretted after the death, or rather the disappearance of Romulus, -and as much as they wanted a king then, in like manner, after the -expulsion of Tarquin, they could not endure the name of one. - -XXXI. Under this feeling our ancestors then expelled Collatinus, who was -innocent, through apprehension of his family connexions, and the other -Tarquins from disgust at their names. From the same cause too P. -Valerius ordered the fasces to be lowered when he began to speak before -the people; and had his building materials taken to the foot of the -Velia, as soon as he perceived the suspicions of the people to be raised -on account of his having begun to build in a more conspicuous part of -the Velia, the very place where King Tullus had dwelt. He also, in the -which he greatly deserved the name of Publicola, had that law passed for -the people, which was first carried in the meetings of the centuries, -that no unfriendly magistrate should put to death, or flog any Roman -citizen for appealing. The pontifical books however declare appeals to -have existed under the kings; the augural records show it also. The -twelve tables too in many laws indicate that it was lawful to appeal -from every judgment and punishment. What is brought down to us by -tradition, of the Decemvirs who wrote the laws, being created without -any appeal, sufficiently shows that the other magistrates had not the -power of judging without appeal. The law, too, which for the sake of -concord passed in the consulate of Lucius Valerius Potitus, and M. -Horatius Barbatus, men very justly popular; sanctioned the principle, -that no magistrate should be created without appeal. Nor did the Portian -laws, which are three as you know of the three Portii, contain any thing -new except the confirmation of it. Publicola therefore, upon the law in -favour of appeal being published, immediately ordered the axes to be -taken from off the fasces, and the next day had Sp. Lucretius appointed -to him as his colleague: being his superior in age, he ordered his own -lictors to go to him; and first established the custom that lictors -should precede each of the consuls, alternate months, lest the ensigns -of command among a free people, should be as numerous as in a kingdom. -There was something more than mediocrity in this man, as I consider him: -who having given a moderate liberty to the people, preserved more easily -the authority of the chiefs. Nor do I repeat these things, now so old -and obsolete to you, without cause. I select examples of men and things -drawn from illustrious persons and times, to which the remainder of my -discourse shall be applied. - -XXXII. In such a manner the senate governed the commonwealth in those -days, that though the people were free, still they interfered in but few -things. Public affairs were principally managed under the authority, and -by the rules and customs of the senate. And although the consuls -possessed their power only for a year, it was royal in its nature and -effect. And this was strenuously preserved, as necessary to the -preservation of the influence of the nobles and principal chiefs, that -nothing should be established in the meetings of the people, which was -not sanctioned by the authority of the fathers. In these very times too, -T. Larcius was appointed dictator, about ten years after the first -consuls. A new kind of authority, very much resembling, as we perceive, -the royal power. But all great matters were conducted by the authority -of the principal men, the people submitting to it. And great events took -place in those times in war, under renowned men in the supreme command, -from among those very dictators and consuls. - -XXXIII. But what belongs to the very nature of things, as that a people -emancipated from kings, should take a little more power to themselves; -was brought about not long after, about the sixteenth year, in the -consulate of Postumus Cominus, and Sp. Cassius. Not in the right way -perhaps, but it is of the nature of public affairs frequently to deviate -from what is right. For observe what I said in the beginning, that -unless an equable compensation prevails in a state, in the laws, in -offices, in emoluments; so that the magistrates enjoy their proper -degree of power; the chief men their authority in council, and the -people their liberties, such a state of the government cannot remain -unchanged. For when the city was in commotion on account of the pressure -of their debts, the people first occupied the Sacred Mount, then the -Aventine. Nor could the discipline even of Lycurgus keep the Greeks -within those restraints. In the reign of Theopompus, at Sparta, those -five whom they call Ephori; the ten too in Crete, who are called Cosmoi; -arose against the royal power, as the tribunes of the people did against -the consular authority. - -XXXIV. Perhaps there was a mode by which our ancestors might have -relieved the pressure of the law of debt, which had not escaped Solon, -the Athenian, some short time before, and which our senate adopted not -long after, when on account of the infamous conduct of a creditor, the -citizens were liberated from the general oppression, and voluntary -bondage on account of debt abolished in future.[18] And always at such -periods, when the common people are exhausted by contributions in times -of public calamity, some relief and remedy is to be devised for the -common safety. Which the senate having neglected to do, sufficient cause -was given to the people to create two tribunes during a sedition of the -plebeians, with intent to weaken the power and authority of the senate; -which nevertheless remained a grave and great body, bringing forward in -the service of the state the wisest and bravest men, and strengthening -it by arms and counsel. And their authority was the greater, because far -excelling all others in honour, they were less conspicuous for -voluptuousness, and not much signalized by their wealth. Their high -worth also was the more esteemed in the state, because in private life -they diligently assisted individuals by their advice, and by substantial -services. - -XXXV. In which situation of the republic, the quæstor accused Sp. -Cassius, who enjoyed the highest degree of favour with the people, and -was contriving a usurpation of the government; and as you have heard, -when his own father stated himself to be satisfied of his guilt, the -people assenting to it, he put him to death. It was a grateful thing -also to the people, when Sp. Tarpeius, and A. Aternius, consuls, about -fifty-four years after the first consuls, carried a law in the meetings -of the centuries concerning fines. Twenty years afterwards when L. -Papirius, and P. Pinarius, censors, by pronouncing fines, converted the -strength of the flocks of many private individuals to the public use; a -light valuation of cattle was ordained in the law on fines, during the -consulate of C. Julius and P. Papirius. - -XXXVI. But some years before, when the senate enjoyed the greatest -authority, the people being very patient and obedient, a new plan was -instituted. The consuls and the tribunes of the people abdicated the -magistracy, and ten men were created with the greatest authority, and -without appeal, who were to possess the supreme power, and to inscribe -the laws. Who when they with great equity and prudence, had written ten -tables of laws, appointed ten other decemvirs for the following year, -whose faith and justice are not in like manner praised. From which -college, however, comes that praiseworthy act of C. Julius, who stated -that in his presence a body had been dug out of the chamber of a -patrician, L. Sestius. Although he had supreme power, and as decemvir -was without appeal, he admitted him to bail, refusing to lose sight of -that most excellent law, which forbids sentence to be pronounced on the -head of a Roman citizen, unless in the meetings of the centuries. - -XXXVII. A third decemviral year followed under the same men, they being -unwilling to appoint others. In this condition of the commonwealth, -which I have often already stated not to be lasting, because it is not -equable to all the orders of the state, the chief men had the whole -government in their hands; the most noble decemvirs being always -preferred. No tribunes of plebeians opposed to them, no other -magistrates associated with them, and no appeal left to the people -against death and stripes. Wherefore on account of the injustice of -these men, a great disturbance suddenly arose, and a revolution took -place in the whole commonwealth. They added two tables of iniquitous -laws, in which the very marriages which were even permitted to -strangers, were forbidden by an inhuman law, lest the plebeians should -connect themselves with the fathers; which law was afterwards abrogated -by the plebicist Canuleius. In all things they conducted themselves -libidinously, cruelly, and avariciously towards the people. Upon that -celebrated and well known affair contained in many literary records, in -which one Decimus Virginius on account of the outrage of one of the -decemvirs, slew his virgin daughter with his own hand in the Forum, and -fled lamenting to the army which was then on Mount Algide; the soldiers -abandoned the war they were then engaged in, and as was before done for -a similar cause, first came to the sacred mount, and next to the -Aventine * * * * * - - [Eight pages wanting.] - -XXXVIII. When Scipio had spoken these things, and all by their silence -were expecting the remainder.—“Since my seniors here, Africanus,” said -Tubero, “ask you no questions, hear from me what I still find wanting in -your discourse.” “Most cheerfully,” replied Scipio. “You appear to me,” -said he “to have been pronouncing the eulogium of our republic, when -Lælius was inquiring not respecting ours, but of government in general. -Nor have I learnt from your discourse, by what discipline, or by what -customs or laws, a republic like the one you praise, can be constituted -or preserved.” - -XXXIX. “I think,” said Africanus, “we shall by and by have a more -appropriate occasion, Tubero, of discussing the establishment and -preservation of states. In respect to the best kind of government, I -deem myself to have sufficiently answered the inquiries which Lælius -made. First I pointed out three kinds of government that might be -endured, and to these three their very pernicious opposites: that no one -among them was the best, but that one moderately balanced from all -three, was preferable to either of them. That I have availed myself of -our state for an example, was not with a view to define the best form of -government, for that could be done without an example. But in truth, -that a great state might present the very picture, such as reason and -language might describe it to be. But if without going to the example of -any people, you are desirous of finding that perfect condition of -government, then look at the image which nature presents to us * * * - - [A great number of pages wanting here.] - -XL. S. * * * a character I have been looking for, and have been desirous -of arriving at. - -L. The discreet statesman, perhaps? - -S. The very same. - -L. You have all those present who are so numerous: or you can begin with -yourself. “I wish,” said Scipio, “it was proportionally so in the whole -senate. However, he is a discreet man, who as we have frequently seen in -Africa, seated on a monstrous wild and ferocious animal, governs and -directs him; making him kneel down, not with blows, but with a slight -sign.” - -L. I know, and have often seen it when I was Lieutenant to you. - -S. So the Indian or Carthagenian governs a wild beast, and renders it -docile and gentle with humane conduct. But that intellectual principle -which is hidden in the souls of men, and which is called a part of the -soul, does not bridle or tame one easily subdued, whenever it -accomplishes it, which rarely happens. For that ferocious animal must be -restrained[19] * * * * - - [Either four or eight pages are wanting here.] - -XLII. “Already,” said Lælius, “I see the man I expected, so greatly -endowed, and charged with such duties.” “With this duty only,” replied -Africanus, “for in this one almost all the rest are included. That in -his thoughts and actions he never deviate from himself, so that he may -call upon others to imitate him, and that he may offer himself in the -purity of his mind and his life, as a mirror to his fellow citizens. For -as in stringed instruments or pipes, as well as in singing with voices, -a certain harmony is to be formed with distinct sounds, an interruption -to which cannot be borne by refined ears; this kindred and harmonious -concert being produced by the modification of dissimilar voices. So a -government temperately organized from the upper, the lower and middle -orders blended together, harmonizes like music by the agreement of -dissimilar sounds. And that which in song is called by musicians, -harmony, is concord in a state; the strongest and best bond of safety in -every republic; yet which without justice cannot be preserved.[20] - - [Many pages wanting.] - -XLIV. “I assent entirely to it,” said Scipio, “and declare freely to -you, that we must esteem in nothing all that we have said upon -government, or that may remain farther to be said, unless it be -established, not only that it is false, that injustice is necessary, but -that this is most true; that without the most perfect justice, no -government can prosper in any manner. But if you please, thus far for to -day. The remainder, for many things remain yet to be said, we will defer -until to-morrow.” When this was approved, an end was put to the -discussion for that day. - ------ - -Footnote 12: - - Pecuniosi. - -Footnote 13: - - Locupletes. - -Footnote 14: - - Plato. - -Footnote 15: - - Asses dare. - -Footnote 16: - - Carthage. - -Footnote 17: - - γὲροντας in the MSS. - -Footnote 18: - - This passage appears to deserve a note. The words “nexa” and “nectier” - are used in the original. And at the first glance, the passage, - connecting it with the well known custom of keeping debtors in chains, - as well as the memorable occasion which produced this insurrectionary - movement, would appear to declare, that all kinds of bondage for debt - were abolished in future. In early periods, whoever was unable to pay - his debts, was adjudged by a decree of the prætor, to discharge them - in personal services: for which purpose his person was delivered to - his creditor; whose slave in every sense of the word he thus became, - until the debt was discharged. A debtor thus situated was termed - “addictus” or sentenced. Livy, vi. 36., relates “that those against - whom judgments had been given, (addictos) were led out daily in herds - from the Forum, to the mansions of the patricians, which were filled - with enchained debtors: and that wherever a patrician dwelt, there was - a private prison.” That all debtors were subject to actual bonds, - appears from every indebted person under voluntary judgment, being - called “nexus,” meaning linked or chained; and probably when judgment - was passed, debtors were delivered in that condition to the creditors. - But “nexus” changed its meaning, as the word “bond” has done in our - language, where we bind ourselves only with forms. The urgent - necessity of the plebeians, arising out of the exactions of the - patricians, obliged them to borrow money at usury; and upon such - occasions, for money weighed out to him “per æs et libram,” before - witnesses, the borrower pledged his person and liberty to the lender - as security for the debt. This voluntary act, which was equivalent to - a modern confession of judgment, constituted the debtor a “nexus;” - before the period of payment had expired, at which time only he was - liable to fetters. Upon the occasion of the insurrection mentioned in - the passage; a young man of respectable plebeian family, C. Publilius, - surrendered himself to Papirius, a patrician usurer, in the place of - his father who had failed to redeem himself from his “nexus.” - Rejecting the infamous propositions made to him, Papirius caused him - to be cruelly scourged. This transaction having roused the people, the - senate was obliged to consent to the liberation of all persons who had - become “nexi” by their voluntary act, and to order the practice to be - discontinued in future. - - I have translated the passage in accordance with this view of the - subject. Niebuhr, vol. i. 506. Livy, vi. 36. viii. 28. &c. - -Footnote 19: - - The continuation of this passage is, perhaps, found in Nonius Voc. - Exsultare, “which nourishes itself with blood, and which so delights - in every kind of cruelty, that it scarcely can be satiated with the - sad destruction of human beings.” - -Footnote 20: - - Professor Mai quotes the following passage from St. Augustin, De. Civ. - Dei, as containing a summary of that part of the discussion - interrupted here. “And when Scipio had in a more comprehensive and - diffuse way, shown how advantageous justice was to a state, and how - injurious the absence of it was: Philus, who was one of those present - at the discussion, took it up, and proposed that that subject should - be very carefully investigated, on account of the opinion which was - obtaining, that governments could not be administered without - injustice.” - - - - - CICERO’S REPUBLIC. - - -[Illustration] - - - - - BOOK III. - - - [Four or eight pages wanting.] - -II. * * * * The intelligent principle having found man endowed with the -faculty of uttering rude and imperfect sounds, enabled him to separate -and distinguish them into articulations. Thus words were affixed to -things as signs of them, and man, once solitary, became united to man, -by the sweet bond of conversation. By the same intelligence, the -inflexions of the voice, which we find to be infinite in number, are all -distinguished and expressed, by the invention of a few marks, which -enable us to hold a correspondence with the absent, to indicate our -inclinations, and to preserve a record of things past. To this the -knowledge of numbers was added, a thing not only necessary to life, but -at once immutable and eternal. Which first led us to consider the -heavens, to look upon the motion of the planets with interest, and the -numbering of the nights and days * * * * - - [Eight or ten pages wanting.] - -III. * * * * Whose minds rose to a loftier pitch as I before said, that -they might execute or discover something worthy of the gift they had -received from the gods. Wherefore let those who have treated upon the -moral conduct of life, be deemed by us, great men, as they are; learned -men; masters of truth and virtue. Yet let it be admitted that civil -rights, and the government of a people, whether they are the fruits of -men experienced in the management of public affairs, or, as the fact has -been, the result of their literary leisure, be least despised; causing -as they do to spring up in great minds, as we have often seen, an -incredible and divine virtue. For if any one to those faculties which -the mind has from nature, and to those talents which civil institutions -produce, hath added also the learning, and the more various knowledge of -things, in which men engaged in the discussion of those books are -versed, there is no one who ought not to prefer such a man to all -others. For what can be more excellent, than when the practice and habit -of great affairs is joined to a perfect knowledge of the theory of the -science of them? Or what more perfect can be imagined than P. Scipio, C. -Lælius, and L. Philus; who that they might omit nothing appertaining to -the high character of enlightened men, to the knowledge of our domestic -and ancient customs, united the learning received from Socrates? -Wherefore he who determined and effected both, that is, instructed -himself as well in the institutions, as in the philosophy of the -ancients, I think has accomplished every thing with praise. But if a -choice must be made between those two paths to excellence, and if to any -one, that tranquil way of life passed in the best studies and sciences -may appear happier, still certainly an active, civil life is more -illustrious and more laudable. The greatest men derive their glory from -such a life, as M. Curius * * * * - - “Whom none could overcome with arms or gold.” - - [Six pages wanting.] - -IV. * * * Nevertheless this difference existed in their two different -modes: the one unfolded the principles of nature by their studies and by -their eloquence; the others by their institutions and by their laws. -This commonwealth alone has produced many, if not altogether to be -deemed sages, since that title is so cautiously bestowed, yet worthy of -the greatest praise; for they cultivated the precepts and discoveries of -sages. Wherefore civil governments are to be extolled and ever will be, -since in the nature of things, to constitute a commonwealth which shall -be lasting, is one of the greatest efforts of mind: and thus if we only -enumerate one for every country, what a multitude of excellent men do we -find. For if we permit our minds to take a survey of that famous Greece, -of Italy, Latium, or the Sabine and Volscian people; the Samnites, the -Etrurians; next the Assyrians, the Persians, the Carthagenians. If -these * * * - - [Twelve pages wanting.] - -V. * * * “Truly,” said Philus, “you have imposed a fine task upon me, -wishing me to undertake the justification of what is wrong.” “Surely,” -said Lælius, “you are afraid lest in using the same arguments which are -wont to be brought forward against justice, you may appear to hold such -opinions yourself; you who are almost the only example left of ancient -probity and faith. But your habit of discussing both sides of the -question, in order more easily to get at the truth, is very well known.” -“Well, well,” said Philus, “I will do as you wish, and defile myself -with my eyes open: for since those who search for gold do not refuse to -do it; we who are looking for what is right, a thing much more precious -than gold, assuredly ought not to avoid any thing that is disagreeable. -And I wish, since I am about to make use of another man’s opinions, it -was possible for me to make use of his tongue also. Now, however, L. -Furius Philus, must say what Carneades, a Greek in the habit of saying -whatever he pleased * * * - - [Four pages wanting.] - -VIII. * * * But the other has filled four pretty large books with the -subject of justice. From Chrysippus I have never looked for any thing -very great or magnificent; since he reasons in a particular way of his -own, and examines things rather by the force of words, than the weight -of facts. It was for those distinguished men, to raise up that prostrate -virtue, and elevate it to the divine heights of wisdom. A virtue which -stands alone as it were, greatly munificent and liberal; which loves -every thing better than itself, and is born more for others, than for -its own interests. Nor was the inclination wanting to them: for what -other cause had they for writing, or what motive soever? In genius they -excelled all. But the cause was greater even than their inclination and -strength. The right indeed concerning which we inquire, is something -civil, not natural: if it were, justice and injustice would be the same -things to all men, as hot and cold, bitter and sweet things are. - -IX. Now however, if any one borne upon the chariot with winged serpents, -of which Pacuvius speaks, could survey with his eyes, and look down upon -the many and various nations and cities; he might see chiefly among that -unchanging race of the Egyptians, which preserves in its records the -memory of so many events and ages, an ox esteemed as a god, which the -Egyptians call Apis; and many other strange things among them, among -which wild beasts consecrated into the number of the gods. Then in -Greece, where as with us, magnificent temples are consecrated containing -human images, which the Persians considered impious. For which cause -alone, Xerxes is said to have ordered the temples of the Athenians to be -burnt; considering it to be wicked to shut the gods up within walls, -whose residence was the whole universe. Afterwards Philip who had it in -contemplation, and Alexander who carried it into effect, gave as reasons -for making war against the Persians, that they avenged the temples of -Greece; which the Greeks did not think of repairing, that the -devastation might be an eternal monument to posterity of the infamy of -the Persians. How many, as the Taurians in Axinum, as Busiris the king -of Egypt, as the Gauls, the Carthagenians, have thought it a grateful -and pious duty to the gods, to immolate men. But the institutions of -life differ so much, that the Cretans and Etolians esteem it honourable -to steal: the Lacedemonians used to say that all lands were theirs which -they could reach with a shaft. The Athenians were wont to swear even -publicly, that every soil was theirs, which produced oil and corn. The -Gauls consider it shameful to produce grain by labour, and therefore go -armed to harvest other people’s lands. But we, the most just of men, to -make our own olive and vineyards more valuable, do not permit the -transalpine nations to plant them: in doing which we are said to act -prudently; it is not called acting justly. By which you may understand -there is a wide distance between prudence and equity. Lycurgus, the -founder of the best laws, and the most equal rights, gave the lands of -the wealthy to be cultivated by the lower class in the state of -servitude. - -X. But if I were to describe the various kinds of laws, of institutions, -of customs and manners, not only so different among such divers nations, -but even in a single city, or in this, I could demonstrate them to have -been changed a thousand times. Our friend Manilius here, an interpreter -of laws, will tell you that other laws exist now concerning the legacies -and inheritances of women, than those he was wont to speak of in his -youth, before the Voconian law was passed; which very law, indeed -proposed for the advantage of the men, is full of injustice towards the -women. For why should a woman not have possessions? Why should a vestal -appoint an heir, and her mother not? Why if limits were to be put to the -possessions of women, should the daughter of Crassus, if she were an -only daughter, possess thousands legally, when mine could not possess -two or three hundred * * * * * * - - [Two pages wanting.] - -XI. * * * * * * If these rights were thus sanctioned in us, all men -would have the same rights, and would not have different rights at -different periods. But if it is the duty of a just and good man to obey -the laws, I would ask which are they to be? Or shall he obey all -indiscriminately? But virtue does not admit of uncertainty, nor nature -endure inconstancy. The strength of law consists in punishment, not in -our natural justice. Natural right therefore does not exist. Whence it -follows, that men are not made just by nature. But it is said, although -there are various laws, still good men, by natural inclination, pursue -what is just in itself, and not what is assumed to be so; because it is -the part of a good and just man, to render that justice to every one -which he is deserving of. Now, first, are we in any wise just to the -dumb beasts? For men, not of mediocrity, but great and learned; -Pythagoras and Empedocles, declare that all animals possess the same -degree of right, and denounce unatoning punishments to hang over those -by whom any animal is outraged. It is wicked therefore to injure the -brutes. * * * * * * - - [Eight pages wanting.] - -XII. * * * * * * what we call wisdom, urges us to increase our wealth, -our riches, and to extend our possessions. How could that great -commander[21] who formerly carried the limits of his empire into Asia; -how could he govern, bear sway, reign, have dominion, and the full -enjoyment of voluptuousness, unless he took something from others? But -justice orders us to spare all, to consult the welfare of mankind, to -give to every one his own, and to abstain from every thing that is -sacred, every thing that is public, every thing which is not our own. -What therefore is to be done? If wisdom is consulted, riches, power, -wealth, honours, authority, empire, are open to individuals and nations. -But since it is the public interest we are discussing, instances of a -public nature will illustrate better; and as the same degree of right is -in both, I shall advert to the wisdom of a nation, and I shall omit the -rest. Our own nation, which Africanus in his discourse yesterday, traced -to its origin, whose empire already extends over the earth, has it, once -least of them all, become so by justice or wisdom? * * * * * * - - [Four or eight pages wanting.] - -XIV. For all who possess the power of life and death over a people are -tyrants, yet they prefer to be called kings by the name of the good -Jupiter. When certain persons through the influence of their riches, -their class, or other circumstances, possess themselves of the -government, it is a faction. Yet they call themselves, the better class. -If the people however are uppermost and rule every thing at their own -pleasure, that is called liberty; nevertheless it is licentiousness. But -when one fears another, man mistrusting man, and one class another, then -because no one confides, a sort of pact is made between the people and -the great, from whence that combined form of government springs, which -Scipio has praised. So that neither nature, or the will is the mother of -justice, but weakness. For when one thing is to be chosen out of three, -either to do injustice without permitting it to be done to you; or to do -it and permit it also; or neither one or the other: the best is to do it -with impunity[22] if you can; the second best is neither to do it, nor -suffer it to be done to you: the worst of all is to be eternally -fighting now on account of your own aggressions, now on account of those -of others * * * * * - - [An unknown number of pages wanting.] - -* * * Except the Arcadians and the Athenians, who, I suppose, fearing -lest at some period this decree[23] of justice might appear, have -feigned themselves to be sprung from the earth, like the little mice we -see in the fields. - -XVI. To these things, others are wont to be added principally by those, -distinguished for their honesty in discussion, and having more weight -for that reason. Who when engaged in the inquiry of what constitutes a -good man, frank and plain as we wish to find him, are not themselves -crafty, hardened, and malicious in argument. They deny that the wise man -is good only because goodness and justice are pleasing to him from their -nature; but because the lives of good men are free from apprehension, -care, solicitude and danger. Whereas bad men have always a sting goading -their souls, and judgment and punishment are always present to their -eyes. That there is no emolument, no advantage arising from injustice, -so great as to compensate the fear, and the constant thought that some -punishment is impending * * * * * - - [Four or eight pages wanting.] - -XVII. I ask if there be two men, one of them of the very best kind; -equitable, perfectly just, of exemplary faith: the other singular for -his wickedness and audacity: and suppose the community in such an error, -that the good man passes for a wicked and dishonest one; while the bad -one has the reputation of perfect probity and good faith. And through -this general delusion of the citizens, the good man is harassed, -arrested, bound, his eyes put out, condemned, thrown in chains, tortured -in the fire, banished. Wanting every thing, at last he appears to all to -be deservedly the most wretched of men. On the other hand, the bad man -is praised, sought after, caressed by all. Honours of every kind, -authority, power, and every advantage conferred upon him from all sides. -A man, finally, in the estimation of all deemed the very best, and -worthy of the highest gifts of fortune. Who would be so insane as to -hesitate which of these two he would choose to be? - -XVIII. As it is with individuals, so it is with nations. No community is -so stupid, as not to prefer commanding by injustice, to serving -according to justice. I shall not go far back for examples. Being -consul, you assisting me in council; I had to examine the Numantine -treaty. Who is ignorant that Pompey made that treaty, and that Mancinus -was concerned in the same affair? This last most excellent man supported -the proposition I carried from the consultation in the senate; the other -most earnestly opposed it. Those who valued modesty, integrity, and good -faith preferred Mancinus: yet for his reasoning, counsel, and policy, -Pompey took the lead of him * * * * - - [An unknown number of pages wanting.] - -XXIX. * * * * * Ti. Gracchus was vigilant for the interests of the -people, but neglected the rights of the Latins and the treaties with the -allies. If such customs and license should spread themselves wider, and -our empire be changed from right to force, so that those who until now -voluntarily obey us, should be ruled only by terror; although it has -been vigilantly preserved for us, who are of the present age; yet I -should be very solicitous about our posterity, and about the immortality -of the republic, which might be perpetual, if the institutions and -manners of our forefathers were preserved. - -XXX. When Lælius had thus spoken, all present expressed themselves to -have been very much delighted by him, but Scipio, among the rest, as if -quite elated with pleasure, “many causes,” said he, “indeed Lælius, hast -thou often defended, in such a manner that I can by no means compare our -colleague Servius Galba to thee; whom when he lived thou preferredest to -all; nor in truth any of the attic orators * * * - - [Twelve pages wanting.] - -XXXI. * * * * * Therefore that common interest, that is the -commonwealth, who can recognize it when all are oppressed by the cruelty -of one; when no bond of Law exists, nor that consent of congregated -society, which constitutes a people. And this very condition of the -Syracusans: a celebrated city, as Timæus says, the first among the -Greeks, and the most beautiful of them all: its harbour embosomed within -the walls, its canals running through the city: its broad streets, its -porticoes, temples, fortifications, all these did not help to constitute -a commonwealth, while Dionysius reigned. The people had no part in them, -for the very people belonged to one man. Therefore where there is a -tyrant, it is not a vitiated commonwealth, as I said yesterday, but -reason compels us to declare plainly that no commonwealth at all exists. - -XXXII. “Indeed” said Lælius, “you speak very clearly, and I already -perceive the drift of your discourse. - -S. You see therefore, that when every thing is in the power of a -faction, neither can that be properly called a commonwealth. - -L. I judge it plainly so. - -S. And most rightly do you judge, for what was the condition of the -Athenians, when after that great Pelopponesian war, thirty men were most -unjustly placed in the command of that city? Did the ancient glory of -the city, the admirable nature of its buildings, its theatre, gymnasia, -its noble porticoes, its citadel, or the admirable works of Phidias, or -the magnificent port of Piræus, did they constitute a commonwealth? “Not -in the least” said Lælius, “because indeed the common interest was not -thought of.” - -S. How was it at Rome, when the Decemvirs existed without appeal, in -that third year, when liberty itself had parted with its privileges? - -L. Nothing was left to the people, and truly it was necessary to bring -them to that point, that they might recover their rights. - -XXXIII. S. I come now to the third kind, that in which some -inconsistency will perhaps be perceived, where all things are said to be -done by the people, and to be in the power of the people. When the -multitude orders punishments to be inflicted in any manner that it -pleases, ordering, seizing, keeping, dissipating every thing whatever -they choose, can you then Lælius, deny that to be a republic, where all -things belong to the people, and when indeed we define a republic to be -a commonwealth?” “There is nothing,” said Lælius, “I would sooner deny -to be a republic, than where all things are in the power of the -multitude. We did not consider that they had a republic among the -Syracusans, or at Agrigentum, or at Athens when they were under tyrants, -or at Rome when under the decemvirs. Nor do I see how the name of -republic is appropriate when the multitude rules. Because first, as you -have happily defined it to me, Scipio, a people does not exist, but -where it is held together by consent of law; and this sort of mob, is as -much a tyrant as if it were one man. Indeed it is more mischievous, for -nothing is more ferocious than the wild beast which assumes the name and -form of the people. Nor is it right, when the property of maniacs is -placed by law under the guardianship of kindred, that * * * - - [Eight pages wanting.] - -XXXIV. * * * of it,[24] it may with as much propriety be said that it is -a republic and a commonwealth, as it may be said of a kingdom. “And much -more,” said Mummius, “for a king being one, is more like a master; but -where many good men are at the head of affairs in a republic, nothing -can be more happily constituted. But I certainly prefer a kingdom to the -sway of a democracy; which third and most vicious kind of government -remains for you to explain.” - -XXXV. To this Scipio replied, “I recognize well Spurius, your steady -aversion to the popular mode, and although it might be treated with less -aversion than you are wont to do, nevertheless I agree, that of all -these three kinds, no one is less to be approved of. I do not however -agree with you that the better class are to be preferred to a king; for -if it is wisdom which governs a state, of what consequence is it, -whether it resides in one, or in many? But in our discussion we are led -into a sort of error. When we call them the better class, nothing can be -conceived more excellent, for what can be imagined more desirable than -the best? When however a king is mentioned, an unjust king occurs to our -minds. We do not nevertheless intend to speak of an unjust king, in our -examination of this royal kind of government. Think of Romulus, -Pompilius, and Tullus as kings, and perhaps you will not be so -displeased with that kind of government. - -M. What sort of praise then is left for a democratic government? - -S. What did you think, Spurius, of the Rhodians, with whom we were -together; did you see nothing like a commonwealth there? - -M. Indeed I did, and least of all to be blamed. - -S. You say well. But if you remember all were alike; sometimes -plebeians, sometimes senators; and by turns discharging during certain -months their functions as senators; the other months they remained in -the ranks of the people. In both capacities however they had the -privilege of being present at the meetings for deliberation, and equally -in the theatres and in the courts, great matters and all others were -judged; so numerous was the multitude and so great its power -that * * * * * - ------ - -Footnote 21: - - Alexander. - -Footnote 22: - - These are sophisms brought forward in favour of injustice. - - Vide Lact. Inst. 5. - -Footnote 23: - - To restore things unjustly acquired. - -Footnote 24: - - The better class. - - - - - CICERO’S REPUBLIC. - - -[Illustration] - - - - - BOOK IV. - - -II. * * * * * * How conveniently the orders are set down; the ages, the -classes. The equestrian order where the senate votes. Too many foolishly -seek to abolish that useful institution, hoping that through some -Plebecists procuring the sale of the horses, they may get a largess. - -III. Look now at the other provisions so wisely made, that the citizens -may enjoy a happy and honest state of society, for that is the very -motive for their union; and which government ought to secure to men, by -institutions and laws. In the first place, as to puerile discipline for -free-born young men, respecting which the Greeks have laboured so much -in vain; and the only matter about which our guest Polybius reproaches -the negligence of our institutions. No defined system, or of a public -nature, or uniform for all, was decreed by the laws. - - [Four or eight pages wanting.] - -IV. * * * * * * nor naked when at an age of puberty. So deep did they -seek as it were to lay the foundations of modesty. But how absurd the -exercises of youth in the Grecian Gymnasia; how trifling that drilling -of young boys: what loose and unrestrained manners permitted to them. I -say nothing of the Eleans and Thebans, among whom free license and -permission was given to the young people to indulge in sensuality. The -Lacedemonians too, when they allowed every sensual indulgence short of -violence, among their youth, were destroying what they were granting -such a slight protection to. “I clearly understand, Scipio,” said -Lælius, “that in these practices of the Greeks, which you reprehend, you -had rather attack the most illustrious people, than your favourite -Plato, whom you do not assail at all, especially * * * * * - - - - - CICERO’S REPUBLIC. - - -[Illustration] - - - - - BOOK V. - - -II. * * * * * * No prerogative more royal than the administration of -justice, in which was comprehended the expounding of rights, for -individuals were accustomed to seek justice from kings. On which account -the lands, the fields, the groves, the extensive and rich grazing -districts were defined, which belonged to the sovereign, and were all -managed without any care or labour on his part; that none of the cares -of private business, might abstract him from the affairs of the public. -Nor was any man an umpire or arbitrator of any legal contention, but all -things were decided by royal judgments. And it seems to me, that our -Numa chiefly adopted this ancient custom from the kings of Greece. For -the others, although they also discharged this function, yet a great -many of them waged wars, and occupied themselves in establishing the -rules of war. But that long peace of Numa, was the parent of law and -religion to this city. He also was the writer of those laws which you -know to be extant: all which is appropriate to the very citizen whose -character we are drawing * * * * * * - - [An unknown number of pages wanting.] - -III. S. Do you think there is any harm in his being acquainted with the -nature of roots and seeds? - -M. None, if only his work is not neglected. - -S. But do you think it to be properly the study of a farmer? - -M. Not in the least; for the cultivation of the land would often be -unattended to. - -S. Therefore, as a farmer is acquainted with the nature of his soil, a -steward with the nature of letters, and each can turn from the amusement -of theory to the greater utility of practice; so this our ruler may be -thoroughly conversant with the knowledge of rights and of laws; he may -have looked even into the very fountains of them: but let not his -consultations, his constant readings, and his writings occupy him too -much; but let him be as it were both steward and farmer to the -commonwealth. Let him be skilled in the principles of law without which -no man can be just; let him not be ignorant of civil law: but let it be -as the pilot who studies the stars; the physician who studies the nature -of plants and minerals; each turning his knowledge to the benefit of his -art, without permitting it to impede the practical use of his -vocation * * * - - [An unknown number of pages wanting.] - -IV. * * * * In those states where the good look for praise and honour, -and fly from ignominy and disgrace. Not so much restrained by -apprehension of the penalties established by law, but by a sentiment of -self-respect, which nature has planted in man, a sort of dread of -deserved censure. This sentiment the ruler of a state strengthens by -public opinion, and confirms by education, and by institutions, that -shame may deter the citizen from crime as much as fear. But these -considerations properly belong to renown, and shall be more abundantly -considered. - -V. Life, however, and the comfortable enjoyment of it, are constituted -by legal marriages, lawful children; the keeping hallowed the seats of -the penate gods, and the domestic lares; that all may enjoy public and -private comforts. Without good government, private life cannot be -agreeable, nor can any one be more happy than in a well regulated -state * * * * - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES - - - 1. Corrected items noted in the Errata. - 2. Silently corrected typographical errors in the Preface, - Introduction, and footnotes. - 3. Retained anachronistic and non-standard spellings as printed in the - Preface, Introduction, and footnotes. - 4. Did not alter punctuation or spellings in the Translation with the - exception of joining words split by pages. - 5. 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You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: The republic of Cicero - Translated from the Latin; and Accompanied With a Critical - and Historical Introduction. - -Author: Marcus Tullius Cicero - -Translator: George William Featherstonhaugh - -Release Date: February 12, 2017 [EBook #54161] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE REPUBLIC OF CICERO *** - - - - -Produced by Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - -</pre> - - -<div class='tnotes covernote'> - -<p class='c000'><strong>Transcriber's Note:</strong></p> - -<p class='c000'>The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.</p> - -</div> - -<div class='figcenter id001'> -<img src='images/i_001.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic001'> -<p><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Specimen palimpsesti vaticani.</span></i><br /><br /><em>Imbert’s Lithographic Facsimile.</em></p> -</div> -</div> - -<div> - <h1 class='c001'><span class='xlarge'>THE</span><br /> REPUBLIC OF CICERO,<br /> <span class='xlarge'>TRANSLATED FROM THE LATIN;</span><br /> <span class='large'>AND ACCOMPANIED WITH A</span><br /> <span class='xlarge'>CRITICAL AND HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.</span></h1> -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> -<div class='nf-center c002'> - <div>BY</div> - <div class='c003'><span class='xlarge'>G. W. FEATHERSTONHAUGH, <span class='sc'>Esq.</span></span></div> - <div class='c003'>FELLOW OF THE GEOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF LONDON; OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY; OF THE LYCEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY OF NEW-YORK, &C. &C. &C.</div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='figcenter id002'> -<img src='images/i_002.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div><span class='xlarge'>NEW-YORK:</span></div> - <div><span class='large'>PUBLISHED BY G. & C. CARVILL, 108 BROADWAY.</span></div> - <div><span class='large'>1829.</span></div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='chapter'> - <h2 id='SOUTHERN' class='c004'>SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW-YORK, ss.</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c005'>Be it remembered, that on the 23d day of January, A. D. 1829, -in the fifty-third year of the Independence of the United States of -America, G. & C. Carvill, of the said district, hath deposited in -this office the title of a book, the right whereof they claim as proprietors, -in the words following, to wit:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“The Republic of Cicero, translated from the Latin; and accompanied -with a Critical and Historical Introduction. By G. -W. Featherstonhaugh, Esq., Fellow of the Geological Society -of London; of the American Philosophical Society; of the Lyceum -of Natural History of New-York, &c. &c. &c.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>In conformity to the Act of Congress of the United States, entitled, -“An Act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies -of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such -copies, during the times therein mentioned;” and also, to an Act, entitled, -“An Act, supplementary to an Act, entitled an Act for the -encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, -and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the -times therein mentioned, and extending the benefits thereof to the -arts of designing, engraving, and etching historical and other prints.”</p> - -<div class='lg-container-r'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line in34'>FRED. I. BETTS,</div> - <div class='line'><em>Clerk of the Southern District of New-York</em>.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<h3 id='ERRATA' class='c006'>ERRATA.</h3> - -<table class='table0' summary='ERRATA'> - <tr> - <td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Introduction</span>,</td> - <td class='c008'>p. <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, line 12, dele “then.”</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Do.</span></td> - <td class='c008'>p. <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, line 16, for “requires,” read “require.”</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>Sleight & George, Printers, Jamaica, L. I.</div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='chapter'> - <h2 id='TO' class='c004'>TO<br /> RODERICK IMPEY MURCHISON, <span class='sc'>Esq.</span><br /> <span class='large'>F. R. S., F. G. S., &c. &c. &c.</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class='c005'>I dedicate these pages to you, my -dear <span class='sc'>Murchison</span>, that you may have a -renewed assurance of my great esteem -and friendship for you. I should have -had a livelier satisfaction in doing so, if -the part I have had in the production of -them, were more worthy of your refined -taste. I hope to offer some compensation, -however, in the assurance, that you -will find in them many congenial opinions -and principles.</p> - -<div class='lg-container-r'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span class='sc'>G. W. Featherstonhaugh.</span></div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='lg-container-l'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>New-York, January 21, 1829.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='chapter'> - <h2 id='Contents' class='c004'>CONTENTS</h2> -</div> -<div class='lg-container-b c002'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><a href='#SOUTHERN'>SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW-YORK, ss.</a></div> - <div class='line in2'><a href='#ERRATA'>ERRATA.</a></div> - <div class='line'><a href='#TO'>TO RODERICK IMPEY MURCHISON, Esq.</a></div> - <div class='line'><a href='#PREFACE'>PREFACE.</a></div> - <div class='line'><a href='#INTRODUCTION'>INTRODUCTION.</a></div> - <div class='line'><a href='#I'>BOOK I.</a></div> - <div class='line'><a href='#II'>BOOK II.</a></div> - <div class='line'><a href='#III'>BOOK III.</a></div> - <div class='line'><a href='#IV'>BOOK IV.</a></div> - <div class='line'><a href='#V'>BOOK V.</a></div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_5'>5</span> - <h2 id='PREFACE' class='c004'>PREFACE.</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c005'>I am not aware that any translation of -the Republic of Cicero into the English -tongue has been made.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Believing that it cannot but excite a -deep interest with generous minds, as -well on account of the high nature of the -subject, the illustrious name of Cicero, -as of the great motives which led him to -compose this work, I venture to offer a -translation of it to the public.</p> - -<p class='c000'>In this extensive republic, where every -individual reads, it appears peculiarly -proper, that an English dress should be -given to a work, of which almost every -page teaches that public happiness depends -upon individual virtue.</p> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_6'>6</span>Cicero’s definition of a republic, that it -is an association of the people for the -defence and advancement of the common -interest; will be understood here, which -may be doubtingly said of any other republics -now in existence.</p> - -<p class='c000'>A bare translation of the fragments of -this mutilated work, unassisted by any -commentary, could not but have been unsatisfactory. -The deficiencies of the original -are somewhat compensated to us, -not alone in the grandeur of thought -which pervades it, but in the majesty of -diction, precise, elevated, as it frequently -is, and always governed by the most refined -taste. It would be a vain effort to -attempt the dignity of the Latin tongue, -when adorned with the elegancies of the -Ciceronian style. Humbly as the translation -may deserve to be considered, it will -perhaps be deemed sufficiently faithful: -and that the translator has not altogether -<span class='pageno' id='Page_7'>7</span>failed in pointing out to grave and reflecting -minds, the immediate cause of the -ruin of a noble Republic.</p> - -<p class='c000'>He has therefore prefixed a brief historical -introduction; the which, whether it -will be thought too long, or not sufficiently -detailed, will probably depend upon -the reader’s historical recollections. The -motive for drawing it up was to render -the work more generally useful and acceptable.</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_9'>9</span> - <h2 id='INTRODUCTION' class='c004'>INTRODUCTION.</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c005'>The imperfect manuscript, a translation of which is -now presented to the American public, was discovered -in the Library of the Vatican, by Professor Angelo -Mai; a person of singular ingenuity in the detection of -those Palimpsests whose contents were written upon ancient -writings partially erased. A fac simile of part of -the MSS. accompanies this work. The Republic of -Cicero was greatly cherished by those who lived in and -near his times; of which occasional evidences are found -in the writings of antiquity. But the tyranny of the -emperors bridled the Romans so soon after its appearance, -that Horace, Virgil, Seneca, Quintilian, Pliny, -and even Tacitus, have not dared to praise it, lest they -should bring down vengeance upon themselves. It is -remarkable that while despotism was rapidly extinguishing -philosophy and letters, and the very existence of -these precious monuments of better times was scarcely -thought of; the Christian religion was gradually raising -up amidst the persecutions of the primitive church, -new champions for truth and justice; to whose works -<span class='pageno' id='Page_10'>10</span>we are indebted for many valuable fragments of the -best writers of antiquity, and for almost all the passages -of Cicero’s Republic which we were acquainted with, -until the late discovery of professor Mai. It is in the -works of St. Augustin and of Lactantius that these -passages most abound; and they are appealed to by -them as most eloquent arguments, in support of just -government, and virtuous conduct. Scipio’s Dream, -forming the only part of the sixth book which has been -preserved, and which is one of the most splendid passages -that has been saved from antiquity, has long had -a place in the works of Macrobius, a writer at the beginning -of the fifth century, addicted to the Pythagorean -mysticisms; and who has preserved it probably on account -of the occult astronomical relation of numbers -contained in it. Notwithstanding the mutilated state -of the MSS., the order of the books is distinctly preserved, -the general plan of the work is obvious, and we -have much greater reason to rejoice at what we possess, -than to regret what is wanting. The disordered state -of the government and the republic at large, evidently -suggested to Cicero this patriotic and bold attempt to -stem the influence of bad men, and raise the falling -liberties of his country. In this highly philosophical -discourse he sought to recall the Romans from the interests -of ambitious individuals, and fix their attention -<span class='pageno' id='Page_11'>11</span>upon the greater interests of the country, where each -man had a stake: to revive their veneration for the simplicity -of the early institutions of Rome, and for the -men who had made themselves illustrious by their virtues: -and to guard the people more effectually against -the innovations and factions now succeeding each other -with so much rapidity, he invests those ancient times -with a perfection, that the attractions of his eloquence -alone can excuse.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Of the original simplicity of the government, some -evidences are afforded by this work; as where it is stated -that lands were assigned to the sovereign, and cultivated -for him by the people, that he might have nothing to do -but administer justice. The principal men too of the -state in those early times lived in the vicinity of Rome, -cultivating a small possession. The illustrious names -of Fabius, Lentulus, Cicero, &c., were perhaps given -to those husbandmen who excelled in the cultivation of -those vegetables; such was the opinion of Pliny.<a id='r1' /><a href='#f1' class='c009'><sup>[1]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c000'>The censor had the power of reprimanding those -whose fields were slovenly cultivated. Many customs -of those antique times are found in Cato’s curious -Treatise on Rural Affairs. “Our ancestors constituted -and ordained thus in their Laws: A thief was -condemned to double restitution; an usurer to quadruple. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_12'>12</span>You may judge from this how much worse a citizen -they deemed the usurer to be than the thief. And -when they praised a worthy man, they spoke thus -of him: ‘that he was a good farmer, an excellent -husbandman.’ He that was commended in these terms, -was thought to be praised enough.”<a id='r2' /><a href='#f2' class='c009'><sup>[2]</sup></a> And again speaking -of a good husbandman, he says, “He should part -with his old cattle, his weaned calves and lambs, his -wool, his skins, his old carts and worn out irons, his old -slaves, and his sick ones; and if he has got any thing -else he does not want, let him sell it. A father of a -family ought always to sell and never to buy.” Dion -says that a messenger summoned the patricians by name, -but that the people were convened <em>by the blowing of a -horn</em>.<a id='r3' /><a href='#f3' class='c009'><sup>[3]</sup></a> But the splendid military government which -soon grew up, gave both state employment and riches -to that class once distinguished for their industry and -frugality. Agriculture was abandoned to slaves, and -men branded for crimes: it was no longer deemed an -honourable employment. Luxury and habits of profusion -made it necessary for conspicuous men to acquire -the means of indulging in them, at the expense of principle -and patriotism. At length when sensual gratifications -became dearer to a majority of the Romans than -<span class='pageno' id='Page_13'>13</span>liberty, the republic was overthrown, and military despotism -accomplished the circle of military influence; -extinguished every spark of light and liberty; stripped -the empire of its moral and physical power, and left it -unmindful of its past glorious existence, to perish in a -blind and helpless old age.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Marcus Tullius Cicero was born at Arpinum, a city -of the Samnites, which had long enjoyed the freedom -of Rome. His family was an ancient one, and of the -equestrian order; which comprehended the most respectable -gentry of the empire, who were only inferior -in rank to the patricians. Having assumed the manly -gown at his sixteenth year, he immediately began to acquire -a knowledge of the laws of his country, under -the two Scævolas, eminent persons of that day. The -Marsian war, and the civil broils of Marius and Sylla, the -former of whom was also a native of Arpinum, occurred -during the prosecution of his civil studies; and although -they gave some interruption to them, yet these violent -contentions falling immediately under his observation, -he became at an early period accustomed to consider -the political situation of his country. These circumstances -no doubt had some influence in deciding his -future career; although the rare natural activity of his -mind would perhaps have led him under any situation to -the investigation of all moral and physical relations. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_14'>14</span>Prompted by this impulse, he now began the study of -Grecian philosophy under the learned Athenians who -fled to Rome from the persecutions of Mithridates, and -afterwards perfected himself in it under Molo the -Rhodian; a man so distinguished, that he was permitted -to address the Roman Senate in the Greek tongue -without an interpreter. About the age of twenty-six, -with his mind filled with all the knowledge taught at that -period, he first began to plead at the Forum. His celebrated -successful defence of S. Roscius was made soon -after, in which he braved, what the other Roman orators -had not dared to do, the resentment of Sylla. By this -bold measure, the generosity of his character, as well -as the force of his talents, were developed, and his reputation -established as the most powerful orator of -Rome. He visited Athens not long after this period, -partly to avoid the displeasure of Sylla, and partly to -renew the study of philosophy, which he here pursued -with great ardour. His friend Atticus, who was at -Athens at the same time, had embraced the Epicurean -doctrines; but Cicero appears at this early period to -have believed in a future state; a doctrine which at a -later period he has most eloquently recorded in his celebrated -Dream of Scipio. At the end of two years, he -returned to Rome, greatly improved by his intercourse -with the philosophers and orators of Greece and Asia.</p> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_15'>15</span>In his thirty-first year, and not long after his marriage, -he was elected to the quæstorship, which opened -his way to the Senate. One of the provinces of Sicily -fell to him by lot, and he exercised his quæstorial functions -with such moderation and ability, as to induce the -Sicilians to confer extraordinary honours upon him at -the termination of his year; when he returned to Rome, -determined henceforward to withdraw himself as little -as possible from the eyes of the Roman people. In his -thirty-seventh year he received the unanimous suffrages -of all the tribes for the edileship, which introduced him -into the magistracy. The exhibition of the shows and -games, which was the province of the ediles, was conducted -by Cicero with great satisfaction to the people, -and without injuring materially his own private fortune. -In this he achieved a difficult point, which marks his -great prudence and address. So great had the affection -of the people now become for him, that at three -different elections for prætor, he was each time placed -at the head of the list by the unanimous vote of all the -centuries. In his forty-third year, having been very -diligent in strengthening his interest, he became a candidate -for the consulship with others; among whom -were L. Sergius Cataline: but such was his popularity -that he was saluted consul by acclamation of the people -before the votes were counted. He received also a -<span class='pageno' id='Page_16'>16</span>strong support from the patricians, who had uniformly -been opposed to his advancement; but Cicero’s reputation -for knowledge and probity was so great, and the -times were becoming so critical, that they deemed the -government safe in his hands. The patricians at this -time were of the faction of Sylla, to which also Cataline -belonged: and the Tribunes and the people were -of the Marian faction; at the head of which was Julius -Cæsar, a near relation to Marius. Although Cæsar, -and Cicero were both on the popular side, yet they were -not united upon any common principles of order. Cæsar -was always individually opposed to him: and when -Cicero being consul, was endeavouring in the senate -to bring the associates of Cataline to punishment; -Cæsar defended them, and even indirectly encouraged -their cause, by declaring his disbelief in the immortality -of the soul. The suppression of this conspiracy -of Cataline, Cethegus, Lentulus and many others, -among whom Cæsar was generally numbered, raised the -reputation of Cicero to the greatest height. By his -incessant vigilance, Rome was saved from the horrors -of a general massacre and pillage. The greatest honours -were paid him by the senate and equestrian order: -and for the first time the sublime epithet of “Father of -his Country” was addressed to a Roman citizen in the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_17'>17</span>senate, in the person of Cicero.<a id='r4' /><a href='#f4' class='c009'><sup>[4]</sup></a> This great action of -his life he most feelingly alludes to in the introduction -to his first book of the Republic. “Nor is my name -forgotten,” &c. The feelings too which the circumstances -attending the very last act of his consulship excited -in him, are eloquently pourtrayed in a passage immediately -following. It was the custom for the consul -at the expiration of his office, to make a speech in the -assembly of the people, and to swear that he had executed -his duties with fidelity. When he was already in -the rostra, and was about to address the whole people -assembled on this interesting occasion; Metellus, a -new tribune, prompted by the officious spirit of popular -authority, which often delights to mortify the great and -good, forbade the consul to address the people, -alleging that Cicero having caused Lentulus and the rest -to suffer death without being heard in their defence, did -not deserve to be heard himself. Whereat with an -enthusiastic presence of mind peculiar to himself, he -swore with a loud voice that he had saved the republic: -and the multitude moved by a generous feeling which -the demagogues had no time to tamper with, more -than atoned to him for the intended affront from their -tribune, by a simultaneous shout that he had sworn -<span class='pageno' id='Page_18'>18</span>nothing but the truth,<a id='r5' /><a href='#f5' class='c009'><sup>[5]</sup></a> and by accompanying him from -the Forum to his own house.</p> - -<p class='c000'>In this most glorious year of his life, and at the very -time when he was occupied in saving his country, Octavius -Cæsar was born; by whose arts and influence -Cicero, as well as the republic, were not more than -twenty years after destroyed. And although he had -acted so noble a part toward his country, which under -his government had been saved from the most profligate -attempt that had yet been made upon its liberties; and -enjoyed the highest rank in the senate, and the first -consideration from all good men; corruption had now -reached such a height, that pre-eminence in virtue, shining -forth in so active a citizen as Cicero, who was constantly -thwarting the designs of bad men, served but to -unite their efforts against him. He became henceforward -the object of their hatred and vengeance. Cæsar, -who did not believe in a future state, and who consequently -had no principle to restrain him, was constantly -plotting means to usurp the government. Pompey, in -whose interest Cicero had always been, and who at the -close of the Mithridatic war had become the most powerful -man in the Republic, was afraid to disoblige the -numerous enemies of Cicero, and declined even to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_19'>19</span>strengthen him by a public approbation of the measures -he had taken to suppress the conspiracy of Catiline. -The luxurious and the corrupt, who far outnumbered -the rest, were willing to sell the republic and themselves -to the highest bidders. The people were as usual the -tools of demagogues. Every thing conspired to accelerate -the downfall of the republic. In the face of these -fearful odds stood Cicero, a large majority of the senate, -and of the equestrian order, which comprehended the -independent landholders and gentry of the Roman nation: -and with but little other support than the satisfaction -of being engaged in the noblest of causes, the -maintenance of regular government. It is most painful -to look back upon the history of the degradation of -such a people; corrupted and ruined by their blind admiration -of that falsest of all idols, military glory.</p> - -<p class='c000'>An event occurred the year after his consulate, which -brought him into a new conflict with some of the worst -of these men. P. Clodius, at this time a quæstor, a -vicious and debauched young man of family, and who -possessed many personal advantages, had an intrigue -with Cæsar’s wife Pompeia. Satiated with ordinary -voluptuousness, he disguised himself as a woman, and -entered the house of Pompeia in the night time, when -she with other distinguished Roman matrons, was celebrating -the mysteries of the Bona Dea, or Patroness of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_20'>20</span>Chastity. He was discovered and fled. Such was the -respect in which these mysteries, at which women alone -officiated, were held, that the profanation excited the -utmost indignation throughout the city. Even Cæsar -found it necessary to put away his wife. The senate -directed the consuls to prepare a law for the trial of -Clodius before the people, which was resisted by one of -the tribunes friendly to Clodius. At length it was -agreed that a law should be passed to try him before the -prætor and a select number of judges. Clodius rested -his defence upon an alibi, which he endeavoured to sustain -by witnesses. When Cicero was called to give his -deposition, he was insulted by the mob which adhered -to Clodius; but such was the veneration in which he -was held, that the judges stood up, and received him -with great honour. He testified that Clodius had been -with him in his house in Rome on the very day of the -pollution. Cæsar who was also called, said that he was -ignorant of the whole affair; although it occurred in his -own house, and in the presence of his mother and sister, -who had deposed to the truth of the accusation. -Being asked, why then he had put away his wife? he -answered, “Because those who are connected with me, -must be as free from suspicion as from crime.”<a id='r6' /><a href='#f6' class='c009'><sup>[6]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_21'>21</span>That the wife of Cæsar must be free even from suspicion, -is a saying that has passed down to our days: -yet too many who have heard it are ignorant of the -circumstances attending its origin. We read the commentaries -of Cæsar at school, and are fired with admiration -at his talents and successes. We are thus prepared -to pity his death and the manner of it. But the -military and political glories of Cæsar, can never furnish -an apology for a profligate private life; and a memorable -saying is stripped of every attraction, when we -know that it was uttered by the lips of a perjured atheist.</p> - -<p class='c000'>In a letter to Atticus, Cicero draws a curious picture -of the judges selected to try this famous cause; a majority -of whom appears to have been packed from the -outcasts of all the orders, and to have been paid for the -occasion. Clodius was acquitted by a majority of thirty-one -voices over twenty-five. Upon their appointment -some of them had requested a guard from the -senate to protect them from the mob. Upon which -occasion, Catulus a distinguished member of the senate, -very facetiously asked one of the judges, “why they -wanted a guard, and whether it was to protect the money -which Clodius had bribed them with?”</p> - -<p class='c000'>After his acquittal, Clodius was wont to attempt to -throw ridicule upon Cicero in the senate, finding it vain -to encounter him in argument, and hoping to divert in -<span class='pageno' id='Page_22'>22</span>some degree the force of his attacks. “So the judges” -said Clodius, “would give no credit to your oath.” -“Twenty-five of them did,” replied Cicero: “the rest -would give you none it seems, but made you pay beforehand.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>After the return of Pompey to Rome, as well as of -Cæsar from Spain, a triumvirate of interests was formed -between these two and Crassus: each having his -own ascendancy in view. Cæsar, to make the interest -it was thus intended to direct against the independence -of the republic, still stronger, made overtures to Cicero, -who declined connecting himself with them. At length -Cæsar openly declared against him, and favoured the -election of Clodius to the tribunate, in the which he -succeeded. Being now in authority, he brought -forward the law, that whoever had taken away the life -of a Roman citizen, uncondemned, should be interdicted -bread and water. This was directed against -Cicero, in relation to his consular acts respecting the -conspirators; and affected him so much, that although -the law was in general terms, and his name was not -mentioned in it, he changed his garments, and appeared -abroad sordidly dressed to attract the compassion of -the people. The young Romans of liberal character, -to the number of twenty thousand also changed their -dress, and accompanied him; soliciting the favour of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_23'>23</span>all in authority, and of the people, against the passage -of this law. But the combination of bad men proved -too strong against him, and Pompey having refused his -protection, Cicero was induced by the advice of his -friends, to withdraw himself into a temporary exile from -Rome. This humiliating event took place in his forty-ninth -year. During his absence his residences both in -town and country, which were upon a scale commensurate -with his dignity, were despoiled; and together with -the furniture appropriated by the consuls and by Clodius. -At length the daring insolence of that tribune, -and the perpetual broils he occasioned, began to indispose -all men against him, except his immediate profligate -retainers. Advantage was taken of this to propose -in the senate the recall of Cicero; which finally prevailed -at a very numerous convocation of the senators -and magistrates; Clodius alone giving a dissenting -voice. At its final passage into a law by the Roman -people, the field of Mars was crowded with their assembled -centuries. Such was the public veneration for him, -that voters from every town in Italy were present to insure -the passage of a law which restored so great a -benefactor to his country. All the centuries concurred -in an act thus most solemnly passed by the whole Roman -people. In anticipation of the event, he left Dyrrhachium -in Macedonia, and soon after his arrival at -<span class='pageno' id='Page_24'>24</span>Brundisium, where his daughter Tullia had come to -meet him, he received the welcome news from Rome. -His journey was a continued triumph, and he was received -on his arrival at the city in the most enthusiastic -manner. An insufficient sum of money was voted to -him to rebuild his mansions. When he had almost -finished his palatine house, it was attacked by one of -Clodius’ mobs, and destroyed. Broils and slaughters -were now so common in the streets of Rome, that -gladiators were retained to assist in these feuds; in -which the consuls of the same year were sometimes -opposed to each other. Cicero who had now reached -his fifty-first year, was again made to feel how unremitting -is the hatred of enemies, and uncertain the support -of friends. Public virtue appeared to him to have -no longer any value in the eyes of the Romans. He -saw that every man attended more to his private safety -and advancement, than to the public peace and dignity -of the city; and perceiving the necessity of a powerful -protector for himself and family in his old age, he appears -from one of his letters to have determined to -conform himself in every thing to the pleasure of Pompey. -We also see him from time to time engaged in -agreeable services to Cæsar, with whom Pompey was -yet connected. Experience and persecution appear to -have induced him to adopt a course foreign to the character -<span class='pageno' id='Page_25'>25</span>of the perfect citizen he has pourtrayed in his -republic. In his fourth epistle to Atticus, he says<a id='r7' /><a href='#f7' class='c009'><sup>[7]</sup></a> “If -they will not be friendly to me who possess no power, -I must endeavour to make those like me who have the -power of being useful. ‘I told you so long ago,’ you -will say; I know that you did, and I was an ass for -not taking your advice.” The opinion too of his friend -Cælius, would have great weight with most men, in such -disturbed times. “It cannot have escaped you, that -the duty of men amidst domestic dissensions, is to espouse -the honestest side, as long as the contention is -of a civil nature, and force is not used. But when it -comes to wars and camps, they should take the strongest -side, and consider that the best which is the most -safe.”<a id='r8' /><a href='#f8' class='c009'><sup>[8]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c000'>The influence of Cæsar was now becoming very conspicuous. -His military career in Gaul, his generosity, -and the universality of his talents, gave him at length a -pre-eminence over Pompey in the public estimation. -Pompey and Crassus had entered into the consulship -with little observance of constitutional forms; and, -with as little deference to the senate, had caused provinces -to be assigned to them for five years. Spain -and Africa to Pompey. Syria and the fatal Parthian -<span class='pageno' id='Page_26'>26</span>war to Crassus. This triumvirate had now almost the -whole Roman military force at their command.</p> - -<p class='c000'>It was in the spring of the next year, that Cicero at -his Cuman villa, began his famous work on government. -He was now advancing into his fifty-fourth year, and it -appears that he had completed his work before he entered -upon his command in Cilicia. His military career -was distinguished by great activity and judgment. He -was saluted emperor by the army upon one of his military -successes, and returned gladly to Rome at the end -of the year. During the remainder of his eventful life, -he appears to have found comfort only in the cultivation -of philosophy and letters. The corruption of the Romans, -the ruin of the republic, the death of his beloved -daughter, and his separation from the wife he had lived -with thirty years, embittered his days. He was too -conspicuous a man not to be affected by all the political -changes which took place. Crassus perished in the -Parthian war; and Cæsar, as soon as he felt himself -strong enough, crossed the Rubicon, which was the -limit of his military command, and marched upon Rome, -from which Pompey and the senate ingloriously fled. -Cicero at length felt himself also constrained to follow -the fortunes of Pompey, because he believed the dignity -of the Roman name was alone to be found under his -banners. And when the battle of Pharsalia left Cæsar -<span class='pageno' id='Page_27'>27</span>sole master of the Roman world, he submitted to Cæsar, -because there was no other government to submit -to. But he rejoiced in his death, of which he was a -spectator, and to the last, gave all the aid in his power -to the patriots who sought to raise the liberties of his -country. In his latter days, he showed an invincible -spirit, defying the profligate Anthony in the plenitude of -his power. And when the assassins of the second and -more bloody triumvirate surprised him, he ordered his -servants to set down the litter in which they were carrying -him, and forbade them to defend him. Then undauntedly -stretching out his neck, he bade his executioners -do their pleasure; happy to escape from so much -misery, to the immortality he had always believed in. -This occurred when he was just entering his sixty-fourth-year.</p> - -<p class='c000'>This rapid sketch of the transactions of Cicero’s -times, will, it is hoped, not be deemed impertinent, but -may rather be considered as assisting the general reader -to form an adequate estimate of the great object which -Cicero had in view, when he drew up this celebrated -treatise, which was to revive the veneration of the -Roman people for their ancient institutions, now in danger -from the machinations of lawless men, at the head of -whom was Cæsar, who denying in the senate a future -existence, expressed his contempt for all religion. But -<span class='pageno' id='Page_28'>28</span>it has been objected to Cicero that he was insincere, -and that he called upon his countrymen to venerate what -was often the object of his ridicule. The leading men -of Rome who formed the sacerdotal order, from the -earliest periods and under all circumstances maintained -their influence over the people, chiefly by that religion -they had been brought up in the veneration of, and -especially by the observance of auspices. But in time -the credulity of the Romans began to relax. Men like -Cicero had for their religion the glorious doctrine of the -immortality of the soul, and a great majority of his enlightened -equals no doubt entertained his opinions. -Others, and among them was his brother Quintus, from -various motives, as has always been the case in the -history of superstitions, persevered in the prejudices -they had received from education. Prejudices acquired -in infancy from our earliest and dearest protectors, and -to relinquish which, seems to require the relinquishment -of all reverence for those we most venerate. When -therefore Cicero ridicules the religious observances of -his times, it is to enlightened men he sometimes addresses -himself; just as men have in all times laughed -at absurdities they do not care publicly to assail: and -at other times he may have used his ridicule to expose -the most stupid superstitions indiscriminately to all. -When in his Republic he praises the institution of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_29'>29</span>auspices, however he may be charged with inconsistency, -it was done from great and public motives, and -not from selfish ones. There is no hypocrisy in this -conduct, as we understand the word; and if we examine -the whole bearing of Cicero’s life, the policy which the -circumstances of it, sometimes obliged him to, will not -offend liberal minds. In estimating therefore the -character of Cicero, it is well to remember Dr. Middleton’s -remark in his preface “and in every thing especially -that relates to Cicero, I would recommend the -reader to contemplate the whole character, before he -thinks himself qualified to judge of its separate parts, on -which the whole will always be found the surest comment.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>The first book is the most complete of the whole six: -the opening however is imperfect. Cicero in his own -person enters into a discussion whether governments -should be administered by contemplative philosophers, -or by active practical men. He recapitulates the arguments -on both sides of the question, often discussed -by the ancients, and decides the question in consonance -with those feelings which had governed his very active -life. The eloquence and force of some of the passages -are inimitable. They will be applicable to all times as -long as civil government exists among men. But in -this country where the experiment of a popular government -<span class='pageno' id='Page_30'>30</span>is trying upon so comprehensive a scale, the grandeur -of the sentiments deserves the attention of every -man. As where he states as an argument of those who -shun active occupations, that it is dangerous to meddle -with public affairs in turbulent times, and disgraceful to -associate with the low and disreputable men who are -conspicuous at those periods; that it is vain to hope to -restrain the mad violence of the vulgar, or to withdraw -from such a contest without injury; “As if,” he adds -with a generous enthusiasm, “there could be a more -just cause for good and firm men, endowed with noble -minds, to stand forth in aid of their country, than -that they may not be subject to bad men; nor suffer the -republic to be lacerated by them, before the desire of -saving it may come too late.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>After disposing of this question, he proceeds with -great address to open the plan of his work, and presents -in all the beautiful simplicity of the times, Scipio, his -friend Lælius, with some of their most accomplished -cotemporaries, seated, not in the gorgeous saloon of a -Lucullus or Crassus, but in the sunny part, because it -was the winter season, of the lawn of Scipio’s country -place; where they had convened to pass the Latin holidays -in discussing philosophical questions. Here, upon -an inquiry being instituted into the cause of two suns -reported to have been seen in the heavens, occasion is -<span class='pageno' id='Page_31'>31</span>found to introduce in a very pleasing manner, the astronomical -knowledge of the day, which Cicero was well -versed in. Scipio is made here to deliver a magnificent -passage, beginning at the 17th section. “Who can -perceive any grandeur in human affairs,” &c.<a id='r9' /><a href='#f9' class='c009'><sup>[9]</sup></a> This -inquiry about celestial phenomena, which appeared so -foreign to a philosophical investigation on the principles -of government, is admirably closed and without the -abruptness being perceived, by Lælius asking how it -can interest him that Scipio should be solicitous about -the two suns, “when he does not inquire the cause why -two senates, and almost two people exist in one republic.” -At the general request Scipio consents to deliver -his opinion of government. He defines a republic to be -the “public thing,” or common interest of all: and -he shews most satisfactorily that human beings congregate -not on account of their weakness, but that they are -led thereto by the social principle, which is innate in -man, and leads him even in the midst of the greatest -abundance to seek his fellow. He successively examines -the despotic, the aristocratic, and democratic -forms of government: their advantages and disadvantages; -and concludes that a fourth kind of government, -moderated and compounded from those three is most to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_32'>32</span>be approved. This is subsequently recurred to and enlarged -upon. Many persons will be surprised that the -balanced representative form of government, which has -but in modern times received the sanction of the wisest -nations, should have been shadowed forth in an apparently -speculative opinion, two thousand years ago. -We must however remember, that in the numerous small -independent states of Greece; their various forms of -government, the tyranny of their kings, the oppression -of the aristocracies, and the violence of the people, had -produced many discussions among their writers. Few -of these have come down to us. Yet Cicero was familiar -with them, and it is evident that his plan of a mixed -government was drawn from this source. There is -a passage to this effect preserved in the Anthology of -Stobæus, of Hyppodamus. He says that royalty, which -is a copy of divinity, is insufficient, on account of the -degeneracy of human nature. That it must be limited -by an aristocracy, where the principle of emulation leads -men to excel each other: and that the citizen also -should be admitted into that mixed government as of -right: but cautiously, as the people are apt to fall into -disorders. These opinions also flattered the Romans, -for in fact it was substantially their own form of government, -which consisted of consuls, patricians, and the -people and their tribunes.</p> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_33'>33</span>Scipio in the 43d section, gives an eloquent passage -from Plato, where the excesses of the multitude are -painted in the strongest language; a passage which -might well have been inspired by the French revolution.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Scipio opens the second book with the origin of the -Roman people, adopting the received opinions concerning -the early history of Rome, of Romulus, and -the succeeding kings. These opinions have of late, -been much controverted. Niebuhr whose erudition appears -to be inimitable, whatever success he may be -thought to have had in shaking them, has substituted nothing -satisfactory in their place, at least as far as we -may gather from his first volume. One thing may be -safely asserted, that Cicero might well present in his -republic, those traditions of the times, as the real history -of his country, because the Roman people were -acquainted with no other. He could not call upon -them to venerate the founders of Rome and their institutions, -and tell them at the same time they had never -existed. Niebuhr himself strengthens the account -given at section 19, Book II., of the Greek descent of -the first Tarquin, by observing that the clay vases made -at Tarquinii were painted, and resembled in colour -and drawing some discovered near Corinth. He says -they are found only in the district of Tarquinii, and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_34'>34</span>that the circumstance implies a peculiar intercourse -between Corinth and Tarquinii.</p> - -<p class='c000'>In the 22d section of the 2d Book, is another passage -with which Niebuhr is not satisfied, and which -even Professor Mai terms “<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">vexatissimum locum</span>.” -Cicero says the Roman people were distributed by Servius -into six classes, whose entire elective force was -one hundred and ninety-three centuries. To give the -landed proprietors who were rated in the first class, -a majority of this number, or ninety-seven votes, three -centuries of horse with six suffrages, meaning those inscribed -in the great census or register, in contradistinction -to the horsemen set apart from the mass of the -whole people; the century of carpenters, and the first -class, constituted together eighty-nine centuries. -Eight more centuries taken from the other five classes -and added to this number, made ninety-seven, being a -majority of one over ninety-six, and thus in Cicero’s -words “<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Confecta est vis, populi universa</span>.” The unwearied -erudition of Niebuhr, to which great deference -is due, is not satisfied with the simplicity of this statement -of the Roman Constitution, but assails it with an -unusual bitterness of critical spirit. He supposes the -passage from its genuine state to have been corrupted -by successive transcribers and commentators, to the -order in which Professor Mai has thought proper to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_35'>35</span>give it to the public, and that in its original state it -stood thus. “<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Nunc rationem videtis esse talem ut -prima classis, addita centuria quæ ad summum usum -urbis fabris tignariis est data: LXXXI centurias habeat; -quibus ex CXIV centuriis, tot enim reliquæ -sunt, equitum centuriæ cum sex suffragiis solæ si accesserunt</span>,” -&c.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“Now you will perceive the plan was such, that the -first class, a century being added from the carpenters -on account of their great utility to the city, consisted of -eighty-one centuries; to which if from the one hundred -and fourteen centuries, for so many remain, only the -centuries of horse with six suffrages are added,” &c. -I forbear to add his very curious reasons for this proposed -restoration, and which, not to be deemed extravagant, -require to be judged by those familiar with the -emendations of ancient MSS. It will be perceived, -however, that he makes the whole number of centuries -to consist of one hundred and ninety-five; and that he -gives the landed proprietors a majority of ninety-nine -over the ninety-six centuries belonging to the other five -classes, which appears superfluous in a system which -aimed at the appearance of moderation, “<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ne superbum -esset</span>.” Substantially the system appears to have been -this. The Roman people were distributed into six -classes, having one hundred and ninety-three centuries -<span class='pageno' id='Page_36'>36</span>or votes. The first class consisting of men of rank -and property, with the centuries of horse, had ninety-six -votes; leaving ninety-seven votes to the other five -classes. In order, however, to give the ascendancy to -the first class in the least offensive way, the century of -blacksmiths and carpenters was added to the first class, -under pretence of their great utility to the city; but -really because they were dependent upon the first class -and the cavalry for employment, and could be relied -upon. In this manner the first class secured a majority -of ninety-seven votes. The second book closes with -a declaration from Scipio, that unless the most perfect -justice is observed, no government can prosper.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The third book opens with a philosophical analysis -of the faculties of man, introductory to the great principle -of the immutable nature of justice, which it appears -was fully discussed in this book, of which so -small a portion is preserved. A splendid picture is -drawn in the second section of an accomplished statesman, -such as Cicero himself had aimed to be, and -which from a passage in one of his letters to Atticus, -appears to have been farther elaborated in the sixth -book. It relates to a triumph about which he felt some -anxiety after his government of Cilicia. “If this idea -of a triumph which even you approve, had not been -infused into me, you would not have had to look far for -<span class='pageno' id='Page_37'>37</span>the perfect citizen described in the sixth book.”<a id='r10' /><a href='#f10' class='c009'><sup>[10]</sup></a> Philus -is called upon to defend the cause of injustice after -the manner of Carneades the Greek sophist. The powerful -passage contained in the seventeenth section is delivered -by him. It was reserved for Lælius to close the -discussion as the advocate of justice. Scarce any part -of his discourse is preserved. Some fragments have, -however, been collected by Professor Mai, preserved -by Nonius the Philologist, and by Lactantius. In -the one, Lælius is made to declare, that the Roman -youth ought not to be permitted to listen to Carneades, -who if he thought as he spoke, was a bad man; and if -he was not, as he preferred to believe, his discourse -was nevertheless detestable. One of the passages -from Lanctantius is that well known exposition of eternal -right, or natural law of justice of which conscience -is the voice.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“There is indeed a law, right reason, which is in accordance -with nature; existing in all, unchangeable, -eternal. Commanding us to do what is right, forbidding -us to do what is wrong. It has dominion over -good men, but possesses no influence over bad ones. -No other law can be substituted for it, no part of it can -be taken away, nor can it be abrogated altogether. -Neither the people or the senate can absolve us from -<span class='pageno' id='Page_38'>38</span>it. It wants no commentator or interpreter. It is not -one thing at Rome, and another thing at Athens: one -thing to-day, and another thing to-morrow; but it is a -law eternal and immutable for all nations and for all -time. God, the sole Ruler, and universal Lord, has -framed and proclaimed this law. He who does not -obey it, renounces himself, and is false to his own nature: -he brings upon himself the direst tortures, even -when he escapes human punishments.”<a id='r11' /><a href='#f11' class='c009'><sup>[11]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c000'>The fourth book of which a mere fragment is preserved, -appears to have treated of domestic manners, -the education of youth, and of Roman life, public and -private. We have lost here many fine pictures of the -simplicity of Roman manners, at that flourishing period -of the republic, as well as of the progress of luxury, -which was not inconsiderable. A fragment of this -book is preserved in Nonius, where Scipio opposes the -collection of a revenue, necessary perhaps to make -good those deficiencies which extravagance had produced. -“<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Nolo enim eundem populum imperatorem et -portitorem esse terrarum. Optimum autem et in privatis -familiis et in republica vectigal duco esse parsimoniam.</span>” -“I am not willing that the same people should -be the sovereigns and the toll-gatherers of the world. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_39'>39</span>I look upon economy to be the best revenue for the republic, -and for private individuals.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>The fifth book is also a mere fragment. St. Augustin -has preserved some notices of it, from which it appears -that it treated very much of the ancient Roman institutions, -with a view to show the degeneracy of the times -in which Cicero wrote. In the fifth section of this -book, he speaks of the comfortable enjoyment of life -depending upon legal marriages and lawful children; -from whence perhaps we may gather the obligation -which the dissolute manners of the times had laid him -under, of asserting the value of these ties, as well as -his own veneration for them.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Of the sixth book no part whatever has come down -to us with this MSS: but the important fragment on a -future state preserved in Macrobius, warrants our supposing -that he was naturally led in a treatise so highly -philosophical, to pass from the consideration of human -morals, to the great object which moral conduct has in -view: the resisting of human weakness, for the sake of -fitting the immortal part of our nature for a higher condition -of being. The dream of Scipio, encumbered as -it is by some of the pedantry of the schools, is a production -of the highest order, upon this most sublime of -all subjects.</p> - -<hr class='c010' /> - -<div class='footnote' id='f1'> -<p class='c000'><span class='label'><a href='#r1'>1</a>. </span><span class='pageno' id='Page_40'>40</span>His. Nat. 18. 3. 1.</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='f2'> -<p class='c000'><span class='label'><a href='#r2'>2</a>. </span>Cato de Re Rustica. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Majores enim nostri, &c.</span></p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='f3'> -<p class='c000'><span class='label'><a href='#r3'>3</a>. </span>Dio. 11. 8. Gellius xv. 27.</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='f4'> -<p class='c000'><span class='label'><a href='#r4'>4</a>. </span><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Roma patrem patriæ Ciceronem libera dixit.</span> Juv. 8.</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='f5'> -<p class='c000'><span class='label'><a href='#r5'>5</a>. </span><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Magna Voce me vere jurasse juravit.</span> Ep. fam. 5. 2.</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='f6'> -<p class='c000'><span class='label'><a href='#r6'>6</a>. </span><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Quoniam, inquit, meos tam suspicione quam crimine judico carere -oportere.</span> Suet. J. Cæs. 74.</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='f7'> -<p class='c000'><span class='label'><a href='#r7'>7</a>. </span><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Sed quoniam qui nihil possunt, &c.</span></p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='f8'> -<p class='c000'><span class='label'><a href='#r8'>8</a>. </span>Ep. fam. 8. 14.</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='f9'> -<p class='c000'><span class='label'><a href='#r9'>9</a>. </span>“<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Quid porro aut præclarum putet in rebus humanis.</span>” Lib. 1. -xvii.</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='f10'> -<p class='c000'><span class='label'><a href='#r10'>10</a>. </span>Let. to Att. vii. 3.</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='f11'> -<p class='c000'><span class='label'><a href='#r11'>11</a>. </span>Lact. Inst. vi. 8.</p> -</div> - -<div><span class='pageno' id='Page_41'>41</span></div> -<div class='ph1'> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> -<div class='nf-center c011'> - <div>CICERO’S REPUBLIC.</div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class='figcenter id002'> -<img src='images/i_002.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -</div> - -<div class='chapter'> - <h2 id='I' class='c004'>BOOK I.</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c005'>I. For without the strong feeling of patriotism, neither -had G. Duelius, Aulus Atilius or L. Metellus freed -us from the terror of Carthage; or the two Scipios extinguished -with their blood the rising flame of the second -punic war. Quintus Maximus would not have weakened, -nor M. Marcellus have crushed the one which was -springing up with still greater strength: or P. Africanus -turning it from the gates of this city, have borne it -amid the walls of our enemies. Yet it was not thought -unbecoming in M. Cato, an unknown and a new man, -by whom all of us who emulate his course are led as a -bright example of industry and virtue, to enjoy the repose -of Tusculum, that healthy and convenient situation. -That insane man, however, as some have considered -him, preferred when urged by no necessity, to -contend amid those waves and tempests to extreme old -age; rather than pass his days in the most agreeable -manner, amid so much ease and tranquillity. Men without -number I omit, each of whom were benefactors to -the State, and who are not far removed from the remembrance -of this generation. I forbear to commemorate -<span class='pageno' id='Page_42'>42</span>them, lest any one should reproach me with neglecting -to speak of himself or his immediate friends. This one -truth I would mark, that nature has so strongly implanted -in man the necessity of virtue, and so powerful -an inclination to defend the common welfare, that this -principle overcomes all the blandishments of voluptuousness -and ease.</p> - -<p class='c000'>II. Yet to possess virtue, like some art, without -exercising it, is insufficient. Art indeed, when not effective, -is still comprehended in science. The efficacy -of all virtue consists in its use. Its greatest end is the -government of states, and the perfection not in words -but in deeds, of those very things which are taught in the -halls. For nothing is propounded by philosophers, -concerning what is esteemed to be just and proper, that -is not confirmed and assured by those who have legislated -for states. For from whence springs piety, or from -whom religion? Whence the law, either of nations, or -that which is called civil? Whence justice, faith, -equity? Whence modesty, continence, the dread of -turpitude, the love of praise and esteem? Whence -fortitude in trouble and dangers? From those who -having laid a foundation for these things in early education, -have strengthened some of them by the influence -of manners, and sanctioned others by the influence of -laws. Of Xenocrates, one of the noblest of philosophers, -it is said, that when he was asked what his disciples -learnt of him, he replied “to do that of their own -choice, which the laws enjoined them to do,” therefore -the citizen who obliges every one by the authority and -fear of the law to do that, which philosophers by reasoning, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_43'>43</span>with difficulty persuade a few to do, is to be preferred -to those learned men who only dispute about -these things. For which of their orations, however exquisite, -can be compared in value to a well constituted -state, to public right and to morals. Truly as great -and powerful cities, as Ennius says, are as I think, to -be preferred to villages and castles; so those who -stand pre-eminent in those cities, in authority and -counsel, are to be esteemed far before those in wisdom, -who are altogether ignorant of the conduct of public -affairs. And since we are chiefly urged by a desire to -increase the possessions of the human race, and seek by -our counsels and labours, to surround the life of man -with gratification and security, and are incited by the -instincts of nature to these enjoyments; let us hold the -course which was always that of the best men: nor attend -to those signals which speculative philosophers -make from their retirement, to allure back those who -are already far advanced.</p> - -<p class='c000'>III. Against these reasons so certain and so clear, -it is urged by those who are opposed to us: first, the -labour to be undergone in preserving the public welfare; -a slight impediment to the zealous and industrious, -not alone in matters of such high import, but in inferior -things: whether in studies or in official stations; and -to be despised even in affairs of business. To this they -add the dangers to which life is exposed, and the dread -of death, which brave men scorn; being wont to view it -as more wretched to waste away by infirmity and old age, -than to seize an occasion to devote that life to the advantage -of their country, which one day must be rendered -<span class='pageno' id='Page_44'>44</span>to nature. It is here however they deem themselves -most successful and eloquent, when they bring forward -the calamities of eminent men, and the injuries heaped -upon them by their ungrateful countrymen. Here -come the instances in Grecian history. Miltiades, the -conqueror and subduer of the Persians, with those -wounds yet streaming, which he received in front, in -the height of victory: preserved from the weapons of -the enemy, to waste away his life in the chains of his -countrymen. And Themistocles proscribed and driven -from the country he had freed, flying, not to the harbours -of that Greece he had preserved, but to the barbarous -shores he had harrassed. Nor indeed are instances -wanting among the Athenians of levity and -cruelty towards great numbers of their citizens; instances -which springing up repeatedly among them, are -said also to have abounded too conspicuously in our -city. For either the exile of Camillus, the misfortune -of Ahala, the ill will towards Nasica, or the expulsion -of Lenas, or the condemnation of Opimus is remembered: -or the flight of Metellus, the sad overthrow of -C. Marius, the cutting off of the most eminent citizens, -or the destruction of many of them, which soon after -followed. Nor indeed is my name forgotten. And I -judge that deeming themselves to owe both life and -ease to my peril and counsel, they have a more deep -and tender remembrance of me. But it is not easy to -explain how they who cross the seas for the sake of -observing or describing * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[Two pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_45'>45</span>IV. * * * * At the expiration of my -consulship, when in the assembly of the Roman people, -I swore that the republic had been saved by my exertions, -which they confirmed by universal acclamation, I -was requited for the cares and vexations of every injury. -Albeit my reverses had more honour than pain -attached to them, and less disquietude than glory. -Greater was my pleasure at receiving the approbation -of good men, than my regret at observing the satisfaction -of the bad. But had it happened otherwise, as I -said, what complaint could I make? Nothing unforeseen -could have occurred, nor more grievous than I -might have expected for so many of my deeds. For I -was one who could well have gathered greater fruits -from ease than others, on account of the agreeable variety -of the studies I had pursued from my childhood; -and if any disaster had overtaken the republic, I need -not have sustained a greater share of it, but have divided -it equally with the rest. I hesitated not to oppose -myself to those stormy tempests, and almost raging -waves, for the sake of preserving my fellow citizens, -and of accomplishing at my own risk the common -safety of all. For our country has not produced us, or -educated us under a law, that she is entitled to no support -on our part, lending herself as it were to our convenience -only; furnishing a secure refuge, and a tranquil -and peaceful asylum to our indolence: but rather -holds as pledges to her, to be employed for her benefit, -the many and great faculties of our mind, genius, and -reason; and only permits us to appropriate to our private -purposes, that portion of them, of which she stands -in no need.</p> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_46'>46</span>V. The pretences which are urged for the enjoyment -of indolence are not to be listened to. As -when it is stated that the public affairs are meddled -with by men worthy of no confidence, with whom it is -disgraceful to associate: yet to contend against whom -is a miserable and dangerous effort, especially when the -multitude is excited. For which reason a prudent man -ought not to take the reins, when he is not able to restrain -the mad and untameable violence of the vulgar: -or a generous man expose himself to the lashes of -contumely in a strife with low and outrageous adversaries: -or a wise man hope to withdraw from such a contest -without injury. As if there could well be a more -just cause for good and firm men, endowed with noble -minds, to stand forth in aid of their country, than that -they may not be subject to bad men; nor suffer the republic -to be lacerated by them, before the desire of saving -it may come too late.</p> - -<p class='c000'>VI. But who can approve of their exception, that a -wise man ought not to take upon him any part of the -public affairs, unless an occasion of extraordinary need -should drive him to it? as if indeed a greater necessity -could ever have happened to any one, than occurred to -myself. How could I have been useful then, had I -not been consul? and how could I have been consul, -had I not pursued that course of life from my -youth, which belonging to the equestrian rank, in -which I was born, enabled me to attain the first honours -of the state? No man therefore can assume at pleasure -the ability of aiding in the public service, however -urgent the danger may be, unless he stands in that relation -<span class='pageno' id='Page_47'>47</span>to his country, which fits him for the occasion. -And it appears to me most marvellous, that in the discourse -of learned men, they who declare themselves -unable to steer in a calm sea, because they have never -been taught, nor have ever studied the subject, talk of -taking the helm in the midst of the greatest storms. -For these very men openly declare, and pride themselves -greatly upon it, that they have never studied or taught -the mode of establishing or protecting the public interest; -which they think the exclusive province, not of -learned and erudite men, but of those who are practised -in these matters. What consistency is there then in -promising to aid the republic in times of peril, when -they are incapable of the easier task of directing it in the -calmest moments? And although, in truth, the philosopher -is not wont of his own accord, to consider the -details of state affairs, unless called upon by the times -to do it, when indeed he will not decline what duty imposes -on him; nevertheless, I judge the knowledge of -state affairs is least to be neglected by a wise man; that -every thing may be familiar to him, for he cannot tell -the moment, when it may be necessary for him to avail -himself of his knowledge.</p> - -<p class='c000'>VII. These things I have somewhat enlarged upon, -because the discussion proposed and undertaken by -me in this work, was on government: and in order to -prevent its being without effect, it was necessary in the -first instance, to remove every doubt as to the duty of -engaging in the public service. Nevertheless if there -are any who are governed by the opinions of philosophers, -let them turn their attention for a while, and listen -<span class='pageno' id='Page_48'>48</span>to those who enjoy a proud pre-eminence among -learned men, even when they have not borne any charge -in the republic; still whom I deem from the extent of -their studies, and their writings on government, to have -been invested with functions appertaining to the public -interest. But those seven, whom the Greeks call wise, -I perceive have almost all been greatly engaged in public -affairs. For there is no one thing in which human -worth is more nearly allied to the power of the gods, -than to found new states, or to preserve those already -founded.</p> - -<p class='c000'>VIII. Concerning which matters, since it hath happened -to me, to be deemed something worthy of memory -in my administration of public affairs, and to possess -some talent for unfolding them; not only in practice, -but being versed too in the art of speaking and -teaching: while of those before me, some were perfect -in debate, yet unknown by their deeds; others of respectable -parts for business, without the talent of oratory. -Still it is not my intention here to bring forward -any new system invented by myself, but to repeat a discussion, -that took place at a certain period of our history, -among our most illustrious and wise men, which -was related to me a long time ago in my youth, by P. -Rutilius Rufus, when we were at Smyrna together: in -the which I think scarce any point was omitted that belongs -to the consideration of these great matters.</p> - -<p class='c000'>IX. When P. Africanus, the son of Paulus, established -Latin holidays in his gardens, during the consulate -of Tuditanus, and Aquilius; and his most intimate -friends had promised to visit him frequently at -<span class='pageno' id='Page_49'>49</span>that season. On the morning of the first day, Q. Tubero, -the eldest son of his sister, came. Pleased with -his visit, and kindly addressing him “What! Tubero,” -said he, “is it you so early? I should have thought -these holidays would have given you a favourable opportunity -of pursuing your literary inquiries.” “Why in -truth,” replied he, “I can apply all my leisure to my -books, for they are always disengaged. But to find -you at leisure, is very remarkable; especially at this time -so critical for the republic.” “So help me Hercules,” -said Scipio, “however you find me, it is more idle in -appearance than in truth.” “You must now,” said Tubero, -“relax your mind a little also, for several of us -have determined if it is not inconvenient to you, to -spend some of our leisure with you.” “With all my -heart,” replied Scipio, “provided we may acquire some -information thereby on philosophical subjects.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>X. “Since you invite and encourage me to it yourself,” -said Tubero, “let us first converse, Africanus, -before the others come, about the meaning of this double -sun which has been spoken of in the senate. For -those who declare that they have seen two suns, are -neither few in number, nor insignificant persons: so -that it appears to be of less importance to doubt the -fact, than to inquire into the cause of it.” “Would -that we had with us our excellent Panætius,” said Scipio, -“who among other objects of knowledge, was so -diligent an inquirer about celestial phenomena. As to -myself, Tubero—for to you I will freely declare what I -think; I am not drawn in to adopt in matters of this -sort, the opinions of our friend, who pronounces things -<span class='pageno' id='Page_50'>50</span>which are scarcely within the reach of conjecture, to be -as manifest, as if he beheld them with his eyes, or could -lay his hands upon them. On which account I am accustomed -to consider Socrates much wiser, who leaves -the consideration of such things aside, and teaches that -the phenomena about which nature may be interrogated, -are either beyond the force of human reason, or irrelevant -to the conduct of human affairs.” “I know not,” -rejoined Tubero, “what authority there is for the fact, -that Socrates rejected all discussion upon such matters, -and confined himself to the moral conduct of human -life. For what author is to be commended, as more ample -on that head than Plato; in whose writings, in many -places, it is the custom of Socrates in discussing morals, -the virtues, and finally public affairs; to allude -studiously to the science of numbers, to geometry, and -to harmony, after the Pythagorean mode.” Scipio answered, -“these things are as you say; but I dare say -you have heard, Tubero, that Plato after the death of -Socrates, was carried by the love of knowledge first -into Egypt, afterwards into Italy and Sicily, that he -might obtain an insight into the discoveries of Pythagoras. -That he associated much with Archytas the -Tarentine, and with Timæus of Locram. That he acquired -the commentaries of Philolaus, and perceiving -that the name of Pythagoras was at that time in great -reputation in those places, he dedicated his time to the -disciples of Pythagoras and to their opinions. But as -he had loved Socrates alone, and wished to make all -things conducive to his reputation, he interwove very -skilfully the subtlety and humour of the Socratic style -<span class='pageno' id='Page_51'>51</span>with the mysteries of Pythagoras, and with many -branches of the arts.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>As Scipio ceased to speak, he suddenly saw L. Furius -approaching, and as soon as he had kindly saluted -him, he took him by the hand, and placed him on his -couch. And as P. Rutilius the accomplished preserver -of this conversation appeared at the same time, saluting -him also in the same manner, he bade him be seated -near to Tubero. “What are you engaged in,” said -Furius; “hath our arrival broken in upon your conversation?” -“Not in the least,” replied Africanus, -“for it is precisely about matters, such as Tubero has -just been introducing, that thou art wont diligently to -inquire into, and to investigate. And indeed our friend -Rutilius was in the habit occasionally of discussing -things of this kind with me, when we were under the -walls of Numantia.” “What is the subject you have -fallen upon?” said Philus. “These two suns,” replied -he, “respecting which I am desirous of hearing your -opinion.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>XII. As he spoke this, a boy announced that Lælius -was approaching, having already left his house; -upon which Scipio having dressed himself, left his -chamber, and had made but a few paces in the portico, -when he saluted Lælius who was approaching, and those -who were with him: Spurius Mummius, to whom -he was particularly attached; Fannius, and Quintus -Scævola, sons-in-law of Lælius, highly gifted young -men of the quæstorial age. And having welcomed -them all, he made another turn on the portico, placing -Lælius in the middle; for in their friendship it was a -<span class='pageno' id='Page_52'>52</span>sort of law between them, that Lælius did homage to -Scipio as to a god, on account of his glorious pre-eminence -in war; while in his turn Scipio, in private life, -paid to Lælius all the reverence due to a parent, on -account of his superior years. And having chatted a -little together in various places, Scipio, who was very -much enlivened and gratified with their arrival, was -pleased to have them seated in a sunny place in a little -meadow, on account of its being the winter season; -which as they were about to do, M. Manilius came, a -prudent and agreeable person, and very dear to them -all; who being cordially saluted by Scipio and the rest, -took his seat next to Lælius.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XIII. “It does not seem to me necessary,” said -Philus “that we should seek another subject of conversation -on account of those who are arrived, but -that we should observe more accuracy, and say something -worthy of their ears.” “What subject were -you upon,” said Lælius, “and what discussion are we -come to be present at?” “Scipio was inquiring of -me,” replied Philus, “what my opinion was respecting -the fact of two suns having been seen.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>Lælius. “Why truly Philus, is there no longer any -thing left for us to inquire about, touching our own domestic -affairs, or those appertaining to the republic, -that we must be exploring the things that are passing -in the heavens?” “Dost thou then think,” replied he, -“that it does not concern our own mansions, to know -what is passing, and what is done in that vast one, not -the one surrounded by our walls, but that which constitutes -the universe, and which the gods have given to us -<span class='pageno' id='Page_53'>53</span>for a domicile, and a common country with themselves. -Especially when if we are ignorant of them, many and -very high matters will be hidden from us. As to myself, -the contemplation and knowledge of these things -delight me, as certainly as it does you, Lælius, and all -who are eager in the pursuit of knowledge.” “I offer -no impediment,” said Lælius, especially at this holiday -time; but shall we hear any thing, or are we come too -late?”</p> - -<p class='c000'>Philus. “Nothing has been discussed yet, and as -the subject is entire, I freely concede to you, Lælius, -the right of expressing your sentiments first.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>Lælius. “Let us rather hear you, unless Manilius -thinks, that some decree by way of compromise between -these two suns may be adjusted; so that each -may keep possession of its own part of the firmament.” -“You love still to banter that science, Lælius, in which -I am proud to excel,” replied Manilius, “and without -which no one could know his own possession from anothers. -But of that by and by. Let us now listen -to Philus, who I perceive has a case of greater difficulty -referred to him, than ever came before me or P. Mucius.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>XIV. “I shall lay nothing new before you,” said Philus, -“nor any thing discovered or thought of by myself. -I remember, however, that C. Sulpicius Gallus, a very -learned man as you know; when this same phenomenon -was stated to have been seen, being by chance in the -house of M. Marcellus, who had been in the consulate -with him; ordered a sphere to be placed before -him, which the ancestor of M. Marcellus had taken -from the conquered Syracusans, and brought out of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_54'>54</span>their wealthy and embellished city; the only thing he -had possessed himself of among so great a spoil. I -had heard a great deal of this sphere, on account of the -fame of Archimedes, but did not admire the construction -of it so much; for another which Archimedes also had -made, and which the same Marcellus had placed in the -temple of virtue, was more elegant and remarkable in -the general opinion. But subsequently, when Gallus -began very scientifically to explain the nature of the -mechanism; the Sicilian appeared to me to possess -more genius, than human nature would seem to be capable -of. Gallus said, that the other solid and full -sphere was an old invention, and was first wrought -by Thales of Miletas: but afterwards was delineated -over with the fixed stars in the heavens by Eudoxus, -the Cnidian, a disciple of Plato. The which adorned -and embellished as it was by Eudoxus, Aratus -who had no knowledge of astronomy, but a certain -poetical faculty, many years afterwards extolled in -his verses. The mechanism of this sphere, however, on -which the motions of the sun, moon, and those five -stars which are called wandering and irregular, are -shown; could not be illustrated on that solid sphere. -But what appeared very admirable in this invention of -Archimedes was, that he had discovered a method of -producing the unequal and various courses, with their -dissimilar velocities, by one revolution. When Gallus -put this sphere in motion, the moon was made to succeed -the sun by as many revolutions of the brass circle, -as it actually took days to do in the heavens. From -which the same setting of the sun was produced on the -sphere as in the heavens: and the moon fell on the very -<span class='pageno' id='Page_55'>55</span>point, where it met the shadow of the earth, when the -sun from the region * * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[About ten pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>XV. * * * * * for he was a man I was -very much attached to, and I know that my father Paulus -esteemed and placed the highest value on him. I -remember when I was but a boy, being with my father, -who was then consul in Macedonia; that while we -were encamped, our army was struck with a religious -dread, because the full and splendid moon in the serenity -of the night, was suddenly eclipsed. He being then -our lieutenant, the year just before that in which he was -declared consul, did not hesitate the following day, to -pronounce openly in the camp, that it was no prodigy. -And that what had then taken place, would always occur -in future at those particular periods, when the position -of the sun was such, that its rays could not fall -upon the moon. “But how could he,” asked Tubero, -“make men half wild, comprehend such matters, or -venture to speak of them before the unenlightened?”</p> - -<p class='c000'>Scipio. “Indeed he did, and with great * * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[About two pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>* * * * * there was neither a haughty ostentation, -nor any thing in his speech unbecoming a grave -personage; and he accomplished a point of great importance, -in removing from the disturbed minds of the -men, the influence of an idle and fearful superstition.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XVI. There was an occurrence similar to this during -the great war, which the Athenians and Lacedemonians -waged against each other with so much inveteracy. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_56'>56</span>Darkness being suddenly produced by the obscuration -of the sun, and a prodigious fear taking possession of -the minds of the Athenians. Pericles, the first man in -the city, in authority, in eloquence, and in council; -taught the citizens what he had himself learnt from -Anaxagoras, whose pupil he had been: that it was an -unavoidable appearance at the particular period, when -the moon had placed herself immediately before the -orb of the sun: and although it did not take place every -lunar period; it could nevertheless be occasioned only -by the moon’s motion. Having convinced them by -reasoning, he delivered the people from their apprehension. -For it was then a strange and unknown reason -to give for an eclipse, that the sun and moon were in -opposition to each other, which it is said, was first observed -by Thales the Milesian. At a later period, this -had not escaped our Ennius, who wrote about the year -350 of the building of Rome, in the nones of June; -that “<em>the moon and night stood before the sun</em>.” So -great, however, is the advancement of knowledge in -these matters, that from this day, which we find noted -in the principal annals, and by Ennius; the previous -occultations of the sun are fixed up to that which took -place in the reign of Romulus, in the nones of the fifth -month. During which darkness, Romulus, whom the -laws of nature indeed would have carried to the tomb, -is said to have been borne by his virtue to heaven.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XVII. Then Tubero, “Dost thou not perceive -Africanus, that what appeared otherwise to thee a while -ago * * * * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[About two pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_57'>57</span>* * * * * * “Who can perceive any grandeur -in human affairs, whose eyes are accustomed to survey -the empire of the gods? What are temporal things in -the eyes of those conversant with eternal ones? What -is there glorious to the contemplation of him, who looks -at the small size of the earth; first as to its whole extent, -then to that part of it which men inhabit? And -yet we, confined to so small a portion of it, unknown to -most nations, hope our name will be diffused to its utmost -limits. What are lands, and houses, and flocks, -and immense masses of gold and silver to him who neither -considers them desirable nor calls them so: the -fruition of which appears to him trifling, the use unsatisfactory, -the possession uncertain: and which are -often in the hands of the most contemptible of men? -How fortunate may that man be esteemed, who alone -claims a share in all things, not as the privilege of a -citizen, but of a philosopher: not by civil rights, but by -the common law of nature, which forbids any one to be -the proprietor of aught, of the proper use of which he -is ignorant! Who considers our consulships and high -offices, not to be sought after for the sake of personal -advantage or glory; not as things to be coveted, but to -be undertaken as duties. The man finally who can say -that of himself which my ancestor Africanus, as Cato -writes, was wont to say, “that he never was more busy -than when he was doing nothing; and that he never -was less alone, than when nobody was with him.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>For who can deem Dionysius to have accomplished -a greater thing, when by the greatest exertion he snatched -their liberties from the citizens, than Archimedes his -<span class='pageno' id='Page_58'>58</span>countryman, who appearing to be occupied in nothing, -produced this sphere of which we were but now conversing? -Are they not more alone, who find no one in -the forum or in the crowd who chooses to talk with -them, than those who without any witness can converse -with themselves; or as it were, be present at the -councils of the most learned men, when they solace -themselves with their discoveries and writings? Who -in truth can imagine any one to be more rich, than the -man who has no wants, beyond the simple calls of nature; -or more powerful than him, who has attained the -possession of al that he desires; or more blessed than -him who is freed from all anxiety of mind? or what -man’s fortune is better established than his, who -can carry along with him, or out of a shipwreck as men -are wont to say, all his possessions? What command, -what office, what kingdom can be preferred to that condition -of mind, which looking down upon all things human, -and esteeming them to be the objects of an inferior -wisdom, turns ever to the contemplation of those -things that are divine and eternal: persuaded that they -only deserve to be called men, who are refined by the -sciences of humanity? That which has been said of Plato, -or of some other sage, appears to me therefore very -excellent. Who being borne by a tempest to unknown -lands, and cast on a desert shore, while his companions -were apprehensive on account of their ignorance of the -place, is said to have perceived geometrical figures described -on the sand. Which when he saw, he bade -them all be of good heart, for he had seen vestiges of -men. Not that he judged so from the cultivation of the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_59'>59</span>fields which he beheld, but from these indications of -science. For all these reasons, Tubero, learning, and -learned men, and these thy studies have always been -pleasing to me.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XVIII. Then said Lælius, “I am not bold enough, -Scipio, to speak of these things: nor even to thee, or -Philus, or Manilius * * * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[Two pages wanting]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>* * * * in his paternal house we -have had a friend, worthy to be imitated by him.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“Ælius Sextus, conspicuously discreet and wise.” -That he was conspicuously discreet and wise, is said by -Ennius, not because he sought after what he was not -able to discover, but because he answered those who -made inquiries of him, in a manner to solve their difficulties -and anxieties, in whose mouth when arguing -against the studies of Gallus, were always these words -of Achilles, in Iphigenia.</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b c012'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>“Astrology, its signs; how are they read in heaven?</div> - <div class='line'>When goat or scorpion, or ferocious names arise,</div> - <div class='line'>The obvious earth is shunned, to scrutinize the skies.”</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>He also said, for many times and willingly I listened to -him, that Zethus the author of Pacuvius, was too great -an enemy to science. The Neoptolemus of Ennius -pleased him more; who says that he likes to philosophize -but only with a few; not willing to give himself -up to it altogether. But if the studies of the Greeks -delight you so much, there are others freer and more -<span class='pageno' id='Page_60'>60</span>easily diffused, which we may bring to the use of life, or -even to that of the republic. As for these arts, their -value consists, if in any thing, in stimulating and -sharpening the genius of young boys; enabling them in -this manner the better to comprehend greater things.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XIX. “I do not dissent from you, Lælius,” said Tubero, -“but ask what you understand by greater things?”</p> - -<p class='c000'>Lælius. “I will tell you in good faith, although you -may somewhat despise me for it; since it is you who -are asking Scipio about these celestial matters. As -for myself, I think those things most worthy of our -attention, which lay immediately before our eyes. How -can it interest me that the grandson of L. Paulus by the -mother’s side, born of such a noble and illustrious -family in this republic, should seek for reasons why two -suns have been seen, when he does not inquire the -cause why two senates, and almost two people exist in -one republic? For as you perceive the death of Tiberius -Gracchus, and even before that event, the whole -proceedings of his tribunate were dividing one people -into two parties: those who are the detractors of Scipio -also, and are envious of him, urged on at first by -P. Crassus and Appius Claudius, keep up notwithstanding -their death, an opposition to us in the senate, through -the influence of Metellus and P. Mucius. Nor will -they suffer him to come forward, who is alone equal to -so dangerous a crisis, amidst the factious and dangerous -associations made under the Roman name: amidst -violated compacts, and the new matters daily stirring by -the seditious triumvirs, to the consternation of good and -respectable men. Wherefore young men, if you will -<span class='pageno' id='Page_61'>61</span>listen to me, entertain no apprehensions about this -double sun: for either it is nothing at all, or if it is -a reality, as far as it has been observed, there is nothing -injurious in it. Either we can know nothing -about such matters, or even if we could know all about -them, we should not be better or happier for that knowledge. -But one senate and one people we may have; -that is practicable. And if it is not done, we shall suffer -for it. And we know it is otherwise, and that if it -were effected, we should have more stability, and be -happier and better.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>XX. Then Mucius. “What is it we have to learn, -in your opinion, Lælius, that we may be able to effect -what you require of us?”</p> - -<p class='c000'>Lælius. “Those sciences whose tendency is to -enable us to be useful to the state; for I deem that to -be the most pre-eminent gift of wisdom, as well as the -noblest fruit of virtue and duty. Wherefore that these -holidays may be productive of conversations in an especial -manner useful to the republic, let us entreat Scipio -to impart to us, what he deems to be the happiest condition -of a state. Afterwards we can consider other -matters, the knowledge of which I hope will bring us to -the subject before us, and will unfold the causes of the -present condition of things.</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[Two pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>XXI. * * * * * not for that cause alone I -wished it, but because I thought it proper that the first -person in the republic should first speak on public affairs; -and because I remembered that you were accustomed -<span class='pageno' id='Page_62'>62</span>frequently to discuss with Panætius before Polybius, -two Greeks extremely versed in civil affairs; and -that you had proved by various reasonings the excellence -of that form of government, which our ancestors -had transmitted to us from so distant a period. In the -which matter, you, being more competent to it, will do -an agreeable thing to us all, (for I speak also for the -rest,) if you will unfold to us your opinion of the commonwealth.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>XXII. “I cannot,” he began, “say that I have been -in the habit of turning my mind more intensely and diligently -to the consideration of any subject, than the -very one which you now propose to me, Lælius. For -when I perceive that every artificer who truly excels in -his vocation, is filled with anxiety, care, and zeal, lest -any one should surpass him in his art. I, whose chief -duty, bequeathed to me by my parents and ancestors, is -the conduct and administration of the republic, must -confess myself more indolent than any artisan, if I bestowed -less attention on the greatest of arts, than he -does on the most insignificant. But neither am I satisfied -with the writings on this subject which the first and -wisest among the Greeks have left to us; while I hesitate -to establish my own conclusions in preference to -theirs. Wherefore I intreat you, not to listen to me as -one entirely ignorant of the affairs of the Greeks, nor -as one who gives them the preference to our own writers, -particularly in matters of this kind; but as one -liberally brought up by the diligence of distinguished -parents, and ardent in the love of knowledge from his -<span class='pageno' id='Page_63'>63</span>youth; yet nevertheless much more formed by domestic -experience, than by literary studies.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>XXIII. “I doubt,” said Philus here, “whether any -one has ever excelled you in genius. We know to -what studies you have always been partial, and that in -your acquaintance with the great affairs of the state, -you have surpassed every one: wherefore if as you -say, your mind has been particularly turned to matters -which have now become almost a science: I feel very -much indebted to Lælius, feeling a hope that what you -will say will be more instructive, than all those things -which the Greeks have written for us.” “You are -creating” replied he, “much expectation from my discourse, -which is a very great weight upon one, who is -about to speak of matters of importance.” “However -great it may be,” said Philus, “you will throw it off as -you are accustomed to do; nor is there any danger that -a dissertation from you on government will be deficient -in any requisite.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>XXIV. “I will do what you desire, as well as I am -able,” rejoined Scipio, “and will begin the discussion -in conformity with the rule which I think ought to be -observed in the examination of all things, if you would -avoid error. That the name of the subject in discussion -being agreed upon, the meaning of the name shall -be defined. If this be found to be appropriate, the -matter can be entered upon at once; for unless this be -perfectly understood at first, we never can understand -what we are disputing about. Wherefore since it is of -the republic we are inquiring, let us first examine what -that is we are inquiring about.” Lælius having shown -<span class='pageno' id='Page_64'>64</span>his acquiescence. “I do not intend, however,” said -Africanus, “in a matter so clear and familiar, to begin -with the very origin of things; the first conjunction of -the sexes; then their progeny and descendants, as some -of our learned men are accustomed to do: nor shall I -go into continual definitions of terms—what they are—and -how many varieties of them. When I address -wise men, who in war and in peace, have taken a glorious -part in the affairs of a great republic, I shall not -expose myself in such a manner, that the very thing under -discussion shall be more intelligible, than my own -explanation of it. Neither do I take upon me to pursue -the subject in every direction, as a master would: -nor can I promise to do it so effectually, that no omission -whatever shall escape me.” “It is exactly such a -discourse as you promise, that I am in expectation of,” -said Lælius.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XXV. “A republic or commonwealth then,” said -Scipio, “is the wealth or common interest of the people. -Every assemblage of men however, gathered together -without an object, is not the people, but only an assemblage -of the multitude associated by common consent, -for reciprocal rights, and reciprocal usefulness. -The leading cause of this congregating, is not to be -ascribed so much to his weakness, as to the social principle -innate with man. Our species is not a solitary -and wandering one, but is so created that even when -enjoying the greatest affluence * * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[Two pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_65'>65</span>XXVI. * * * * rather intuitive; for no -original institution of the social state has been found, -nor of the other moral virtues. These congregations -therefore made for the purposes I have explained, established -their first seat in some particular place for a -residence. Which after being fortified by their labours -and by its position, and fitted with temples and public -squares, the re-union of dwellings constructed after -this manner, they called a town or city. Every people -therefore, formed by the assemblage of such a multitude -as I have described, every city which is the settlement -of a people, every commonwealth which as I have -said, is the wealth of the people, must in order to be -permanent, be governed by some authority. That -authority however must always have a strong relation to -the causes from whence the commonwealth derived its -origin. It may then be delegated to one, or to some -selected persons; or it may be borne by the whole -multitude of the people. When therefore authority -over all things, is in the control of one man, we call -him king; and a commonwealth so ordered, his kingdom. -When the authority is exercised by selected -persons, then such a state is said to be under the government -of the better class. But there is also a popular -form of government, for so it is called, where all -things are ruled by the people. And of any of these -three modes, if the chain is in any manner kept together, -which at first united men into the social pact for the -sake of the common interest, I would not indeed call -the mode perfect, nor say that in my opinion it was the -best, but that it was to be tolerated, and that one might -<span class='pageno' id='Page_66'>66</span>be preferable to another. For whether under a just and -wise king, or chosen eminent citizens, or the people -themselves, although this last is least to be approved of, -setting aside the irregularities occasioned by the bad -passions of some men, any one may see that a steady -government might be preserved.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XXVII. In kingdoms however, the governed are -too much deprived of common rights, and of power. -Under the better class, the multitude can scarcely be -partakers of liberty, as they are not admitted either to -the public councils or offices: and when the government -is conducted by the people, although it be justly and -moderately administered, yet equality itself becomes -injustice, seeing that it admits of no degrees of rank. -Therefore, although Cyrus the Persian, was a most just -and wise king, yet such a commonwealth, (for as I said -before, it is the common property,) governed by the nod -of one man, does not appear to me very desirable. -And although the Massilians our clients are governed -with great justice, by their chosen chief men, nevertheless -in that condition of a people, there is something -resembling slavery. And the Athenians at a certain -period having abolished the Areopagus, conducted every -thing by ordinances, and decrees of the people; yet as -they had no distinctions in dignity, their state was without -its ornament.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XXVIII. And this I say of these three kinds of -government, not of the agitations and disturbances incidental -to them, but of their tranquil and regular state. -Those varieties are principally remarkable for the defects -I have alluded to. Then they have other pernicious -<span class='pageno' id='Page_67'>67</span>failings, for every one of these governments is travelling -a dangerous road, bordering on a slippery and precipitous -path. To a king so commendable, or if you -choose, since I especially name him; to the amiable -Cyrus; a parallel springs up in the cruel Phalaris, with -all his capricious tyranny; into whose similitude the -government of one man so easily slides with a downward -course. To the administration of the city of the -Massilians by their select chiefs, may be opposed the -plot and faction of the Thirty, which took place at a -certain period among the Athenians. Nor need we -look farther; the very Athenian people having assumed -the power over all things, and giving license to the fury -of the multitude * * * * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> -<div class='nf-center c002'> - <div>[Two pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>XXIX. * * * * * * and this great mischief -arises whether under the rule of the better class, -or under a tyrannical faction, or under the regal government; -and even frequently under the popular form. At -the same time from the various forms of government of -which I have spoken, something excellent is wont to -emanate. For the changes and vicissitudes in public -affairs, appear to move in a circle of revolutions; which -when recognized by a wise man, as soon as he beholds -them impending, if he can moderate their course in -the administration of affairs, and restrain them under -his control; he acts truly the part of a great citizen, -and almost of a divine man. Therefore I think a fourth -<span class='pageno' id='Page_68'>68</span>kind of government, moderated and mixed from those -three of which I first spoke, is most to be approved.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>XXX. “I know” said Lælius, “that such is your -opinion Africanus, for I have often heard you say so. -Nevertheless, unless it is troublesome to you, I should -be glad to learn which you judge best of these three -kinds of government. For either it will throw some -light upon * * * * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[Two pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>XXXI. * * * * * * every government -partakes of the nature and will of him who administers -it. So that in no other state, save where the power of -the people predominates, has liberty any home. Liberty -the sweetest of all blessings, and which if it is not -equal for all, is not liberty. For what equality can there -be, I do not mean in kingdoms where slavery has no -doubtful character: but in those states where all are -nominally free: there indeed they give their votes, confer -commands, magistracies and are solicited and intreated. -But in truth they only part with that, however -repugnant it may be to them, which must be conferred: -things which they cannot retain, which is the reason -why others seek to possess them. For they are invested -with no command, have no public authority, nor are -called to be judges in the tribunals: privileges which -belong either to ancient families, or are purchased by -money. Among a free people however, as at Rhodes -or Athens, there is no citizen who * * * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[Two pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_69'>69</span>XXXII. Some assert, that when one or more in a state -becomes conspicuous by his opulence or riches, disdain -and pride soon break out: and the weak and indolent yield -and bend under the arrogance of riches. But if the people -are able to preserve their rights, they think no condition -of things could be more excellent, more free, or -more happy. For in their hands would be the laws, the -tribunals, war, peace, treaties, and the properties and -lives of all the citizens. This sort of government they -think is properly called one republic, that is the common -interest of the people. Wherefore it is, that the -people are wont to restore commonwealths to liberty -from the domination of kings, and patricians; not that -kings are believed to be necessary to a free people, or -that the better class are the source of power and wealth. -And they deny that these advantages should not be conceded -to a free people on account of the excesses of -uncivilized nations: for where the people are unanimous, -and every thing tends to the public safety and -liberty, nothing can be more unchangeable, nothing -more firm. Unanimity in such a commonwealth is -very easy, where the common effort is for the public -good. But from opposing interests, where one man -clashes with another, discord arises. Wherefore when -the senate had possession of the government, the condition -of the state was never sound. In kingdoms the -disadvantages are still greater; of them Ennius said</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b c012'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>“No holy confidence or fellowship reigns there.”</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>Wherefore as the law is the bond of civil society, and -equal rights form that of the law, by what power can a -<span class='pageno' id='Page_70'>70</span>community of citizens be maintained, where their condition -is not an equal one? If therefore it is not expedient -to equalize fortunes; if the powers of mind cannot -be equalized in all, certainly then an equality of -rights ought to exist, among those who are citizens of -the same republic. For what is a state but a community -of rights? * * * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[Two pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>XXXIII. * * other governments however are deemed -by them not to deserve those names, which they have -chosen to arrogate to themselves. For why should I -call a man who is greedy of rule, or of the sole command, -and who is trampling upon an oppressed people, -king, which is the title of the good Jupiter, rather -than tyrant? A tyrant may be clement as well as a -king may be oppressive; the matter really interesting to -the people is, whether they are to serve under a gentle -or a severe master: for as to being any thing but servants, -that is not to be avoided. How could Lacedemon, -when she was thought to excel in the science of government, -possess only good and just kings, when she was -obliged to take any king who was sprung from the royal -blood? And the better class, who can endure them, -who have arrogated to themselves in their own assemblies, -a name not conceded to them by the people? For -who is the man to be pronounced best, in learning, in -the arts, in studies? * * * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[Four pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_71'>71</span>XXXIV. * * * * If it was done by lot, the -government would be overthrown; like a ship, at whose -helm, some passenger taken at hazard was placed. A -nation can entrust its affairs to whom it may choose; and -if it wishes to remain free, it will choose from among -the best. For certainly the security of states is found -in the counsels of the best citizens; especially as nature -has not only ordained that they should preserve an -influence over the weak by their conspicuous virtue and -courage, but also that the weak should resign themselves -to the government of great minds. This most desirable -state of things, they say, is prevented by the erroneous -opinions of men who, through ignorance of that -virtue, which belongs to but few, and is seen and appreciated -only by few, deem those who are sprung from -a noble race, or who are opulent and wealthy, to be the -best men. Under this vulgar error, when the power, -not the virtues of a few, have got possession of the -government; those chiefs tenaciously preserve the -title of better class; a name however to which the substance -is wanting. For riches, titles, and power, devoid -of wisdom, of the knowledge of self-government, and -that of the government of others, exhibit nothing but insolent -and disgraceful pride. Nor can the condition of -any city be more deplorable, than where the richest men -pass for the best. But what can be more delightful than -a state virtuously governed? What more illustrious -than the man, who while he governs others, is himself -the slave of no bad passions? Who, while he calls upon -the citizens to observe the regulations he has formed, -lives up to them all himself? Nor imposes any laws -<span class='pageno' id='Page_72'>72</span>upon the people, which he himself obeys not, but who -presents his whole life to his fellow citizens as one unbroken -law. If one man could suffice to all things, -there would be no need of many; and if all men could -perceive what is best, and consent to it, no one would -require any chiefs to be elected. The difficulty of -coming to wise determinations, has transferred the rule -from one king to many persons; and the error and -rashness of the people, from the multitude to a few. -Thus between the obstinacy of one, and the temerity of -many, the better class have possessed themselves of the -middle and least turbulent of all the situations: by -whom if the commonwealth is well administered, the -people relieved from all care and thought, must necessarily -be happy: enjoying their independence through -the labours of those, whose duty it is to preserve it to -them; and who ought never to permit the people to -think that their interests are neglected by their rulers. -As to that exact equality of rights, which is held so dear -by a free people; it cannot be preserved: for the people -themselves, however free and unrestrained they may -be, are remarkable for their deference to many persons; -and exercise a great preference as it respects men and -dignities. That which is called equality also, is a most -unjust thing in itself: for when the same honour is enjoyed -by the high and by the low, through a whole people, -that very equality must be unjust; and in those -states which are governed by the better class, it can -never happen. These, Lælius, and some other reasons -resembling them, are wont to be urged by those who -chiefly praise that form of government.</p> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_73'>73</span>XXXV. “But which, Scipio, among those three, -do you chiefly approve of?” said Lælius.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Scipio. “You do well to ask, which chiefly of the -three, since separately I do not approve of any of them; -but should prefer to every one of them, a government -constituted out of all three. But if one of them for its -simplicity may be admired, I should approve of the kingly -form, and give it the highest praise. For the name -of king calls up at once the idea of a father, consulting -with his citizens as if they were his own children; and -more anxious to preserve them, than to reduce them to -slavery: it being a great advantage to the weak to be -sustained by the exertions and by the foresight of one -pre-eminent and good man. Here however the better -class profess to do the same thing to more advantage, -and say there is more wisdom with numbers than with -one, and at the same time equal justice and faith. But -the people call out with a loud voice, that they choose -neither to obey one nor many; that nothing is sweeter -to the beasts of the field than liberty, which is wanting -to all who serve either under the better class or under a -king. Thus on the score of personal attachment, kings -attract us. The better class by their wisdom; and liberty -on the side of the people. So that in making the -comparison, it is difficult to say which is preferable.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>L. “I believe it,” said he, “but if you leave this -point unfinished, the other parts of the subject can -scarcely be cleared up.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>XXXVI. S. “Let us imitate therefore Aratus, who -in his introduction to a discourse upon high matters, -thought it best to begin with Jupiter.”</p> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_74'>74</span>L. “Why with Jupiter? and what has this discussion -to do with the verses of Aratus?”</p> - -<p class='c000'>S. “Insomuch, that the opening of our debate may -be honoured with the name of him, whom all, learned -and unlearned, consent with one voice, to be the one -king of all the gods and men.” “What then!” said -Lælius. “What do you believe in but the things which -are before your eyes?” replied he. “This opinion has -been established for the conduct of life, by those who -have had the direction of public affairs; that the belief -might prevail, that one king ruled in heaven, who with -his nod, as Homer says, could tumble down Olympus; -and that he should be considered as the King and Father -of all. Great is the authority for it, and many the -witnesses, inasmuch as all have concurred in it. Nations -too have agreed, as we find in the decrees of -princes, that the regal form of government was most excellent, -since they imagine the gods themselves to be -under the government of one king. And if we have -been told that this and similar opinions have sprung from -fables and the errors of the ignorant, let us listen to -those who may be considered almost the common -teachers of erudite men; who as it were, saw these -very things with their eyes, which we scarcely are acquainted -with, when we hear of them.” “And who -are they?” said Lælius. “They,” replied he, who in -their investigations of the nature of all things, have -perceived a design in the universal structure of this -world * * * * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[Four pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_75'>75</span>XXXVII. * * * * * * “But if you desire -it Lælius, I can give you authorities in no wise barbarous, -nor of too remote an antiquity.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>L. I should be glad to have them.</p> - -<p class='c000'>S. You are aware that it is now somewhat less than -four hundred years since this city has been governed -without kings.</p> - -<p class='c000'>L. That is true; rather less.</p> - -<p class='c000'>S. What then are four hundred years, for the age of -a city or state; is it such a long period?</p> - -<p class='c000'>L. It can hardly be called an adult age.</p> - -<p class='c000'>S. Then there was a king in Rome four hundred -years ago?</p> - -<p class='c000'>L. And a very superb one.</p> - -<p class='c000'>S. Who before him?</p> - -<p class='c000'>L. A most just one; and from that period up to -Romulus, who reigned six hundred years from the present -time.</p> - -<p class='c000'>S. Then he is not so very remote.</p> - -<p class='c000'>L. Not at all. The institutions of Greece were -already on the wane.</p> - -<p class='c000'>S. I submit to you now, whether Romulus was the -king of a barbarous people?</p> - -<p class='c000'>L. If as the Greeks say, all men were either Greeks -or Barbarians; then I am afraid he must be esteemed -a king of a barbarous people. But if that epithet is -appropriate to a difference of manners, rather than to -languages, I think the Greeks not less barbarians than -the Romans.” “In relation to the matter of which we -speak,” said Scipio, “it is intelligence we are looking for, -rather than men. If a discreet people therefore, not of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_76'>76</span>a very ancient period, have preferred the government of -kings, I am availing myself of testimony which cannot -be deemed savage, uncivilized, or of a barbarous antiquity.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>XXXVIII. “I perceive Scipio,” said Lælius, “that -you are sufficiently provided with testimony. But with -me, as with good judges, sound argument prevails -more than witnesses.” “Make use of an argument -then,” replied Scipio, “which your knowledge of yourself -can suggest to you.” “What knowledge,” said he.</p> - -<p class='c000'>S. Why as when by chance it happens to you to be -angry with some one.</p> - -<p class='c000'>L. That occurs oftener than I could wish.</p> - -<p class='c000'>S. What! when you are in anger, do you suffer -your mind to fall under the domination of that passion?</p> - -<p class='c000'>L. No, so help me Hercules. I rather imitate Archytas, -the Tarentine; who on arriving at his country -house, and being greatly offended at perceiving his -orders had been disobeyed, “You are a miserable -wretch,” said he to his farmer, “and I would have you -flogged to death if I were not angry.” “Excellent,” -said Scipio. “Archytas wished to calm his anger by -reflection, considering that degree of it which was not -under the control of reason, to be leading on to a sort -of sedition of the mind. To it add avarice, ambition, -the passion for glory, and for sensual pleasures; and it -will appear that there exists in the minds of men, a sort -of regal controlling power, to wit, reflection. For that -is the best part of the mind, and where its authority -<span class='pageno' id='Page_77'>77</span>prevails, there is no room for sensuality, for anger, or -for rashness.</p> - -<p class='c000'>L. So it is.</p> - -<p class='c000'>S. Do you approve therefore of a mind so disposed?</p> - -<p class='c000'>L. There is nothing I admire more.</p> - -<p class='c000'>S. Then you really do not think, reflection being -driven away; that voluptuousness or the angry passions, -which are without end, should have the mastery -in all things.</p> - -<p class='c000'>L. Indeed I can conceive of nothing more wretched, -than such a state of mind; nor of a man more debased -than when under such government.</p> - -<p class='c000'>S. You prefer then all parts of the mind, to be under -some government, the government of reflection?</p> - -<p class='c000'>L. I certainly prefer it.</p> - -<p class='c000'>S. Why therefore do you hesitate in your opinion -about public affairs; where if the administration is -transferred to many, there will be no one, as I now understand -it, to take the command. And it seems that -if authority is not one thing, it is nothing at all.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XXXIX. “I would ask,” said Lælius, “of what -consequence it is to us, whether one or many, if justice -is dispensed by the latter.” “Since I find Lælius,” said -Scipio, “that my witnesses have made no great impression -on you, I shall not desist from making use of yourself -as a witness to prove what I say.” “Me,” said -he, “in what way?”</p> - -<p class='c000'>S. Why adverting to the directions you so earnestly -gave to your family, when we were lately at Formianum; -to obey only the orders of one person.</p> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_78'>78</span>L. Oh! my farmer!</p> - -<p class='c000'>S. Well, at home, I suppose, several are entrusted -with the management of your affairs?</p> - -<p class='c000'>L. No, only one.</p> - -<p class='c000'>S. What, your whole establishment! does no one -but yourself manage it?</p> - -<p class='c000'>L. Just so.</p> - -<p class='c000'>S. Do not you therefore accede to the same conclusion -in public affairs: that the government of a -single person, if it is a just one, is the best?</p> - -<p class='c000'>L. I am brought to the conclusion, and must almost -assent to it.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XL. You will be more inclined to that opinion, said -Scipio, when omitting the analogies of one pilot, one -physician, who if they are any way skilled in their arts, -ought one to have the control of the ship; the other of -the patient, in preference to many; I come to the consideration -of greater matters.</p> - -<p class='c000'>L. What are they?</p> - -<p class='c000'>S. Are you not aware that the name of king became -odious to this people, on account of the oppression and -pride of one man, Tarquin?</p> - -<p class='c000'>L. Yes, I am aware.</p> - -<p class='c000'>S. Then you are aware of what haply in the course -of this discussion, I may find occasion to speak. -Tarquin being driven out, the people exulted with a -marvellous sort of insolence of freedom. At one time -driving innocent people into exile; at another, confiscating -the property of many. Next came annual consuls. -Then the fasces prostrated before the people—appeals -in all cases. Then the mutiny of the plebeians—then -<span class='pageno' id='Page_79'>79</span>a complete revolution in every thing, placing -all things in the power of the people.</p> - -<p class='c000'>L. It is as you say. “It is true,” said Scipio—“in -peace and tranquillity, some license may be permitted -when there is nothing to fear, as at sea sometimes, or -in a slight fever: but like him who is at sea, when suddenly -the ocean puts on its terrors, or the sick man, -when his complaint oppresses him, and the assistance -of one is implored: so our people in time of peace, -interfere in internal affairs, threaten the magistrates, refuse -submission to them, denounce them and provoke -them; yet in war obey them as they would a king, preferring -their safety to the indulgence of their passions. -Also in our more important wars, our countrymen have -constantly preferred the command to be in the hands of -one, without any colleague; the extent of whose power -is indicated by his name. For a dictator is so called -on account of every thing being dictated by him. But -in our books, Lælius, you see also that he is called -master of the people.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>L. It is so. “Wisely therefore did those ancients,” -said Scipio * * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[Two pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>XLI. * * * When a people is deprived of a -just king, as Ennius says, after the death of one of the -best of kings,</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b c012'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>“Long were their bosoms moved with deep regret;</div> - <div class='line'>Oft they together call upon his manes.</div> - <div class='line'>Oh, godlike Romulus! the bounteous gods</div> - <div class='line'><span class='pageno' id='Page_80'>80</span>What a protector did they give in thee?</div> - <div class='line'>Oh father, parent, blood derived from heaven!”</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>Those whom the laws enjoined them to obey, they did -not call lords or masters; finally, not even kings, but -guardians of the country, fathers and gods. Nor without -cause, for what is added,</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b c012'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>“Thou broughtest us into the realms of light!”</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>They thought that life, honour, and every comfort was -given to them by the justice of a king. And the same -inclinations would have remained with their posterity, if -the character of their kings had not changed. But you -perceive that kind of government was ruined by the injustice -of one man.</p> - -<p class='c000'>L. I do perceive it, and I am desirous of knowing -the course of these changes, not only in our own -country, but in all governments.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XLII. “It will be for you,” said Scipio, “when I -shall have given my opinion of that kind of government -which I prefer, to give a more accurate account of the -mutations in governments; although I do not think -them much to be apprehended in the form I am inclined -to. But a regal form of government is particularly -and most certainly exposed to change. When a king -begins to be unjust, that form of government perishes -at once. The tyrant is, at the same time, the worst of -all conditions of government, and the nearest to the -best. Whom, if the better class have overturned, which -for the most part happens, the commonwealth possesses -<span class='pageno' id='Page_81'>81</span>that second class of the three. And this is a sort of -royalty; a paternal government of the principal people, -for the benefit of the rest. But if the people cast out or -slay the tyrant; rejoicing in their own deed, they are -more moderate, as long as they know and feel the -value of being so, in their endeavour to protect the commonwealth -constituted by themselves. But when the -populace have bent their force against a just king, and -have stripped him of his kingdom; or even, as it happens -very often, have tasted the blood of the better -class, and have prostrated the whole republic in their -madness; think not that the vexed ocean or the wildest -conflagration, can be more easily kept down, than the -unbridled insolence of the multitude.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XLIII. Then is produced what in Plato is so clearly -described, if I can in any manner express it in Latin, a -thing difficult to be done, but I will endeavour. “It is -then,” he says, “when the insatiable throats of the -people, parched with the thirst of liberty, and led on by -rash demagogues, have greedily drank, not temperate -but too unalloyed draughts of freedom. Then the magistrates -and chiefs, unless they are too lenient and -indulgent, permitting them every excess of liberty; are -pursued, impeached, insulted, and called oppressors, -kings, and tyrants.” I think this part of his works is -known to you.</p> - -<p class='c000'>L. I am well acquainted with it.</p> - -<p class='c000'>S. Then follows, “Those who pay obedience to -the magistrates, are tormented by the people, are called -voluntary slaves. But those magistrates who affect to -be on an equality with the lowest; and other individuals -<span class='pageno' id='Page_82'>82</span>who strive to abolish all distinction between citizens -and magistrates, are exalted with praises, and overwhelmed -with honours. And in this condition of things, -it follows, of course, that there is an unrestrained -license in a government of this kind; so that every private -family is without any government: and this evil -extends even to the beasts. At length the father fears -the son—the son disregards the father: every sort of -decency is extinguished, that an open license may prevail. -Nothing distinguishes the citizen from the stranger. -The master pays court to his scholars, that he may be -flattered by them. Teachers are despised by their disciples. -Young persons take upon themselves the authority -of aged ones, who abase themselves to mingle -in their games, lest they become odious and burdensome -to them. At last slaves give themselves all sorts of -liberties. Wives assume the privileges of their husbands. -Nay the dogs, the horses, the asses at length -are so infected with liberty, and run kicking about so, -that it is absolutely necessary to get out of their way. -Wherefore from this infinite license these things result, -that the minds of the citizens become so scornful and -impatient, that if the least power of government is exercised, -they become exasperated and will not endure -it; whence they come to despise every kind of law, -that they may be without the least restraint whatever.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>XLIV. “You have,” said Lælius, “precisely expressed -Plato’s sentiments.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>S. Returning therefore to the subject of my discourse. -“It is from this very license,” he says, -“which they deem to be liberty itself, that a tyrant -<span class='pageno' id='Page_83'>83</span>springs up as a sapling from a root. For as the destruction -of the better class arises from their overweening -power, so this excess of liberty, effects the slavery -of this free people. Thus all extremes of an agreeable -nature, whether in the seasons, or in the fertility of the -fields, or in our natural feelings, are often converted into -their opposites. Especially it occurs in public affairs, -where excess of liberty degenerates into public and -individual slavery. Out of such licentious freedom a -tyrant arises, and the most unjust and severe bondage. -For by a people so untameable, or rather so outrageous, -some leader is chosen out of the multitude, in opposition -to the better class, now persecuted and driven from -their offices: bold and dishonest, perversely persecuting -those who have frequently deserved well of their country, -and gratifying the people from his own means and from -those of others. To whom, that he may be freed from all -apprehensions on account of his private condition, authority -is given and continued to him. Surrounded too -by guards, as was the case with Pisistratus at Athens, -at length he becomes the tyrant of the very citizens -who brought him forward. Who, if he is subdued by -the good, as often happens, the state is regenerated. -If by the bad, then a faction is established, another kind -of tyranny. The same state of things too frequently -occurs in that goodly form of government of the better -class, when the vices of the chiefs have caused them to -deviate from their integrity. Thus do they snatch the -government of the commonwealth from each other like -a ball—tyrants from kings—chiefs or the people from -<span class='pageno' id='Page_84'>84</span>tyrants; and factions or tyrants from them, nor does -the same mode of government ever last a long time.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XLV. These things being so, the regal form of -government is in my opinion much to be preferred of -those three kinds. Nevertheless one which shall be -well tempered and balanced out of all those three kinds -of government, is better than that; yet there should be -always something royal and pre-eminent in a government, -at the same time that some power should be placed -in the hands of the better class, and other things -reserved for the judgment and will of the multitude. -Now we are struck first with the great equability of such -a constitution, without which a people cannot be free -long; next with its stability. The three other kinds of -government easily fall into the contrary extremes: as a -master grows out of a king; factions from the better -class; and mobs and confusion from the people. The -changes too are perpetual which are taking place. This -cannot well happen in such a combined and moderately -balanced government, unless by the great vices of the -chief persons. For there is no cause for change, -where every one is firmly placed in his proper station, -and never gives way, whatever may fall down or be displaced.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XLVI. But I am afraid, Lælius, and you too my very -discreet and respected friends, if I continue long in this -strain, my discourse will appear more like that of a -master or teacher to you, than as a conversation with -you. Wherefore I will speak of matters known to us -all, and which we have all inquired into long ago. For -I am convinced, and believe, and declare, that no kind -<span class='pageno' id='Page_85'>85</span>of government, either in the constitution, the planning, -or the practice, is to be compared with that which our -fathers have left to us, and which was adopted by our -ancestors. Which if you please, since you have been -desirous that I should repeat things known to yourselves, -I will shew not only what it is, but that it is the -best. And with our own government in view, I will if -I can, have a reference to it, in whatever I may say respecting -the best form of government. The which if -I can follow up and effect, I shall, as I think, amply -fulfil the task which Lælius has imposed on me.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XLVII. “It is your task indeed, Scipio,” said Lælius, -“most truly yours. For who in preference to -yourself may speak of the institutions of our forefathers; -you being sprung from such illustrious ancestors; -or of the best form of government. The which if we -now possess it, would hardly be so, if any one stood in -a more conspicuous situation than yourself. Or who -may venture to advise measures for posterity, when -thou, having delivered the city from its greatest terrors, -hast foreseen for the latest times?”</p> - -<div><span class='pageno' id='Page_87'>87</span></div> -<div class='ph1'> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> -<div class='nf-center c011'> - <div>CICERO’S REPUBLIC.</div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class='figcenter id002'> -<img src='images/i_002.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -</div> - -<div class='chapter'> - <h2 id='II' class='c004'>BOOK II.</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c005'>I. Perceiving them all now eager to listen to him, -Scipio thus began to speak. “It was old Cato, to -whom as you know I was singularly attached, and whom -I admired in the highest degree: to whom, either -through the advice of both my parents, or from my own -prepossession, I devoted myself entirely from my youth; -whose conversation never could satiate me. Such was -the experience of the man in public affairs, which he -had for a long time successfully conducted in peace and -war. His manner of speaking too, a facetiousness -mixed with gravity: his constant desire also to improve -himself and others; indeed his whole life in harmony -with his maxims. He was wont to say, that the condition -of our country was pre-eminent above all others -for this cause. That among other people, individuals -generally had respectively constituted the government -by their laws and by their institutes, as Minos in Crete, -Lycurgus in Lacedemon. At Athens, where the -changes were frequent, at first Theseus, then Draco, -then Solon, then Clisthenes; afterwards many others. -Finally exhausted and prostrated, it had been upheld by -<span class='pageno' id='Page_88'>88</span>that learned man Demetrius, of Phalera. But that the -constitution of our republic was not the work of one, -but of many; and had not been established in the life of -one man, but during several generations and ages. -For he said so powerful a mind had never existed; from -which nothing had escaped; nor that all minds collected -into one, could foresee so much at one time, as to comprehend -all things without the aid of practice and time. -For which reason, as he was wont, so shall my discourse -now repeat the origin of the people; for I have a pleasure -in using the very words of Cato. But I shall -more easily follow up my proposition in describing our -own republic to you, in its infancy, its growth, in its -adult, and its present firm and robust state; than if I -were to create an imaginary one, as Socrates is made to -do in Plato.</p> - -<p class='c000'>II. When all had approved of this, he proceeded. -“What beginning, therefore, have we of the establishment -of a republic so illustrious and so known to you -all, as the origin of the building of this city by Romulus, -born of his father Mars? For let us concede to -the common opinion of men, especially as it is not only -well established, but also wisely recorded by our ancestors, -that those who have deserved well of us on account -of our common interest, be deemed not only to -have possessed a divine genius, but also a divine origin. -He therefore after his birth, with Remus his brother, is -said to have been ordered to be exposed on the Tiber, -by the Alban king, Amulius, apprehensive lest his kingdom -should be shaken. In which place, having been -sustained by the teats of a wild beast, the shepherds -<span class='pageno' id='Page_89'>89</span>took him, and brought him up in the labour and cultivation -of the fields. It is said, that when he had grown -up, he was distinguished above the rest by his corporeal -strength, and the daringness of his mind. So that all -who then inhabited the fields, where at this day stands -the city, obeyed him willingly and without dissent. -And being constituted their leader, that we may now -come from fables to facts, with a strong force he took -Alba-longa, a powerful and well constructed city in -those times, and put the king Amulius to death.</p> - -<p class='c000'>III. Having acquired which glory, he is said first to -have auspiciously thought of building a city, and of establishing -a government. In regard to the situation of -the city, a circumstance which is most carefully to be -considered by him, who endeavours to establish a permanent -government; he chose it with incredible skill. -For neither did he remove to the sea, although it was a -very easy thing for him with his forces, to march through -the territory of the Rutulians and Aborigines; neither -would he build a city at the mouth of the Tiber, to which -place the king Ancus led a colony many years after. -For he perceived, with an admirable foresight, that maritime -situations were not proper for those cities which -were founded in the hope of continuance, or with a -view to empire. First, because maritime towns were -not only exposed to many dangers, but to unseen ones. -For the ground over which an expected enemy moves, -as well as an unexpected one, announces his approach -beforehand by many indications: by sound itself of a -peculiarly tumultuous kind. No enemy can make a -march, however forced, without our not only knowing -<span class='pageno' id='Page_90'>90</span>him to be there, but even who he is, and whence he -comes. But a maritime enemy and a naval force may -be before you, ere any one can suspect him to be come. -Nor even when he does come, does he carry before him -any indication of who he is, or from whence he comes, -or even what he wants. Finally by no kind of sign -can it be discerned or determined whether he is a friend -or an enemy.</p> - -<p class='c000'>IV. In maritime cities, too, a sort of debasing and -changeable manners prevail. New languages and new -customs are mingled together, and not only productions -but manners are imported from abroad; so that nothing -remains entire of the pristine institutions. Even they -who inhabit those cities are not faithful to their homes, -but with capricious inclinations and longings are carried -far from them; and although their persons remain, their -minds are rambling and wandering abroad. Nor did -Carthage or Corinth, long before shaken, owe their ruin -to any thing more than to the unsettled scattering of the -citizens, who abandoned the study of agriculture and -arms through their cupidity of gain and love of roaming. -Many pernicious excitements too to luxury, are -brought over the sea to cities by commercial importation -or by conquest. Even the very amenity of the -situation suggests many costly and enervating allurements. -What I have said of Corinth, I know not if I -may as truly say of all Greece; for almost all Peloponnessus -lies on the sea, and except the Phliuntians, -there are none whose lands do not extend to the coast. -Beyond Peloponnessus, the Enianes, the Dorians, and -the Dolopians are the only people in the interior. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_91'>91</span>What shall I say of the islands of Greece? which surrounded -with billows, float about as it were with the -institutions and manners of their cities. These things -as I said before, relate to ancient Greece; but of the -colonies brought by the Greeks into Asia, Thrace, -Italy, Sicily, and Africa, except Magnesia alone, which -of them is not washed by the ocean? Thus a part of -the Grecian shores seemed to be joined to the lands of -the barbarians. For among the barbarians themselves, -none were a maritime people, except the Etruscans -and the Carthagenians; the one for the sake of commerce, -the other for the sake of piracy. A most obvious -cause of the evils and revolutions of Greece, arising -from the vices of these maritime cities, which awhile -ago I slightly touched upon. Nevertheless among -these evils there is a great convenience. The products -of every distant nation can be wafted to the city you inhabit; -and in return the productions of your own -lands can be sent or carried into whatever countries you -choose.</p> - -<p class='c000'>V. Who then more inspiredly than Romulus could -secure all the maritime conveniences, and avoid all the -defects? placing the city on the banks of a perennial -river, broadly flowing with an equal course to the sea. -By which the city might receive what it wanted from the -ocean, and return whatever was superfluous. Receiving -by the same channel all things essential to the wants -and the refinements of life, not only from the sea, but -likewise from the interior. So that it appears to me, he -had foreseen this city, at some period, would be the seat -and capital of a mighty empire: for a city placed in -<span class='pageno' id='Page_92'>92</span>any other part of Italy would not easily have been able -to acquire such a powerful influence.</p> - -<p class='c000'>VI. As to the native defences of the city, who is so -unobservant as not to have them marked and fixed in -his mind? Such is the alignment and direction of -the wall, which by the wisdom of Romulus, as well of -succeeding kings, was bounded on every part by lofty -and craggy hills: so that the only entrance, which was -between the Esquiline and the Quirinal hills, was defended -by a huge mound, and a very wide ditch. The -citadel, surrounded by this craggy and seemingly hewn -rock, had such a gallant position, that in that furious invasion -of the terrible Gauls, it remained safe and intact. -He choose also a place abounding in springs, and salubrious -even in a pestilent region. For there are hills -which while they enjoy the breezes, at the same time -throw a cool shade upon the vallies.</p> - -<p class='c000'>VII. These things were done too with great celerity. -For he not only founded a city, which he ordered -to be called Rome, from his own name; but to establish -it, and strengthen the power of the people and his kingdom, -he adopted a strange and somewhat clownish plan, -but worthy of a great man, whose providence extended -far into futurity. When the Sabine virgins, descended -from respectable families, were come to Rome to see -the games, whose first anniversary he had then ordered -to be celebrated in the circus, he ordered them to be -seized during the sports, and gave them in marriage to -the most honourable families. For which cause, when -the Sabines had made war upon the Romans, and when -the success of the battle was various and doubtful, he -<span class='pageno' id='Page_93'>93</span>struck a league with Tatius, king of the Sabines, at the -entreaty of the very matrons who had been seized: in -consequence of which he admitted the Sabines into the -city: and mutually having embraced each others sacred -rites, he associated their king with him in the government.</p> - -<p class='c000'>VIII. After the death however of Tatius, all the -power came back into his hands: although he had -admitted some chiefs into the royal council with Tatius, -who were called fathers, on account of the affection -borne to them. He also divided the people into three -tribes, named after himself, after Tatius, and after Lucumon, -a companion of Romulus, who had been slain -in the Sabine war: and into thirty curia, which curia he -called by the names of those from among the Sabine -virgins seized, at whose entreaties the peace and league -had been formed. But although these things were done -before the death of Tatius, yet after that event, his -government became much better established, aided by -the authority and counsel of the fathers.</p> - -<p class='c000'>IX. In the which he saw and judged as Lycurgus -at Sparta had done, a little while before him: that -states were better governed by individual command and -royal power, if the authority of some of the better class -were added to the energy of that kind of government. -Thus sustained, and as it were propped up by the senatorial -authority, he carried on many wars very successfully -with his neighbours; and appropriating to himself no -part of the spoil, he never ceased to enrich the citizens. -At that time Romulus paid in most things attention to -auspices, a custom we still retain, and greatly advantageous -to the republic. For he built the city under -<span class='pageno' id='Page_94'>94</span>the observance of auspices at the very beginning of the -republic; and in the establishment of all public affairs, -he chose an augur from each of the tribes to assist him -in the auspices. He also had the common people -assigned as clients to the principal men, the utility of -which measure I will afterwards consider. Fines were -paid in sheep and cattle: for then all property consisted -in flocks, and in possessions of lands, whence the terms -pecuniary<a id='r12' /><a href='#f12' class='c009'><sup>[12]</sup></a> and landholders<a id='r13' /><a href='#f13' class='c009'><sup>[13]</sup></a> were derived. He did not -attempt to govern by severity or the infliction of punishments.</p> - -<p class='c000'>X. When Romulus had reigned thirty-seven years, -and had established those two excellent foundations of -the state, the auspices and the senate, he obtained this -great meed: for when he had disappeared upon a sudden -obscuration of the sun, he was deemed to have -been placed among the number of the gods. A belief -which no mortal had ever inspired without the greatest -pre-eminence in virtue. And this is most to be admired -in Romulus, that others who are said to have been deified -out of the mortal state, lived in the less civilized -ages of man, when the proneness to fiction was great, -and the unenlightened were easily led to believe in it. -But during the period of Romulus, not quite six hundred -years ago, we know that learning and literature existed, -and that the ancient errors peculiar to the uncultivated -ages of mankind were removed. For if Rome, according -to an investigation of the annals of the Greeks, was -built in the second year of the seventh olympiad; the -reign of Romulus occurred at that period when Greece -<span class='pageno' id='Page_95'>95</span>was full of poets and musicians; and when but little -faith would be given to fabulous stories, unless they -were concerning very ancient things. For one hundred -and eight years after Lycurgus ordained laws to -be written, the first olympiad was established: which -through a mistake in the name, some have thought to -be founded by Lycurgus. Homer, however, by those -who take the lowest period, is made to precede Lycurgus -about thirty years. From which it may be gathered -that Homer flourished many years before Romulus. -So that there was scarce room in so intelligent an age, -and amid so many learned men, for any one to establish -fictions. Antiquity sometimes has received fables -crudely devised, but that age already refined, and especially -deriding improbable events, has rejected * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[About 230 letters wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>* * * * Simonides was born in the -fifty-sixth olympiad, by which the credit given to the -immortality of Romulus may be more easily understood, -seeing that the institutions of society were then -so well established, organized, and known. But really -so great was the force of his genius and virtue, that -what men would have given no credit to for many ages -in favour of any other man, was believed of Romulus -upon the evidence of Proculus Julius, a countryman, -who at the instigation of the fathers, in order to repel -from themselves every suspicion of the death of Romulus, -is said to have declared in the assembly, that he -had seen Romulus on that mount which is now called -<span class='pageno' id='Page_96'>96</span>Quirinal; and that he had commanded him to request -the people to erect a temple for him upon that hill; that -he was a god, and was called Quirinus.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XI. “Do not you perceive therefore a new people -not only sprung from the wisdom of one man, and not -left crying in leading strings, but already grown up, and -almost an adult?” “Indeed we perceive it,” said Lælius, -“and that you have entered upon a new method of -discussion, which is no where to be found in the writings -of the Greeks. For that pre-eminent person,<a id='r14' /><a href='#f14' class='c009'><sup>[14]</sup></a> -whom no one has excelled in writing, has imagined to -himself a situation, in which he might construct his -city after his own pleasure: admirable enough perhaps, -but foreign to the conduct and the manners of men. -Others have discussed the subject in relation to the -kinds and causes of governments, but not under any -particular example of a form of government. You -seem to me to be about to do both, for according to -your method, you appear to prefer to attribute to others -what you yourself have observed, than to imagine a -state of things, as Socrates is made to do in Plato. -And these matters respecting the foundation of the -city, you suppose to be part of a system, which were -only adopted by Romulus through necessity or chance. -And your discourse is not of a desultory kind, but concerning -a particular commonwealth. Wherefore proceed -as you have begun, for already I perceive you are -about to follow on with the other kings, as perfecting -the government.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>XII. “Wherefore,” said Scipio, “when the senate, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_97'>97</span>which Romulus had instituted out of the better class, -and which had been so much favoured by the king, as to -cause them to be called fathers, and their children patricians; -endeavoured after the death of Romulus, to -carry on the government itself without any king; the -people would not endure it, and in their regret for Romulus -did not cease to demand a king. Upon which the -leading men prudently imagined a mode of interregnum, -new and unknown to other nations. So that until a -regular king was proclaimed, neither the city should be -without a king, nor with one too long a period. Fearing -lest from too long an enjoyment of the government, -the interrex should be reluctant to lay it down, or strong -enough to maintain himself in it. Even in these times, -this new people perceived what had escaped the Lacedemonian -Lycurgus; who esteemed it best not to -choose a king, if this were indeed in the power of Lycurgus -to do, but rather to be governed by any one -whatever descended from the race of Hercules. But -our ancestors, rude as they appear to have been, thought -it behoved them rather to look to royal wisdom and virtue, -than to descent.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XIII. When the great fame of Numa Pompilius -had reached them, the people, leaving aside their own -citizens, called in by the authority of the fathers, a king -not born among them, and sent to the Curians for a -Sabine to reign over Rome. When he arrived, although -the people had decided that he should be king in the -conventions of the curia, nevertheless he himself had a -law passed in the curia concerning his own power; and -as he saw the Romans through the institutions of Romulus -<span class='pageno' id='Page_98'>98</span>were eager after warlike pursuits, he deemed it -proper to wean them somewhat from that propensity.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XIV. And first, the lands which Romulus had acquired -in war, he divided equally among the citizens; -and pointed out to them, that without depopulating and -pillaging, they might possess all the necessaries of life, -by the cultivation of their lands. He inspired them -also with the love of peace and repose, under which justice -and good faith most kindly flourish; and under the -protection of which, the cultivation of the fields, and -the gathering of the harvest are most secure. The -same Pompilius having established auspices of a superior -kind, added two augurs to the ancient number, and -placed five priests over sacred things from the class of -the chief men. And having established those laws -which we possess in our monuments, he softened, by the -ceremonies of religion, minds which were inflamed by -the habit and inclination of making war. He added -also Flamens, Salii, and Vestal Virgins; and established -with great solemnity all the branches of religion: -ordaining many ceremonies to be learnt and observed, -but without any expense. Thus he increased -the duty of religious observances and diminished the -cost of them. In like manner he established markets, -games, and all the stated occasions of assembling the -people together. Under which institutions, he recalled -the minds of men become fierce and wild in warlike -pursuits, to humanity and gentleness. When he had -reigned thirty-nine years in the most perfect peace and -concord, (in this we follow principally our friend Polybius, -than whom no one was more accurate in ascertaining -<span class='pageno' id='Page_99'>99</span>periods,) he departed from life; having strengthened -every thing for the endurance of the government, -by those two conspicuous virtues, religion and clemency.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XV. When Scipio had spoken these words. “Is it -true, Africanus,” said Manilius, “what tradition has -brought down to us, that this king Numa was a disciple -of Pythagoras, or is it certain he was a Pythagorean? -For often we have heard this, as having been declared -by old people, and understand it also to be the -common opinion; yet we do not see it sufficiently -proved by the authority of the public annals.” “It is -false,” replied Scipio, “entirely so Manilius! Not false -alone, but ignorantly and absurdly false; for the mendacity -of those assertions is not to be endured, which -we not only see are not true, but which could never -have been so. It was in the fourth year of the reign of -Lucius Tarquinius Superbus, that Pythagoras is ascertained -to have come to Sybaris and Crotona, and those -parts of Italy. For the sixty-second Olympiad announces -that very arrival of Pythagoras, and the beginning -of the reign of Superbus. From which it may be -understood by a calculation of the reigns, that Pythagoras -touched first at Italy about a hundred and forty -years after the death of Numa. Nor has this fact, by -those who have very diligently investigated the annals of -the times, ever been thrown into any doubt.” “Immortal -gods,” said Manilius, “how inveterate and great is -the error of men! Nevertheless, I can be very well -pleased in the belief, that our intelligence has not been -derived from abroad, and through foreign arts, but from -natural and domestic virtues.”</p> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_100'>100</span>XVI. “You will distinguish that more clearly,” said -Africanus, “when you perceive how the commonwealth -advances and comes to the greatest perfection by a -straight forward and natural course. For in this also -the wisdom of our ancestors is to be praised; that -many things derived from abroad, have been rendered -much more perfect by us, than they were from whence -they were brought, and where they first had existence. -You will see also that the greatness of the Roman people -has not been confirmed by chance, but by wisdom -and discipline. Fortune indeed being propitious to us.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XVII. King Pompilius being dead, the people upon -the proposition of an interrex, created Tullus Hostilius -king, in the conventions of the curia; and he, after the -example of Pompilius, consulted the people in the curia, -concerning his power. His military glory was great, and -important warlike affairs took place. He constructed -edifices for the senate and the curia, and surrounded -them with military trophies. He established a law also -for the declaration of war, which most justly decreed by -him, he made more sacred by the solemnity of Heralds: -so that every war which was not proclaimed and declared, -was deemed to be impious and unjust. And -observe how wisely our kings saw that some sort of deference -must be paid to the people. I might say many -things on that head. Tullus indeed did not venture to -appear with royal insignia unless at the command of the -people. For in order that it might be lawful for him to -be preceded by twelve lictors with their fasces * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[Two pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_101'>101</span>XVIII. * * * * * “The government which -your discourse is establishing, does not creep, but rather -flies towards perfection.” S. “After him, Ancus Martius, -grandson to Numa Pompilius by his daughter, was -made king by the people, who had his elevation sanctioned -by a law of the curia. Who having conquered the -Latins in a war, incorporated them into the state. He -also added the Aventine and Cælian Mounts to the city. -The lands too which he had conquered he distributed, -and made a public domain of all the forests he had taken -on the sea coast. He built a city at the mouth of the -Tiber, and planted a colony there. When he had thus -reigned twenty-three years, he died. “This king also -is to be praised,” said Lælius, “but the Roman history -is obscure: for although we know who was the mother -of this king, we do not know who was his father.” -S. “So it is” said he, “but generally the names of the -kings only of those times are conspicuous.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>XIX. “But it is here that we first perceive the city -to have become more intelligent by extrinsic information. -For not a gentle stream flowed from Greece into -this city, but an abundant flood of arts and knowledge. -It is stated that one Demaratus, a Corinthian, a principal -man, and of much honour and authority in his own city, -and of an easy fortune, not being able to endure -Cypselus, the tyrant of the Corinthians, fled with a -great deal of money, and betook himself to a flourishing -city of Etruria, among the Tarquinians. When he had -heard that the domination of Cypselus was confirmed, -being an independent and powerful man, he renounced -his country, and was received a citizen by the Tarquinians: -<span class='pageno' id='Page_102'>102</span>and in that city he fixed his home and establishment. -Where when he had begotten two sons from one -of the Tarquinian matrons, he instructed them in all the -arts after the manner of the Greeks * * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[Two pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>XX. * * * * * He was well received in the -city, and became intimate with king Ancus on account -of his learning and liberal knowledge. So much so -that he shared all his counsels, and might be deemed -even a partner in his kingdom. For there was a great -affability in him, and an extreme readiness in aiding, -protecting, and doing liberal acts to every citizen. Martius -therefore being dead, L. Tarquinius was created king -by the united suffrages of the people; for thus he had -changed his name from his Grecian one, that in every -thing he might be seen to imitate the manners of the -people. Having caused his accession to be confirmed -by a law, he doubled the pristine number of the fathers; -calling those whose opinions he first asked, ancient -fathers of the greater families; and those whom he had -admitted, he called the lesser families. Then he established -the knights; after the manner that has obtained -unto our day. He could not change the names -of the Titienses, of the Rhamnensians, or the Luceres, -when he wished to do so; because Attus Nævius being -then Augur in great reputation, would not consent to it. -We see the Corinthians chose formerly to assign cavalry -for the public service, and to have their expenses defrayed -by taxes on orphans and widows. But to the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_103'>103</span>old troops of horse he added others, and made twelve -hundred knights. He doubled this number after he had -subdued the Equi in war, a powerful and ferocious race, -which threatened the affairs of the Roman people. And -when he had driven the Sabines from the walls of the -city, he scattered them with his horse and conquered -them. It is he whom we understand to have instituted -the great games, which we call Roman, and to have -made a vow during the Sabine war, while in battle, -that he would raise a temple on the capitol to the great -and good Jupiter. He died when he had reigned thirty-eight -years.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XXI. “Now,” said Lælius, “is that saying of Cato -very certain, that the constitution of the state is not -the work of one moment or one man: for it is evident -how great an accession of good and useful institutions -occurred under each reign. But he comes next, who -appears to me to have looked farther than them all into -the nature of government.” “So it is,” said Scipio, -“for after him Servius Sulpicius is stated first to have -reigned without the command of the people. He is -said to have been born of a Tarquinian slave: she having -conceived him by some client of the king. Brought -up among the number of the servants, when he attended -at the royal table, he did not suppress those sparks -of genius, which even then shone forth in the boy: so -shrewd was he in every thing, whether in business or -conversation. Wherefore Tarquin, who at that time had -only young children, became so attached to Servius, -that he was generally thought to be his son; and with -great pains instructed him in all those arts, which he -<span class='pageno' id='Page_104'>104</span>himself had been taught, after the very superior manner -of the Greeks. But when Tarquin had perished by -the plots of the sons of Ancus, Servius, as I before said, -began to reign, not by the command, but by the assent -and sufferance of the people. For when Tarquin was -falsely said to be alive, and sick from the effects of his -wound; he declared the law in royal pomp, and discharged -debtors with his own money. Conducting -himself with much courtesy, he declared that he pronounced -the law at the command of Tarquin. He did -not commit himself to the fathers, but Tarquin being -buried, he conferred with the people about himself, and -being authorised to reign, he had his accession confirmed -by a law of the curia. And first he avenged himself -by war, for injuries received from the Etruscans, * * * * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[Two pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>XXII. * * he inscribed eighteen centuries of horse -in the great register. Afterwards having set apart a -great number of equestrians from the mass of the whole -people, he distributed the rest of the citizens into five -classes, and divided the old from the young: and classed -them in such a manner, that the suffrages were not -in the power of the multitude, but of the landed proprietors. -He was careful of what ought always to be observed -in government; that numbers alone should not -have the ascendency. Which classification if it were -unknown to you, should be explained by me. You will -perceive the plan was such, that the centuries of horse -<span class='pageno' id='Page_105'>105</span>with six suffrages, (a century being added from the carpenters -on account of their great utility to the city,) and the -first class, make eighty-nine centuries: to which from the -one hundred and four centuries, for so many remain; -if only eight are added, the whole power of the people -is obtained: and the much greater multitude comprehended -in the ninety-six centuries remaining, is neither -excluded from voting, lest it should seem disdainful; nor -is it made too effective, lest it should be dangerous. In -the which matter he was very circumspect even as to -terms and names. Those from among the wealthy he -called “assiduos”<a id='r15' /><a href='#f15' class='c009'><sup>[15]</sup></a> from paying their taxes in money. -Those who possessed no more than one thousand five -hundred pieces of brass, or those who were polled in the -register without any possessions whatever, he called proletaries; -as if progeny only; that is, as if nothing but population -might be expected from them. But of those -ninety six centuries, more were enumerated in one century, -than almost in the whole first class. Thus the right of -suffrage was not prohibited to any one by law, and that -class had a greater weight of suffrage, which had most -at stake in the preservation of good government. As -to public criers, men hired for parade, clarion players, -horn players, and proletaries, * * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[Four pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>XXIII. * * * * * Was<a id='r16' /><a href='#f16' class='c009'><sup>[16]</sup></a> sixty-five years -more ancient, being built thirty-nine years before the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_106'>106</span>first olympiad. And the very ancient Lycurgus had -the same thing in view. This equality therefore, and -this triple nature of public affairs appears to me to have -been common to us and to those people. But what is peculiar -in our republic, and than which nothing can be more -admirable, I will look very critically into if I am able; -as nothing similar is to be found in any government. -For these things which I have adverted to, were so -mingled in this state, and among the Lacedemonians, -and the Carthagenians, that they were not properly -balanced. For in whatever government any one man -enjoys perpetual power, especially royalty, although -even a Senate may exist in it, as was the case at Rome -under the kings, and in the laws of Lycurgus at Sparta; -and even granting the people some share in the government, -as was the fact under our kings: still that royal -name will stand pre-eminent, nor can a government of -that kind be any thing but a kingdom, or be called -otherwise. But such a form of government is especially -subject to change for this reason; that it easily -falls into the most unprofitable courses, precipitated -thereunto by the vices of one man. For the royal -form of government itself, not only is not to be condemned, -but I know not whether it is not greatly to be -preferred to the other simple forms, if I could approve -of any simple form of government. But only as long -as it preserves its proper character, which is that the -safety, the equality, and tranquillity of the citizens, are -to be preserved by the justice, the wisdom, and the perpetual -power of one man. Many things however are -altogether wanting to a people subject to a king. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_107'>107</span>Liberty among the first: which is not that we may live -under a just master, but under none at all. * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[Two pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>XXIV. For some time fortune prosperously accompanied -this unjust and cruel master in the administration -of affairs. He subdued all Latium in war, and -took Suessa, an opulent and well stored Pometian city. -Enriched with great spoils of gold and silver, he accomplished -the vow of his ancestor in the building of the capitol. -He established colonies, and according to the institutions -of those from whom he had derived his origin, he -sent magnificent gifts, as offerings of his spoils, to -Apollo at Delphos.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XXV. Here the very circle is set in motion, whose -natural movement and revolution you learn to distinguish -from the beginning. For the very head of discretion -in civil matters, upon which all our discourse -turns, is to observe the ways and bendings of public -affairs; so that when you perceive what way any thing -inclines, you may either keep it back, or meet it by -opposing other things to it. For the king of whom I -speak, having stained himself first with the murder of a -good king, no longer preserved his integrity of mind, -and wished to inspire fear himself, because he dreaded -every sort of punishment for his wickedness. Afterwards -borne up with his victories and riches, he exulted -with insolence, and imposed no restraint on his own -conduct, or the licentiousness of his followers. Wherefore -when his eldest son had used violence with Lucretia, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_108'>108</span>the wife of Collatinus, and daughter of Tricipitinus, -and the noble and chaste woman had inflicted death -upon herself on account of that injury; L. Brutus, a -man pre-eminent in mind and courage, released his -fellow citizens from that unjust yoke of a cruel slavery: -who, although he was a private citizen, sustained the -whole government, and was the first who taught in this -city, that no man was to be considered insignificant, -when the public liberties were to be preserved. Under -which leader and head, the whole city being in commotion, -as well with the recent complaints of the family -and kindred of Lucretia, as with the remembrance of -the many wrongs done by the haughtiness of Tarquin -himself, and his sons; the banishment of the king, his -children, and his whole race was pronounced.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XXVI. Do not you perceive then how a master -may spring out of a king, and how a form of government -from being good, may become the very worst, -through the vice of one man. This is that master over -the people, whom the Greeks call tyrant; him only -they esteem a king, who consults like a parent with the -people, and preserves those over whom he is placed, in -the most prosperous condition of life. A sort of government -very good as I have said, but bordering upon -and inclining to a very pernicious one. For when this -king deviates into unjust rule, at once he becomes a -tyrant, and an animal more hideous, more destructive, -and more odious, in the eyes of gods and men cannot -be conceived: surpassing, although in the human form, -the most monstrous wild beasts in cruelty. How can -he be rightly called a man, who observes no fellowship -<span class='pageno' id='Page_109'>109</span>of humanity with his fellow citizens, no communion of -law with the whole race of man? But a more proper -place to speak of this will occur, when circumstances -will suggest to us to speak of those, who have sought -to usurp the Government over free cities.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XXVII. You have here then the origin of a tyrant, -for the Greeks would have this to be the name of an -unjust king. Our ancestors indeed have called all who -have had an exclusive and perpetual dominion over the -people, kings. Thus Spurius Cassius, M. Manilius, -and Spurius Mælius, are said to have wished to establish -a kingdom, and even * * * * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[Two pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>XXVIII. Lycurgus gave the name of ancients<a id='r17' /><a href='#f17' class='c009'><sup>[17]</sup></a> at -Lacedemon, to that too small number of twenty-eight, -to whom he wished the whole authority of counsel to be -confided, while the sole command should be held by -the king. Wherefore our ancestors translating and -adopting that term, those whom he called ancients, they -called a senate: as we have already stated Romulus to -have done with the select fathers. Nevertheless, the -royal title, and its strength and power were always pre-eminent. -Impart too something of power to the people, -as was done by Lycurgus and Romulus, and you -will not satisfy them with freedom, but you will inflame -them with the passion of liberty, when you have only -permitted them to taste of power. The fear indeed -<span class='pageno' id='Page_110'>110</span>will always hang over them, lest they should have an -unjust king, which generally happens. The fortune -therefore of a people is, as I said before, very uncertain, -which is placed in the will or conduct of one man.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XXIX. Wherefore this first form, example, and origin -of a tyrant, is found by us in that very government -which Romulus instituted with auspices, and not in that, -which Plato says Socrates imagined to himself in that -peripatetic discourse. And as Tarquin subverted the -whole fabric of royalty, not because he grasped a new -sort of authority, but because he made a bad use of it; -so let us oppose to him another; a good man, wise and -expert in every thing useful and dignified in civil life: -a tutor and steward as it were of the commonwealth, -for so may be called whoever is the ruler and governor -of a state. Imagine to yourselves that you recognise -such a man; one who can protect the state, both by his -counsel and conduct. And since the name of such a -man has not been alluded to in this discourse, and that -a character of this kind will be frequently treated of in -what remains to be said * * * * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[Twelve pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>XXX. * * * * * * Plato described a state -more to be desired, than to be hoped for upon the smallest -scale. He did not constitute things as they might -exist, but in such a manner as the nature of civil affairs -might be considered. As to myself, if in any way I -am able to accomplish it, with the same principles -which he had in view, I will look, not into the picture -<span class='pageno' id='Page_111'>111</span>and shadow of a state, but into a most powerful republic; -that I may appear to touch, as it were, the true -cause of every public good and evil. After these two -hundred and forty years of regal government, and indeed -a little more, including the interregnums, Tarquin -being banished, the royal title was as odious to the -Roman people, as it had been regretted after the death, -or rather the disappearance of Romulus, and as much -as they wanted a king then, in like manner, after the expulsion -of Tarquin, they could not endure the name of -one.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XXXI. Under this feeling our ancestors then expelled -Collatinus, who was innocent, through apprehension -of his family connexions, and the other Tarquins from -disgust at their names. From the same cause too P. -Valerius ordered the fasces to be lowered when he began -to speak before the people; and had his building -materials taken to the foot of the Velia, as soon as he -perceived the suspicions of the people to be raised on -account of his having begun to build in a more conspicuous -part of the Velia, the very place where King Tullus -had dwelt. He also, in the which he greatly deserved -the name of Publicola, had that law passed for the -people, which was first carried in the meetings of the -centuries, that no unfriendly magistrate should put to -death, or flog any Roman citizen for appealing. The -pontifical books however declare appeals to have existed -under the kings; the augural records show it also. -The twelve tables too in many laws indicate that it was -lawful to appeal from every judgment and punishment. -What is brought down to us by tradition, of the Decemvirs -<span class='pageno' id='Page_112'>112</span>who wrote the laws, being created without any appeal, -sufficiently shows that the other magistrates had -not the power of judging without appeal. The law, -too, which for the sake of concord passed in the consulate -of Lucius Valerius Potitus, and M. Horatius Barbatus, -men very justly popular; sanctioned the principle, -that no magistrate should be created without appeal. -Nor did the Portian laws, which are three as you know of -the three Portii, contain any thing new except the confirmation -of it. Publicola therefore, upon the law in favour -of appeal being published, immediately ordered the axes -to be taken from off the fasces, and the next day had -Sp. Lucretius appointed to him as his colleague: being -his superior in age, he ordered his own lictors to go to -him; and first established the custom that lictors should -precede each of the consuls, alternate months, lest the -ensigns of command among a free people, should be as -numerous as in a kingdom. There was something more -than mediocrity in this man, as I consider him: who having -given a moderate liberty to the people, preserved -more easily the authority of the chiefs. Nor do I repeat -these things, now so old and obsolete to you, without -cause. I select examples of men and things drawn -from illustrious persons and times, to which the remainder -of my discourse shall be applied.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XXXII. In such a manner the senate governed the -commonwealth in those days, that though the people -were free, still they interfered in but few things. Public -affairs were principally managed under the authority, -and by the rules and customs of the senate. And although -the consuls possessed their power only for a -<span class='pageno' id='Page_113'>113</span>year, it was royal in its nature and effect. And this -was strenuously preserved, as necessary to the preservation -of the influence of the nobles and principal -chiefs, that nothing should be established in the meetings -of the people, which was not sanctioned by the -authority of the fathers. In these very times too, T. -Larcius was appointed dictator, about ten years after the -first consuls. A new kind of authority, very much resembling, -as we perceive, the royal power. But all -great matters were conducted by the authority of the -principal men, the people submitting to it. And great -events took place in those times in war, under renowned -men in the supreme command, from among those very -dictators and consuls.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XXXIII. But what belongs to the very nature of -things, as that a people emancipated from kings, should -take a little more power to themselves; was brought -about not long after, about the sixteenth year, in the -consulate of Postumus Cominus, and Sp. Cassius. -Not in the right way perhaps, but it is of the nature of -public affairs frequently to deviate from what is right. -For observe what I said in the beginning, that unless -an equable compensation prevails in a state, in the -laws, in offices, in emoluments; so that the magistrates -enjoy their proper degree of power; the chief men -their authority in council, and the people their liberties, -such a state of the government cannot remain unchanged. -For when the city was in commotion on account -of the pressure of their debts, the people first -occupied the Sacred Mount, then the Aventine. Nor -could the discipline even of Lycurgus keep the Greeks -<span class='pageno' id='Page_114'>114</span>within those restraints. In the reign of Theopompus, -at Sparta, those five whom they call Ephori; the ten -too in Crete, who are called Cosmoi; arose against the -royal power, as the tribunes of the people did against -the consular authority.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XXXIV. Perhaps there was a mode by which our -ancestors might have relieved the pressure of the law of -debt, which had not escaped Solon, the Athenian, some -short time before, and which our senate adopted not -long after, when on account of the infamous conduct of -a creditor, the citizens were liberated from the general -oppression, and voluntary bondage on account of debt -abolished in future.<a id='r18' /><a href='#f18' class='c009'><sup>[18]</sup></a> And always at such periods, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_115'>115</span>when the common people are exhausted by contributions -in times of public calamity, some relief and remedy is -to be devised for the common safety. Which the senate -having neglected to do, sufficient cause was given to -the people to create two tribunes during a sedition -of the plebeians, with intent to weaken the power and -authority of the senate; which nevertheless remained -a grave and great body, bringing forward in the service -of the state the wisest and bravest men, and strengthening -it by arms and counsel. And their authority was -the greater, because far excelling all others in honour, -they were less conspicuous for voluptuousness, and not -much signalized by their wealth. Their high worth -also was the more esteemed in the state, because in -private life they diligently assisted individuals by their -advice, and by substantial services.</p> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_116'>116</span>XXXV. In which situation of the republic, the -quæstor accused Sp. Cassius, who enjoyed the highest -degree of favour with the people, and was contriving a -usurpation of the government; and as you have heard, -when his own father stated himself to be satisfied of his -guilt, the people assenting to it, he put him to death. -It was a grateful thing also to the people, when Sp. -Tarpeius, and A. Aternius, consuls, about fifty-four -years after the first consuls, carried a law in the meetings -of the centuries concerning fines. Twenty years -afterwards when L. Papirius, and P. Pinarius, censors, -by pronouncing fines, converted the strength of the -flocks of many private individuals to the public use; a -light valuation of cattle was ordained in the law on fines, -during the consulate of C. Julius and P. Papirius.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XXXVI. But some years before, when the senate -enjoyed the greatest authority, the people being very -patient and obedient, a new plan was instituted. The -consuls and the tribunes of the people abdicated the -magistracy, and ten men were created with the greatest -authority, and without appeal, who were to possess the -supreme power, and to inscribe the laws. Who when -they with great equity and prudence, had written ten -tables of laws, appointed ten other decemvirs for the -following year, whose faith and justice are not in like -manner praised. From which college, however, comes -that praiseworthy act of C. Julius, who stated that in -his presence a body had been dug out of the chamber -of a patrician, L. Sestius. Although he had supreme -power, and as decemvir was without appeal, he admitted -him to bail, refusing to lose sight of that most excellent -<span class='pageno' id='Page_117'>117</span>law, which forbids sentence to be pronounced on the -head of a Roman citizen, unless in the meetings of the -centuries.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XXXVII. A third decemviral year followed under -the same men, they being unwilling to appoint others. -In this condition of the commonwealth, which I have -often already stated not to be lasting, because it is not -equable to all the orders of the state, the chief men -had the whole government in their hands; the most -noble decemvirs being always preferred. No tribunes of -plebeians opposed to them, no other magistrates associated -with them, and no appeal left to the people against -death and stripes. Wherefore on account of the injustice -of these men, a great disturbance suddenly arose, -and a revolution took place in the whole commonwealth. -They added two tables of iniquitous laws, in which the -very marriages which were even permitted to strangers, -were forbidden by an inhuman law, lest the plebeians -should connect themselves with the fathers; which law -was afterwards abrogated by the plebicist Canuleius. -In all things they conducted themselves libidinously, -cruelly, and avariciously towards the people. Upon -that celebrated and well known affair contained in many -literary records, in which one Decimus Virginius on -account of the outrage of one of the decemvirs, slew -his virgin daughter with his own hand in the Forum, -and fled lamenting to the army which was then on -Mount Algide; the soldiers abandoned the war they -were then engaged in, and as was before done for a -similar cause, first came to the sacred mount, and next -to the Aventine * * * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div><span class='pageno' id='Page_118'>118</span>[Eight pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>XXXVIII. When Scipio had spoken these things, -and all by their silence were expecting the remainder.—“Since -my seniors here, Africanus,” said Tubero, -“ask you no questions, hear from me what I still find -wanting in your discourse.” “Most cheerfully,” replied -Scipio. “You appear to me,” said he “to have -been pronouncing the eulogium of our republic, when -Lælius was inquiring not respecting ours, but of government -in general. Nor have I learnt from your discourse, -by what discipline, or by what customs or laws, a republic -like the one you praise, can be constituted or preserved.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>XXXIX. “I think,” said Africanus, “we shall by and -by have a more appropriate occasion, Tubero, of discussing -the establishment and preservation of states. In respect -to the best kind of government, I deem myself to -have sufficiently answered the inquiries which Lælius -made. First I pointed out three kinds of government -that might be endured, and to these three their very pernicious -opposites: that no one among them was the best, -but that one moderately balanced from all three, was preferable -to either of them. That I have availed myself -of our state for an example, was not with a view to define -the best form of government, for that could be done -without an example. But in truth, that a great state -might present the very picture, such as reason and language -might describe it to be. But if without going to -the example of any people, you are desirous of finding -<span class='pageno' id='Page_119'>119</span>that perfect condition of government, then look at the -image which nature presents to us * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[A great number of pages wanting here.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>XL. S. * * * a character I have been looking -for, and have been desirous of arriving at.</p> - -<p class='c000'>L. The discreet statesman, perhaps?</p> - -<p class='c000'>S. The very same.</p> - -<p class='c000'>L. You have all those present who are so numerous: -or you can begin with yourself. “I wish,” said -Scipio, “it was proportionally so in the whole senate. -However, he is a discreet man, who as we have frequently -seen in Africa, seated on a monstrous wild and -ferocious animal, governs and directs him; making him -kneel down, not with blows, but with a slight sign.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>L. I know, and have often seen it when I was Lieutenant -to you.</p> - -<p class='c000'>S. So the Indian or Carthagenian governs a wild -beast, and renders it docile and gentle with humane -conduct. But that intellectual principle which is hidden -in the souls of men, and which is called a part of -the soul, does not bridle or tame one easily subdued, -whenever it accomplishes it, which rarely happens. For -that ferocious animal must be restrained<a id='r19' /><a href='#f19' class='c009'><sup>[19]</sup></a> * * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[Either four or eight pages are wanting here.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_120'>120</span>XLII. “Already,” said Lælius, “I see the man I expected, -so greatly endowed, and charged with such duties.” -“With this duty only,” replied Africanus, “for in -this one almost all the rest are included. That in his -thoughts and actions he never deviate from himself, so -that he may call upon others to imitate him, and that he -may offer himself in the purity of his mind and his life, -as a mirror to his fellow citizens. For as in stringed -instruments or pipes, as well as in singing with voices, -a certain harmony is to be formed with distinct sounds, -an interruption to which cannot be borne by refined ears; -this kindred and harmonious concert being produced by -the modification of dissimilar voices. So a government -temperately organized from the upper, the lower -and middle orders blended together, harmonizes like -music by the agreement of dissimilar sounds. And -that which in song is called by musicians, harmony, -is concord in a state; the strongest and best bond of -safety in every republic; yet which without justice cannot -be preserved.<a id='r20' /><a href='#f20' class='c009'><sup>[20]</sup></a></p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[Many pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_121'>121</span>XLIV. “I assent entirely to it,” said Scipio, “and -declare freely to you, that we must esteem in nothing -all that we have said upon government, or that may remain -farther to be said, unless it be established, not -only that it is false, that injustice is necessary, but that this -is most true; that without the most perfect justice, no -government can prosper in any manner. But if you -please, thus far for to day. The remainder, for many -things remain yet to be said, we will defer until to-morrow.” -When this was approved, an end was put to the -discussion for that day.</p> - -<hr class='c010' /> - -<div class='footnote' id='f12'> -<p class='c000'><span class='label'><a href='#r12'>12</a>. </span><span class='pageno' id='Page_122'>122</span>Pecuniosi.</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='f13'> -<p class='c000'><span class='label'><a href='#r13'>13</a>. </span>Locupletes.</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='f14'> -<p class='c000'><span class='label'><a href='#r14'>14</a>. </span>Plato.</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='f15'> -<p class='c000'><span class='label'><a href='#r15'>15</a>. </span>Asses dare.</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='f16'> -<p class='c000'><span class='label'><a href='#r16'>16</a>. </span>Carthage.</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='f17'> -<p class='c000'><span class='label'><a href='#r17'>17</a>. </span><span lang="el" xml:lang="el">γὲροντας</span> in the MSS.</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='f18'> -<p class='c000'><span class='label'><a href='#r18'>18</a>. </span>This passage appears to deserve a note. The words “<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">nexa</span>” and -“nectier” are used in the original. And at the first glance, the -passage, connecting it with the well known custom of keeping debtors -in chains, as well as the memorable occasion which produced this -insurrectionary movement, would appear to declare, that all kinds of -bondage for debt were abolished in future. In early periods, whoever -was unable to pay his debts, was adjudged by a decree of the prætor, -to discharge them in personal services: for which purpose his person -was delivered to his creditor; whose slave in every sense of the word -he thus became, until the debt was discharged. A debtor thus situated -was termed “<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">addictus</span>” or sentenced. Livy, vi. 36., relates -“that those against whom judgments had been given, (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">addictos</span>) were -led out daily in herds from the Forum, to the mansions of the patricians, -which were filled with enchained debtors: and that wherever -a patrician dwelt, there was a private prison.” That all debtors -were subject to actual bonds, appears from every indebted person under -voluntary judgment, being called “<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">nexus</span>,” meaning linked or -chained; and probably when judgment was passed, debtors were delivered -in that condition to the creditors. But “<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">nexus</span>” changed its -meaning, as the word “bond” has done in our language, where we -bind ourselves only with forms. The urgent necessity of the plebeians, -arising out of the exactions of the patricians, obliged them to borrow -money at usury; and upon such occasions, for money weighed out -to him “<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">per æs et libram</span>,” before witnesses, the borrower pledged -his person and liberty to the lender as security for the debt. This -voluntary act, which was equivalent to a modern confession of judgment, -constituted the debtor a “<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">nexus</span>;” before the period of payment -had expired, at which time only he was liable to fetters. Upon -the occasion of the insurrection mentioned in the passage; a young -man of respectable plebeian family, C. Publilius, surrendered himself -to Papirius, a patrician usurer, in the place of his father who had -failed to redeem himself from his “<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">nexus</span>.” Rejecting the infamous -propositions made to him, Papirius caused him to be cruelly scourged. -This transaction having roused the people, the senate was obliged to -consent to the liberation of all persons who had become “<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">nexi</span>” by -their voluntary act, and to order the practice to be discontinued in -future.</p> - -<p class='c000'>I have translated the passage in accordance with this view of the -subject. Niebuhr, vol. i. 506. Livy, vi. 36. viii. 28. &c.</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='f19'> -<p class='c000'><span class='label'><a href='#r19'>19</a>. </span>The continuation of this passage is, perhaps, found in Nonius Voc. -Exsultare, “which nourishes itself with blood, and which so delights -in every kind of cruelty, that it scarcely can be satiated with the sad -destruction of human beings.”</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='f20'> -<p class='c000'><span class='label'><a href='#r20'>20</a>. </span>Professor Mai quotes the following passage from St. Augustin, -De. Civ. Dei, as containing a summary of that part of the -discussion interrupted here. “And when Scipio had in a more -comprehensive and diffuse way, shown how advantageous justice -was to a state, and how injurious the absence of it was: Philus, who -was one of those present at the discussion, took it up, and proposed -that that subject should be very carefully investigated, on account of -the opinion which was obtaining, that governments could not be administered -without injustice.”</p> -</div> - -<div><span class='pageno' id='Page_123'>123</span></div> -<div class='ph1'> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> -<div class='nf-center c011'> - <div>CICERO’S REPUBLIC.</div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class='figcenter id002'> -<img src='images/i_002.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -</div> - -<div class='chapter'> - <h2 id='III' class='c004'>BOOK III.</h2> -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> -<div class='nf-center c002'> - <div>[Four or eight pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>II. * * * * The intelligent principle -having found man endowed with the faculty of -uttering rude and imperfect sounds, enabled him to separate -and distinguish them into articulations. Thus -words were affixed to things as signs of them, and man, -once solitary, became united to man, by the sweet bond -of conversation. By the same intelligence, the inflexions -of the voice, which we find to be infinite in number, -are all distinguished and expressed, by the invention -of a few marks, which enable us to hold a correspondence -with the absent, to indicate our inclinations, -and to preserve a record of things past. To this the -knowledge of numbers was added, a thing not only necessary -to life, but at once immutable and eternal. -Which first led us to consider the heavens, to look upon -the motion of the planets with interest, and the numbering -of the nights and days * * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[Eight or ten pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_124'>124</span>III. * * * * Whose minds rose to a -loftier pitch as I before said, that they might execute or -discover something worthy of the gift they had received -from the gods. Wherefore let those who have treated -upon the moral conduct of life, be deemed by us, great -men, as they are; learned men; masters of truth and -virtue. Yet let it be admitted that civil rights, and the -government of a people, whether they are the fruits of -men experienced in the management of public affairs, -or, as the fact has been, the result of their literary leisure, -be least despised; causing as they do to spring -up in great minds, as we have often seen, an incredible -and divine virtue. For if any one to those faculties -which the mind has from nature, and to those talents -which civil institutions produce, hath added also the -learning, and the more various knowledge of things, in -which men engaged in the discussion of those books -are versed, there is no one who ought not to prefer such -a man to all others. For what can be more excellent, -than when the practice and habit of great affairs is joined -to a perfect knowledge of the theory of the science -of them? Or what more perfect can be imagined than -P. Scipio, C. Lælius, and L. Philus; who that they -might omit nothing appertaining to the high character of -enlightened men, to the knowledge of our domestic -and ancient customs, united the learning received from -Socrates? Wherefore he who determined and effected -both, that is, instructed himself as well in the institutions, -as in the philosophy of the ancients, I think has -accomplished every thing with praise. But if a choice -must be made between those two paths to excellence, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_125'>125</span>and if to any one, that tranquil way of life passed in the -best studies and sciences may appear happier, still certainly -an active, civil life is more illustrious and more -laudable. The greatest men derive their glory from -such a life, as M. Curius * * * *</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b c012'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>“Whom none could overcome with arms or gold.”</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[Six pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>IV. * * * Nevertheless this difference existed -in their two different modes: the one unfolded the principles -of nature by their studies and by their eloquence; -the others by their institutions and by their laws. This -commonwealth alone has produced many, if not altogether -to be deemed sages, since that title is so cautiously -bestowed, yet worthy of the greatest praise; -for they cultivated the precepts and discoveries of -sages. Wherefore civil governments are to be extolled -and ever will be, since in the nature of things, to constitute -a commonwealth which shall be lasting, is one -of the greatest efforts of mind: and thus if we only -enumerate one for every country, what a multitude of -excellent men do we find. For if we permit our minds -to take a survey of that famous Greece, of Italy, Latium, -or the Sabine and Volscian people; the Samnites, -the Etrurians; next the Assyrians, the Persians, the -Carthagenians. If these * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[Twelve pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>V. * * * “Truly,” said Philus, “you have -<span class='pageno' id='Page_126'>126</span>imposed a fine task upon me, wishing me to undertake -the justification of what is wrong.” “Surely,” said -Lælius, “you are afraid lest in using the same arguments -which are wont to be brought forward against -justice, you may appear to hold such opinions yourself; -you who are almost the only example left of ancient -probity and faith. But your habit of discussing both -sides of the question, in order more easily to get at the -truth, is very well known.” “Well, well,” said Philus, -“I will do as you wish, and defile myself with my eyes -open: for since those who search for gold do not refuse -to do it; we who are looking for what is right, a thing -much more precious than gold, assuredly ought not to -avoid any thing that is disagreeable. And I wish, since -I am about to make use of another man’s opinions, it -was possible for me to make use of his tongue also. -Now, however, L. Furius Philus, must say what Carneades, -a Greek in the habit of saying whatever he -pleased * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[Four pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>VIII. * * * But the other has filled four pretty -large books with the subject of justice. From Chrysippus -I have never looked for any thing very great or -magnificent; since he reasons in a particular way of -his own, and examines things rather by the force of -words, than the weight of facts. It was for those distinguished -men, to raise up that prostrate virtue, and -elevate it to the divine heights of wisdom. A virtue -which stands alone as it were, greatly munificent and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_127'>127</span>liberal; which loves every thing better than itself, and -is born more for others, than for its own interests. -Nor was the inclination wanting to them: for what -other cause had they for writing, or what motive soever? -In genius they excelled all. But the cause was greater -even than their inclination and strength. The right indeed -concerning which we inquire, is something civil, not -natural: if it were, justice and injustice would be the -same things to all men, as hot and cold, bitter and -sweet things are.</p> - -<p class='c000'>IX. Now however, if any one borne upon the -chariot with winged serpents, of which Pacuvius speaks, -could survey with his eyes, and look down upon the -many and various nations and cities; he might see -chiefly among that unchanging race of the Egyptians, -which preserves in its records the memory of so many -events and ages, an ox esteemed as a god, which the -Egyptians call Apis; and many other strange things -among them, among which wild beasts consecrated into -the number of the gods. Then in Greece, where as -with us, magnificent temples are consecrated containing -human images, which the Persians considered impious. -For which cause alone, Xerxes is said to have -ordered the temples of the Athenians to be burnt; considering -it to be wicked to shut the gods up within walls, -whose residence was the whole universe. Afterwards -Philip who had it in contemplation, and Alexander who -carried it into effect, gave as reasons for making war -against the Persians, that they avenged the temples of -Greece; which the Greeks did not think of repairing, -that the devastation might be an eternal monument to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_128'>128</span>posterity of the infamy of the Persians. How many, as -the Taurians in Axinum, as Busiris the king of Egypt, -as the Gauls, the Carthagenians, have thought it a -grateful and pious duty to the gods, to immolate men. -But the institutions of life differ so much, that the Cretans -and Etolians esteem it honourable to steal: the -Lacedemonians used to say that all lands were theirs -which they could reach with a shaft. The Athenians -were wont to swear even publicly, that every soil was -theirs, which produced oil and corn. The Gauls consider -it shameful to produce grain by labour, and therefore -go armed to harvest other people’s lands. But we, -the most just of men, to make our own olive and vineyards -more valuable, do not permit the transalpine nations -to plant them: in doing which we are said to act -prudently; it is not called acting justly. By which -you may understand there is a wide distance between -prudence and equity. Lycurgus, the founder of the -best laws, and the most equal rights, gave the lands of -the wealthy to be cultivated by the lower class in the -state of servitude.</p> - -<p class='c000'>X. But if I were to describe the various kinds of laws, -of institutions, of customs and manners, not only so -different among such divers nations, but even in a single -city, or in this, I could demonstrate them to have been -changed a thousand times. Our friend Manilius here, -an interpreter of laws, will tell you that other laws exist -now concerning the legacies and inheritances of women, -than those he was wont to speak of in his youth, -before the Voconian law was passed; which very law, -indeed proposed for the advantage of the men, is full -<span class='pageno' id='Page_129'>129</span>of injustice towards the women. For why should a -woman not have possessions? Why should a vestal -appoint an heir, and her mother not? Why if limits -were to be put to the possessions of women, should the -daughter of Crassus, if she were an only daughter, possess -thousands legally, when mine could not possess -two or three hundred * * * * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[Two pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>XI. * * * * * * If these rights were thus -sanctioned in us, all men would have the same rights, -and would not have different rights at different periods. -But if it is the duty of a just and good man to obey the -laws, I would ask which are they to be? Or shall he -obey all indiscriminately? But virtue does not admit of -uncertainty, nor nature endure inconstancy. The -strength of law consists in punishment, not in our natural -justice. Natural right therefore does not exist. -Whence it follows, that men are not made just by nature. -But it is said, although there are various laws, -still good men, by natural inclination, pursue what is -just in itself, and not what is assumed to be so; because -it is the part of a good and just man, to render -that justice to every one which he is deserving of. -Now, first, are we in any wise just to the dumb beasts? -For men, not of mediocrity, but great and learned; -Pythagoras and Empedocles, declare that all animals -possess the same degree of right, and denounce unatoning -punishments to hang over those by whom any -<span class='pageno' id='Page_130'>130</span>animal is outraged. It is wicked therefore to injure the -brutes. * * * * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[Eight pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>XII. * * * * * * what we call wisdom, -urges us to increase our wealth, our riches, and to extend -our possessions. How could that great commander<a id='r21' /><a href='#f21' class='c009'><sup>[21]</sup></a> -who formerly carried the limits of his empire into -Asia; how could he govern, bear sway, reign, have dominion, -and the full enjoyment of voluptuousness, unless -he took something from others? But justice orders us -to spare all, to consult the welfare of mankind, to give -to every one his own, and to abstain from every thing -that is sacred, every thing that is public, every thing -which is not our own. What therefore is to be done? -If wisdom is consulted, riches, power, wealth, honours, -authority, empire, are open to individuals and nations. -But since it is the public interest we are discussing, instances -of a public nature will illustrate better; and as -the same degree of right is in both, I shall advert to -the wisdom of a nation, and I shall omit the rest. Our -own nation, which Africanus in his discourse yesterday, -traced to its origin, whose empire already extends over -the earth, has it, once least of them all, become so by -justice or wisdom? * * * * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[Four or eight pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>XIV. For all who possess the power of life and -death over a people are tyrants, yet they prefer to be -<span class='pageno' id='Page_131'>131</span>called kings by the name of the good Jupiter. When -certain persons through the influence of their riches, -their class, or other circumstances, possess themselves -of the government, it is a faction. Yet they call themselves, -the better class. If the people however are uppermost -and rule every thing at their own pleasure, that -is called liberty; nevertheless it is licentiousness. But -when one fears another, man mistrusting man, and one -class another, then because no one confides, a sort of -pact is made between the people and the great, from -whence that combined form of government springs, -which Scipio has praised. So that neither nature, or -the will is the mother of justice, but weakness. For -when one thing is to be chosen out of three, either to -do injustice without permitting it to be done to you; or -to do it and permit it also; or neither one or the other: -the best is to do it with impunity<a id='r22' /><a href='#f22' class='c009'><sup>[22]</sup></a> if you can; the second -best is neither to do it, nor suffer it to be done to -you: the worst of all is to be eternally fighting now on -account of your own aggressions, now on account of -those of others * * * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[An unknown number of pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>* * * Except the Arcadians and the Athenians, -who, I suppose, fearing lest at some period this -decree<a id='r23' /><a href='#f23' class='c009'><sup>[23]</sup></a> of justice might appear, have feigned themselves -<span class='pageno' id='Page_132'>132</span>to be sprung from the earth, like the little mice -we see in the fields.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XVI. To these things, others are wont to be added -principally by those, distinguished for their honesty in -discussion, and having more weight for that reason. -Who when engaged in the inquiry of what constitutes -a good man, frank and plain as we wish to find him, are -not themselves crafty, hardened, and malicious in argument. -They deny that the wise man is good only because -goodness and justice are pleasing to him from -their nature; but because the lives of good men are -free from apprehension, care, solicitude and danger. -Whereas bad men have always a sting goading their -souls, and judgment and punishment are always present -to their eyes. That there is no emolument, no -advantage arising from injustice, so great as to compensate -the fear, and the constant thought that some -punishment is impending * * * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[Four or eight pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>XVII. I ask if there be two men, one of them of -the very best kind; equitable, perfectly just, of exemplary -faith: the other singular for his wickedness and -audacity: and suppose the community in such an error, -that the good man passes for a wicked and dishonest -one; while the bad one has the reputation of perfect -probity and good faith. And through this general delusion -of the citizens, the good man is harassed, arrested, -bound, his eyes put out, condemned, thrown in -chains, tortured in the fire, banished. Wanting every -<span class='pageno' id='Page_133'>133</span>thing, at last he appears to all to be deservedly the -most wretched of men. On the other hand, the bad -man is praised, sought after, caressed by all. Honours -of every kind, authority, power, and every advantage -conferred upon him from all sides. A man, finally, in -the estimation of all deemed the very best, and worthy -of the highest gifts of fortune. Who would be so insane -as to hesitate which of these two he would choose -to be?</p> - -<p class='c000'>XVIII. As it is with individuals, so it is with nations. -No community is so stupid, as not to prefer commanding -by injustice, to serving according to justice. I -shall not go far back for examples. Being consul, you -assisting me in council; I had to examine the Numantine -treaty. Who is ignorant that Pompey made that -treaty, and that Mancinus was concerned in the same -affair? This last most excellent man supported the -proposition I carried from the consultation in the senate; -the other most earnestly opposed it. Those who valued -modesty, integrity, and good faith preferred Mancinus: -yet for his reasoning, counsel, and policy, Pompey -took the lead of him * * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[An unknown number of pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>XXIX. * * * * * Ti. Gracchus was vigilant -for the interests of the people, but neglected the -rights of the Latins and the treaties with the allies. If -such customs and license should spread themselves -wider, and our empire be changed from right to force, -so that those who until now voluntarily obey us, should -<span class='pageno' id='Page_134'>134</span>be ruled only by terror; although it has been vigilantly -preserved for us, who are of the present age; yet I -should be very solicitous about our posterity, and about -the immortality of the republic, which might be perpetual, -if the institutions and manners of our forefathers -were preserved.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XXX. When Lælius had thus spoken, all present -expressed themselves to have been very much delighted -by him, but Scipio, among the rest, as if quite elated with -pleasure, “many causes,” said he, “indeed Lælius, hast -thou often defended, in such a manner that I can by no -means compare our colleague Servius Galba to thee; -whom when he lived thou preferredest to all; nor in -truth any of the attic orators * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[Twelve pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>XXXI. * * * * * Therefore that common -interest, that is the commonwealth, who can recognize -it when all are oppressed by the cruelty of one; when -no bond of Law exists, nor that consent of congregated -society, which constitutes a people. And this very -condition of the Syracusans: a celebrated city, as -Timæus says, the first among the Greeks, and the most -beautiful of them all: its harbour embosomed within -the walls, its canals running through the city: its broad -streets, its porticoes, temples, fortifications, all these -did not help to constitute a commonwealth, while -Dionysius reigned. The people had no part in them, -for the very people belonged to one man. Therefore -where there is a tyrant, it is not a vitiated commonwealth, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_135'>135</span>as I said yesterday, but reason compels us to -declare plainly that no commonwealth at all exists.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XXXII. “Indeed” said Lælius, “you speak very -clearly, and I already perceive the drift of your discourse.</p> - -<p class='c000'>S. You see therefore, that when every thing is in the -power of a faction, neither can that be properly called a -commonwealth.</p> - -<p class='c000'>L. I judge it plainly so.</p> - -<p class='c000'>S. And most rightly do you judge, for what was the -condition of the Athenians, when after that great -Pelopponesian war, thirty men were most unjustly -placed in the command of that city? Did the ancient -glory of the city, the admirable nature of its buildings, -its theatre, gymnasia, its noble porticoes, its citadel, or -the admirable works of Phidias, or the magnificent port -of Piræus, did they constitute a commonwealth? -“Not in the least” said Lælius, “because indeed the -common interest was not thought of.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>S. How was it at Rome, when the Decemvirs existed -without appeal, in that third year, when liberty itself -had parted with its privileges?</p> - -<p class='c000'>L. Nothing was left to the people, and truly it was -necessary to bring them to that point, that they might -recover their rights.</p> - -<p class='c000'>XXXIII. S. I come now to the third kind, that in -which some inconsistency will perhaps be perceived, -where all things are said to be done by the people, and -to be in the power of the people. When the multitude -orders punishments to be inflicted in any manner that it -pleases, ordering, seizing, keeping, dissipating every -<span class='pageno' id='Page_136'>136</span>thing whatever they choose, can you then Lælius, deny -that to be a republic, where all things belong to the people, -and when indeed we define a republic to be a commonwealth?” -“There is nothing,” said Lælius, “I -would sooner deny to be a republic, than where all things -are in the power of the multitude. We did not consider -that they had a republic among the Syracusans, or at -Agrigentum, or at Athens when they were under tyrants, -or at Rome when under the decemvirs. Nor do I see -how the name of republic is appropriate when the multitude -rules. Because first, as you have happily defined -it to me, Scipio, a people does not exist, but where it is -held together by consent of law; and this sort of mob, -is as much a tyrant as if it were one man. Indeed it is -more mischievous, for nothing is more ferocious than -the wild beast which assumes the name and form of the -people. Nor is it right, when the property of maniacs -is placed by law under the guardianship of kindred, -that * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[Eight pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>XXXIV. * * * of it,<a id='r24' /><a href='#f24' class='c009'><sup>[24]</sup></a> it may with as -much propriety be said that it is a republic and a commonwealth, -as it may be said of a kingdom. “And -much more,” said Mummius, “for a king being one, is -more like a master; but where many good men are at -the head of affairs in a republic, nothing can be more -happily constituted. But I certainly prefer a kingdom -<span class='pageno' id='Page_137'>137</span>to the sway of a democracy; which third and most -vicious kind of government remains for you to explain.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>XXXV. To this Scipio replied, “I recognize well -Spurius, your steady aversion to the popular mode, -and although it might be treated with less aversion than -you are wont to do, nevertheless I agree, that of all -these three kinds, no one is less to be approved of. I -do not however agree with you that the better class are -to be preferred to a king; for if it is wisdom which -governs a state, of what consequence is it, whether it -resides in one, or in many? But in our discussion we -are led into a sort of error. When we call them the -better class, nothing can be conceived more excellent, -for what can be imagined more desirable than the best? -When however a king is mentioned, an unjust king occurs -to our minds. We do not nevertheless intend to -speak of an unjust king, in our examination of this -royal kind of government. Think of Romulus, Pompilius, -and Tullus as kings, and perhaps you will not be -so displeased with that kind of government.</p> - -<p class='c000'>M. What sort of praise then is left for a democratic -government?</p> - -<p class='c000'>S. What did you think, Spurius, of the Rhodians, -with whom we were together; did you see nothing like -a commonwealth there?</p> - -<p class='c000'>M. Indeed I did, and least of all to be blamed.</p> - -<p class='c000'>S. You say well. But if you remember all were -alike; sometimes plebeians, sometimes senators; and -by turns discharging during certain months their functions -as senators; the other months they remained in -the ranks of the people. In both capacities however -<span class='pageno' id='Page_138'>138</span>they had the privilege of being present at the meetings -for deliberation, and equally in the theatres and in the -courts, great matters and all others were judged; so -numerous was the multitude and so great its power -that * * * * *</p> - -<hr class='c010' /> - -<div class='footnote' id='f21'> -<p class='c000'><span class='label'><a href='#r21'>21</a>. </span>Alexander.</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='f22'> -<p class='c000'><span class='label'><a href='#r22'>22</a>. </span>These are sophisms brought forward in favour of injustice.</p> - -<div class='c013'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vide</span> Lact. Inst. 5.</div> - -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='f23'> -<p class='c000'><span class='label'><a href='#r23'>23</a>. </span>To restore things unjustly acquired.</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='f24'> -<p class='c000'><span class='label'><a href='#r24'>24</a>. </span>The better class.</p> -</div> - -<div><span class='pageno' id='Page_139'>139</span></div> -<div class='ph1'> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> -<div class='nf-center c011'> - <div>CICERO’S REPUBLIC.</div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class='figcenter id002'> -<img src='images/i_002.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -</div> - -<div class='chapter'> - <h2 id='IV' class='c004'>BOOK IV.</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c005'>II. * * * * * * How conveniently the orders -are set down; the ages, the classes. The equestrian -order where the senate votes. Too many foolishly -seek to abolish that useful institution, hoping that -through some Plebecists procuring the sale of the -horses, they may get a largess.</p> - -<p class='c000'>III. Look now at the other provisions so wisely -made, that the citizens may enjoy a happy and honest -state of society, for that is the very motive for their -union; and which government ought to secure to men, -by institutions and laws. In the first place, as to puerile -discipline for free-born young men, respecting -which the Greeks have laboured so much in vain; and -the only matter about which our guest Polybius reproaches -the negligence of our institutions. No defined -system, or of a public nature, or uniform for all, -was decreed by the laws.</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[Four or eight pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>IV. * * * * * * nor naked when at an -age of puberty. So deep did they seek as it were to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_140'>140</span>lay the foundations of modesty. But how absurd the -exercises of youth in the Grecian Gymnasia; how trifling -that drilling of young boys: what loose and unrestrained -manners permitted to them. I say nothing of -the Eleans and Thebans, among whom free license and -permission was given to the young people to indulge in -sensuality. The Lacedemonians too, when they allowed -every sensual indulgence short of violence, among -their youth, were destroying what they were granting -such a slight protection to. “I clearly understand, -Scipio,” said Lælius, “that in these practices of the -Greeks, which you reprehend, you had rather attack the -most illustrious people, than your favourite Plato, whom -you do not assail at all, especially * * * * *</p> - -<div><span class='pageno' id='Page_141'>141</span></div> -<div class='ph1'> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> -<div class='nf-center c011'> - <div>CICERO’S REPUBLIC.</div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class='figcenter id002'> -<img src='images/i_002.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -</div> - -<div class='chapter'> - <h2 id='V' class='c004'>BOOK V.</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c005'>II. * * * * * * No prerogative more royal -than the administration of justice, in which was comprehended -the expounding of rights, for individuals were -accustomed to seek justice from kings. On which account -the lands, the fields, the groves, the extensive and -rich grazing districts were defined, which belonged to -the sovereign, and were all managed without any care -or labour on his part; that none of the cares of private -business, might abstract him from the affairs of the public. -Nor was any man an umpire or arbitrator of any -legal contention, but all things were decided by royal -judgments. And it seems to me, that our Numa chiefly -adopted this ancient custom from the kings of Greece. -For the others, although they also discharged this function, -yet a great many of them waged wars, and occupied -themselves in establishing the rules of war. But -that long peace of Numa, was the parent of law and -religion to this city. He also was the writer of those -laws which you know to be extant: all which is appropriate -to the very citizen whose character we are drawing -* * * * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div><span class='pageno' id='Page_142'>142</span>[An unknown number of pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>III. S. Do you think there is any harm in his being -acquainted with the nature of roots and seeds?</p> - -<p class='c000'>M. None, if only his work is not neglected.</p> - -<p class='c000'>S. But do you think it to be properly the study of a -farmer?</p> - -<p class='c000'>M. Not in the least; for the cultivation of the land -would often be unattended to.</p> - -<p class='c000'>S. Therefore, as a farmer is acquainted with the nature -of his soil, a steward with the nature of letters, -and each can turn from the amusement of theory to the -greater utility of practice; so this our ruler may be -thoroughly conversant with the knowledge of rights -and of laws; he may have looked even into the very -fountains of them: but let not his consultations, his -constant readings, and his writings occupy him too -much; but let him be as it were both steward and farmer -to the commonwealth. Let him be skilled in the -principles of law without which no man can be just; -let him not be ignorant of civil law: but let it be as the -pilot who studies the stars; the physician who studies -the nature of plants and minerals; each turning his -knowledge to the benefit of his art, without permitting -it to impede the practical use of his vocation * * *</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>[An unknown number of pages wanting.]</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>IV. * * * * In those states where the good -look for praise and honour, and fly from ignominy and -disgrace. Not so much restrained by apprehension of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_143'>143</span>the penalties established by law, but by a sentiment of -self-respect, which nature has planted in man, a sort of -dread of deserved censure. This sentiment the ruler of -a state strengthens by public opinion, and confirms by -education, and by institutions, that shame may deter the -citizen from crime as much as fear. But these considerations -properly belong to renown, and shall be more -abundantly considered.</p> - -<p class='c000'>V. Life, however, and the comfortable enjoyment -of it, are constituted by legal marriages, lawful children; -the keeping hallowed the seats of the penate gods, and -the domestic lares; that all may enjoy public and private -comforts. Without good government, private life -cannot be agreeable, nor can any one be more happy -than in a well regulated state * * * *</p> - -<div class='pbb'> - <hr class='pb c003' /> -</div> -<div class='tnotes'> - -<div class='chapter'> - <h2 class='c004'>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES</h2> -</div> - <ol class='ol_1 c002'> - <li>Added <a href='#Contents'>Table of Contents</a>. - - </li> - <li>Corrected items noted in the <a href='#ERRATA'>Errata</a>. - - </li> - <li>Silently corrected typographical errors in the Preface, Introduction, and footnotes. - - </li> - <li>Retained anachronistic and non-standard spellings as printed in the Preface, - Introduction, and footnotes. - - </li> - <li>Did not alter punctuation or spellings in the Translation with the exception of - joining words split by pages. - </li> - </ol> - -</div> - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's The republic of Cicero, by Marcus Tullius Cicero - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE REPUBLIC OF CICERO *** - -***** This file should be named 54161-h.htm or 54161-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/4/1/6/54161/ - -Produced by Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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