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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..df8f3d4 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #53852 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/53852) diff --git a/old/53852-0.txt b/old/53852-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index f4d3e8e..0000000 --- a/old/53852-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,3655 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's Letters to Catherine E. Beecher, by Angelina E. Grimké - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: Letters to Catherine E. Beecher, - in reply to an essay on slavery and abolitionism, addressed - to A. E. Grimké - -Author: Angelina E. Grimké - -Release Date: December 31, 2016 [EBook #53852] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LETTERS TO CATHERINE E. BEECHER *** - - - - -Produced by Suzanne Shell and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - - - - - - - - - - LETTERS - TO - CATHERINE E. BEECHER, - - IN REPLY TO - AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY AND ABOLITIONISM, - ADDRESSED TO - A. E. GRIMKÉ. - - REVISED BY THE AUTHOR. - - BOSTON: - PRINTED BY ISAAC KNAPP, - 25, CORNHILL. - 1838. - - Entered according to the Act of Congress in the year 1838, - by ISAAC KNAPP, - in the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of Massachusetts. - - - - -LETTER I. - -FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLE OF ABOLITIONISTS. - - - BROOKLINE, Mass., _6 month, 12th, 1837_. - -MY DEAR FRIEND: Thy book has appeared just at a time, when, from the -nature of my engagements, it will be impossible for me to give it that -attention which so weighty a subject demands. Incessantly occupied in -prosecuting a mission, the responsibilities of which task all my powers, I -can reply to it only by desultory letters, thrown from my pen as I travel -from place to place. I prefer this mode to that of taking as long a time -to answer it, as thou didst to determine upon the best method by which to -counteract the effect of my testimony at the north--which, as the preface -of thy book informs me, was thy main design. - -Thou thinkest I have not been ‘sufficiently informed in regard to the -feelings and opinions of Christian females at the North’ on the subject of -slavery; for that in fact they hold the same _principles_ with -Abolitionists, although they condemn their measures. Wilt thou permit me -to receive their principles from thy pen? Thus instructed, however -misinformed I may heretofore have been, I can hardly fail of attaining to -accurate knowledge. Let us examine them, to see how far they correspond -with the principles held by Abolitionists. - -The great fundamental principle of Abolitionists is, that man cannot -rightfully hold his fellow man as property. Therefore, we affirm, that -_every slaveholder is a man-stealer_. We do so, for the following reasons: -to steal a man is to rob him of himself. It matters not whether this be -done in Guinea, or Carolina; a man is a _man_, and _as_ a man he has -_inalienable_ rights, among which is the right to personal _liberty_. Now -if every man has an _inalienable_ right to personal liberty, it follows, -that he cannot rightfully be reduced to slavery. But I find in these -United States, 2,250,000 men, women and children, robbed of that to which -they have an _inalienable_ right. How comes this to pass? Where millions -are plundered, are there no _plunderers_? If, then, the slaves have been -robbed of their liberty, _who_ has robbed them? Not the man who stole -their forefathers from Africa, but he who now holds them in bondage; no -matter _how_ they came into his possession, whether he inherited them, or -bought them, or seized them at their birth on his own plantation. The only -difference I can see between the original man-stealer, who caught the -African in his native country, and the American slaveholder, is, that the -former committed _one_ act of robbery, while the other perpetrates the -same crime _continually_. Slaveholding is the perpetrating of acts, all of -the same kind, in a _series_, the first of which is technically called -man-stealing. The _first_ act robbed the man of himself; and the same -state of mind that prompted _that act, keeps up the series_, having -_taken_ his all from him: it _keeps_ his all from him, not only _refusing_ -to _restore_, but still robbing him of all he gets, and as fast as he gets -it. Slaveholding, then, is _the constant or habitual perpetration of the -act of man-stealing. To make_ a slave is _man-stealing_--_the ACT -itself_--to _hold_ him such is man-stealing--the _habit_, the _permanent_ -state, made up of _individual_ acts. In other words--to _begin_ to hold a -slave is man-stealing--to _keep on_ holding him is merely a _repetition_ -of the first act--a doing the same identical thing _all the time_. A -series of the same acts continued for a length of time is a _habit_--_a -permanent state_. And the _first_ of this series of the _same_ acts that -make up this _habit_ or state is just like all the rest. - -If every slave has a right to freedom, then surely the man who withholds -that right from him to-day is a man-stealer, though he may not be the -first person who has robbed him of it. Hence we find that Wesley -says--‘Men-_buyers_ are _exactly on a level_ with men-_stealers_.’ And -again--‘Much less is it possible that any child of man should ever be -_born a slave_.’ Hear also Jonathan Edwards--‘To hold a man in a state of -slavery, is to be _every day guilty_ of robbing him of his liberty, or of -_man-stealing_.’ And Grotius says--‘Those are men-stealers who abduct, -_keep_, sell or buy _slaves_ or freemen.’ - -If thou meanest merely that _acts_ of that _same nature_, but differently -located in a series, are designated by different terms, thus pointing out -their different _relative positions_, then thy argument concedes what we -affirm,--the identity in the _nature_ of the acts, and thus it dwindles to -a mere philological criticism, or rather a mere play upon words. - -These are Abolition sentiments on the subject of slaveholding; and -although our principles are universally held by our opposers at the North, -yet I am told on the 44th page of thy book, that ‘the word man-stealer has -one peculiar signification, and is no more synonymous with slaveholder -than it is with sheep-stealer.’ I must acknowledge, thou hast only -confirmed my opinion of the difference which I had believed to exist -between Abolitionists and their opponents. As well might Saul have -declared, that he held similar views with Stephen, when he stood by and -kept the raiment of those who slew him. - -I know that a broad line of distinction is drawn between our principles -and our measures, by those who are anxious to ‘avoid the appearance of -evil’--very desirous of retaining the fair character of enemies to -slavery. Now, our _measures_ are simply the carrying out of our -_principles_; and we find, that just in proportion as individuals embrace -our principles, in spirit and in truth, they cease to cavil at our -measures. Gerrit Smith is a striking illustration of this. Who cavilled -more at Anti-Slavery _measures_, and who more ready now to acknowledge his -former blindness? Real Abolitionists know full well, that the slave never -has been, and never can be, a whit the better for mere abstractions, -floating in the _head_ of any man; and they also know, that _principles, -fixed in the heart_, are things of another sort. The former have never -done any good in the world, because they possess no vitality, and -therefore cannot bring forth _the fruits_ of holy, untiring effort; but -the latter live in the lives of their possessors, and breathe in their -words. And I am free to express my belief, that _all_ who really and -heartily approve our _principles_, will also approve our _measures_; and -that, too, just as certainly as a good tree will bring forth good fruit. - -But there is another peculiarity in the views of Abolitionists. We hold -that the North is guilty of the crime of slaveholding--we assert that it -is a _national_ sin: on the contrary, in thy book, I find the following -acknowledgement:--‘_Most_ persons in the non-slaveholding States, have -considered the matter of southern slavery as one in which they were no -more called to interfere, than in the abolition of the press-gang system -in England, or the tithe-system in Ireland.’ Now I cannot see how the same -principles can produce such entirely different opinions. ‘Can a good tree -bring forth corrupt fruit?’ This I deny, and cannot admit what thou art -anxious to prove, viz. that ‘Public opinion may have been _wrong_ on this -point, and yet _right_ on all those great _principles_ of rectitude and -justice relating to slavery.’ If Abolition principles are generally -adopted at the North, how comes it to pass, that there is no abolition -action here, except what is put forth by a few despised fanatics, as they -are called? Is there any living faith without works? Can the sap circulate -vigorously, and yet neither blossoms put forth nor fruit appear? - -Again, I am told on the 7th page, that all Northern Christians believe it -is a sin to hold a man in slavery for ‘_mere purposes of gain_;’ as if -this was the _whole_ abolition principle on this subject. I can assure -thee that Abolitionists do not stop here. Our principle is, that _no -circumstances can ever justify_ a man in holding his fellow man as -_property_; it matters not what _motive_ he may give for such a monstrous -violation of the laws of God. The claim to him as _property_ is an -annihilation of his right to himself, which is the foundation upon which -all his other rights are built. It is high-handed robbery of Jehovah; for -He has declared, ‘All souls are _mine_.’ For myself, I believe there are -hundreds of thousands at the South, who do _not_ hold their slaves, by any -means, as much ‘for purposes of gain,’ as they do from _the lust of -power_: this is the passion that reigns triumphant there, and those who do -not know this, have much yet to learn. Where, then, is the similarity in -our views? - -I forbear for the present, and subscribe myself, - - Thine, but not in the bonds of gospel Abolitionism, - - A. E. GRIMKÉ. - - - - -LETTER II. - -IMMEDIATE EMANCIPATION. - - - BROOKLINE, Mass., _6th month, 17th, 1837_. - -DEAR FRIEND: Where didst thou get thy statement of what Abolitionists mean -by immediate emancipation? I assure thee, it is a novelty. I never heard -any abolitionist say that slaveholders ‘were physically unable to -emancipate their slaves, and of course are not bound to do it,’ because in -some States there are laws which forbid emancipation. This is truly what -our opponents affirm; but _we_ say that all the laws which sustain the -system of slavery are unjust and oppressive--contrary to the fundamental -principles of morality, and, therefore, null and void. - -We hold, that all the slaveholding laws violate the fundamental principles -of the Constitution of the United States. In the preamble of that -instrument, the great objects for which it was framed are declared to be -‘to establish justice, to promote the _general_ welfare, and to secure the -blessings of _liberty_ to us and to our posterity.’ The slave laws are -flagrant violations of these fundamental principles. Slavery subverts -justice, promotes the welfare of the _few_ to the manifest injury of the -many, and robs thousands of the _posterity_ of our forefathers of the -blessings of liberty. This cannot be denied, for Paxton, a Virginia -slaveholder, says, ‘the _best_ blood in Virginia flows in the veins of -slaves!’ Yes, even the blood of a Jefferson. And every southerner knows, -that it is a common thing for the _posterity of our forefathers_ to be -sold on the vendue tables of the South. _The posterity of our fathers_ are -advertised in American papers as runaway slaves. Such advertisements often -contain expressions like these: ‘has sometimes passed himself off as a -_white_ man,’--‘has been mistaken for a _white_ man,’--‘_quite white_, has -_straight_ hair, and would not readily be taken for a slave,’ &c. - -Now, thou wilt perceive, that, so far from thinking that a slaveholder is -bound by the _immoral_ and _unconstitutional_ laws of the Southern States, -_we_ hold that he is solemnly bound as a man, as an American, to _break_ -them, and that _immediately_ and openly; as much so, as Daniel was to -pray, or Peter and John to preach--or every conscientious Quaker to refuse -to pay a militia fine, or to train, or to fight. _We_ promulgate no such -time-serving doctrine as that set forth by thee. When _we_ talk of -immediate emancipation, we speak that we do mean, and the slaveholders -understand us, if thou dost not. - -Here, then, is another point in which we are entirely at variance, though -the _principles_ of abolitionism are ‘generally adopted by our opposers.’ -What shall I say to these things, but that I am glad thou hast afforded -me an opportunity of explaining to thee what _our principles_ really are? -for I apprehend that _thou_ ‘hast not been sufficiently informed in regard -to the feelings and opinions’ of abolitionists. - -It matters not to me what meaning ‘Dictionaries or standard writers’ may -give to immediate emancipation. My Dictionary is the Bible; my standard -authors, prophets and apostles. When Jehovah commanded Pharaoh to ‘let the -people go,’ he meant that they should be _immediately emancipated_. I read -his meaning in the judgments which terribly rebuked Pharaoh’s repeated and -obstinate refusal to ‘let the people go.’ I read it in the _universal_ -emancipation of near 3,000,000 of Israelites in _one awful night_. When -the prophet Isaiah commanded the Jews ‘to loose the bands of wickedness, -to undo the heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free, and that ye -break every yoke,’ he taught no gradual or partial emancipation, but -_immediate, universal emancipation_. When Jeremiah said, ‘Execute judgment -in the MORNING, and deliver him that is spoiled out of the hand of the -oppressor,’ he commanded _immediate_ deliverance. And so also with Paul, -when he exhorted masters to render unto their servants that which is just -and equal. Obedience to this command would _immediately_ overturn the -whole system of American Slavery; for liberty is justly _due_ to every -American citizen, according to the laws of God and the Constitution of our -country; and a fair recompense for his labor is the right of every man. -Slaveholders know this is just as well as we do. John C. Calhoun said in -Congress, in 1833--‘He who _earns_ the money--who _digs it out of the -earth_ with the sweat of his brow, has a _just title_ to it against the -Universe. _No one_ has a right to touch it _without his consent_, except -his government, and _it only_ to the extent of its _legitimate_ wants: to -take more is _robbery_.’ - -If our fundamental principle is right, that no man can rightfully hold his -fellow man as _property_, then it follows, of course, that he is bound -_immediately_ to cease holding him as such, and that, too, in _violation -of the immoral and unconstitutional laws_ which have been framed for the -express purpose of ‘turning aside the needy from judgment, and to take -away the right from the poor of the people, that widows may be their prey, -and that they may rob the fatherless.’ Every slaveholder is bound to cease -to do evil _now_, to emancipate his slaves _now_. - -Dost thou ask what I mean by emancipation? I will explain myself in a few -words. 1. It is ‘to reject with indignation, the wild and guilty phantasy, -that man can hold _property_ in man.’ 2. To pay the laborer his hire, for -he is worthy of it. 3. No longer to deny him the right of marriage, but to -‘let every man have his own wife, and let every woman have her own -husband,’ as saith the apostle. 4. To let parents have their own children, -for they are the gift of the Lord to _them_, and no one else has any right -to them. 5. No longer to withhold the advantages of education and the -privilege of reading the Bible. 6. To put the slave under the protection -of equitable laws. - -Now, why should not _all_ this be done immediately? Which of these things -is to be done next year, and which the year after? and so on. _Our_ -immediate emancipation means, doing justice and loving mercy -_to-day_--and this is what we call upon every slaveholder to do. - -I have seen too much of slavery to be a gradualist. I dare not, in view of -such a system, tell the slaveholder, that ‘he is physically unable to -emancipate his slaves.’ I say _he is able_ to let the oppressed go free, -and that such heaven-daring atrocities ought to _cease now_, henceforth -and forever. Oh, my very soul is grieved to find a northern woman thus -‘sewing pillows under all arm-holes,’ framing and fitting soft excuses for -the slaveholder’s conscience, whilst with the same pen she is _professing_ -to regard slavery as a sin. ‘An open enemy is better than such a secret -friend.’ - -Hoping that thou mayest soon be emancipated from such inconsistency, I -remain until then, - - Thine _out_ of the bonds of Christian Abolitionism, - - A. E. GRIMKÉ. - - - - -LETTER III. - -MAIN PRINCIPLE OF ACTION. - - - LYNN, _6th Month, 23d, 1837_. - -DEAR FRIEND:--I now pass on to the consideration of ‘the main principle of -action in the Anti-Slavery Society.’ Thou art pleased to assert that it -‘rests wholly on a false deduction from past experience.’ In this, also, -thou ‘hast not been sufficiently informed.’ Our main principle of action -is embodied in God’s holy command--‘Wash you, make you clean, put away the -evil of your doings from before mine eyes, cease to do evil, learn to do -well; seek judgment, relieve the oppressed, judge the fatherless, plead -for the widow.’ Under a solemn conviction that it is our duty as Americans -to ‘cry aloud and spare not, to lift up our voices as a trumpet, and to -show our people their transgressions, and the house of Jacob their sins,’ -we are striving to rouse a slumbering nation to a sense of the -retributions which must soon descend upon her guilty head, unless like -Ninevah she repent, and ‘break off her sins by righteousness, and her -transgressions by showing mercy to the poor.’ _This_ is our ‘main -principle of action.’ Does it rest ‘wholly on a false deduction from past -experience?’ or on the experience of Israel’s King, who exclaimed, ‘In -keeping of them (thy commandments,) there is great reward.’ - -Thou art altogether under a mistake, if thou supposest that our ‘main -principle of action’ is the successful effort of abolitionists in England, -in reference to the abolition of the slave-trade; for I hesitate not to -pronounce the attempts of Clarkson and Wilberforce, at that period of -their history, to have been a _complete failure_; and never have the -labors of any philanthropists so fully showed the inefficacy of halfway -principles, as have those of these men of honorable fame. The doctrines -now advocated by the American Anti-Slavery Society, were not advanced by -the abolitionists of that day. _They_ were _not_ immediate abolitionists, -but just such gradualists as thou art even now. If I supposed that our -labors in the cause of the slave would produce _no better_ results than -those of these worthies, I should utterly despair. I need not remind thee, -that they bent all their energies to the annihilation of the slave-trade, -under the impression that _this_ was the mother of slavery; and that after -toiling for twenty years, and obtaining the passage of an act to that -effect, the result was a mere _nominal_ abolition; for the atrocities of -the slave-trade are, if possible, _greater_ now than ever. I will explain -what I mean. A friend of mine one evening last winter, heard a -conversation between two men, one of whom had, until recently, been a -slave-trader. He had made several voyages to the coast of Africa, and said -that once his vessel was chased by an English man of war, and that, in -order to avoid a search and the penalty of death, he threw every slave -overboard; and when his companion expressed surprise and horror at such a -wholesale murder, ‘Why,’ said the trader, ‘it was the fault of the -English; they had no business to make a law to hang a man on the yard arm, -if they caught him with slaves in his ship.’ He intimated that it was not -an uncommon thing for the captains of slavers thus to save their lives.[1] -Where, then, I ask, is this glorious success of which we _hear_ so much, -but _see_ so little? - -Let us travel onward, from the year 1806, when England passed her -abolition act. What were British philanthropists doing for the -emancipation of the slave, for the next twenty years? Nothing at all; and -it was the voice of Elizabeth Heyrick which first awakened them from -their dream of _gradualism_ to an understanding of the simple doctrine of -immediate emancipation; but even though they saw the injustice and -inefficiency of _their own_ views, yet several years elapsed before they -had the courage to promulgate hers. And now I can point thee to the -success of these efforts in the emancipation bill of 1834. But even this -success was paltry, in comparison with what it would have been, had all -the conspicuous abolitionists of England been true to these just and holy -principles. Some of them were false to those principles, and hence the -compensation and apprenticeship system. A few months ago, it was my -privilege to converse with Joseph Sturge, on his return from the West -Indies, via New York, to Liverpool, whither he had gone to examine the -working of England’s plan of emancipation. I heard him speak of the bounty -of £20,000,000 which she had put into the hands of the planters, of their -mean and cruel abuse of the apprenticeship system, and of the hearty -approbation he felt in the thorough-going principles of the Anti-Slavery -Societies in this country, and his increased conviction that _ours_ were -the _only right_ principles on this important subject. That even the -apprenticeship system is viewed by British philanthropists as a complete -failure, is evident from the fact that they are now re-organizing their -Anti-Slavery Societies, and circulating petitions for the substitution of -immediate emancipation in its stead. - -Hence it appears, that so far from our resting ‘wholly upon _a false -deduction from past experience_,’ we are resting on _no_ experience at -all; for no class of men in the world ever have maintained the principles -which we now advocate. Our main principle of action is ‘obedience to -God’--our hope of success is faith in Him, and that faith is as unwavering -as He is true and powerful. ‘Blessed is the man who trusteth in the Lord, -and whose hope the Lord is.’ - -With regard to the connection between the North and the South, I shall say -but little, having already sent thee my views on that subject in the -letter to ‘Clarkson,’ originally published in the New Haven Religious -Intelligencer. I there pointed out fifteen different ways in which the -North was implicated in the guilt of slavery; and, therefore, I deny the -charge that abolitionists are endeavoring ‘to convince their fellow -citizens of the faults of _another_ community.’ Not at all. We are -spreading out the horrors of slavery before Northerners, in order to show -them _their own sin_ in sustaining such a system of complicated wrong and -suffering. It is because we are politically, commercially, and socially -connected with our southern brethren, that we urge our doctrines upon -those of the free States. We have begun our work _here_, because -pro-slavery men of the North are to the system of slavery just what -temperate drinkers were to the vice of intemperance. Temperance reformers -did not _begin_ their labors among drunkards, but among temperate -drinkers: so Anti-Slavery reformers did not _begin_ their labors among -slaveholders, but among those who were making their fortunes out of the -unrequited toil of the slave, and receiving large mortgages on southern -plantations and slaves, and trading occasionally in ‘slaves and the souls -of men,’ and sending men to Congress to buy up southern land to be -converted into slave States, such as Louisiana and Florida, which cost -_this nation_ $20,000,000--men who have admitted seven slave States into -the Union--men who boast on the floor of Congress, that ‘there is no cause -in which they would sooner buckle a knapsack on their backs and shoulder a -musket, than that of putting down a servile insurrection at the South,’ as -said the present Governor of Massachusetts, which odious sentiment was -repeated by Governor Lincoln only last winter--men who, trained up on -Freedom’s soil, yet go down to the South and marry slaveholders, and -become slaveholders, and then return to our northern cities with slaves in -their train. This is the case with a native of this town, who is now here -with his southern wife and southern _slave_. And as soon as we reform the -recreant sons and daughters of the North,--as soon as we rectify public -opinion at the North,--then I, for one, will promise to go down into the -midst of slaveholders themselves, to promulgate our doctrines in the land -of the slave. But how can we go now, when northern pulpits and -meeting-houses are closed, and northern ministers are dumb, and northern -Governors are declaring that ‘the discussion of the subject of slavery -ought to be made an offence indictable at common law,’ and northern women -are writing books to paralyze the efforts of southern women, who have come -up from the South, to entreat their northern sisters to exert their -influence in behalf of the slave, and in behalf of the slaveholder, who is -as deeply corrupted, though not equally degraded, with the slave. No! No! -the taunts of a New England woman will induce no abolitionist to cease -his rebuke of _northern slaveholders_ and apologists for slavery. -Southerners see the wisdom of _this_, if _thou_ canst not; and over -against thy opinion, I will place that of a Louisiana planter, who, whilst -on a visit to his relatives at Uxbridge, Mass. this summer, unhesitatingly -admitted that the _North was the right place to begin Anti-Slavery -efforts_. Had I not been convinced of this before, surely thy book would -have been all-sufficient to satisfy me of it; for a more subtle defence of -the slaveholder’s right to property in his helpless victims, I never saw. -It is just such a defence as the hidden enemies of Liberty will rejoice to -see, because, like thyself, they earnestly desire to ‘avoid the -_appearance of evil_;’ they are as much opposed to slavery as we are, only -they are as much opposed to Anti-Slavery as the slaveholders themselves. -Is there any middle path in this reformation? Or may we not fairly -conclude, that he or _she_ that is not for the slave, in deed and in -truth, is _against_ him, no matter how specious their professions of pity -for his condition? - - In haste, I remain thy friend, - - A. E. GRIMKÉ. - - [1] And in ‘Laird’s Expedition to Africa, &c.’ a work recently - published in England, this assertion of the slave trader is fully - sustained. Laird relates that ‘there is _proof_ of the horrid fact, - that several of the wretches engaged in this traffic, when hotly - pursued, consigned _whole cargoes_ to the deep.’ He then goes on to - state several such instances, from which I select the following: ‘In - 1833, the Black Joke and Fair Rosamond fell in with the Hercule and - Regule, two slave vessels off the Bonny River. On perceiving the - cruisers, they attempted to regain the port, and pitched overboard - upwards of 500 human beings, chained together, before they were - captured; from the abundance of sharks in the river, their track was - literally a blood-stained one. The slaver not only does this, but - _glories in it_: the first words uttered by the captain of the Maria - Isabelle, seized by captain Rose, were, ‘that if he had seen the man - of war in chase an hour sooner, he would have thrown _every_ slave - in his vessel overboard, as _he was fully insured_.’ - - - - -LETTER IV. - -CONNECTION BETWEEN THE NORTH AND SOUTH. - - - DANVERS, Mass., _7th mo., 1837_. - -DEAR FRIEND:--I thank thee for having furnished me with just such a simile -as I needed to illustrate the connection which exists between the North -and the South. Thou sayest, ‘Suppose two rival cities, one of which -becomes convinced that certain practices in trade and business in the -other are dishonest, and have an oppressive bearing on certain classes in -that city. Suppose, also, that these are practices, which, by those who -allow them, are considered as honorable and right. Those who are convinced -of this immorality wish to alter the opinions and the practices of the -citizens of their rival city, and to do this they commence the collection -of facts, that exhibit the tendencies of these practices and the evils -they have engendered. But, instead of going among the community in which -the evil exists, and endeavoring to convince them, they proceed to form -voluntary associations among their neighbors at home, and spend their -time, money, and efforts to convince their fellow citizens that the -inhabitants of their rival city are guilty of a great sin.’ Now I will -take up the comparison here, and suppose a few other things about these -two cities. Suppose that the people in one city were _known never_ to pay -the laborer his wages, but to be in the constant habit of keeping back the -hire of those who reaped down their fields; and that, on examination, it -was found that the people in the other city were continually going over to -live with these gentlemen oppressors, and instead of rebuking them, were -joining hands in wickedness with them, and were actually _more_ oppressive -to the poor than the native inhabitants. Suppose, too, it was found that -many of the merchants in the city of Fairdealing, as it was called, were -known to hold mortgages, not only upon the property which ought to belong -to the unpaid laborers, but mortgages, too, on the _laborers themselves_, -ay, and _their wives and children also_, a thing altogether contrary to -the laws of their city, and the customs of their people, and the -principles of fundamental morality. Suppose, too, it was found that the -people in the city of Oppression were in the constant practice of sending -over to the city of Fairdealing, and bribing their citizens to seize the -poorest, most defenceless of their people for them, because they were so -lazy they would not do their own work, and so mean they would not pay -others for doing it, and chose thus to supply themselves with laborers, -who, when they once got into the city, were placed under such severe laws, -that it was almost impossible for them ever to return to their afflicted -wives and children. Suppose, too, that whenever any of these oppressed, -unpaid laborers happened to escape from the city of Oppression, and after -lying out in the woods and fastnesses which lay between the two cities, -for many weeks, ‘in weariness and painfulness, in watchings, in hunger and -thirst, in cold and nakedness,’ that, as soon as they reached the city of -Fairdealing, they were most unmercifully hunted out and sent back to their -cruel oppressors, who it was well known generally treated such laborers -with great cruelty, ‘_stern necessity_’ demanding that they should be -punished and ‘rebuked before all, that others might fear’ the consequences -of such elopement. In short, suppose that the city of Fairdealing was so -completely connected with the city of Oppression, that the golden strands -of their interests were twisted together so as to form a bond of Union -stronger than death, and that by the intermarriages which were constantly -taking place, there was also a silken cord of love tying up and binding -together the tender feelings of their hearts with all the intricacies of -the Gordian knot; and then, again, that the identity of the political -interests of these cities were wound round and round them like bands of -iron and brass, altogether forming an union so complicated and powerful, -that it was impossible even to _speak_ in the most solemn manner, in the -city of Fairdealing, of the enormous crimes which were common in the city -of Oppression, without having brickbats and rotten eggs hurled at the -speaker’s head. Suppose, too, that although it was perfectly manifest to -every reflecting mind, that a most guilty copartnership existed between -these two cities, yet that the ‘gentlemen of property and standing’ of the -city of Fairdealing were continually taunting the people who were trying -to represent _their_ iniquitous league with the city of Oppression in its -true and sinful bearings, with the query of ‘Why don’t you go to the city -of Oppression, and tell the people there, not to rob the poor?’ Might not -these reformers very justly remark, we cannot go there _until_ we have -persuaded _our own_ citizens to cease _their unholy co-operation with -them_, for they will certainly turn upon us in bitter irony and -say--‘Physician, heal thyself;’ go back to your own city, and tell your -own citizens ‘to break off _their_ sins by righteousness, and _their_ -transgressions by showing mercy to the poor,’ who fly from our city into -the gates of theirs for protection, but receive it not. Would not common -sense bear them out in refusing to go there, until they had _first_ -converted _their own_ people from the error of their ways? I will leave -thee and my other readers to make the application of this comparison; and -if thou dost not acknowledge that abolitionists have been governed by the -soundest common sense in the course they have pursued at the North with -regard to slavery, then I am very much disappointed in thy professions of -_candor_. With regard to the parallel thou hast drawn (p. 16,) between -abolitionists, and the ‘men (who) are daily going into the streets, and -calling all bystanders around them’ and pointing out certain men, some as -liars, some as dishonest, some as licentious, and then bringing proofs of -their guilt and rebuking them before all; at the same time exhorting all -around to point at them the finger of scorn; thou sayest, ‘they persevere -in this course till the whole community is thrown into an uproar; and -assaults and even bloodshed ensue.’ But why, I should like to know, if -these people are themselves _guiltless_ of the crimes alleged against the -others? I cannot understand why they should be so angry, unless, like the -Jews of old, they perceived that the parable had been spoken ‘_against -them_.’ To my own mind, the exasperation of the North at the discussion of -slavery is an undeniable proof of _her guilt_, a certain evidence of the -necessity of her plucking the beam out of her own eye, _before_ she goes -to the South to rebuke sin there. To thee, and to all who are continually -crying out, ‘Why don’t you go to the South?’ I retort the question by -asking, why don’t YOU go to the South? _We_ conscientiously believe that -this work must be commenced _here_ at the North; this is an all-sufficient -answer for US; but YOU, who are ‘as much anti-slavery as we are,’ and -differ _only_ as to the modus operandi, believing that the South and _not_ -the North ought to be the field of Anti-Slavery labors--YOU, I say, have -no excuse to offer, and are bound to go there now. - -But there is another view to be taken of this subject. By all our printing -and talking at the North, we _have actually reached the very heart of the -disease at the South_. They acknowledge it themselves. Read the following -confession in the Southern Literary Review. ‘There are _many good men even -among us, who have begun to grow timid_. They think that what the virtuous -and high-minded men of the North look upon as a crime and a plague-spot, -_cannot_ be perfectly innocent or quite harmless in a slaveholding -community.’ James Smylie, of Mississippi, a minister of the gospel, _so -called_, tells us on the very first page of his essay, written to uphold -the doctrines of Governor McDuffie, ‘that the abolition maxim, viz. that -slavery is _in itself sinful_, had gained on and entwined itself among the -_religious_ and _conscientious_ scruples of _many_ in the community, so -far as to render them _unhappy_.’ I could quote other southern testimony -to the same effect, but will pass on to another fact just published in the -New England Spectator; a proposition from a minister in Missouri ‘to have -separate organizations for slavery and anti-slavery professors,’ and -indeed ‘all over the _slaveholding States_.’ Has our labor then been in -vain in the Lord? Have we failed to rouse the slumbering consciences of -the South? - -Thou inquirest--‘Have the northern States power to rectify evils at the -South, as they have to remove their own moral deformities?’ I answer -unhesitatingly, certainly they have, for _moral_ evils can be removed only -by _moral_ power; and the close connection which exists between these two -portions of our country, affords the greatest possible facilities for -exerting a _moral_ influence on it. Only let the North exert as much moral -influence over the South, as the South has exerted demoralizing influence -over the North, and slavery would die amid the flame of Christian -remonstrance, and faithful rebuke, and holy indignation. The South has -told us so. In the report of the committee on federal relations in the -Legislature of South Carolina last winter, we find the following -acknowledgement: ‘Let it be admitted, that by reason of an efficient -police and judicious internal legislation, we may render abortive the -designs of the fanatic and incendiary within our limits, and that the -torrent of pamphlets and tracts which the abolition presses of the North -are pouring forth with an inexhaustible copiousness, is arrested the -moment it reaches our frontier. Are we to wait until our enemies have -built up, by the grossest misrepresentations and falsehoods, a _body of -public opinion, which it would be impossible to resist_, without -separating ourselves from the social system of the rest of the civilized -world?’ Here is the acknowledgement of a southern legislature, that it -will be _impossible for the South to resist the influence_ of that body of -_public opinion_, which abolitionists are building up against them at the -North. If further evidence is needed, that anti-slavery societies are -producing a powerful influence at the South, look at the efforts made -there to vilify and crush them. Why all this turmoil, and passion, and -rage in the slaveholder, if we have indeed rolled back the cause of -emancipation 200 years, as thy father has asserted? Why all this terror at -the distant roar of free discussion, if they feel not the earth quaking -beneath them? Does not the _South_ understand what really will affect her -interests and break down her domestic institution? Has _she_ no subtle -politicians, no far-sighted men in her borders, who can scan the practical -bearings of these troublous times? Believe me, she has; and did they not -know that we are springing a mine beneath the great bastile of slavery, -and laying a train which will soon whelm it in ruin, she would not be -quite so eager ‘to cut out our tongues, and hang us as high as Haman.’ - -I will just add, that as to the committee saying that abolitionists are -building up a body of public opinion at the North ‘by the grossest -misrepresentations and falsehoods,’ I think it was due to _their_ -character for veracity, to have cited and refuted some of these calumnies. -Until they do, we must believe them; and as a Southerner, I can bear the -most decided testimony against slavery as the mother of _all_ -abominations. - -Farewell for the present. - - I remain thy friend, - - A. E. GRIMKÉ. - - - - -LETTER V. - -CHRISTIAN CHARACTER OF ABOLITIONISM. - - - NEWBURYPORT, _7th mo. 8th, 1837_. - -DEAR FRIEND: As an Abolitionist, I thank thee for the portrait thou hast -drawn of the character of those with whom I am associated. They deserve -all thou hast said in their favor; and I will now endeavor to vindicate -those ‘men of pure morals, of great honesty of purpose, of real -benevolence and piety,’ from some objections thou hast urged against their -measures. - -‘Much evidence,’ thou sayest, ‘can be brought to prove that the character -and measures of the Abolition Society are not either peaceful or christian -in tendency, but that they are in their nature calculated to generate -party spirit, denunciation, recrimination, and angry passion.’ Now I -solemnly ask thee, whether the character and measures of our holy Redeemer -did not produce exactly the same effects? Why did the Jews lead him to the -brow of the hill, that they might cast him down headlong; why did they go -about to kill him; why did they seek to lay hands on him, if the tendency -of _his_ measures was so very _pacific_? Listen, too, to his own -declaration: ‘I came not to send peace on earth, but a sword;’ the effects -of which, he expressly said, would be to set the mother against her -daughter, and the daughter-in-law against her mother-in-law. The rebukes -which he uttered against sin were eminently calculated to produce -‘recriminations and angry passions,’ in all who were determined to -_cleave_ to their sins; and they did produce them even against ‘him who -did no sin, neither was guile found in his mouth.’ He was called a -wine-bibber, and a glutton, and Beelzebub, and was accused of casting out -devils by the prince of the devils. Why, then, protest against our -measures as _unchristian_, because they do not smooth the pillow of the -poor sinner, and lull his conscience into fatal security? The truth is, -the efforts of abolitionists have stirred up the _very same spirit_ which -the efforts of _all thorough-going_ reformers have ever done; we consider -it a certain proof that the truths we utter are sharper than any two edged -sword, and that they are doing the work of conviction in the hearts of our -enemies. If it be not so, I have greatly mistaken the character of -Christianity. I consider it pre-eminently aggressive; it waits not to be -assaulted, but moves on in all the majesty of Truth to _attack_ the strong -holds of the kingdom of darkness, carries the war into the enemy’s camp, -and throws its fiery darts into the midst of its embattled hosts. Thou -seemest to think, on the contrary, that Christianity is just such a weak, -dependent, puerile creature as thou hast described woman to be. In my -opinion, thou hast robbed both the one and the other of all their true -dignity and glory. Thy descriptions may suit the prevailing christianity -of this age, and the general character of woman; and if so, we have great -cause for shame and confusion of face. - -I feel sorry that thy unkind insinuations against the christian character -of Wm. Lloyd Garrison, have rendered it necessary for me to speak of him -individually, because what I shall feel bound to say of him may, to some -like thyself, appear like flattery; but I must do what justice seems so -clearly to call for at my hands. Thou sayest that ‘though he professes a -belief in the christian religion, he is an avowed opponent of most of its -institutions.’ I presume thou art here alluding to his views of the -ordinances of baptism and the Lord’s supper, and the Sabbath. Permit me to -remind thee, that in _all_ these opinions, he coincides entirely with the -Society of Friends, whose views of the Sabbath never were so ably -vindicated as by his pen: and the insinuations of hypocrisy which thou -hast thrown out against him, may with just as much truth be cast upon -_them_. The Quakers think that these are not _christian_ institutions, but -thou hast assumed it without any proof at all. Thou sayest farther, ‘The -character and spirit of _this man_ have for years been exhibited in the -Liberator.’ I have taken that paper for two years, and therefore -understand its character, and am compelled to acknowledge, that harsh and -severe as is the language often used, I have never seen any expressions -which _truth_ did not warrant. The abominations of slavery _cannot_ be -otherwise described. I think Dr. Channing exactly portrayed the character -of brother Garrison’s writings when he said, ‘That deep feeling of evils, -which is _necessary_ to _effectual_ conflict with them, which marks -_God’s most powerful messengers to mankind, cannot_ breathe itself in soft -and tender accents. The deeply moved soul _will_ speak strongly, and -_ought_ to speak strongly, so as to move and shake nations.’ It is well -for the slave, and well for this country, that such a man was sent to -sound the tocsin of alarm before slavery had completed its work of moral -death in this ‘hypocritical nation.’ Garrison began that discussion of the -subject of slavery, which J. Q. Adams declared in his oration, delivered -in this town on the 4th inst. ‘to be the only safety-valve by which the -high pressure boiler of slavery could be prevented from a most fatal -explosion in this country;’ and as a Southerner, I feel truly grateful for -all his efforts to redeem not the slave only, but the _slaveholder_, from -the polluting influences of such a system of crime. - -In his character as a man and a Christian, I have the highest confidence. -The assertion thou makest, ‘that there is to be found in that paper, or -_any thing else, any_ evidence of his possessing the peculiar traits of -Wilberforce, (benignity, gentleness and kind heartedness, I suppose thou -meanest,) not even his warmest admirers will maintain,’ is altogether new -to me; and I for one feel ready to declare, that I have never met in any -one a more lovely exhibition of these traits of character. I might relate -several anecdotes in proof of this assertion, but let one suffice. A -friend of mine, a member of the Society of Friends, told me that after he -became interested in the Anti-Slavery cause through the Liberator, he -still felt so much prejudice against its editor, that, although he wished -to labor in behalf of the slaves, he still felt as if he could not -identify himself with a society which recognized such a leader as he had -heard Wm. L. Garrison was. He had never seen him, and after many struggles -of feeling, determined to go to Boston on purpose to see ‘this man,’ and -judge of his character for himself. He did so, and when he entered the -office of the Liberator, soon fell into conversation with a person he did -not know, and became very much interested in him. After some time, a third -person came in and called off the attention of the stranger, whose -benevolent countenance and benignant manners he had so much admired. He -soon heard him addressed as Mr. Garrison, which astonished him very much; -for he had expected to see some coarse, uncouth and rugged creature, -instead of the perfect gentleman he now learned was Wm. L. Garrison. He -told me that the effect upon his mind was so great, that he sat down and -wept to think he had allowed himself to be so prejudiced against a person, -who was so entirely different from what his enemies had represented him to -be. He at once felt as if he could most cheerfully labor, heart and hand, -with such a man, and has for the last three or four years been a faithful -co-worker with him, in the holy cause of immediate emancipation. And his -confidence in him as a man of pure, _christian_ principle, has grown -stronger and stronger, as time has advanced, and circumstances have -developed his true character. I think it is impossible thou canst be -personally acquainted with brother Garrison, or thou wouldst not write of -him in the way thou hast. If thou really wishest to have thy erroneous -opinions removed, embrace the first opportunity of being introduced to -him; for I can assure thee, that with the fire of a Paul, he does possess -some of the most lovely traits in the character of Wilberforce. - - In much haste, I remain thy friend, - - A. E. GRIMKÉ. - - - - -LETTER VI. - -COLONIZATION. - - - AMESBURY, _7th mo. 20th, 1837_. - -DEAR FRIEND: The _aggressive_ spirit of Anti-Slavery papers and pamphlets, -of which thou dost complain, so far from being a repulsive one to me, is -very attractive. I see in it that uncompromising integrity and fearless -rebuke of sin, which will bear the enterprize of emancipation through to -its consummation. And I most heartily desire to see these publications -scattered over our land as abundantly as the leaves of Autumn, believing -as I do that the principles they promulgate will be as leaves for the -healing of this nation. - -I proceed to examine thy objections to ‘one of the first measures of -Abolitionists:’ their attack on a _benevolent_ society. - -That the Colonization Society is a _benevolent_ institution, we deny: -therefore our attack upon it was not a sacrilegious one; it was absolutely -necessary, in order to disabuse the public mind of the false views they -entertained of its character. And it is a perfect mystery to me how men -and women can _conscientiously_ persevere in upholding a society, which -the very objects of its professed benevolence have repeatedly, solemnly, -constantly and universally condemned. To say the least, this is a very -suspicious kind of benevolence, and seems too nearly allied to that, which -induces some southern professors to keep their brethren in bonds _for -their benefit_. Yes, the free colored people are to be exiled, because -public opinion is crushing them into the dust; instead of their friends -protesting against that corrupt and unreasonable prejudice, and living it -down by a practical acknowledgement of their _right_ to _every_ privilege, -social, civil and religious, which is enjoyed by the white man. I have -never yet been able to learn, how our hatred to our colored brother is to -be destroyed by driving him away from us. I am told that when a colored -republic is built up on the coast of Africa, then we shall respect that -republic, and acknowledge that the character of the colored man can be -elevated; we will become connected with it in a commercial point of view, -and welcome it to the sympathies of our hearts. Miserable sophistry! -deceitful apology for present indulgence in sin! What man or woman of -common sense now doubts the intellectual capacity of the colored people? -Who does not know, that with all our efforts as a nation to crush and -‘_annihilate the mind_ of this portion of our race,’ we have never yet -been able to do it? Henry Berry of Virginia, in his speech in the -Legislature of that State, in 1832, expressly acknowledged, that although -slaveholders had ‘as far as possible closed every avenue by which light -might enter their minds,’ yet that they never had found out the process -by which they ‘could extinguish the _capacity_ to see the light.’ No! that -capacity remains--it is indestructible--an integral part of their nature, -as moral and immortal beings. - -If it is true that white Americans only need a demonstration of the -colored man’s capacity for elevation, in order to make them willing to -receive him on the same platform of human rights upon which they stand, -why has not the intelligence of the Haytians convinced them? _Their_ free -republic has grown up under the very eye of the slaveholder, and as a -nation we have for many years been carrying on a lucrative trade with her -merchants; and yet we have never recognized her independence, never sent a -minister there, though we have sent ambassadors to European countries -whose commerce is far less important to us than that of St. Domingo.[2] - -These professions of a wish to plant the tree of Liberty on the shores of -Africa, in order to convince our Republican Despotism of the high moral -and intellectual worth of the colored man, are perfectly absurd. Hayti -has done that long ago. A friend of mine (not an Abolitionist) whose -business called him to that island for several months, told me that in the -society of its citizens, he often felt his own inferiority. He was -astonished at the elegance of their manners, and the intelligence of their -conversation. Instead of going into an examination of Colonization -principles, I refer thee to the Appeal to the Women of the nominally free -States, issued by the Convention of American Women, in which we set forth -our reasons for repudiating them. - -Thou hast given a specimen of the manner in which Abolitionists deal with -their Colonization opponents. Thy friend remarked, after an interview with -an abolitionist, ‘I love truth and sound argument; but when a man comes at -me with a sledge hammer, I cannot help dodging.’ I presume thy friend only -felt the truth of the prophet’s declaration, ‘Is not my word like as a -fire, saith the Lord, and like a _hammer_ that breaketh the rock in -pieces?’ I wonder not that he did _dodge_, when the sledge hammer of truth -was wielded by an abolition army. Many a Colonizationist has been -compelled to dodge, in order to escape the blows of this hammer of the -Lord’s word, for there is no other way to get clear. We must either -_dodge_ the arguments of abolitionists, or like J. G. Birney, Edward C. -Delevan, and many others, be willing to be broken to pieces by them. I -greatly like this specimen of private dealing, and hope it is not the only -instance which has come under thy notice, of Colonizationists -acknowledging the absolute necessity of _dodging_ Anti-Slavery arguments, -when they were unwilling that the _rock of prejudice_ should be broken to -pieces by them. - -Thy next complaint is against the _manner_ in which this benevolent -EXPATRIATION Society was attacked. ‘The style in which the thing was done -was at once offensive, inflammatory and exasperating,’--‘the feelings of -many sincere, upright, and conscientious men were harrowed by a sense of -the injustice, the indecorum and the unchristian treatment they received.’ -But why, if _they_ were entirely innocent of the charges brought against -Colonizationists? I have been in the habit, for several years past, of -watching the workings of my own mind under true and false charges against -myself; and my experience is, that the more clear I am of the charge, the -less I care about it. If I really feel a sweet assurance that ‘my witness -is in heaven--my record is on high,’ I then realize to its fullest extent -that ‘it is a small thing to be judged of _man’s_ judgment,’ and I can -bear _false_ charges unmoved; but true ones always nettle me, if I am -unwilling to confess that ‘I have sinned;’ if I am, and yield to -conviction, O then! how sweet the reward! Now I am very much afraid that -these sincere, upright and conscientious Colonizationists are something -like the _pious professors_ of the South, who are very angry because -abolitionists say that all slaveholders are men-stealers. Both find it -‘hard to kick against the pricks’ of conviction, and both are unwilling to -repent. A northern man remarked to a Virginia slaveholder last winter, -‘that as the South denied the charges brought against her by -abolitionists, he could not understand why she was so enraged; for,’ -continued he, ‘if you were to accuse us at the North of being -sheep-stealers, we should not care about the charge--we should ridicule -it.’ ‘O!’ said the Virginian with an oath, ‘what the abolitionists say -about slaveholders is _too true_, and _that’s the reason_ we are vexed.’ -Is not this the reason why our Colonization brethren and sisters are so -angry? Is not what we say of them also _too true_? Let them examine these -things with the bible and prayer, and settle this question between God and -their own souls. - -Every true friend of the oppressed American has great cause to rejoice, -that the cloak of benevolence has been torn off from the monster -Prejudice, which could love the colored man _after_ he got to Africa, but -seemed to delight to pour contumely upon him whilst he remained in the -land of his birth. I confess it would be very hard for me to believe that -any association of men and women loved me or my family, if, because we had -become obnoxious to them, they were to meet together, and concentrate -their energies and pour out their money for the purpose of transporting us -back to France, whence our Huguenot fathers fled to this country to escape -the storm of persecutions. Why not let us live in America, if you really -_love_ us? Surely you never want to ‘_get rid_’ of people whom you _love_. -_I_ like to have such near me; and it is because I love the colored -Americans, that I want them to stay in this country; and in order to make -it a happy home to them, I am trying to talk down, and write down, and -live down this horrible prejudice. Sending a few to Africa cannot destroy -it. No--we must dig up the weed by the roots out of each of our hearts. -_It is a sin_, and we must repent of it and forsake it--and then we shall -no longer be so anxious to ‘_be clear of them_,’ ‘_to get rid of them_.’ - -Hoping, though against hope, that thou mayest one day know how precious is -the reward of those who can love our oppressed brethren and sisters in -this day of their calamity, and who, despising the shame of being -identified with these peeled and scattered ones, rejoice to stand side by -side with them, in the glorious conflict between Slavery and Freedom, -Prejudice and Love unfeigned, I remain thine in the bonds of universal -love, - - A. E. GRIMKÉ. - - [2] Although there are some who like to discant on the worthless - character of the Haytians, and the miserable condition of the - Island, yet it is an indisputable fact, that a population of nearly - 1,000,000 are supported on its soil, and that in 1833, the value of - its exports to the United States exceeded in value those of Prussia, - Sweden, and Norway--Denmark and the Danish West Indies--Ireland and - Scotland--Holland--Belgium--Dutch East Indies--British West - Indies--Spain--Portugal--all Italy--Turkey and the Levant, or any - one Republic in South America. - - - - -LETTER VII. - -PREJUDICE. - - - HAVERHILL, Mass., _7th mo. 23, 1837_. - -DEAR FRIEND:--Thou sayest, ‘the _best_ way to make a person like a thing -which is disagreeable, is to try in some way to make it agreeable.’ So, -then, instead of convincing a person by sound argument and pointed rebuke -that sin is _sin_, we are to _disguise_ the opposite virtue in such a way -as to make him like that, in preference to the sin he had so dearly loved. -We are to _cheat_ a sinner out of his sin, rather than to compel him, -under the stings of conviction, to give it up from deep-rooted principle. - -If this is the course pursued by ministers, then I wonder not at the kind -of converts which are brought into the church at the present day. Thy -remarks on the subject of prejudice, show but too plainly how strongly thy -own mind is imbued with it, and how little thy colonization principles -have done to exterminate this feeling from thy own bosom. Thou sayest, ‘if -a certain class of persons is the subject of unreasonable prejudice, the -peaceful and christian way of removing it would be to endeavor to render -the unfortunate persons who compose this class, so useful, so _humble, so -unassuming_, &c. that prejudice would be supplanted by complacency in -their goodness, and _pity_ and sympathy for their disabilities.’ ‘If the -friends of the blacks had quietly set themselves to work to increase their -intelligence, their usefulness, &c. and then had appealed to the _pity_ -and benevolence of their fellow citizens, a very different result would -have appeared.’ Or in other words, if one person is guilty of a sin -against another person, I am to let the sinner go entirely unreproved, but -to persuade the injured party to bear with humility and patience all the -outrages that are inflicted upon him, and thus try to soothe the sinner -‘into complacency with their goodness’ in ‘bearing all things, and -enduring all things.’ Well, suppose I succeed:--is that sinner won from -the evil of his ways by _principle_? No! Has he the principle of love -implanted in his breast? No! Instead of being in love with the virtue -exhibited by the individual, because _it is virtue_, he is delighted with -the personal convenience he experiences from the exercise of that virtue. -He feels kindly toward the individual, _because_ he is an _instrument_ of -his enjoyment, a mere _means_ to promote his wishes. There is _no_ -reformation there at all. And so the colored people are to be taught to be -‘very _humble_’ and ‘_unassuming_,’ ‘_gentle_’ and ‘_meek_,’ and then the -‘_pity_ and generosity’ of their fellow citizens are to be appealed to. -Now, no one who knows anything of the influence of Abolitionists over the -colored people, can deny that it has been _peaceful_ and christian; had it -not been so, they never would have seen those whom they had regarded as -their best friends, mobbed and persecuted, without raising an arm in their -defence. Look, too, at the rapid spread of thorough temperance principles -among them, and their moral reform and other laudable and useful -associations; look at the rising character of this people, the new life -and energy which have been infused into them. Who have done it? Who have -exerted by far the greatest influence on these oppressed Americans? I -leave thee to answer. I will give thee one instance of this salutary -influence. In a letter I received from one of my colored sisters, she -incidentally makes this remark:--‘Until very lately, I have lived and -acted more for _myself_ than for the good of others. I confess that I am -_wholly indebted to the Abolition cause_ for arousing me from apathy and -indifference, and shedding light into a mind which has been too long wrapt -in selfish darkness.’ The Abolition cause has exerted a powerful and -healthful influence over this class of our population, and it has been -done by quietly going into the midst of them, and identifying ourselves -with them. - -But Abolitionists are complained of, because they, at the same time, -fearlessly exposed the _sin_ of the unreasonable and unholy prejudice -which existed against these injured ones. Thou sayest ‘that reproaches, -rebukes and sneers were employed to convince the whites that their -prejudices were sinful, and _without_ any just cause.’ _Without any just -cause!_ Couldst thou think so, if thou really loved thy colored sisters -_as thyself_? The unmeasured abuse which, the Colonization Society was -heaping upon this despised people, was no _just cause_ for pointed -rebuke, I suppose! The manner in which they are thrust into one corner of -our meeting-houses, as if the plague-spot was on their skins; the rudeness -and cruelty with which they are treated in our hotels, and steamboats, -rail road cars and stages, is _no just cause_ of reproach to a professed -christian community, I presume. Well, all that I can say is, that I -believe if Isaiah or James were now alive, they would pour their -reproaches and rebukes upon the heads and _hearts_ of those who are thus -despising the Lord’s poor, and saying to those whose spirits are clothed -by God in the ‘vile raiment’ of a _colored skin_, ‘Stand thou there in -yonder gallery, or sit thou here in ‘the negro-pew.’ ‘Sneers,’ too, are -complained of. Have abolitionists ever made use of greater sarcasm and -irony than did the prophet Elijah? When things are ridiculous as well as -wicked, it is unreasonable to expect that every cast of mind will treat -them with solemnity. And what is more ridiculous than American prejudice; -to proscribe and persecute men and women, because their _complexions_ are -of a darker hue than our own? Why, it is an outrage upon common sense; and -as my brother Thomas S. Grimké remarked only a few weeks before his death, -‘posterity will laugh at our prejudices.’ Where is the harm, then, if -abolitionists should laugh now at the wicked absurdity? - -Thou sayest, ‘this tended to irritate the whites, and to increase their -prejudices against the blacks.’ The _truth always_ irritates the proud, -impenitent sinner. To charge abolitionists with this irritation, is -something like the charge brought against the English government by the -captain of the slaver I told thee of in my second letter, who threw all -his human merchandize overboard, in order to escape detection, and then -charged this horrible wholesale murder upon the government; because, said -he, they had no business to make a law to hang a man if he was found -engaged in the slave trade. So _we_ must bear the guilt of man’s angry -passions, because the _truth_ we preach is like a two-edged sword, cutting -through the bonds of interest on the one side, and the cords of caste on -the other. - -As to our increasing the prejudice against color, this is just like the -North telling us that we have increased the miseries of the slave. Common -sense cries out against the one as well as the other. With regard to -prejudice, I believe the truth of the case to be this: the rights of the -colored man _never_ were advocated by any body of men in their length and -breadth, before the rise of the Anti-Slavery Society in this country. The -propagation of these ultra principles has produced in the northern States -exactly the same effect, which the promulgation of the doctrine of -immediate emancipation has done in the southern States. It has _developed_ -the latent principles of pride and prejudice, not _produced_ them. Hear -John Green, a Judge of the Circuit Court of Kentucky, in reference to -abolition efforts having given birth to the opposition against -emancipation now existing in the South: ‘I would rather say, it has been -the means of _manifesting_ that opposition, which _previously_ existed, -but _laid dormant_ for want of an exciting cause.’ And just so has it -been with regard to prejudice at the North--when there was no effort to -obtain for the colored man his _rights_ as a man, as an American citizen, -there was no opposition exhibited, because it ‘laid dormant for want of an -exciting cause.’ - -I know it is alleged that some individuals, who treated colored people -with the greatest kindness a few years ago, have, since abolition -movements, had their feelings so embittered towards them, that they have -withdrawn that kindness. Now I would ask, could such people have acted -from _principle_? Certainly not; or nothing that others could do or say -would have driven them from the high ground they _appeared_ to occupy. No, -my friend, they acted precisely upon the false principle which thou hast -recommended; their _pity_ was excited, their _sentiments of generosity_ -were called into exercise, because they regarded the colored man as an -_unfortunate inferior_, rather than as an _outraged_ and _insulted equal_. -Therefore, as soon as abolitionists demanded for the oppressed American -the _very same treatment_, upon the high ground of _human rights_, why, -then it was instantly withdrawn, simply because _it never had been -conceded on the right_ ground; and those who had previously granted it -became afraid, lest, during the æra of abolition excitement, persons would -presume _they_ were acting on the fundamental principle of -abolitionism--the principle of _equal rights_, irrespective of color or -condition, instead of on the mere principle of ‘_pity_ and _generosity_.’ - -It is truly surprising to find a professing christian excusing the -unprincipled opposition exhibited in New Haven, to the erection of a -College for young men of color. Are we indeed to succumb to a corrupt -public sentiment at the North, and the abominations of slavery at the -South, by refraining from asserting the _right_ of Americans to plant a -literary institution in New Haven, or New York, or _any where_ on the -American soil? Are we to select ‘some retired place,’ where there would be -the least prejudice and opposition to meet, rather than openly and -fearlessly to face the American monster, who, like the horse-leach, is -continually crying give, give, and whose demands are only increased by -compromise and surrender? No! there is a spirit abroad in this country, -which will not consent to barter principle for an _unholy_ peace; a spirit -which seeks to be ‘pure from the blood of all men,’ by a bold and -christian avowal of truth; a spirit which will not hide God’s eternal -principles of right and wrong, but will stand erect in the storm of human -passion, prejudice and interest, ‘holding forth the light of truth in the -midst of a crooked and perverse generation;’ a spirit which will never -slumber nor sleep, till man ceases to hold dominion over his fellow -creatures, and the trump of universal liberty rings in every forest, and -is re-echoed by every mountain and rock. - -Art thou not aware, my friend, that this College was projected in the year -1831, previous to the formation of the first Anti-Slavery Society, which -was organized in 1832? How, then, canst thou say that the circumstances -relative to it occurred ‘at a time when the public mind was excited on the -subject?’ I feel quite amused at the _presumption_ which thou appearest to -think was exhibited by the projectors of this institution, in wishing it -to be located in New Haven, where was another College ‘embracing a large -proportion of southern students,’ &c. It was a great offence, to be sure, -for colored men to build a College by the walls of the white man’s -‘College, where half the shoe-blacks and waiters were _colored men_.’ But -why so? The other half of the shoe-blacks and waiters were _white_, I -presume; and if these _white_ servants could be satisfied with _their_ -humble occupation _under the roof_ of Yale College, why might not the -colored waiters be contented also, though an institution for the education -of colored Americans might _presume_ to lift its head ‘beside the very -walls of this College?’ Is it possible that any professing christian can -calmly look back at these disgraceful transactions, and tell me that such -opposition was manifested ‘_for the best reasons_?’ And what is still -worse, censure the projectors of a literary institution, in free, -republican, enlightened America, because they did not meekly yield to -‘_such reasonable objections_,’ and refused ‘to soothe the feelings and -apprehensions of those who had been excited’ to opposition and clamor by -the simple fact that some American born citizens wished to give their -children a liberal education in a separate College, only because the white -Americans despised their brethren of a darker complexion, and scorned to -share with them the privileges of Yale College? It was very wrong, to be -sure, for the friends of the oppressed American to consider such -outrageous conduct ‘as a mark of the force of sinful prejudice!’ Vastly -uncharitable! Great complaints are made that ‘the worst motives were -ascribed to some of the most respectable, and venerated, and _pious_ men -who opposed the measure.’ Wonderful indeed, that men should be found so -true to their principles, as to dare in this age of sycophancy to declare -the truth to those who stand in high places, wearing the badges of office -or honor, and fearlessly to rebuke the puerile and unchristian prejudice -which existed against their colored brethren! ‘Pious men!’ Why, I would -ask, how are we to judge of men’s piety--by professions or products? Do -men gather thorns of grapes, or thistles of figs? Certainly not. If, then, -in the lives of men we do not find the fruits of christian principle, we -have no right, according to our Saviour’s criterion, ‘by their fruits ye -shall know them,’ to suppose that men are really pious who can be -perseveringly guilty of despising others, and denying them equal rights, -because they have colored skins. ‘A great deal was said and done that was -calculated to throw the community into an angry ferment.’ Yes, and I -suppose the friends of the colored man were just as guilty as was the -great Apostle, who, by the angry, and excited, and _prejudiced_ Jews, was -accused of being ‘a pestilent fellow and a mover of sedition,’ because he -declared himself called to preach the everlasting gospel to the Gentiles, -whom they considered as ‘dogs,’ and utterly unworthy of being placed on -the same platform of human rights and a glorious immortality. - - Thy friend, - - A. E. GRIMKÉ. - - - - -LETTER VIII. - -VINDICATION OF ABOLITIONISTS. - - - GROTON, Mass., _6th month, 1837_. - -DEAR FRIEND:--In my last, I commented upon the opposition to the -establishment of a College in New Haven, Conn., for the education of -colored young men. The same remarks are applicable to the persecutions of -the Canterbury School. I leave thee and our readers to apply them. I -cannot help thinking how strange and unaccountable thy soft excuses for -the _sins of prejudice_ will appear to the next generation, if thy book -ever reach their eye. - -As to Cincinnati having been chosen as the city in which the -Philanthropist should be published after the retreat of its editor from -Kentucky, thou hast not been ‘sufficiently informed,’ for James G. Birney -pursued exactly the course which _thou_ hast marked out as the most -prudent and least offensive. He edited his paper at New Richmond, in Ohio, -for nearly three months before he went to Cincinnati, and did not go there -until the excitement appeared to have subsided. - -And so, thou thinkest that abolitionists are accountable for the outrages -which have been committed against them; they are the tempters, and are -held responsible by God, as well as the tempted. Wilt thou tell me, who -was responsible for the mob which went with swords and staves to take an -innocent man before the tribunals of Annas and Pilate, some 1800 years -ago? And who was responsible for the uproar at Ephesus, the insurrection -at Athens, and the tumults at Lystra and Iconium? Were I a mobocrat, I -should want no better excuse than thou hast furnished for such outrages. -Wonderful indeed, if, in free America, her citizens cannot _choose_ where -they will erect their literary institutions and presses, to advocate the -self-evident truths of our Declaration of Independence! And still more -wonderful, that a New England woman should, _after years of reflection_, -deliberately write a book to condemn the advocates of liberty, and plead -excuses for a relentless prejudice against her colored brethren and -sisters, and for the persecutors of those, who, according to the opinion -of a _Southern_ member of Congress, are prosecuting ‘the _only plan_ that -can ever overthrow slavery at the South.’ I am glad, _for thy own sake_, -that thou hast exculpated abolitionists from the charge of the ‘deliberate -intention of fomenting illegal acts of violence.’ Would it not have been -still better, if thou hadst spared the remarks which rendered such an -explanation necessary? - -I find that thou wilt not allow of the comparison often drawn between the -effects of christianity on the hearts of those who obstinately rejected -it, and those of abolitionism on the hearts of people of the present day. -Thou sayest, ‘Christianity is a system of _persuasion_, tending by kind -and gentle influences to make men _willing_ to leave their sins.’ Dost -thou suppose the Pharisees and Sadducees deemed it was very _kind_ and -_gentle_ in its influences, when our holy Redeemer called them ‘a -generation of vipers,’ or when he preached that sermon ‘full of harshness, -uncharitableness, rebuke and denunciation,’ recorded in the xxiii. chapter -of Matthew? But I shall be told that Christ knew the hearts of all men, -and therefore it was right for him to use terms which mere human beings -never ought to employ. Read, then, the prophecies of Isaiah, Ezekiel, and -others, and also the Epistles of the New Testament. They employed the most -offensive terms on many occasions, and the sharpest rebukes, knowing full -well that there are some sinners who can be reached by nothing but -death-thrusts at their consciences. An anecdote of JOHN RICHARDSON, who -was remarkable for his urbanity of manners, occurs to me. He one day -preached a sermon in a country town, in which he made use of some _hard_ -language; a friend reproved him after meeting, and inquired whether he did -not know that hard wood was split by soft knocks. Yes, said Richardson, -but I also know that there is some wood so rotten at the heart, that -nothing but tremendously hard blows will ever split it open. Ah! John, -replied the elder, I see thou understandest _how_ to do thy master’s work. -Now, I believe this nation is _rotten at the heart_, and that nothing but -the most tremendous blows with the sledge-hammer of abolition truth, could -ever have broken the false rest which we had taken up for ourselves on the -very brink of ruin. - -‘Abolitionism, on the contrary, is a system of _coercion_ by public -opinion.’ By this assertion, I presume thou ‘hast not been correctly -informed’ as to the reasons which have induced abolitionists to put forth -all their energies to rectify public opinion. It is _not_ because we wish -to wield this public opinion like a rod of iron over the heads of -slaveholders, to _coerce_ them into an abandonment of the system of -slavery; not at all. We are striving to purify public opinion, first, -because as long as the North is so much involved in the guilt of slavery, -by its political, commercial, religious, and social connexion with the -South, _her own citizens_ need to be converted. Second, because we know -that when public opinion is rectified at the North, it will throw a flood -of light from its million of reflecting surfaces upon the heart and soul -of the South. The South sees full well at what we are aiming, and she is -so unguarded as to acknowledge that ‘if she does not resist the danger in -its inception, it will _soon_ become _irresistible_.’ She exclaims in -terror, ‘the truth is, the _moral_ power of the world is against us; it is -idle to disguise it.’ The fact is, that the slaveholders of the South, and -their northern apologists, have been overtaken by the storm of free -discussion, and are something like those who go down to the sea and do -business in the great waters: ‘they reel to and fro, and stagger like a -drunken man, and are at their wit’s end.’ - -Our view of the doctrine of expediency, thou art pleased to pronounce -‘wrong and very pernicious in its tendency.’ Expediency is emphatically -the doctrine by which the children of this world are wont to guide their -steps, whilst the rejection of it as a rule of action exactly accords with -the divine injunction, to ‘walk by faith, _not_ by sight.’ Thy doctrine -that ‘the wisdom and rectitude of a given course depend entirely on the -_probabilities of success_,’ is not the doctrine of the Bible. According -to this principle, how absurd was the conduct of Moses! What probability -of success was there that he could move the heart of Pharaoh? None at all; -and thus did _he_ reason when he said, ‘Who am _I_, that I should go unto -Pharaoh?’ And again, ‘Behold, they will not believe _me_, nor hearken unto -my voice.’ The _success_ of Moses’s mission in persuading the king of -Egypt to ‘let the people go,’ was not involved in the duty of obedience to -the divine command. Neither was the success of Isaiah, Jeremiah, and -others of the prophets who were singularly _unsuccessful_ in their mission -to the Jews. All who see the path of duty plain before them, are bound to -walk in that path, end where it may. They then can realize the meaning of -the Apostle, when he exhorts Christians to cast all their burden on the -Lord, with the promise that He would sustain them. This is walking by -_faith_, not by sight. In the work in which abolitionists are engaged, -they are compelled to ‘walk by faith;’ they feel called upon to preach the -truth in season and out of season, to lift up their voices like a trumpet, -to show the people their transgressions and the house of Jacob their sins. -The _success_ of this mission, _they_ have no more to do with, than had -Moses and Aaron, Jeremiah or Isaiah, with that of theirs. Whether the -South will be saved by Anti-Slavery efforts, is not a question for us to -settle--and in some of our hearts, the _hope of its salvation has utterly -gone out_. All nations have been punished for oppression, and why should -ours escape? Our light, and high professions, and the age in which we -live, convict us not only of enormous oppression, but of the vilest -hypocrisy. It may be that the rejection of the truth which we are now -pouring in upon the South, may be the final filling up of their -iniquities, just previous to the bursting of God’s exterminating thunders -over the Sodoms and Gomorrahs, the Admahs and Zeboims of America. The -_result_ of our labors is hidden from our eyes; whether the preaching of -Anti-Slavery truth is to be a savor of life unto life, or of death unto -death to this nation, we know not; and we have no more to do with it, than -had the Apostle Paul, when he preached Christ to the people of his day. - -If American Slavery goes down in blood, it will but verify the -declarations of those who uphold it. A committee of the North Carolina -Legislature acknowledged this to an English Friend ten years ago. -Jefferson more than once uttered his gloomy forebodings; and the -Legislators of Virginia, in 1832, declared that if the opportunity of -escape, through the means of emancipation, were rejected, ‘though they -might _save themselves_, they would rear their posterity to the business -of the dagger and the torch.’ I have myself known several families to -leave the South, solely from a fear of insurrection; and this twelve and -fourteen years ago, long before any Anti-Slavery efforts were made in this -country. And yet, I presume, _if_ through the cold-hearted apathy and -obstinate opposition of the North, the South should become strengthened in -her desperate determination to hold on to her outraged victims, until they -are goaded to despair, and if the Lord in his wrath pours out the vials of -his vengeance upon the slave States, why then, Abolitionists will have to -bear all the blame. Thou hast drawn a frightful picture of the final issue -of Anti-Slavery efforts, as thou art pleased to call it; but none of these -things move me, for with just as much truth mayest thou point to the land -of Egypt, blackened by God’s avenging fires, and exclaim, ‘Behold the -issue of Moses’s mission.’ Nay, verily! See in that smoking, and -blood-drenched house of bondage, the consequences of oppression, -disobedience, and an obstinate rejection of truth, and light, and love. -What had Moses to do with those judgment plagues, except to lift his rod? -And if the South soon finds her winding sheet in garments rolled in blood, -it will _not_ be because of what the North has told her, but because, like -impenitent Egypt, she hardened her heart against it, whilst the voices of -some of her own children were crying in agony, ‘O! that thou hadst known, -even thou, in this thy day, the things which belong to thy peace; but now -they are hid from thine eyes.’ - - Thy friend, - - A. E. GRIMKÉ. - - - - -LETTER IX. - -EFFECT ON THE SOUTH. - - - BROOKLINE, Mass., _8th month, 17th, 1837_. - -DEAR FRIEND:--Thou sayest ‘There are cases also, where differences in age, -and station, and character, forbid all interference to modify the conduct -and character of others.’ Let us bring this to the only touchstone by -which Christians should try their principles of action. - -How was it when God designed to rid his people out of the hands of the -Egyptian monarch? Was _his_ station so exalted ‘as to forbid all -interference to modify his character and conduct?’ And _who_ was sent to -interfere with his conduct towards a stricken people? Was it some brother -monarch of exalted station, whose elevated rank might serve to excuse such -interference ‘to modify his conduct and character?’ No. It was an obscure -shepherd of Midian’s desert; for let us remember, that Moses, in pleading -the cause of the Israelites, identified himself with the _lowest_ and -_meanest_ of the King’s subjects. Ah! he was _one of that despised caste_; -for, although brought up as the son of the princess, yet he had left Egypt -as an outlaw. He had committed the crime of murder, and fled because the -monarch ‘sought to slay him.’ This exiled outlaw is the instrument chosen -by God to vindicate the cause of his oppressed people. Moses was in the -sight of Pharaoh as much an object of scorn, as Garrison now is to the -tyrants of America. Some seem to think, that great moral enterprises can -be made honorable only by Doctors of Divinity, and Presidents of Colleges, -engaging in them: when all powerful Truth cannot be dignified by _any_ -man, but _it_ dignifies and ennobles all who embrace it. _It_ lifts the -beggar from the dunghill, and sets him among princes. Whilst it needs no -great names to bear it onward to its glorious consummation, it is -continually making great characters out of apparently mean and unpromising -materials; and in the intensity of its piercing rays, revealing to the -amazement of many, the insignificance and _moral_ littleness of those who -fill the highest stations in Church and State. - -But take a few more examples from the bible, of those in high stations -being reproved by men of inferior rank. Look at David rebuked by Nathan, -Ahab and Jezebel by Elijah and Micaiah. What, too, was the conduct of -Daniel and Shadrach, Meshack and Abednego, but a _practical_ rebuke of -Darius and Nebuchadnezzar? And _who_ were these men, apart from these acts -of daring interference? They were the Lord’s prophets, I shall be told; -but what cared those monarchs for _this fact_? How much credit did they -give them for holding this holy office? None. And why? Because all but -David were impenitent sinners, and rejected with scorn all ‘interference -to modify their conduct or characters.’ Reformers are rarely estimated in -the age in which they live, whether they be called prophets or apostles, -or abolitionists, or what not. They stand on the rock of Truth, and calmly -look down upon the careering thunder-clouds, the tempest, and the roaring -waves, because they well know that where the atmosphere is surcharged with -pestilential vapors, a conflict of the elements _must_ take place, before -it can be purified by that moral electricity, beautifully typified by the -cloven tongues that sat upon _each_ of the heads of the 120 disciples who -were convened on the day of Pentecost. Such men and women expect to be -‘blamed and opposed, because their measures are deemed inexpedient, and -calculated to increase rather than diminish the evil to be cured.’ They -know full well, that _intellectual_ greatness cannot give _moral_ -perception--therefore, _those who have no clear views of the -irresistibleness of moral power, cannot see the efficacy of moral means_. -They say with the apostle, ‘The natural man receiveth not the things of -the Spirit of God; for they are foolishness unto him: neither can he know -them, because they are spiritually discerned.’ We know full well, that -northern men and women laugh at the inefficacy of Anti-Slavery measures; -_but slaveholders never have ridiculed them_: not that their moral -perceptions are any clearer than those of our northern opponents, but -where men’s _interests_ and _lust of power_ are immediately affected by -moral effort, they instinctively feel that it is so, and tremble for the -result. - -But suppose even that our measures were calculated to _increase_ the -evils of slavery. _The measures adopted by Moses, and sanctioned by God, -increased the burdens of the Israelites._ Were they, therefore, -_inexpedient_? And yet, if _our_ measures produce a similar effect, O -then! they are very inexpedient indeed. The truth is, when we look at -Moses and his measures, we look at them in connection with the -emancipation of the Israelites. The _ultimate_ and glorious success of the -measures proves their wisdom and expediency. But when Anti-Slavery -measures are looked at _now_, we see them long _before the end is -accomplished_. We see, according to thy account, the burdens increased; -but we do not yet see the triumphant march through the Red Sea, nor do we -hear the song of joy and thanksgiving which ascended from Israel’s -redeemed host. But canst thou not give us twenty years to complete our -work? Clarkson, thy much admired model, worked twenty years; and the -benevolent Colonization Society has been in operation twenty years. Just -give us as long a time, or half that time, and then thou wilt be a far -better judge of the expediency or inexpediency of our measures. Then thou -wilt be able to look at them in connection with their success or their -failure, and instead of writing a book on thy opinions and my opinions, -thou canst write a _history_. - -I cannot agree with thee in the sentiment, that the station of a nursery -maid makes it inexpedient for her to turn reprover of the master who -employs her. This is the doctrine of _modern aristocracy_, not of -primitive christianity; for ecclesiastical history informs us that, in the -first ages of christianity, kings were converted through the faithful and -solemn rebukes of their slaves and captives. I have myself been reproved -by a _slave_, and I thanked her, and still thank her for it. Think how -this doctrine robs the nursery maid of her responsibility, and shields the -master from reproof; for it may be that she alone has seen him ill-treat -his wife. Now it appears to me, so far from her station forbidding all -interference to modify the character and conduct of her employer, that -that station peculiarly qualifies her for the difficult and delicate task, -because nursery maids often know secrets of oppression, which no other -persons are fully acquainted with. For my part, I believe it is _now the -duty of the slaves of the South to rebuke their masters_ for their -robbery, oppression and crime; and so far from believing that such -‘reproof would do no good, but only evil,’ I think it would be attended by -the happiest results in the main, though I doubt not it would occasion -some instances of severe personal suffering. No station or character can -destroy individual responsibility, in the matter of reproving sin. I feel -that a slave has a right to rebuke me, and so has the vilest sinner; and -the sincere, humble christian will be thankful for rebuke, let it come -from whom it may. Such, I am confident, never would think it inexpedient -for their chamber maids to administer it, but would endeavor to profit by -it. - -Thou askest very gravely, why James G. Birney did not go quietly into the -southern States, and collect facts? Indeed! Why should he go to the South -to collect facts, when he had lived there forty years? Thou mayest with -just as much propriety ask me, why I do not go to the South to collect -facts. The answer to both questions is obvious:--We have lived at the -South, as _integral_ parts of the system of slavery, and therefore we know -from practical observation and sad experience, quite enough about it -already. I think it would be absurd for either of us to spend our time in -such a way. And even if J. G. Birney had not lived at the South, why -should he go there to collect facts, when the Anti-Slavery presses are -continually throwing them out before the public? Look, too, at the Slave -Laws! What more do we need to show us the bloody hands and iron heart of -Slavery? - -Thou sayest on the 89th page of thy book, ‘Every avenue of approach to the -South is shut. No paper, pamphlet, or preacher, that touches on that -topic, is admitted in their bounds.’ Thou art greatly mistaken; every -avenue of approach to the South is _not_ shut. The American Anti-Slavery -Society sends between four and five hundred of its publications to the -South by mail, _to subscribers_, or as exchange papers. One slaveholder in -North Carolina, not long since, bought $60 worth of our pamphlets, &c. -which he distributed in the slave States. Another slaveholder from -Louisiana, made a large purchase of our publications last fall, which he -designed to distribute among professors of religion who held slaves. To -these I may add another from South Carolina, another from Richmond, -Virginia, numbers from Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri, and others from -New Orleans, besides persons connected with at least three Colleges and -Theological Seminaries in slave States, have applied for our publications -for their own use, and for distribution. Within a few weeks, the South -Carolina Delegation in Congress have sent on an order to the publishing -Agent of the American Anti-Slavery Society, for all the principal bound -volumes, pamphlets, and periodicals of the Society. At the same time, they -addressed a very courteous letter to J. G. Birney, the Corresponding -Secretary, propounding nearly a score of queries, embracing the -principles, designs, plans of operation, progress and results of the -Society. I know in the large cities, such as Charleston and Richmond, that -Anti-Slavery papers are not suffered to reach their destination through -the mail; but _it is not so_ in the smaller towns. But even in the cities, -I doubt not they are read by the postmasters and others. The South may -pretend that she will not read our papers, but it is all pretence; the -fact is, she is very anxious to see what we are doing, so that when the -mail-bags were robbed in Charleston in 1835, _I know_ that the robbers -were very careful to select a few copies of each of the publications -_before_ they made the bonfire, and that these were handed round in a -private way through the city, so that they were _extensively read_. This -fact I had from a friend of mine who was in Charleston at the time, and -_read_ the publications himself. My relations also wrote me word, that -they had seen and read them. - -In order to show that our discussions and publications have already -produced a great effect upon many individuals in the slave States, I -subjoin the following detail of facts and testimony now in my possession. - -My sister, S. M. Grimké, has just received a letter from a Southerner -residing in the far South, in which he says, ‘On the 4th of July, the -friends of the oppressed met and contributed six or eight dollars, to -obtain some copies of Gerrit Smith’s letter, and some other pamphlets for -our own benefit and that of the vicinity. The leaven, we think, is -beginning to work, and we hope that it will ere long purify the whole mass -of corruption.’ - -An intelligent member of the Methodist Church, who resides in North -Carolina, was recently in the city of New York, and told the editor of -Zion’s Watchman, that ‘our publications were read with great interest at -the South--that there was great curiosity there to see them.’ A bookseller -also in one of the most southern States, only a few months ago, ordered a -package of our publications. And within a very short time, an influential -slaveholder from the far South, who called at the Anti-Slavery Office in -New York, said he had had misgivings on the subject ever since the -formation of the American Society--that he saw some of our publications -_at the South_ three years ago, and is now convinced and has emancipated -his slaves. - -A correspondent of the Union Herald, a clergyman, and a graduate of one of -the colleges of Kentucky, says, ‘I find in this State _many_ who are -decidedly opposed to slavery--but few indeed take the ground that it is -right. I trust the cause of human rights is onward--_weekly, I receive two -copies of the Emancipator_, which I send out as battering rams, to beat -down the citadel of oppression.’ In a letter to James G. Birney, from a -gentleman in a slave State, we find this declaration: ‘Your paper, the -Philanthropist, is regularly distributed here, and as yet works no -incendiary results; and indeed, so far as I can learn, general -satisfaction is here expressed, both as to the temper and spirit of the -paper, and no disapprobation as to the results.’ At an Anti-Slavery -meeting last fall in Philadelphia, a gentleman from Delaware was present, -who rose and encouraged Abolitionists to go on, and said that he could -assure them the influence of their measures was felt there, and their -principles were gaining ground secretly and silently. The subject, he -informed them, was discussed there, and he believed Anti-Slavery lectures -could be delivered there with safety, and would produce important results. -Since that time, a lecturer has been into that State, and a State Society -has been formed, the secretary of which was the first editor of the -Emancipator, and is now pastor of the Baptist church in the capital of the -State. The North Carolina Watchman, published at Salisbury, in an article -on the subject of Abolition, has the following remarks of the editor: ‘It -[the abolition party] is the growing party at the North: we are inclined -to believe, that there is even _more of it at the South_, than prudence -will permit to be openly avowed.’ It rejoices our hearts to find that -there are some southerners who feel and acknowledge the infatuation of the -politicians of the South, and the philanthropy of abolitionists. The -Maryville Intelligencer of 1836, exclaims, ‘What sort of madness, produced -by a jaundiced and distorted conception of the feelings and motives by -which northern abolitionists are actuated, can induce the southern -political press to urge a severance of the tie that binds our Union -together? To offer rewards for those very individuals who stand as -_mediators_ between masters and slaves, urging the one to be obedient, and -the other to do justice?’ - -A southern Minister of the Methodist Episcopal Church, at the session of -the New York Annual Conference, in June of 1836, said: ‘Don’t give up -Abolitionism--don’t bow down to slavery. You have thousands at the South -who are secretly praying for you.’ In a subsequent conversation with the -same individual, he stated, that the South is not that unit of which the -pro-slavery party boast--there is a diversity of opinion among them in -reference to slavery, and the REIGN OF TERROR alone suppresses the free -expression of sentiment. That there are thousands who believe slaveholding -to be sinful, who secretly wish the abolitionists success, and believe God -will bless their efforts. That the ministers of the gospel and -ecclesiastical bodies who indiscriminately denounce the abolitionists, -without doing any thing themselves to remove slavery, have _not_ the -thanks of thousands at the South, but on the contrary are viewed as -_taking sides with slaveholders_, and _recreant to the principles of their -own profession_.--_Zion’s Watchman, November, 1836._ - -The Christian Mirror, published in Portland, Maine, has the following -letter from a minister who has lately taken up his abode in Kentucky, to a -friend in Maine:--‘Several ministers have recently left the State, I -believe, on account of slavery; and many of the members of churches, as I -have understood, have sold their property, and removed to the free States. -Many are becoming more and more convinced of the evil and _sin_ of -slavery, and would gladly rid themselves and the community of this -scourge; and I feel confident that influences are already in operation, -which, if properly directed and regulated by the principles of the gospel, -may ‘break every yoke and let the oppressed go free’ in Kentucky. - -In 1st month, 1835, when Theodore D. Weld was lecturing in Pittsburgh, -Pennsylvania, at the close of one of his evening lectures, a man sought -him through the crowd, and extending his hand to him through his friends, -by whom he was surrounded, solicited him to step aside with him for a -moment. After they had retired by themselves, the gentleman said to him -with great earnestness, ‘I am a slaveholder from Maryland--_you are -right--the doctrine you advocate is truth_.’ Why, then, said the lecturer, -do you not emancipate your slaves? ‘Because,’ said the Marylander, ‘I have -not religion enough’--He was a professing christian--‘I dare not subject -myself to the torrent of opposition which, from the present state of -public sentiment, would be poured upon me; but do you abolitionists go on, -and you will effect a change in public sentiment, which will render it -possible and easy for us to emancipate our slaves. I know,’ continued he, -‘a great many slaveholders in my State, who stand on precisely the same -ground that I do in relation to this matter. _Only produce a correct -public sentiment at the North and the work is done; for all that keeps the -South in countenance while continuing this system, is the apology and -argument afforded so generally by the North; only produce a right feeling -in the North generally, and the South cannot stand before it; let the -North be thoroughly converted, and the work is at once accomplished at the -South._’ Another fact which may be adduced to prove that the South is -looking to the North for help, is the following: At an Anti-Slavery -concert of prayer for the oppressed, held in New York city, in 1836, a -gentleman arose in the course of the meeting, declaring himself a -Virginian and a slaveholder. He said he came to that city filled with the -deepest prejudice against the abolitionists, by the reports given of their -character in papers published at the North. But he determined to -investigate their character and designs for himself. He even boarded in -the family of an abolitionist, and attended the monthly concert of prayer -for the slaves and the slaveholders. And now, as the result of his -investigations and observations, he was convinced that _not only the -spirit but the principles and measures of the abolitionists_ ARE -RIGHTEOUS. He was now ready to emancipate his own slaves, and had -commenced advocating the doctrine of immediate emancipation--‘and -here,’ said he, pointing to two men sitting near him, ‘are the first -fruits of my labors--these two fellow Virginians and slaveholders, are -converts with myself to abolitionism. And I know a thousand Virginians, -who need only to be made acquainted with the true spirit and principles -of abolitionists, in order to their becoming converts as we are. _Let -the abolitionists go on in the dissemination of their doctrines, and -let the Northern papers cease to misrepresent them at the South--let -the true light of abolitionism be fully shed upon the Southern mind, -and the work of immediate and general emancipation will be speedily -accomplished._‘--_Morning Star, N. Y._ - -A letter from a gentleman in Kentucky to Gerrit Smith, dated August, 1836, -contains the following expressions:-- - - ‘I am fully persuaded, that the voice of the free States, lifted up - in a proper manner against the evil, [Slavery] will awaken them - [slaveholders] from their midnight slumbers, and produce a happy - change. I rejoice, dear brother in Christ, to hear that you are with - us, and feel deeply to plead the cause of the oppressed, and undo - the heavy burdens. May God bless you, and the cause which you - pursue.’ - -In the summer of 1835, William R. Buford, of Virginia, who had then -recently emancipated his slaves, wrote a letter which was published in the -Hampshire Gazette, North Hampton, Mass. from which I give thee some -extracts. - - DEAR SIR:--As you are ardently engaged in the discussion of Slavery, - I think it likely I may be of service to you, and through you to the - cause which you are advocating. … I was born and brought up at the - South in the midst of slavery, as you know. My father inherited - slaves from his father, and I from him. So far from thinking slavery - a sin, or that I had no right to own the slaves inherited from my - father, I thought no one could venture to dispute that right, any - more than he could my right to his land or his stock. I advocated - Colonization, as I thought it on many accounts a good plan to get - rid of such colored persons as wished to go to Africa; but my - conscience as a slaveholder was not much troubled by it. Of course, - I had no tendency to make me disclaim my right to my slaves. - Abolition--immediate abolition, began afterwards to be discussed in - various parts of the country. My right to the slaves I owned began - to be disputed. I had to defend myself. In vain did I say I - inherited my slaves from a pious father, who seemed to be governed - in his dealings by a sense of duty to his slaves. In vain did I say - that nearly all my property consisted in slaves, and to free them - would make me a poor man. My duty to emancipate was still urged. At - length my eyes were opened--partly by the arguments used by the - abolitionists: but mainly, by long being compelled _by them_ to - examine the subject for myself. No longer could I close my eyes to - the evils of slavery, nor could I any longer despise the - abolitionists, ‘the only true friends of their country and kind.’ I - now think, I know, I have no more right to own slaves, whether I - inherited them or not, than I have to encourage the African slave - trade. By declaring this sentiment, I expect and design to abet the - cause of Abolition at the North, and through the North the - emancipation of the slaves at the South. I know that in doing this, - I condemn the South. No one can suppose, however, that I have any - unkind feelings towards the South. All my relatives live in the - slaveholding States, and are almost all slaveholders. - - I think the abolitionists have done, and are doing a great deal of - good, by holding slavery up to the public gaze. Sentiment at the - North on the subject of slavery must have the same effect on the - South, that their opinions have on any other matter.’ - -The writer of the foregoing is, as I am told, still a resident of -Virginia, where he has long been known, and is highly respected. - -In the 11th month, 1835, the United States Telegraph, published at -Washington city, contains the following remarks by the Editor, Duff -Green. - - ‘We are of those who believe the South has nothing to fear from a - servile war. We do not believe that the abolitionists intend, nor - could they if they would, excite the slaves to insurrection. The - danger of this is remote. We believe that we have most to fear from - the _organised action upon the consciences_ and fears of the - slaveholders themselves; _from the insinuations of their dangerous - heresies into our schools, our pulpits, and our domestic circles. It - is only by alarming the consciences of the weak and feeble, and - diffusing among our own people a morbid sensibility on the question - of slavery, that the abolitionists can accomplish their object._ - PREPARATORY TO THIS, they are now laboring to saturate the - non-slaveholding States with the belief that slavery is a ‘sin - against God.’ We must meet the question in all its bearings. We must - SATISFY THE CONSCIENCES, we must allay the fears of our own people. - We must satisfy them that slavery is of itself right--that it is not - a sin against God--that it is not an evil, moral or political. To do - this, we must discuss the subject of slavery itself. We must examine - its bearing upon the moral, political, and religious institutions of - the country. In this way, and this way only, can we prepare our own - people to _defend their own institutions_.’ - -In another number of the same paper, the Editor says, - - ‘We hold that our sole reliance is on ourselves; that we have _most - to fear from the gradual operation on public opinion among - ourselves_; and that those are the most insidious and dangerous - invaders of our rights and interests, who, coming to us in the guise - of friendship, endeavor to _persuade_ us that slavery is a sin, a - curse, an evil. It is not true that the South sleeps on a - volcano--that we are afraid to go to bed at night--that we are - fearful of murder and pillage. _Our greatest cause of apprehension - is from the operation of the morbid sensibility which appeals to - the consciences of our own people_, and would make them the - voluntary instruments of their own ruin.’ - -In 1835, I think about the close of the year, a series of articles on -Slavery appeared in the Lexington (Kentucky) Intelligencer. In one of the -numbers, the writer says:-- - - ‘Much of the preceding matter was inserted (May, 1833) in the - Louisville Herald. A _great change_ has since taken place in public - sentiment. Colonization, then a favorite measure, is now rejected - for instant emancipation. Were this last feasible, I would gladly - join its advocates,’ &c. - -In a letter to the publisher of the Emancipator, dated ‘April 1, 1837,’ -from a Southerner, I find the following language:-- - - ‘Though a ---- born and bred, I now consider the Anti-Slavery cause - as a just and holy one. Deep reflection, the reading of your - excellent publications, and--years of travel in Europe, have made - me, what I am now proud to call myself, an abolitionist. - - ‘For the present, accept the assurances of my unswerving devotion to - the cause of liberty and justice. Any letter from yourself will - always give me sincere pleasure, and whenever I go to New York, I - shall call upon you, _sans ceremonie_, as I would upon an old - friend.’ - -A short time since, J. G. Birney received a donation of $20 for the -Anti-Slavery Society, from an individual residing in a slave State, -accompanied with a request that his name might not be mentioned. - -About the time of the robbery of the U. S. Mail, and the burning of -Abolition papers by the infatuated citizens of my own city, the Editor of -the Charleston Courier made the following remarks in his paper, which -plainly reveal the cowering of the spirit of slavery, under the searching -scrutiny occasioned by the Anti-Slavery discussions in the free States. - - ‘_Mart for Negroes._--We understand that a proposition is before the - city council, relative to the establishment of a mart for the sale - of negroes in this city, in a place _more remote from observation_, - and less offensive to the public eye, than the one now used for that - purpose. We doubt not that the proposition before the council will - be acceptable to the community, and that it may be so matured as to - promote public decency, without prejudice to the interest of - individuals.’ - -Hear, too, the acknowledgement of the Southern Literary Review, published -at Charleston, South Carolina, which was got up in 1837, to sustain the -system of Slavery. - - ‘There are _many_ good men even among us, who have begun to grow - _timid_. They think that what the virtuous and high-minded men of - the North look upon as a crime and a plague-spot, cannot be - perfectly innocent or quite harmless in a slaveholding community. … - Some timid men among us, whose ears have been long assailed with - outcries of tyranny and oppression, wafted over the ocean and land - from North to South, begin to look _fearfully_ around them.’ - -A correspondent of the Pittsburgh Witness, detailing the particulars of an -Anti-Slavery meeting in Washington co. Pennsylvania, says:-- - - ‘After Dr. Lemoyne, the President of the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery - Society, had finished his address, in which the principles and - measures of the Anti-Slavery Society were fully exhibited, the Rev. - Charles Stewart, of Kentucky, a slaveholding clergyman of the - Presbyterian church, who was casually present, rose and addressed - the audience, and instead of opposing our principles as might have - been expected, fully endorsed every thing that had been said, - declaring his conviction that such a speech would have been well - received by the truly religious part of the community in which he - resided, and would have been opposed only by those who were actuated - by party politics alone, or those who ‘neither feared God nor - regarded man.’ - -I give thee now a letter from a gentleman in a South Western slaveholding -State, to J. G. BIRNEY. - - ‘_Very Dear Sir_:--I knew you in the days of your prosperity at the - South, though you will not recognize me. Ever since you first took - your stand in defence of _natural rights_, I have been looking upon - you with intense interest. I _was_ violently opposed to - Abolitionists, and verily thought I was doing service to both church - and State, in decrying them as _incendiaries_ and _fanatics_. What - blindness and infatuation! Yet I was _sincere_. Ah! my dear sir, God - in mercy has taught me that something more than _sincerity_, in the - common acceptation of the term, is necessary to preserve our - understandings from idiocy, and our hearts from utter ruin. How - could I have been such a _madman_, as coolly and composedly to place - my foot upon the necks of immortal beings, and from that horrid - point of elevation, hurl the deep curses of church and State at the - heads of----whom? Fanatics? No, sir!--_but of the only persons on - the face of the earth, who had HEART enough to FEEL, and SOUL - enough to ACT, in behalf of the RIGHTS OF MAN_! Yet I was just - such a madman! Yes, sir, I was a _fanatic_, and an _incendiary_ - too--setting on fire the worst passions of our fallen nature. But I - have repented. I have become a convert to political, and I trust, - also, to _Christian Freedom_. The spectacle exhibited by yourself, - and your compatriots and fellow-christians, has completely overcome - me. Your reasonings convince my judgment, and your ACTIONS win my - heart. God speed you in your work of love! The hopes of the world - depend, under God, upon the success of your cause. - - Very respectfully and with undying affection, - - Your friend and brother, - - A SOUTHERNER.’ - -Another of J. G. Birney’s southern correspondents says, in 1836, - - ‘That portion of the Church with which I am connected, seem to have - no sympathy with the indignation against the abolitionists, which - prevails so extensively North and South; but, on the other hand, - consider the _South_ as _infatuated_ to the highest degree. - - There is more credit for philanthropy given those who manumit their - slaves, without _expatriation_, than formerly. - - The thirst for information is increasing, while the ‘_non - liquetism_’ [voting on neither side] of brethren in church courts is - becoming less and less satisfactory; and such of them as advocate - the perpetuity of the system, are looked upon with surprise and - regret. - - Those who view with horror the traffic in slaves by ministers of the - gospel, express more freely their pain at its indulgence, _than I - have ever known_. I am acquainted with several such cases. In no - instances have they left the brother’s standing where it was, before - it took place. Of such cases--even those, too, where the usual - allowances might be called for--I have heard professors of religion - remark, ‘Mr. A. could not get an audience to hear him preach’--‘Mr. - B. has more assurance than I could have, to preach, after selling my - slaves as he has done’--‘He can never make me believe he has any - religion’--‘This is the first time you have done so, but repeat it, - and I think I shall never hear you preach again.’ - -These remarks were made by slaveholding professors of religion themselves, -and under circumstances neither calculated nor intended to deceive. - -The following letter was written by an intelligent gentleman in the -interior of Alabama, to Arthur Tappan, of New York, who had sent him some -Anti-Slavery publications. The date is March 21, 1834. - - ‘Dear Sir--Your letter of Dec. last, I read with much interest. The - numbers of the Anti-Slavery Reporter, also, which you were so kind - as to send me, I carefully examined, and put them in circulation. - - Your operations have produced considerable excitement in some - sections of this country, but humanity has lost nothing. The more - the subject of slavery is agitated, the better. A distinguished - gentleman remarked to me a day or two since, that ‘there was a great - change going on in public sentiment.’ Few would acknowledge that it - was to be ascribed to the influence of your Society. There can be no - doubt, however, that this is directly and indirectly the principal - cause.’ - -During the same year, the Editor of the New York Evangelist received a -letter from a christian friend in North Carolina, from which I give thee -an extract. - - _To the Editor of the Evangelist_-- - - ‘The subject of slavery, recently brought up and discussed in your - paper, is the one which elicits the following remarks. - - In the first place I will state, that I entertain very different - views _now_, to what I did six months ago. I was among those who - thought (and honestly too) that there was no more moral guilt - attached to the holding our fellow beings in bondage, regarding them - as property, than to the holding of a mule or an ox. It was natural - enough for me to think so, for I had been trained from my very - infancy to view the subject in no other light. I shall never forget - my feelings when the subject was first hit upon in the Evangelist. I - became angry, and was disposed to attribute sinister motives to all - who were concerned in the matter. With some others, I determined to - stop the paper forthwith. - - Though I made every effort to turn my mind away from the subject, my - conscience in spite of me began to awake, and to be troubled. The - word of God was resorted to, with the hope of finding something to - bring peace and quietude, but all in vain. It was but adding fuel to - the flame. I determined, let others do as they would, to meet the - subject, to examine it in all its bearings, and to abide the result; - and if it should be found that God regards slavery as an evil, and - incompatible with the gospel, I would give it up. If not, I should - be made wiser without incurring any harm by the investigation. - - In the very nature of God’s dealings with men, this subject must and - will be agitated, until conviction shall be brought home to the - heart and conscience of every man, and _slavery shall be banished - from our land_. And woe be to him who wilfully closes his eyes, and - stops his ears against the light of God’s truth.’ - -In 8th month of the same year, the same paper contained the following -extract from another correspondent in North Carolina. - - ---- N. C. JULY 9, 1834. - - ‘Rev. and dear Sir--If I owe an apology for intruding on you, and - introducing myself, I must find it in the fact, that I wish to bid - you God speed in the good cause in which you are so heartily - engaged. While so many at the North are opposing, I wish to cheer - you by one voice from the South. If it is unpopular to plead the - cause of the oppressed negro in New York, how dangerous to be known - as his friend in the far South, where, as a correspondent in the - Evangelist justly observes, a minister cannot enforce the law of - love, without being suspected of favoring emancipation. I am glad - the people with you are beginning to feel and to act. I pray God - that you may go on with all the light and love of the gospel, and - that the cry of ‘Let us alone,’ will not frighten you from your - labor of love.’ - -James A. Thome, a Presbyterian clergyman, a native, and still a resident -of Kentucky, said in a speech at New York, at the Anniversary of the -American Anti-Slavery Society in 1834: - - ‘Under all these disadvantages, you are doing much. The very little - leaven which you have been enabled to introduce, is now working with - tremendous power. One instance has lately occurred within my - acquaintance, of an heir to slave property--a young man of growing - influence, who was first awakened by reading a single number of the - Anti-Slavery Reporter, sent to him by some unknown hand. He is now a - whole-hearted abolitionist. I have facts to show that cases of this - kind are by no means rare. A family of slaves in Arkansas Territory, - another in Tennessee, and a third, consisting of 88, in Virginia, - were successively emancipated through the influence of one abolition - periodical. Then do not hesitate as to duty. Do not pause to - consider the propriety of interference. It is as unquestionably the - province of the North to labor in this cause, as it is the duty of - the church to convert the world. The call is urgent--it is - imperative. We want light. The ungodly are saying, ‘the church will - not enlighten us.’ The church is saying, ‘the ministry will not - enlighten us.’ The ministry is crying, ‘Peace--take care.’ We are - altogether covered in gross darkness. We appeal to you for light. - Send us facts--send us kind remonstrance and manly reasoning. We are - perishing for lack of truth. We have been lulled to sleep by the - guilty apologist.’ - -A letter from a Post Master in Virginia, to the editor of ‘Human Rights,’ -dated August 15, 1835, contains the following:-- - - ‘I have received two numbers of Human Rights, and one of The - Emancipator. I have read and loaned them, had them returned, and - loaned again. I can see no unsoundness in the arguments there - advanced--and until I can see some evil in your publications, I - shall distribute all you send to this office. It is certainly high - time this subject was examined, and viewed in its proper light. I - know these publications will displease those who hold their fellow - men in bondage: but reason, truth and justice are on your side--and - why should you seek the good will of any who do evil? - - I would be pleased to have a copy of the last Report of the Am. - Anti-Slavery Society, if convenient, and some of your other - pamphlets, which you have to distribute gratis. I will read and use - them to the best advantage.’ - -A gentleman of Middlesex County, Mass. whose house is one of my New -England homes, told me that he had very recently met with a slaveholder -from the South, who, during a warm discussion on the subject of slavery, -made the following acknowledgment: ‘The worst of it is, _we have fanatics -among ourselves_, and we don’t know what to do with them, for they are -_increasing fast_, and are sustained in their opposition to slavery by the -Abolitionists of the North.’ - -A Baptist clergyman whom I met in Worcester County, Mass., a few months -since, told me that his brother-in-law, a lawyer of New Orleans, who had -recently paid him a visit, took up the Report of the Massachusetts -Anti-Slavery Society, and read it with great interest. He then inquired, -whether the principles set forth in that document were Anti-Slavery -principles. Upon being informed that they were, he expressed his entire -approbation of them, and full conviction that they would prevail as soon -as the South understood them; for, said he, they are the principles of -truth and justice, and must finally triumph. This gentleman requested to -be furnished with some of our publications, and carried them to the South -with him. - -There certainly can be no doubt to a reflecting and candid mind, as to -what will and _must_ be the result of Anti-Slavery operations. Hear now -the opinion of one of the leading political papers in Charleston, South -Carolina, the Southern Patriot. - - ‘While agitation is _permitted_ in Congress, there is _no security - for the South_. While discussion is _allowed_ in that body, year - after year, in relation to slavery and its incidents, the rights of - property at the South _must, in the lapse of a short period, be - undermined_. It is the weapon of all who expect to work out _great - changes in public opinion_. It was the instrument by which O’CONNELL - gradually shook the fabric of popular prejudice in England on the - Catholic question. His sole instrument was agitation, both in - Parliament and out of it. His constant counsel to his followers was, - agitate! agitate! They did agitate. They happily carried the - question of Catholic rights. - - Agitation may be successfully employed for a bad as well as good - cause. What was the weapon of the English abolitionists?--Agitation. - Regard the question of the abolition of the slave trade when first - brought into Parliament--behold the influence of PITT and the tory - party beating down its advocates by an overwhelming majority! Look - at the question of abolition itself, twenty years after, and you see - WILBERFORCE and his adherents carrying the question itself of - _abolition of slavery_, by a majority as triumphant! How was all - this accomplished?--By agitation in Parliament! It was on this ample - theatre that the abolitionists worked their fatal spells. It was on - this wide stage of discussion that they spoke to the people of - England in that voice of fanaticism, which, at length, found an echo - that suited their purposes. It was through the debates, which - circulated by means of the press throughout every corner of the - realm, that they carried that question to its extremest borders, to - the hamlet of every peasant in the empire. Can it then be expected, - if we give the American abolitionists the same advantage of that - wide field of debate which Congress affords, that the _same results_ - will not follow? The local legislatures are limited theatres of - action. Their debates are comparatively obscure. These are not read - by the people at large. Allow the agitators a great political - centre, like that of Washington--_permit_ them to address their - voice of fanatical violence to the whole American people, through - their diffusive press, and they want no greater advantage. They have - a MORAL LEVER BY WHICH THEY CAN MOVE A WORLD OF OPINION. - - The course of the southern States is therefore marked out by a - pencil of light. They should obtain additional guarantees against - _the discussion of slavery in Congress, in any manner, or in any of - its forms, as it exists in the United States_. This is the only - means that promises success in removing agitation. We have said that - this is the accepted time. When we look at the spread of opinion on - this subject in some of the eastern States--in Vermont, - Massachusetts and Connecticut--what are we to expect in a few years, - in the middle States, should discussion proceed in Congress? These - States are yet uninfected, in any considerable degree, by the - fanatical spirit. _They may not remain so after a lapse of five - years._ If they are animated by a true spirit of patriotism--by a - genuine love for the Union, they should, and could with effect, - interpose to stay this _moral_ pestilence. Their voice in this - matter would be influential. New York and Pennsylvania are - intermediate between the South and East in position and in physical - strength.’ - -Samuel L. Gould, a minister of the Baptist denomination, writing to the -Secretary of the American Anti-Slavery Society, from Fayette County, -Pennsylvania, in 4th month, 1836, says:-- - - ‘The Smithfield Anti-Slavery Society, [on the border of Virginia] - has among its members, several residents of Virginia. Its President - has been a slaveholder, and until recently, was a distinguished - citizen of Virginia, the High Sheriff of Rockingham County. Having - become convinced of the wickedness of slaveholding, a little more - than a year ago he purchased an estate in Pennsylvania, and removed - to it, his colored men accompanying him. He now employs them as - hired laborers.’ - -I may mention, in this connection, an Alabama slaveholder, a lawyer named -Smith, who emancipated his slaves, I think about twenty in number, a few -months since. He was the brother-in-law of William Allan of Huntsville, -who was in 1834, president of the Lane Seminary Anti-Slavery Society, and -subsequently an agent of the American Anti-Slavery Society, and who had -for years previous been in kind and faithful correspondence with him on -the subject of slavery. - -Henry P. Thompson, a student of Lane Seminary, and a slaveholder at the -time of the Anti-Slavery discussion in that Institution, was convinced by -it, went to Kentucky, and emancipated his slaves. - -Arthur Thome, an elder in the Presbyterian Church, Augusta, Kentucky, -emancipated his slaves, fourteen in number, about two years since. J. G. -Birney, speaking of him in the Philanthropist, says:-- - - ‘For a long time he had been a professor of religion, but had not, - till the doctrines of abolition were embraced by his son on the - discussion of the subject at Lane Seminary, given to the subject - more attention than was usual among slaveholding professors at the - time. At first he thought his son was deranged--and that his - intended trip to New York, to speak at the anniversary of the - American Anti-Slavery Society, was evidence of it. He sought him (as - we have heard,) on the steamboat, which was to convey him up the - Ohio river, that he might stop him from going. Something, however, - prevented his seeing his son before his departure, and there was no - detention. - - The truth bore on the mind of Mr. T. till it produced its proper - fruit--and he now says, that he is confident no other doctrine but - that of the SIN of slaveholding, connected with an _immediate_ - breaking off from it, will influence the slaveholder to do justice.’ - -I see by the late Washington papers, that one of my South Carolina -cousins, Robert Barnwell Rhett, the late Attorney General of the State, -has come up to my help on this point, with his characteristic chivalry; -[howbeit ‘he meaneth not so, neither doth his heart think so.’] In his -late address to his Congressional Constituents, he says:-- - - ‘Who that knows anything of human affairs, but must be sensible that - the subject of abolition may be approached in a thousand ways, - without direct legislation? By perpetual discussion, agitation and - threats, accompanied with the real or imaginary power to perform, - _there will be need of no other action than words to shake the - confidence of men in the safety and continuance of the institution - of slavery, and its value and existence will be destroyed_. These - are all the weapons the abolitionist desires to be allowed to use to - accomplish his purpose. When Congress moves, it will be the last act - in the drama; and it will be prepared to enforce its legislation. To - acknowledge the right, or to tolerate the act of interference at all - with this institution, is to give it up--to abandon it entirely; - and, as this must be the consummation of any interference, the - sooner it is reached the better. The South must hold this - institution, not amidst alarm and molestation, but in peace--perfect - peace, from the interference or agitation of others; or, I repeat - it, she _will_--she _can_--hold it not at all. … There is no one so - weak, but he must perceive that, whilst the spirit of abolition in - the North is increasing, slavery in the South, in all the frontier - States, is decreasing.’ - -Farther, I may add the names of J. G. Birney of Alabama, John Thompson and -a person named Meux, Jassamine County, Kentucky, J. M. Buchanan, Professor -in Center College, Kentucky, Andrew Shannon, a Presbyterian minister in -Shelbyville, Kentucky, Samuel Taylor, a Presbyterian minister of -Nicholasville, Kentucky, Peter Dunn of Mercer County, Kentucky, a person -named Doake in Tennessee, another named Carr in North Carolina, another -named Harndon in Virginia--with a number of others, the particulars of -whose cases I have not now by me, all of whom were slaveholders four years -since, and were induced to emancipate their slaves through the influence -of Anti-Slavery discussions and periodicals. - -The Democrat, a political paper published at Rochester, New York, -contained the following in the summer of 1835. - - ‘On Saturday last, many of our citizens had an opportunity of - witnessing a noble scene. On board the boat William Henry, then - lying at the Exchange street wharf, were TEN SLAVES, or those who - had recently been such, and several free persons of color. The - master, a gentleman of more than seventy years of age, accompanied - them. His residence was in Powhattan County, seventy miles below - Richmond, Virginia. He was on his way to Buffalo, near which place - he intends purchasing a large farm, where his ‘people,’ as he calls - them, are to be settled. The above named gentleman was led to - sacrifice much of this world’s lucre, besides some $5000 of _human - ‘property,’_ by becoming convinced of the sinfulness of his practice - while reading _Anti-Slavery publications_.’ - -A letter now lies before me from an elder of a religious denomination in -the far South-West, who was converted to Abolition sentiments by -Anti-Slavery publications sent to him from the city of New York, and who -has already emancipated his slaves, ten in number. The writer says, ‘my -hopes are revived when I read of the progress of the cause in the Eastern -States, and of the increase of Anti-Slavery Societies. My soul glows with -gratitude to God for his mercy to the down-trodden slaves, in raising up -for them in these days of savage cruelty, hundreds who, fearless of -consequences, are standing up for the entire abolition of slavery, whom, -though unseen, I dearly love. O! how it would delight me to listen to the -public addresses of some of these dear friends.’ - -Hear, too, the reason assigned by James Smylie, a Presbyterian minister of -the Amite Presbytery, Mississippi, for writing a book in 1836, to prove -that slavery is a divine institution. - - ‘From his intercourse with religious societies of _all_ - denominations in Mississippi and Louisiana, he was aware that the - Abolition maxim, viz: that _Slavery is in itself sinful, had gained - on and entwined itself among the religious and conscientious - scruples of many_ in the community, so far as to render them - _unhappy_. The eye of the mind, resting on Slavery itself as a - _corrupt fountain_, from which, of necessity, _nothing but corrupt_ - streams could flow, was _incessantly_ employed in search of some - plan by which, with safety, the fountain could, in some future time, - be _entirely_ dried up.’ An illustration of this important - acknowledgement, will be found in the following fact, extracted from - the Herald of Freedom: ‘A young gentleman who has been residing in - South Carolina, says our movements (Abolitionists) are producing the - best effects upon the South, _rousing the consciences of - Slaveholders_, while the slaves seem to be impressed as a body with - the idea, that help is coming--that an interest is felt for them, - and plans devising for their relief somewhere--which keeps them - quiet. He says it is not uncommon for ministers and good people to - make confession like this. One, riding with him, broke forth, ‘O, I - fear that the groans and wails from our slaves enter into the ear of - the Lord of Sabaoth. I am distressed on this subject: my - _conscience_ will let me have no peace. I go to bed, but not to - sleep. I walk my room in agony, and resolve that I will never hold - slaves another day; but in the morning, my heart, like Pharaoh’s, is - hardened.’ - -In the autumn of 1835, an influential minister in one of the most southern -States, (who only one year before had stoutly defended slavery, and -vehemently insisted that northern abolitionists were producing unmixed and -irremediable evil at the South,) wrote to the Corresponding Secretary of -one of our State Anti-Slavery Societies who had furnished him with -Anti-Slavery publications, avowing his conversion to Abolition sentiments, -and praying that Anti-Slavery Societies might persevere in their efforts, -and increase them. Among other expressions of strong feeling the letter -contained the following: - - ‘I am greatly surprised that I should in any form have been the - apologist of a system so full of deadly poison to all holiness and - benevolence as slavery, the concocted essence of fraud, selfishness, - and cold-hearted tyranny, and the fruitful parent of unnumbered - evils, both to the oppressor and the oppressed, THE ONE THOUSANDTH - PART OF WHICH HAS NEVER BEEN BROUGHT TO LIGHT. - - ‘Do you ask why this change, after residing in a slave country for - twenty years? You remember the lines of Pope, beginning: - - ‘Vice is a monster, of so frightful mien - As to be hated, needs but to be seen, - But seen too oft, _familiar_ with her face; - We first endure, then pity, then _embrace_.’ - - ‘I had become so familiar with the loathsome features of slavery, - that they _ceased to offend_--besides, I had become a _southern man_ - in all my feelings, and it is a part of our _creed_ to defend - slavery.’ - -About two years since, Arthur and Lewis Tappan received a letter from a -Virginian slaveholder, who held nearly one hundred slaves, and whose -conscience had been greatly roused to the sin of slavery. In the letter, -he avowed his determination to absolve himself from the guilt of -slaveholding, declaring that he ‘had rather be a wood cutter or a coal -heaver, than to _remain in the midst of slavery_.’ - -An intelligent gentleman, a lawyer and a citizen of the District of -Columbia, has just written a letter to a gentleman of New York city, from -which I give thee the following extract: - - ‘The proceedings in Congress at this session have had the effect, I - think, to rouse the attention of the public in all quarters, to the - subject of slavery; and that, of itself, I think is a good: and it - is in my opinion the chief present good that is to grow out of it. - Discussion of some sort takes place, and the real foundation on - which the system rests, cannot but be brought more or less into - view. My hope is, that men who _denounce_ now, will at length - _reason_. That is what is wanted--reasoning, reflection, and a true - perception of the basis on which slavery is founded.’ - -The foregoing are but a few of the facts and testimonies in the possession -of Abolitionists, showing that their discussions, periodicals, petitions, -arguments, appeals and societies, have extensively moved, and are still -mightily moving the slaveholding States--_for good_. Did time and space -permit, I might, by a little painstaking, procure many more. Before -passing from this part of the subject, I must record my amazement at the -clamors of many of the opponents of Abolitionists, from whom better things -might indeed be hoped. What slaveholders have you convinced? they demand. -Whom have you made Abolitionists? Give us their names and places of abode. -Now, those who incessantly stun us with such unreasonable clamor, know -full well, that to give the public the names and residences of such -persons, would be in most instances to surrender them to butchery. But be -it known to the North and to the South, we have names of scores of -citizens of the slaveholding states, many of them slaveholders, who are in -constant correspondence with us, persons who feel so deeply on the subject -as to implore us to persevere in our efforts, and not to be dismayed by -Southern threats nor disheartened by Northern cavils and heartlessness. -Yea more, these persons have committed to us the custody even of their -lives, thus encountering imminent peril that they might cheer us onward in -our work. Shall we betray their trust, or put them in jeopardy? Judge -thou. - -Now let me ask, when in former years Anti-Slavery tracts, with our -doctrines, could be circulated at the South? The fact is, there were -_none_ to be circulated there; our principle of repentance is quite new. -But I can tell thee of two facts, which it is probable thou ‘hast not been -informed of.’ In the year 1809, the steward of a vessel, a colored man, -carried some Abolition pamphlets to Charleston. Immediately on his -arrival, he was informed against, and would have been tried for his life, -had he not promised to leave the State, never to return. Was South -Carolina willing to receive abolition pamphlets _then_? Again, in 1820, my -sister carried some pamphlets there--‘Thoughts on Slavery,’ issued by the -Society of Friends, and therefore _not_ very incendiary, thou mayest be -assured; and yet she was informed some time afterwards, that had it not -been for the influence of our family, she would have been imprisoned; for -she, too, was accused of giving one of them to a slave; just as -Abolitionists have been falsely charged with sending their papers to the -enslaved. What she did give away, she was _obliged_ to give _privately_. -Was Charleston ready to receive Abolition pamphlets _then_? Or when? -please to tell me. I say that _more_, far more Anti-Slavery tracts, &c. -are _now_ read in the South, than ever were at any former period. As to -Colonization tracts, I know they have circulated at the South; but what of -that, when Southerners believed that Colonization had _no_ connection with -the overthrow of Slavery? Colonization papers, &c. are not Abolition -papers. - -As to preachers, let me assure thee, that they _never_ have dared to -preach on the subject of slavery in my native city, so far as my knowledge -extends. Ah! I for some years sat under two _northern_ ministers, but -never did I hear them preach in public, or speak in private, on the _sin_ -of slavery. O! the _deep_, DEEP injury which such unfaithful ministers -have inflicted on the South! It is well known that our young men have, to -a great extent, been educated in Northern Theological Seminaries. With -what principles were _their_ minds imbued? What kind of religion did the -_North_ prepare them to preach? A slaveholding religion. What kind of -religion did _northern men_ come down and preach to us? A slaveholding -religion--and multitudes of them became slaveholders. Such was one of my -_northern_ pastors. And yet thou tellest me, the North has nothing to do -with slavery at the South--is _not_ guilty, &c. &c. ‘Their own clergy,’ -thou sayest, ‘either entirely hold their peace, or become the defenders -of a system they once lamented, and attempted to bring to an end.’ Do name -to me one of those valiant defenders of slavery, who formerly lamented -over the system, and attempted to bring it to an end. ‘What is his name, -or what is his son’s name, if thou canst tell?’ Strange indeed, if, -because _we_ advocate the truth, others should begin to hate it; or -because we expose sin, they should turn round and defend what once they -lamented over! Is this in accordance with ‘the known laws of mind,’ where -principle is deeply rooted in the heart? - -And then thou closest these assertions _without proof_, with the -triumphant exclamation, ‘This is the record of experience, as to the -tendencies of abolitionism, as thus far developed. The South is just now -in that state of high exasperation, at the sense of wanton injury and -_impertinent interference_, which makes the influence of truth and reason -most useless and powerless.’ Hadst thou been better informed as to the -real tendencies of abolitionism on the South, this assertion also might -have been spared. Again I repeat, the _South_ does not tell us so. Read -the subjoined extract of a letter now lying before me from a correspondent -in a _Southern_ State. ‘12 or 15 at this place believe that _all_ men are -born free and equal, that _prejudice against color is a disgrace to the -man who feels it_, that such a feeling is without foundation in reason or -scripture, and ought to be abandoned _immediately_, that slavery is a -_malum in se_, yea, a _heinous crime_ in the sight of God, to be repented -of _without delay_.’ Read also the following, extracted from the Marietta -Gazette: ‘A citizen of one of the free states, not many months ago, -observed to a distinguished southerner, that the operations of the -abolitionists were impeding the cause of emancipation--or to that effect. -‘Sir,’ said the Southerner, ‘You are mistaken. Depend upon it, these -agitations have put the slaveholders to very serious thinking.’ These, -then, are the effects which Abolitionism is producing on some at the -South. That others are exasperated, I do not deny. Hear what Bolling of -Virginia said in 1832, in the Legislature of that State: ‘It has long been -the pleasure of those who are wedded to the system of slavery, to brand -_all_ its opponents with opprobrious epithets; to represent them as -enemies to order, as persons desirous of tearing up the foundation of -society thereby endeavoring to brand them with infamy in order to avert -from them the public ear.’ Here then we find a Southern Legislator -acknowledging that _all_ the opponents of Slavery have ever excited the -same exasperation in those who are ‘wedded to the system.’ Who is to be -blamed? Is _this_ any cause of discouragement? That we have succeeded in -rousing the North to reflection, thou art thyself a living proof; for let -me ask, what it was that set _thee_ to such serious thinking, as to induce -_thee_ to write a _book_ on the Slave Question? - - Thy friend in haste, - - A. E. GRIMKÉ. - - - - -LETTER X. - -‘THE TENDENCY OF THE AGE TOWARDS EMANCIPATION’ PRODUCED BY ABOLITION -DOCTRINES. - - -DEAR FRIEND: Thou sayest, ‘that this evil (Slavery,) is at no distant -period to come to an end, is the unanimous opinion of all who either -notice the tendencies of the age, or believe in the prophecies of the -Bible.’ But how can this be true, if Abolitionists have indeed rolled back -the car of Emancipation? If our measures really tend to this result, how -can this evil come to an end at no distant period? Colonizationists tell -us, if it had not been for our interference, they could have done a vast -deal better than they have done; and the American Unionists say, that we -have paralyzed their efforts, so that they can do nothing; and yet ‘the -tendencies of the age’ are crowding forward Emancipation. Now, what has -produced this tendency? Surely every reflecting person must acknowledge, -that Colonization cannot effect the work of Abolition. The American Union -is doing nothing; and Abolitionists are pursuing a course which ‘will tend -to bring slavery to an end, _if at all_, at the _most distant_ -period,’--then do tell me, how the tendencies of the age can possibly lean -towards Emancipation! Perhaps I shall be told, that the movements of Great -Britain in the West Indies created this tendency. Ah! but this is a -_foreign influence_, more so even than Northern influence; and if the -North is ‘a foreign community,’ as thou expressly stylest it, and can on -_that account_ produce _no_ influence on the South, how can the doings of -England affect her? - -Now I believe with thee, that the tendencies of the age are toward -Emancipation; but I contend that nothing but free discussion has produced -this tendency--‘the present agitation of the subject’ is in fact _the -thing_ which is producing this happy tendency. Now let us turn to the -South, and ask her eagle-eyed politicians what _they_ are most afraid of. -Read their answer in their desperate struggles to fetter the press and gag -the mouths of--_whom?_--Colonizationists? Why no--_they_ talk colonization -_themselves_, and are not at all afraid that the expatriation of a few -hundreds or thousands in 20 years will ever drain the country of its -millions of slaves, where they are now increasing at the rate of 70,000 -every year. The American Unionists? O no! the South has not deemed them -worthy of any notice! Pray, then, _whose_ mouths are slaveholders so -fiercely striving to seal in silence? Why, the mouths of Abolitionists, to -be sure--even our infant school children know this. Strange indeed, when -the labors of these men are actually rolling back the car of Emancipation -for one or two centuries! Why, the South ought to pour out her treasure, -to support Anti-Slavery agents, and print Anti-Slavery papers and -pamphlets, and do all she can to aid us in _rolling back_ Emancipation. -Pray, write _her a book_, and tell her she has been very needlessly -alarmed at our doings, and advise her to send us a few thousand dollars: -her money would be very acceptable in these hard times, and we would take -it as the wages due to the unpaid laborers, though we would never admit -the donors to membership with us. How dost thou think _she_ would receive -_such a book_? Just try it, I entreat thee. - -Thou seemest to think that the North has _no right_ to rebuke the South, -and assumest the ground that Abolitionists are the enemies of the South. -We say, we have the right, and mean to exercise it. I believe that every -northern Legislature has a right, and ought to use the right, to send a -solemn remonstrance to every southern Legislature on the subject of -slavery. Just as much right as the South has to send up a remonstrance -against our free presses, free pens, and free tongues. Let the North -follow her example; but, instead of asking her to enslave her subjects, -entreat her to _free_ them. The South may pretend _now_, that we have no -right to interfere, because it suits her convenience to say so; but a few -years ago, (1820,) we find that our Vice President, R. M. Johnson, in his -speech on the Missouri question, was amazed at the ‘cold insensibility, -the eternal apathy towards the slaves in the District of Columbia,’ which -was exhibited by _northern_ men, ‘though they had occular demonstration -continually’ before them of the abominations of slavery. _Then_ the South -wondered _we did not interfere with slavery_--and _now_ she says we have -no right to interfere. - -I find, on the 57th p. a false assertion with regard to Abolitionists. -After showing the folly of our rejecting the worldly doctrine of -expediency, so excellent in thy view, thou then sayest that we say, the -reason why we do not go to the South is, that we should be murdered. Now, -if there are any half-hearted Abolitionists, who are thus recreant to the -high and holy principle of ‘Duty is ours, and events are God’s,’ then I -must leave such to explain their own inconsistencies; but that this is the -reason assigned by the Society, as a body, I never have seen nor believed. -So far from it, that I have invariably heard those who understood the -principles of the Anti-Slavery Society best, _deny_ that it was a duty to -go to the South, _not_ because they would be killed, but because the -_North was guilty_, and therefore ought to be labored with _first_. They -took exactly the same view of the subject, which was taken by the southern -friend of mine to whom I have already alluded. ‘Until northern women, -(said she,) do their duty on the subject of slavery, _southern_ women -cannot be expected to do theirs.’ I therefore utterly deny this charge. -Such may be the opinion of a few, but it is not and cannot be proved to be -a principle of action in the Anti-Slavery Society. The fact is, we need no -excuse for not going to the South, so long as the North is as deeply -involved in the guilt of slavery as she is, and as blind to her duty. - -One word with regard to these remarks: ‘Before the Abolition movements -commenced, both northern and southern men expressed their views freely at -the South.’ This, also, I deny, because, as a southerner, _I know_ that -_I_ never could express my views freely on the abominations of slavery, -without exciting anger, even in professors of religion. It is true, ‘the -_dangers_, _evils_ and _mischiefs_ of slavery’ could be, and were -discussed at the South and the North. Yes, we might talk as much as we -pleased about _these_, as long as we viewed slavery as a _misfortune_ to -the _slaveholder_, and talked of ‘the dangers, evils and mischiefs of -slavery’ to _him_, and pitied _him_ for having had such a ‘sad inheritance -entailed upon him.’ But could any man or woman ever ‘express their views -freely’ on the SIN of slavery at the South? I say, never! Could they -express their views freely as to the dangers, mischiefs and evils of -slavery to the _poor suffering slave_? No, never! It was only whilst the -_slaveholder_ was regarded as _an unfortunate sufferer_, and sympathized -with _as such_, that he was willing to talk, and be talked to, on this -‘delicate subject.’ Hence we find, that as soon as _he_ is addressed as a -_guilty oppressor_, why then he is in a phrenzy of passion. As soon as we -set before him the dangers, and evils, and mischiefs of slavery to _the -down-trodden victims of his oppression_, O then! the slaveholder storms -and raves like a maniac. Now look at this view of the subject: as a -southerner, I know it is the only correct one. - -With regard to the discussion of ‘the subject of slavery, in the -legislative halls of the South,’ if thou hast read these debates, thou -certainly must know that they did not touch on the SIN of slavery at all; -they were wholly confined to ‘the dangers, evils and mischiefs of slavery’ -to the _unfortunate slaveholder_. What did the discussion in the Virginia -legislature result in? In the _rejection of every_ plan of emancipation, -and in the passage of an act which they believed would give additional -permanency to the institution, whilst it divested it of its dangers, by -removing the free people of color to Liberia; for which purpose they voted -$20,000, but took very good care to provide, ‘that no slave to be -thereafter emancipated should have the benefit of the appropriation,’ so -fearful were they, lest masters might avail themselves of this scheme of -expatriation to manumit their slaves. The Maryland scheme is altogether -based on the principle of banishment and oppression. The colored people -were to be ‘got rid of,’ for the benefit of their lordly oppressors--_not_ -set free from the noble principles of justice and mercy to _them_. If -Abolitionists have put a stop to all _such_ discussions of slavery, I, for -one, do most heartily rejoice at it. The fact is, the South is enraged, -because we have exposed her horrible hypocrisy to the world. We have torn -off the mask, and brought to light the hidden things of darkness. - -To prove to thee that the South, as a body, never was prepared for -emancipation, I might detail historical facts, which are stubborn things; -but I have not the time to go into this subject that would be necessary. I -will, therefore, give a few extracts from documents published by the old -Abolition Societies, whose principle was gradualism. In 1803, in the -report of the Delaware Society, I find the following statement:--‘The -general temper and opinion of the opulent in this state, is either -_opposed_ to the generous principles of emancipation to the people of -color, or indifferent to the success of the work.’ In 1804, when a -Committee was appointed to draft a memorial to the Legislature of North -Carolina, we find the following sentiment expressed in their -Report:--‘They believe that public opinion in that state is _exceedingly -hostile to the abolition of slavery_; and _every_ attempt towards -emancipation is regarded with an indignant and jealous eye; that at -present, the inhabitants of that State consider the preservation of their -lives, and all they hold dear on earth, as depending on the continuance of -slavery, and are even riveting _more firmly_ the fetters of oppression.’ -‘They believe that great difficulty would attend the presentation of an -address to the public, and that, if presented, it would not be read.’ The -address was, however, issued, and in it we find this complaint--‘Many -_aspersions_ have been cast upon the advocates of the freedom of the -blacks, by malicious and interested men.’ In 1805, in the Report of the -Alexandria Society, District of Columbia, they say--‘There is rather a -disposition to _increase_ the measure of affliction already appointed to -the poor deserted African:’ and complain of the decline of the Society, -for which they assign several reasons, one of which is, ‘the admission of -slaveholders into fellowship at its formation.’ Several of the Reports -state, that they fully learned the impolicy of _this_ measure, by the -violent opposition which these slaveholding members made to their efforts -for emancipation. Just as well might a Temperance Society admit a -practical drunkard into their ranks, as for an Abolition Society to admit -a slaveholder to membership. - -In 1806, the Report of the Pennsylvania Society says--‘We believe the true -reason, why ostensible and public measures are not pursued by the -advocates of abolition in the southern states, will be found in the pretty -general impression, that it would not, _under existing circumstances_, and -in the _present temper of the public mind_, be expedient and useful.’ The -Wilmington Report ‘laments that the people of South Carolina _continue -opposed_ to our cause’--and in 1809, the Report of this same Society says, -‘We regret most sincerely the difficulty we labor under in establishing -corresponding agents in the southern states, on whose fidelity and -integrity we can firmly rely.’ In 1816, the Delaware Society makes the -following confession--‘When we look back at the bright prospects which -opened on this cause within the last 20 years, and recur to the joyful -feelings excited by the just anticipations of speedy success in this -conflict with cruelty and wrong, we cannot but feel the pressure of that -gloom which is the consequence of _disappointment and defeat_.’ In 1826, -we find the North Carolina Report acknowledging that ‘the _gentlest_ -attempt to agitate the subject, or the _slightest hint_ at the work of -emancipation, is sufficient to call forth their _indignant resentment_, as -if their dearest rights were invaded.’ - -How, then, can our opponents say, that the cause of emancipation has been -_rolled back_ by _us_? We ask, when was it ever _forward_? As a -southerner, I repeat my solemn conviction, from _my own experience_, and -from all I can learn from historical facts, and the reports of the Gradual -Emancipation Societies of this country, and the scope of the debates -which took place in the Kentucky, Virginia and Maryland Legislatures, that -it _never was_ forward. If the tendencies of the age are towards -emancipation, they are tendencies peculiar to this age in the United -States, and have been brought about by free discussion, and in accordance, -too, with the _known laws of mind_; for collision of mind as naturally -produces light, as the striking of the flint and the steel produces fire. -_Free discussion is this collision_, and the results are visible in the -light which is breaking forth in every city, town and village, and -spreading over the hills and valleys, through the whole length and breadth -of our land. Yes! it has already reached ‘the dark valley of the shadow of -death’ in the South; and in a few brief years, He who said, ‘Let there be -light,’ will gather this moral effulgence into a focal point, and beneath -its burning rays, the heart of the slaveholder, and the chains of the -slave, will melt like wax before the orb of day. - -Let us, then, take heed lest we be found fighting against God while -standing idle in the market place, or endeavoring to keep other laborers -out of the field now already white to the harvest. - - Thy Friend, - - A. E. GRIMKÉ. - - - - -LETTER XI. - -THE SPHERE OF WOMAN AND MAN AS MORAL BEINGS THE SAME. - - - BROOKLINE, Mass., _8th month, 28th, 1837_. - -DEAR FRIEND: I come now to that part of thy book, which is, of all others, -the most important to the women of this country; thy ‘general views in -relation to the place woman is appointed to fill by the dispensations of -heaven.’ I shall quote paragraphs from thy book, offer my objections to -them, and then throw before thee my own views. - -Thou sayest, ‘Heaven has appointed to one sex the _superior_, and to the -other the _subordinate_ station, and this without any reference to the -character or conduct of either.’ This is an assertion without proof. Thou -further sayest, that ‘it was designed that the mode of gaining influence -and exercising power should be _altogether different and peculiar_.’ Does -the Bible teach this? ‘Peace on earth, and good will to men, is the -character of all the rights and privileges, the influence and the power of -_woman_.’ Indeed! Did our Holy Redeemer preach the doctrines of _peace to -our sex_ only? ‘A _man_ may act on Society by the collision of intellect, -in public debate; _he_ may urge his measures by a sense of shame, by fear -and by personal interest; _he_ may coerce by the combination of public -sentiment; _he_ may drive by physical force, and _he_ does _not_ overstep -the boundaries of his sphere.’ Did Jesus, then, give a different rule of -action to men and women? Did he tell his disciples, when he sent them out -to preach the gospel, that man might appeal to the fear, and shame, and -interest of those he addressed, and coerce by public sentiment, and drive -by physical force? ‘But (that) all the power and all the conquests that -are lawful to _woman_ are those only which appeal to the kindly, generous, -peaceful and benevolent principles?’ If so, I should come to a very -different conclusion from the one at which thou hast arrived: I should -suppose that _woman was the superior_, and _man the subordinate being_, -inasmuch as moral power is immeasurably superior to ‘physical force.’ - -‘Woman is to win every thing by peace and love; by making _herself_ so -much respected, &c. that to yield to _her_ opinions, and to gratify _her_ -wishes, will be the free-will offering of the heart.’ This principle may -do as the rule of action to the fashionable belle, whose idol is -_herself_; whose every attitude and smile are designed to win the -admiration of others to _herself_; and who enjoys, with exquisite delight, -the double-refined incense of flattery which is offered to _her_ vanity, -by yielding to _her_ opinions, and gratifying _her_ wishes, because they -are _hers_. But to the humble Christian, who feels that it is _truth_ -which she seeks to recommend to others, _truth_ which she wants them to -esteem and love, and not herself, this subtle principle must be rejected -with holy indignation. Suppose she could win thousands to her opinions, -and govern them by her wishes, how much nearer would they be to Jesus -Christ, if she presents no higher motive, and points to no higher leader? - -‘But this is all to be accomplished in the domestic circle.’ Indeed! ‘Who -made thee a ruler and a judge over all?’ I read in the Bible, that Miriam, -and Deborah, and Huldah, were called to fill _public stations_ in Church -and State. I find Anna, the prophetess, speaking in the temple ‘unto all -them that looked for redemption in Jerusalem.’ During his ministry on -earth, I see women following him from town to town, in the most public -manner; I hear the woman of Samaria, on her return to the city, telling -the _men_ to come and see a man who had told her all things that ever she -did. I see them even standing on Mount Calvary, around his cross, in the -most exposed situation; but He never _rebuked_ them; He never told them it -was unbecoming _their sphere in life_ to mingle in the crowds which -followed his footsteps. Then, again, I see the cloven tongues of fire -resting on each of the heads of the one hundred and twenty disciples, some -of whom were _women_; yea, I hear _them preaching_ on the day of Pentecost -to the multitudes who witnessed the outpouring of the spirit on that -glorious occasion; for, unless _women_ as well as men received the Holy -Ghost, and _prophesied_, what did Peter mean by telling them, ‘This is -_that_ which was spoken by the prophet Joel: And it shall come to pass in -the last days, said _God_, I will pour out my spirit upon _all_ flesh: and -your sons and your _daughters shall prophesy_. … And on my servants and on -my _handmaidens_, I will pour out in those days of my spirit; and _they -shall prophesy_.’ This is the plain matter of fact, as Clark and Scott, -Stratton and Locke, all allow. Mine is no ‘private interpretation,’ no -mere sectarian view. - -I find, too, that Philip had four daughters which did _prophesy_; and what -is still more convincing, I read in the xi. of I. Corinthians, some -particular directions from the Apostle Paul, as to _how_ women were to -pray and prophesy in the assemblies of the people--_not_ in the domestic -circle. On examination, too, it appears that the very same word, -_Diakonos_, which, when applied to Phœbe, Romans xvi. 1, is translated -_servant_, when applied to Tychicus, Ephesians vi. 21, is rendered -_minister_. Ecclesiastical History informs us, that this same Phœbe was -pre-eminently useful, as a minister in the Church, and that female -ministers suffered martyrdom in the first ages of Christianity. And what, -I ask, does the Apostle mean when he says in Phillipians iv. 3.--‘Help -those women who labored with me in the gospel’? Did these holy women of -old perform all their gospel labors in ‘the domestic and social circle’? I -trow not. - -Thou sayest, ‘the moment woman begins to feel the promptings of ambition, -or the thirst for power, her ægis of defence is gone.’ Can man, then, -retain his ægis when he indulges these guilty passions? Is it woman only -who suffers this loss? - -‘All the generous promptings of chivalry, all the poetry of romantic -gallantry, depend upon woman’s retaining her place as _dependent_ and -_defenceless_, and making no claims, and maintaining no rights, but what -are the gifts of honor, rectitude and love.’ - -I cannot refrain from pronouncing this sentiment as beneath the dignity of -any woman who names the name of Christ. No woman, who understands her -dignity as a moral, intellectual, and accountable being, cares aught for -any attention or any protection, vouchsafed by ‘the promptings of -chivalry, and the poetry of romantic gallantry’? Such a one loathes such -littleness, and turns with disgust from all such silly insipidities. Her -noble nature is insulted by such paltry, sickening adulation, and she will -not stoop to drink the foul waters of so turbid a stream. If all this -sinful foolery is to be withdrawn from our sex, with all my heart I say, -_the sooner the better_. Yea, I say more, no woman who lives up to the -true glory of her womanhood, will ever be treated with such _practical -contempt_. Every man, when in the presence of true moral greatness, ‘will -find an influence thrown around him,’ which will utterly forbid the -exercise of ‘the poetry of romantic gallantry.’ - -What dost thou mean by woman’s retaining her place as defenceless and -dependent? Did our Heavenly Father furnish man with any offensive or -defensive weapons? Was _he_ created any less defenceless than _she_ was? -Are they not equally defenceless, equally dependent on Him? What did Jesus -say to his disciples, when he commissioned them to preach the -gospel?--‘Behold, I send you forth as SHEEP in the midst of wolves; be ye -wise as serpents, and _harmless_ as _doves_. What more could he have said -to women? - -Again, she must ‘make no claims, and maintain no rights, but what are the -gifts of honor, rectitude and love.’ From whom does woman receive her -_rights_? From God, or from man? What dost thou mean by saying, her rights -are the _gifts_ of honor, rectitude and love? One would really suppose -that man, as her lord and master, was the gracious giver of her rights, -and that these rights were bestowed upon her by ‘the promptings of -chivalry, and the poetry of romantic gallantry,’--out of the abundance of -his honor, rectitude and love. Now, if I understand the real state of the -case, woman’s rights are not the gifts of man--no! nor the _gifts_ of God. -His gifts to her may be recalled at his good pleasure--but her _rights_ -are an integral part of her moral being; they cannot be withdrawn; they -must live with her forever. Her rights lie at the foundation of all her -duties; and, so long as the divine commands are binding upon her, so long -must her rights continue. - -‘A woman may seek the aid of co-operation and combination among her own -sex, to assist her in her appropriate offices of piety, charity,’ &c. -_Appropriate_ offices! Ah! here is the great difficulty. What are they? -Who can point them out? Who has ever attempted to draw a line of -separation between the duties of men and women, as _moral_ beings, without -committing the grossest inconsistencies on the one hand, or running into -the most arrant absurdities on the other? - -‘Whatever, in any measure, throws a woman into the attitude of a -combatant, either for herself or others--whatever binds her in a party -conflict--whatever obliges her in any way to exert coercive influences, -throws her out of her appropriate sphere.’ If, by a _combatant_, thou -meanest one who ‘drives by _physical force_,’ then I say, _man_ has no -more right to appear as _such_ a combatant than woman; for all the pacific -precepts of the gospel were given to _him_, as well as to her. If, by a -_party conflict_, thou meanest a struggle for power, either civil or -ecclesiastical, a thirst for the praise and the honor of man, why, then I -would ask, is this the proper sphere of _any_ moral, accountable being, -man or woman? If, by _coercive influences_, thou meanest the use of force -or of fear, such as slaveholders and warriors employ, then, I repeat, that -_man_ has no more right to exert these than _woman_. All such influences -are repudiated by the precepts and examples of Christ, and his apostles; -so that, after all, this appropriate sphere of woman is _just as -appropriate to man_. These ‘general principles are correct,’ if thou wilt -only permit them to be of _general application_. - -Thou sayest that the propriety of woman’s coming forward as a suppliant -for a portion of her sex who are bound in cruel bondage, depends entirely -on its _probable results_. I thought the disciples of Jesus were to walk -by _faith_, _not_ by sight. Did Abraham reason as to the _probable -results_ of his offering up Isaac? No! or he could not have raised his -hand against the life of his son; because in Isaac, he had been told, his -seed should be called,--that seed in whom all the nations of the earth -were to be blessed. O! when shall we learn that God is wiser than -man--that his ways are higher than our ways, his thoughts than our -thoughts--and that ‘obedience is better than sacrifice, and to hearken -than the fat of rams?’ If we are always to _reason_ on the _probable -results_ of performing our duty, I wonder what our Master meant by telling -his disciples, that they must become like _little children_. I used to -think he designed to inculcate the necessity of walking by faith, in -childlike simplicity, docility and humility. But if we are to _reason_ as -to the _probable results_ of obeying the injunctions to plead for the -widow and the fatherless, and to deliver the spoiled out of the hand of -the oppressor, &c., then I do not know what he meant to teach. - -According to what thou sayest, the women of this country are not to be -governed by principles of duty, but by the effect their petitions produce -on the members of Congress, and by the opinions of these men. If they deem -them ‘obtrusive, indecorous, and unwise,’ they must not be sent. If _thou_ -canst consent to exchange the precepts of the Bible for the opinions of -_such a body of men_ as now sit on the destinies of this nation, I cannot. -What is this but _obeying man_ rather than God, and seeking the _praise of -man_ rather than of God? As to our petitions increasing the evils of -slavery, this is merely an opinion, the correctness or incorrectness of -which remains to be proved. When I hear Senator Preston of South Carolina, -saying, that ‘he regarded the concerted movement upon the District of -Columbia as an attempt to storm the gates of the citadel--as throwing the -bridge over the moat’--and declaring that ‘the South must resist the -_danger_ in its inception, or it would _soon become irresistible_‘--I feel -confident that petitions will effect the work of emancipation, _thy_ -opinion to the contrary notwithstanding. And when I hear Francis W. -Pickens, from the same State, saying in a speech delivered in -Congress--‘Mr. Speaker, we cannot mistake all these things. The truth is, -the moral power of the world is against us. It is idle to disguise it. We -must, sooner or later, meet the great issue that is to be made on this -subject. Deeply connected with this, is the movement to be made on the -District of Columbia. If the power be asserted in Congress to interfere -here, or any approach be made toward that end, _it will give a shock to -our institutions_ and the country, the consequences of which no man can -foretell. Sir, as well might you grapple with iron grasp into the very -heart and vitals of South Carolina, as to touch this subject here.’ When I -hear these things from the lips of keen-eyed politicians of the South, -northern apologies for not interfering with the subject of slavery, ‘lest -it should increase, rather than diminish the evils it is wished to remove’ -affect me little. - -Another objection to woman’s petitions is, that they may ‘tend to bring -females, as petitioners and partisans, into every political measure that -may tend to injure and oppress their sex.’ As to their ever becoming -partisans, i.e. sacrificing principles to power or interest, I reprobate -this under all circumstances, and in _both_ sexes. But I trust my sisters -may always be permitted to _petition_ for a redress of grievances. Why -not? The right of petition is the only political right that women have: -why not let them exercise it whenever they are aggrieved? Our fathers -waged a bloody conflict with England, because _they_ were taxed without -being represented. This is just what unmarried women of property now are. -_They_ were not willing to be governed by laws which _they_ had no voice -in making; but this is the way in which women are governed in this -Republic. If, then, _we_ are taxed without being represented, and governed -by laws _we_ have no voice in framing, then, surely, we ought to be -permitted at least to remonstrate against ‘every political measure that -may tend to injure and oppress our sex in various parts of the nation, and -under the various public measures that may hereafter be enforced.’ Why -not? Art thou afraid to trust the women of this country with discretionary -power as to petitioning? Is there not sound principle and common sense -enough among them, to regulate the exercise of this right? I believe they -will always use it wisely. I am not afraid to trust my sisters--not I. - -Thou sayest, ‘In this country, petitions to Congress, in reference to -official duties of legislators, seem, IN ALL CASES, to fall entirely -without the sphere of female duty. Men are the proper persons to make -appeals to the rulers whom they appoint,’ &c. Here I entirely dissent from -thee. The fact that women are denied the right of voting for members of -Congress, is but a poor reason why they should also be deprived of the -right of petition. If their numbers are counted to swell the number of -Representatives in our State and National Legislatures, the _very least_ -that can be done is to give them the right of petition in all cases -whatsoever; and without any abridgement. If not, they are mere slaves, -known only through their masters. - -In my next, I shall throw out my own views with regard to ‘the appropriate -sphere of woman’--and for the present, subscribe myself, - - Thy Friend, - - A. E. GRIMKÉ. - - - - -LETTER XII. - -HUMAN RIGHTS NOT FOUNDED ON SEX. - - - EAST BOYLSTON, Mass., _10th mo. 2d, 1837_. - -DEAR FRIEND: In my last, I made a sort of running commentary upon thy -views of the appropriate sphere of woman, with something like a promise, -that in my next, I would give thee my own. - -The investigation of the rights of the slave has led me to a better -understanding of my own. I have found the Anti-Slavery cause to be the -high school of morals in our land--the school in which _human rights_ are -more fully investigated, and better understood and taught, than in any -other. Here a great fundamental principle is uplifted and illuminated, and -from this central light, rays innumerable stream all around. Human beings -have _rights_, because they are _moral_ beings: the rights of _all_ men -grow out of their moral nature; and as all men have the same moral nature, -they have essentially the same rights. These rights may be wrested from -the slave, but they cannot be alienated: his title to himself is as -perfect _now_, as is that of Lyman Beecher: it is stamped on his moral -being, and is, like it, imperishable. Now if rights are founded in the -nature of our moral being, then the _mere circumstance of sex_ does not -give to man higher rights and responsibilities, than to woman. To suppose -that it does, would be to deny the self-evident truth, that the ‘physical -constitution is the mere instrument of the moral nature.’ To suppose that -it does, would be to break up utterly the relations, of the two natures, -and to reverse their functions, exalting the animal nature into a monarch, -and humbling the moral into a slave; making the former a proprietor, and -the latter its property. When human beings are regarded as _moral_ beings, -_sex_, instead of being enthroned upon the summit, administering upon -rights and responsibilities, sinks into insignificance and nothingness. My -doctrine then is, that whatever it is morally right for man to do, it is -morally right for woman to do. Our duties originate, not from difference -of sex, but from the diversity of our relations in life, the various gifts -and talents committed to our care, and the different eras in which we -live. - -This regulation of duty by the mere circumstance of sex, rather than by -the fundamental principle of moral being, has led to all that multifarious -train of evils flowing out of the anti-christian doctrine of masculine and -feminine virtues. By this doctrine, man has been converted into the -warrior, and clothed with sternness, and those other kindred qualities, -which in common estimation belong to his character as a _man_; whilst -woman has been taught to lean upon an arm of flesh, to sit as a doll -arrayed in ‘gold, and pearls, and costly array,’ to be admired for her -personal charms, and caressed and humored like a spoiled child, or -converted into a mere drudge to suit the convenience of her lord and -master. Thus have all the diversified relations of life been filled with -‘confusion and every evil work.’ This principle has given to man a charter -for the exercise of tyranny and selfishness, pride and arrogance, lust and -brutal violence. It has robbed woman of essential rights, the right to -think and speak and act on all great moral questions, just as men think -and speak and act; the right to share their responsibilities, perils and -toils; the right to fulfil the great end of her being, as a moral, -intellectual and immortal creature, and of glorifying God in her body and -her spirit which are His. Hitherto, instead of being a help meet to man, -in the highest, noblest sense of the term, as a companion, a co-worker, an -equal; she has been a mere appendage of his being, an instrument of his -convenience and pleasure, the pretty toy with which he wiled away his -leisure moments, or the pet animal whom he humored into playfulness and -submission. Woman, instead of being regarded as the equal of man, has -uniformly been looked down upon as his inferior, a mere gift to fill up -the measure of his happiness. In ‘the poetry of romantic gallantry,’ it is -true, she has been called ‘the last _best_ gift of God to man;’ but I -believe I speak forth the words of truth and soberness when I affirm, that -woman never was given to man. She was created, like him, in the image of -God, and crowned with glory and honor; created only a little lower than -the angels,--not, as is almost universally assumed, a little lower than -man; on her brow, as well as on his, was placed the ‘diadem of beauty,’ -and in her hand the sceptre of universal dominion. Gen: i. 27, 28. ‘The -last _best gift_ of God to man!’ Where is the scripture warrant for this -‘rhetorical flourish, this splendid absurdity?’ Let us examine the account -of her creation. ‘And the rib which the Lord God had taken from man, made -he a woman, and brought her unto the man.’ Not as a gift--for Adam -immediately recognized her _as a part of himself_--(‘this is now bone of -my bone, and flesh of my flesh’)--a companion and equal, not one hair’s -breadth beneath him in the majesty and glory of her moral being; not -placed under his authority as a _subject_, but by his side, on the same -platform of human rights, under the government of God only. This idea of -woman’s being ‘the last best gift of God to man,’ however pretty it may -sound to the ears of those who love to discourse upon ‘the poetry of -romantic gallantry, and the generous promptings of chivalry,’ has -nevertheless been the means of sinking her from an _end_ into a mere -_means_--of turning her into an _appendage_ to man, instead of recognizing -her as _a part of man_--of destroying her individuality, and rights, and -responsibilities, and merging her moral being in that of man. Instead of -_Jehovah_ being _her_ king, _her_ lawgiver, and _her_ judge, she has been -taken out of the exalted scale of existence in which He placed her, and -subjected to the despotic control of man. - -I have often been amused at the vain efforts made to define the rights and -responsibilities of immortal beings as _men_ and _women_. No one has yet -found out just _where_ the line of separation between them should be -drawn, and for this simple reason, that no one knows just how far below -man woman is, whether she be a head shorter in her moral responsibilities, -or head and shoulders, or the full length of his noble stature, below him, -i.e. under his feet. Confusion, uncertainty, and great inconsistencies, -must exist on this point, so long as woman is regarded in the least degree -inferior to man; but place her where her Maker placed her, on the same -high level of human rights with man, side by side with him, and -difficulties vanish, the mountains of perplexity flow down at the presence -of this grand equalizing principle. Measure her rights and duties by the -unerring standard of _moral being_, not by the false weights and measures -of a mere circumstance of her human existence, and then the truth will be -self-evident, that whatever it is _morally_ right for a man to do, it is -_morally_ right for a woman to do. I recognize no rights but _human_ -rights--I know nothing of men’s rights and women’s rights; for in Christ -Jesus, there is neither male nor female. It is my solemn conviction, that, -until this principle of equality is recognised and embodied in practice, -the church can do nothing effectual for the permanent reformation of the -world. Woman was the first transgressor, and the first victim of power. In -all heathen nations, she has been the slave of man, and Christian nations -have never acknowledged her rights. Nay more, no Christian denomination or -Society has ever acknowledged them on the broad basis of humanity. I know -that in some denominations, she is permitted to preach the gospel; not -from a conviction of her rights, nor upon the ground of her equality as a -_human being_, but of her equality in spiritual gifts--for we find that -woman, even in these Societies, is allowed no voice in framing the -Discipline by which she is to be governed. Now, I believe it is woman’s -right to have a voice in all the laws and regulations by which she is to -be _governed_, whether in Church or State; and that the present -arrangements of society, on these points, are _a violation of human -rights_, _a rank usurpation of power_, a violent seizure and confiscation -of what is sacredly and inalienably hers--thus inflicting upon woman -outrageous wrongs, working mischief incalculable in the social circle, and -in its influence on the world producing only evil, and that continually. -_If_ Ecclesiastical and Civil governments are ordained of God, _then_ I -contend that woman has just as much right to sit in solemn counsel in -Conventions, Conferences, Associations and General Assemblies, as -man--just as much right to sit upon the throne of England, or in the -Presidential chair of the United States. - -Dost thou ask me, if I would wish to see woman engaged in the contention -and strife of sectarian controversy, or in the intrigues of political -partizans? I say no! never--never. I rejoice that she does not stand on -the same platform which man now occupies in these respects; but I mourn, -also, that he should thus prostitute his higher nature, and vilely cast -away his birthright. I prize the purity of _his_ character as highly as I -do that of hers. As a moral being, _whatever it is morally wrong for her -to do, it is morally wrong for him to do_. The fallacious doctrine of -male and female virtues has well nigh ruined all that is morally great and -lovely in his character: he has been quite as deep a sufferer by it as -woman, though mostly in different respects and by other processes. As my -time is engrossed by the pressing responsibilities of daily public duty, I -have no leisure for that minute detail which would be required for the -illustration and defence of these principles. Thou wilt find a wide field -opened before thee, in the investigation of which, I doubt not, thou wilt -be instructed. Enter this field, and explore it: thou wilt find in it a -hid treasure, more precious than rubies--a fund, a mine of principles, as -new as they are great and glorious. - -Thou sayest, ‘an ignorant, a narrow-minded, or a stupid woman, cannot feel -nor understand the rationality, the propriety, or the beauty of this -relation’--i.e. subordination to man. Now, verily, it does appear to me, -that nothing but a narrow-minded view of the subject of human rights and -responsibilities can induce any one to believe in _this subordination to a -fallible_ being. Sure I am, that the signs of the times clearly indicate a -vast and rapid change in public sentiment, on this subject. Sure I am that -she is not to be, as she has been, ‘_a mere second-hand agent_’ in the -regeneration of a fallen world, but the acknowledged equal and co-worker -with man in this glorious work. Not that ‘she will carry her measures by -tormenting when she cannot please, or by petulant complaints or obtrusive -interference, in matters which are out of her sphere, and which she cannot -comprehend.’ But just in proportion as her moral and intellectual -capacities become enlarged, she will rise higher and higher in the scale -of creation, until she reaches that elevation prepared for her by her -Maker, and upon whose summit she was originally stationed, only ‘a little -lower than the angels.’ Then will it be seen that nothing which concerns -the well-being of mankind is either beyond her sphere, or above her -comprehension: _Then_ will it be seen ‘that America will be distinguished -above all other nations for well educated women, and for the influence -they will exert on the general interests of society.’ - -But I must close with recommending to thy perusal, my sister’s Letters on -the Province of Woman, published in the New England Spectator, and -republished by Isaac Knapp of Boston. As she has taken up this subject so -fully, I have only glanced at it. That thou and all my country-women may -better understand the true dignity of woman, is the sincere desire of - - Thy Friend, - - A. E. GRIMKÉ. - - - - -LETTER XIII. - -MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS,--CONCLUSION. - - - HOLLISTON, Mass., _10th month, 23d, 1837_. - -MY DEAR FRIEND: I resume my pen, to gather up a few fragments of thy -Essay, that have not yet been noticed, and in love to bid thee farewell. - -Thou appearest to think, that it is peculiarly the duty of _women_ to -educate the little children of this nation. But why, I would ask--why are -they any more bound to engage in this sacred employment, than men? I -believe, that as soon as the rights of women are understood, our brethren -will see and feel that it is their duty to co-operate with us, in this -high and holy vocation, of training up little children in the way they -should go. And the very fact of their mingling in intercourse with such -guileless and gentle spirits, will tend to soften down the asperities of -their characters, and clothe them with the noblest and sublimest Christian -virtues. I know that this work is deemed beneath the dignity of man; but -how great the error! I once heard a man, who had labored extensively among -children, say, ‘I never feel so near heaven, as when I am teaching these -little ones.’ He was right; and I trust the time is coming, when the -occupation of an instructer to children will be deemed the most honorable -of human employment. If it is drudgery to teach these little ones, then it -is the duty of men to bear a part of that burthen; if it is a privilege -and an honor, then we generously invite them to share that honor and -privilege with us. - -I know some noble instances of this union of principles and employment, -and am fully settled in the belief, that abolition doctrines are -pre-eminently calculated to qualify men and women to become faithful and -efficient teachers. _They alone_ teach fully the doctrine of human rights; -and to know and appreciate these, is an indispensable prerequisite to the -wisely successful performance of the duties of a teacher. The right -understanding of these will qualify her to teach the fundamental, but -unfashionable doctrine, that ‘God is no respecter of persons,’ and that he -that despiseth the colored man, because he is ‘guilty of a skin not -colored like our own,’ reproacheth his Maker for having given him that -ebon hue. I consider it absolutely indispensable, that this truth should -be sedulously instilled into the mind of every child in our republic. I -know of _no_ moral truth of greater importance at the present crisis. -Those teachers, who are not prepared to teach _this in all its fullness_, -are deficient in one of the most sterling elements of moral character, and -are false to the holy trust committed to them, and utterly unfit to train -up the children of _this_ generation. So far from urging the deficiency of -teachers in this country, as a reason why women should keep out of the -anti-slavery excitement, I would say to my sisters, if you wish to become -pre-eminently qualified for the discharge of your arduous duties, come -into the abolition ranks, enter this high school of morals, and drink from -the deep fountains of philanthropy and Christian equality, whence the -waters of healing are welling forth over wide desert wastes, and making -glad the city of our God. Intellectual endowments are _good_, but a high -standard of moral principle is _better_, is _essential_. As a nation, we -have too long educated the _mind_, and left the _heart_ a moral waste. We -have fully and fearfully illustrated the truth of the Apostle’s -declaration: ‘Knowledge puffeth up.’ We have indeed been puffed up, -vaunting ourselves in our mental endowments and national greatness. But we -are beginning to realize, that it is ‘Righteousness which exalteth a -nation.’ - -Thou sayest, when a woman is asked to sign a petition, or join an -Anti-Slavery Society, it is ‘for the purpose of contributing her measure -of influence to keep up agitation in Congress, to promote the excitement -of the North against the iniquities of the South, to coerce the South by -fear, shame, anger, and a sense of odium, to do what she is determined not -to do.’ Indeed! Are these the only motives presented to the daughters of -America, for laboring in the glorious cause of Human Rights? Let us -examine them. 1. ‘To keep up agitation in Congress.’ Yes--for I can adopt -this language of Moore of Virginia, in the Legislature of that State, in -1832: ‘I should regret at all times the existence of any unnecessary -excitement in the country on any subject; but I confess, I see no reason -to lament that which may have arisen on the present occasion. It is often -necessary that there should be some excitement among the people, to induce -them to turn their attention to questions deeply affecting the welfare of -the Commonwealth; and _there never can arise any subject more worthy their -attention, than that of the abolition of slavery_.’ 2. ‘To promote the -excitement of the North against the iniquities of the South.’ Yes, and -against her own sinful copartnership in those iniquities. I believe the -discussion of Human Rights at the North has already been of incalculable -advantage to this country. It is producing the happiest influence upon the -minds and hearts of those who are engaged in it; just such results as -Thomas Clarkson tells us, were produced in England by the agitation of the -subject there. Says he, ‘Of the immense advantages of this contest, I know -not how to speak. Indeed, the very agitation of the question, which it -involved, has been highly important. Never was the heart of man so -expanded; never were its generous sympathies so generally and so -perseveringly excited. These sympathies, thus called into existence, have -been useful preservatives of national virtue.’ I, therefore, wish very -much to promote the Anti-Slavery excitement at the North, because I -believe it will prove a useful preservative of national virtue. 3. ‘To -coerce the South by fear, shame, anger, and a sense of odium.’ It is true, -that I feel the imminent danger of the South so much, that I would fain -‘save them with fear, pulling them out of the fire;’ for, if they ever are -saved, they will indeed be ‘as a brand plucked out of the burning.’ Nor -do I see any thing wrong in influencing slaveholders by a feeling of shame -and odium, as well as by a sense of guilt. Why may not abolitionists speak -some things _to their shame_, as the Apostle did to the Corinthians? As to -anger, it is no design of ours to excite so wicked a passion. We cannot -help it, if, in rejecting the truth, they become angry. Could Stephen help -the anger of the Jews, when ‘they gnashed upon him with their teeth’? - -But I had thought the principal motives urged by abolitionists were not -these; but that they endeavored to excite men and women to active -exertion,--first, to cleanse _their own_ hands of the sin of slavery, and -secondly, to save the South, if possible, and the North, at any rate, from -the impending judgments of heaven. The result of their mission in this -country, cannot in the least affect the validity of that mission. Like -Noah, they may preach in vain; if so, the destruction of the South can no -more be attributed to them, than the destruction of the antediluvian world -to him. ‘In vain,’ did I say? Oh no! The discussion of the rights of the -slave has opened the way for the discussion of _other rights_, and the -ultimate result will most certainly be, ‘the breaking of _every_ yoke,’ -the letting the oppressed of _every_ grade and description go free,--an -emancipation far more glorious than any the world has ever yet seen,--an -introduction into that ‘liberty wherewith Christ hath made his people -free.’ - -I will now say a few words on thy remarks about Esther. Thou sayest, ‘When -a woman is placed in similar circumstances, where death to herself and -all her nation is one alternative, and there is nothing worse to fear, but -something to hope as the other alternative, then she may safely follow -such an example.’ In this sentence, thou hast conceded every thing I could -wish, and proved beyond dispute just what I adduced this text to prove in -my Appeal. I will explain myself. Look at the condition of our -country--Church and State deeply involved in the enormous crime of -slavery: ah! more--claiming the sacred volume, as our charter for the -collar and chain. What then can we expect, but that the vials of divine -wrath will be poured out upon a nation of oppressors and hypocrites? for -we are loud in our professions of civil and ecclesiastical liberty. Now, -as a Southerner, I know that reflecting slaveholders expect their peculiar -institution to be overthrown in blood. Read the opinion of Moore of -Virginia, as expressed by him in the House of Delegates in 1832:--‘What -must be the ultimate consequence of retaining the slaves amongst us? The -answer to this enquiry is both obvious and appalling. It is, that _the -time will come, and at no distant day, when we shall be involved in all -the horrors of a servile war_, which will not end until both sides have -suffered much, until the land shall everywhere be red with blood, and -until the slaves or the whites are totally exterminated. If there be any -truth in history, and if the time has not arrived when causes have ceased -to produce their legitimate results, the dreadful catastrophe in which I -have predicted that our slave system must result, if persisted in, _is as -inevitable as any event which has already transpired_.’ - -Here, then, is one alternative, and just as tremendous an alternative as -that which was presented to the Queen of Persia. ‘There is _nothing worse_ -to fear’ for the South, let the results of abolition efforts be what they -may, whilst ‘there is something to hope as the other alternative;’ because -if she will receive the truth in the love of it, she may repent and be -saved. So that, after all, according to thy own reasoning, the women of -America ‘may safely follow such an example.’ - -After endeavoring to show that woman has no moral right to exercise the -right of petition for the dumb and stricken slave; no business to join, in -any way, in the excitement which anti-slavery principles are producing in -our country; no business to join abolition societies, &c. &c.; thou -professest to tell our sisters what they are to do, in order to bring the -system of slavery to an end. And now, my dear friend, what does all that -thou hast said in many pages, amount to? Why, that women are to exert -their influence in private life, to allay the excitement which exists on -this subject, and to quench the flame of sympathy in the hearts of their -fathers, husbands, brothers and sons. Fatal delusion! Will Christian women -heed such advice? - -Hast thou ever asked thyself, what the slave would think of thy book, if -he could read it? Dost thou know that, from the beginning to the end, not -a word of compassion for _him_ has fallen from thy pen? Recall, I pray, -the memory of the hours which thou spent in writing it! Was the paper once -moistened by the tear of pity? Did thy heart once swell with deep -sympathy for thy sister _in bonds_? Did it once ascend to God in broken -accents for the deliverance of the captive? Didst thou ever ask thyself, -what the free man of color would think of it? Is it such an exhibition of -slavery and prejudice, as will call down _his_ blessing upon thy head? -Hast thou thought of _these_ things? or carest thou not for the blessings -and the prayers of these our suffering brethren? Consider, I entreat, the -reception given to thy book by the apologists of slavery. What meaneth -that loud acclaim with which they hail it? Oh, listen and weep, and let -thy repentings be kindled together, and speedily bring forth, I beseech -thee, fruits meet for repentance, and henceforth show thyself faithful to -Christ and his bleeding representative the slave. - -I greatly fear that thy book might have been written just as well, hadst -thou not had the heart of a woman. It bespeaks a superior intellect, but -paralyzed and spell-bound by the sorcery of a worldly-minded expediency. -Where, oh where, in its pages, are the outpourings of a soul overwhelmed -with a sense of the heinous crimes of our nation, and the necessity of -immediate repentance? Farewell! Perhaps on a dying bed thou mayest vainly -wish that ‘_Miss Beecher on the Slave Question_’ might perish with the -mouldering hand which penned its cold and heartless pages. But I forbear, -and in deep sadness of heart, but in tender love though I thus speak, I -bid thee again, Farewell. Forgive me, if I have wronged thee, and pray for -her who still feels like - - Thy sister in the bonds of a common sisterhood, - - A. E. GRIMKÉ. - -P. S. Since preparing the foregoing letters for the press, I have been -informed by a Bookseller in Providence, that some of thy books had been -sent to him to sell last summer, and that one afternoon a number of -southerners entered his store whilst they were lying on the counter. An -elderly lady took up one of them and after turning over the pages for some -time, she threw it down and remarked, here is a book written by the -daughter of a northern dough face, to apologize for our southern -institutions--but for my part, I have a thousand times more respect for -the Abolitionists, who openly denounce the system of slavery, than for -those people, who in order to please us, cloak their real sentiments under -such a garb as this. This southern lady, I have no doubt, expressed the -sentiments of thousands of the most respectable slaveholders in our -country--and thus, they will tell the North in bitter reproach for their -sinful subserviency, after the lapse of a few brief years, when interest -no longer padlocks their lips. At present the South feels that she must at -least _appear_ to thank her northern apologists. - - A. E. G. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Letters to Catherine E. Beecher, by -Angelina E. Grimké - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LETTERS TO CATHERINE E. 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Beecher, by Angelina E. Grimké - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: Letters to Catherine E. Beecher, - in reply to an essay on slavery and abolitionism, addressed - to A. E. Grimké - -Author: Angelina E. Grimké - -Release Date: December 31, 2016 [EBook #53852] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LETTERS TO CATHERINE E. BEECHER *** - - - - -Produced by Suzanne Shell and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - - - - - -</pre> - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[1]</a></span></p> - -<h1>LETTERS<br /> -<span class="smaller">TO</span><br /> -CATHERINE E. BEECHER,</h1> - -<p class="center larger">IN REPLY TO<br /> -AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY AND ABOLITIONISM,<br /> -<br /> -ADDRESSED TO<br /> -A. E. GRIMKÉ.</p> - -<p class="titlepage">REVISED BY THE AUTHOR.</p> - -<p class="titlepage">BOSTON:<br /> -PRINTED BY ISAAC KNAPP,<br /> -25, CORNHILL.<br /> -1838.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[2]</a></span></p> - -<p class="titlepage smaller">Entered according to the Act of Congress in the year 1838,<br /> -by <span class="smcap">Isaac Knapp</span>,<br /> -in the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of Massachusetts.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[3]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="LETTER_I">LETTER I.<br /> -<span class="smaller">FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLE OF ABOLITIONISTS.</span></h2> - -<p class="date"><span class="smcap">Brookline</span>, Mass., <i>6 month, 12th, 1837</i>.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">My Dear Friend</span>: Thy book has appeared just at -a time, when, from the nature of my engagements, it -will be impossible for me to give it that attention -which so weighty a subject demands. Incessantly occupied -in prosecuting a mission, the responsibilities of -which task all my powers, I can reply to it only by -desultory letters, thrown from my pen as I travel from -place to place. I prefer this mode to that of taking -as long a time to answer it, as thou didst to determine -upon the best method by which to counteract the effect -of my testimony at the north—which, as the preface -of thy book informs me, was thy main design.</p> - -<p>Thou thinkest I have not been ‘sufficiently informed -in regard to the feelings and opinions of Christian females -at the North’ on the subject of slavery; for that -in fact they hold the same <em>principles</em> with Abolitionists, -although they condemn their measures. Wilt -thou permit me to receive their principles from thy -pen? Thus instructed, however misinformed I may<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[4]</a></span> -heretofore have been, I can hardly fail of attaining to -accurate knowledge. Let us examine them, to see -how far they correspond with the principles held by -Abolitionists.</p> - -<p>The great fundamental principle of Abolitionists is, -that man cannot rightfully hold his fellow man as property. -Therefore, we affirm, that <em>every slaveholder is -a man-stealer</em>. We do so, for the following reasons: -to steal a man is to rob him of himself. It matters not -whether this be done in Guinea, or Carolina; a man -is a <em>man</em>, and <em>as</em> a man he has <em>inalienable</em> rights, -among which is the right to personal <em>liberty</em>. Now if -every man has an <em>inalienable</em> right to personal liberty, -it follows, that he cannot rightfully be reduced to slavery. -But I find in these United States, 2,250,000 -men, women and children, robbed of that to which -they have an <em>inalienable</em> right. How comes this to -pass? Where millions are plundered, are there no -<em>plunderers</em>? If, then, the slaves have been robbed of -their liberty, <em>who</em> has robbed them? Not the man -who stole their forefathers from Africa, but he who -now holds them in bondage; no matter <em>how</em> they came -into his possession, whether he inherited them, or -bought them, or seized them at their birth on his own -plantation. The only difference I can see between -the original man-stealer, who caught the African in -his native country, and the American slaveholder, is, -that the former committed <em>one</em> act of robbery, while the -other perpetrates the same crime <em>continually</em>. Slaveholding -is the perpetrating of acts, all of the same kind, -in a <em>series</em>, the first of which is technically called man-stealing. -The <em>first</em> act robbed the man of himself;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[5]</a></span> -and the same state of mind that prompted <em>that act, -keeps up the series</em>, having <em>taken</em> his all from him: it -<em>keeps</em> his all from him, not only <em>refusing</em> to <em>restore</em>, -but still robbing him of all he gets, and as fast as he -gets it. Slaveholding, then, is <em>the constant or habitual -perpetration of the act of man-stealing. To make</em> -a slave is <em>man-stealing</em>—<em>the <span class="smcapuc">ACT</span> itself</em>—to <em>hold</em> him -such is man-stealing—the <em>habit</em>, the <em>permanent</em> state, -made up of <em>individual</em> acts. In other words—to <em>begin</em> -to hold a slave is man-stealing—to <em>keep on</em> holding -him is merely a <em>repetition</em> of the first act—a doing -the same identical thing <em>all the time</em>. A series of the -same acts continued for a length of time is a <em>habit</em>—<em>a -permanent state</em>. And the <em>first</em> of this series of the -<em>same</em> acts that make up this <em>habit</em> or state is just like -all the rest.</p> - -<p>If every slave has a right to freedom, then surely -the man who withholds that right from him to-day is -a man-stealer, though he may not be the first person -who has robbed him of it. Hence we find that Wesley -says—‘Men-<em>buyers</em> are <em>exactly on a level</em> with -men-<em>stealers</em>.’ And again—‘Much less is it possible -that any child of man should ever be <em>born a slave</em>.’ -Hear also Jonathan Edwards—‘To hold a man in a -state of slavery, is to be <em>every day guilty</em> of robbing -him of his liberty, or of <em>man-stealing</em>.’ And Grotius -says—‘Those are men-stealers who abduct, <em>keep</em>, -sell or buy <em>slaves</em> or freemen.’</p> - -<p>If thou meanest merely that <em>acts</em> of that <em>same nature</em>, -but differently located in a series, are designated by -different terms, thus pointing out their different <em>relative -positions</em>, then thy argument concedes what we<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[6]</a></span> -affirm,—the identity in the <em>nature</em> of the acts, and -thus it dwindles to a mere philological criticism, or -rather a mere play upon words.</p> - -<p>These are Abolition sentiments on the subject of -slaveholding; and although our principles are universally -held by our opposers at the North, yet I am told -on the 44th page of thy book, that ‘the word man-stealer -has one peculiar signification, and is no more -synonymous with slaveholder than it is with sheep-stealer.’ -I must acknowledge, thou hast only confirmed -my opinion of the difference which I had believed -to exist between Abolitionists and their opponents. -As well might Saul have declared, that he held similar -views with Stephen, when he stood by and kept -the raiment of those who slew him.</p> - -<p>I know that a broad line of distinction is drawn between -our principles and our measures, by those who -are anxious to ‘avoid the appearance of evil’—very -desirous of retaining the fair character of enemies to -slavery. Now, our <em>measures</em> are simply the carrying -out of our <em>principles</em>; and we find, that just in proportion -as individuals embrace our principles, in spirit -and in truth, they cease to cavil at our measures. Gerrit -Smith is a striking illustration of this. Who cavilled -more at Anti-Slavery <em>measures</em>, and who more -ready now to acknowledge his former blindness? Real -Abolitionists know full well, that the slave never -has been, and never can be, a whit the better for mere -abstractions, floating in the <em>head</em> of any man; and -they also know, that <em>principles, fixed in the heart</em>, are -things of another sort. The former have never done -any good in the world, because they possess no<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[7]</a></span> -vitality, and therefore cannot bring forth <em>the fruits</em> of -holy, untiring effort; but the latter live in the lives of -their possessors, and breathe in their words. And I -am free to express my belief, that <em>all</em> who really and -heartily approve our <em>principles</em>, will also approve our -<em>measures</em>; and that, too, just as certainly as a good -tree will bring forth good fruit.</p> - -<p>But there is another peculiarity in the views of Abolitionists. -We hold that the North is guilty of the -crime of slaveholding—we assert that it is a <em>national</em> -sin: on the contrary, in thy book, I find the following -acknowledgement:—‘<em>Most</em> persons in the non-slaveholding -States, have considered the matter of southern -slavery as one in which they were no more called -to interfere, than in the abolition of the press-gang -system in England, or the tithe-system in Ireland.’ -Now I cannot see how the same principles can produce -such entirely different opinions. ‘Can a good -tree bring forth corrupt fruit?’ This I deny, and cannot -admit what thou art anxious to prove, viz. that -‘Public opinion may have been <em>wrong</em> on this point, -and yet <em>right</em> on all those great <em>principles</em> of rectitude -and justice relating to slavery.’ If Abolition principles -are generally adopted at the North, how comes it -to pass, that there is no abolition action here, except -what is put forth by a few despised fanatics, as they -are called? Is there any living faith without works? -Can the sap circulate vigorously, and yet neither blossoms -put forth nor fruit appear?</p> - -<p>Again, I am told on the 7th page, that all Northern -Christians believe it is a sin to hold a man in slavery -for ‘<em>mere purposes of gain</em>;’ as if this was the <em>whole</em><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span> -abolition principle on this subject. I can assure thee -that Abolitionists do not stop here. Our principle is, -that <em>no circumstances can ever justify</em> a man in holding -his fellow man as <em>property</em>; it matters not what -<em>motive</em> he may give for such a monstrous violation of -the laws of God. The claim to him as <em>property</em> is an -annihilation of his right to himself, which is the foundation -upon which all his other rights are built. It is -high-handed robbery of Jehovah; for He has declared, -‘All souls are <em>mine</em>.’ For myself, I believe there -are hundreds of thousands at the South, who do <em>not</em> -hold their slaves, by any means, as much ‘for purposes -of gain,’ as they do from <em>the lust of power</em>: this is -the passion that reigns triumphant there, and those -who do not know this, have much yet to learn. Where, -then, is the similarity in our views?</p> - -<p>I forbear for the present, and subscribe myself,</p> - -<p>Thine, but not in the bonds of gospel Abolitionism,</p> - -<p class="signature">A. E. GRIMKÉ.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[9]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="LETTER_II">LETTER II.<br /> -<span class="smaller">IMMEDIATE EMANCIPATION.</span></h2> - -<p class="date"><span class="smcap">Brookline</span>, Mass., <i>6th month, 17th, 1837</i>.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Dear Friend</span>: Where didst thou get thy statement -of what Abolitionists mean by immediate emancipation? -I assure thee, it is a novelty. I never heard -any abolitionist say that slaveholders ‘were physically -unable to emancipate their slaves, and of course are -not bound to do it,’ because in some States there are -laws which forbid emancipation. This is truly what -our opponents affirm; but <em>we</em> say that all the laws -which sustain the system of slavery are unjust and -oppressive—contrary to the fundamental principles of -morality, and, therefore, null and void.</p> - -<p>We hold, that all the slaveholding laws violate the -fundamental principles of the Constitution of the -United States. In the preamble of that instrument, -the great objects for which it was framed are declared -to be ‘to establish justice, to promote the <em>general</em> -welfare, and to secure the blessings of <em>liberty</em> to us -and to our posterity.’ The slave laws are flagrant<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[10]</a></span> -violations of these fundamental principles. Slavery -subverts justice, promotes the welfare of the <em>few</em> to -the manifest injury of the many, and robs thousands -of the <em>posterity</em> of our forefathers of the blessings of -liberty. This cannot be denied, for Paxton, a Virginia -slaveholder, says, ‘the <em>best</em> blood in Virginia flows in -the veins of slaves!’ Yes, even the blood of a Jefferson. -And every southerner knows, that it is a common -thing for the <em>posterity of our forefathers</em> to be -sold on the vendue tables of the South. <em>The posterity -of our fathers</em> are advertised in American papers as -runaway slaves. Such advertisements often contain -expressions like these: ‘has sometimes passed himself -off as a <em>white</em> man,’—‘has been mistaken for a <em>white</em> -man,’—‘<em>quite white</em>, has <em>straight</em> hair, and would not -readily be taken for a slave,’ &c.</p> - -<p>Now, thou wilt perceive, that, so far from thinking -that a slaveholder is bound by the <em>immoral</em> and <em>unconstitutional</em> -laws of the Southern States, <em>we</em> hold -that he is solemnly bound as a man, as an American, -to <em>break</em> them, and that <em>immediately</em> and openly; as -much so, as Daniel was to pray, or Peter and John to -preach—or every conscientious Quaker to refuse -to pay a militia fine, or to train, or to fight. <em>We</em> -promulgate no such time-serving doctrine as that set -forth by thee. When <em>we</em> talk of immediate emancipation, -we speak that we do mean, and the slaveholders -understand us, if thou dost not.</p> - -<p>Here, then, is another point in which we are entirely -at variance, though the <em>principles</em> of abolitionism are -‘generally adopted by our opposers.’ What shall I -say to these things, but that I am glad thou hast afforded<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[11]</a></span> -me an opportunity of explaining to thee what -<em>our principles</em> really are? for I apprehend that <em>thou</em> -‘hast not been sufficiently informed in regard to the -feelings and opinions’ of abolitionists.</p> - -<p>It matters not to me what meaning ‘Dictionaries or -standard writers’ may give to immediate emancipation. -My Dictionary is the Bible; my standard authors, -prophets and apostles. When Jehovah commanded -Pharaoh to ‘let the people go,’ he meant that -they should be <em>immediately emancipated</em>. I read his -meaning in the judgments which terribly rebuked -Pharaoh’s repeated and obstinate refusal to ‘let the -people go.’ I read it in the <em>universal</em> emancipation of -near 3,000,000 of Israelites in <em>one awful night</em>. -When the prophet Isaiah commanded the Jews ‘to -loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, -and to let the oppressed go free, and that ye break -every yoke,’ he taught no gradual or partial emancipation, -but <em>immediate, universal emancipation</em>. When -Jeremiah said, ‘Execute judgment in the <span class="smcapuc">MORNING</span>, -and deliver him that is spoiled out of the hand of the -oppressor,’ he commanded <em>immediate</em> deliverance. -And so also with Paul, when he exhorted masters to -render unto their servants that which is just and equal. -Obedience to this command would <em>immediately</em> overturn -the whole system of American Slavery; for liberty -is justly <em>due</em> to every American citizen, according -to the laws of God and the Constitution of our country; -and a fair recompense for his labor is the right of -every man. Slaveholders know this is just as well as -we do. John C. Calhoun said in Congress, in 1833—‘He -who <em>earns</em> the money—who <em>digs it out of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[12]</a></span> -earth</em> with the sweat of his brow, has a <em>just title</em> to it -against the Universe. <em>No one</em> has a right to touch it -<em>without his consent</em>, except his government, and <em>it -only</em> to the extent of its <em>legitimate</em> wants: to take more -is <em>robbery</em>.’</p> - -<p>If our fundamental principle is right, that no man -can rightfully hold his fellow man as <em>property</em>, then it -follows, of course, that he is bound <em>immediately</em> to -cease holding him as such, and that, too, in <em>violation of -the immoral and unconstitutional laws</em> which have -been framed for the express purpose of ‘turning aside -the needy from judgment, and to take away the right -from the poor of the people, that widows may be their -prey, and that they may rob the fatherless.’ Every -slaveholder is bound to cease to do evil <em>now</em>, to emancipate -his slaves <em>now</em>.</p> - -<p>Dost thou ask what I mean by emancipation? I will -explain myself in a few words. 1. It is ‘to reject with -indignation, the wild and guilty phantasy, that man -can hold <em>property</em> in man.’ 2. To pay the laborer -his hire, for he is worthy of it. 3. No longer to deny -him the right of marriage, but to ‘let every man -have his own wife, and let every woman have her -own husband,’ as saith the apostle. 4. To let parents -have their own children, for they are the gift of the -Lord to <em>them</em>, and no one else has any right to them. -5. No longer to withhold the advantages of education -and the privilege of reading the Bible. 6. To put -the slave under the protection of equitable laws.</p> - -<p>Now, why should not <em>all</em> this be done immediately? -Which of these things is to be done next year, and -which the year after? and so on. <em>Our</em> immediate<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[13]</a></span> -emancipation means, doing justice and loving mercy -<em>to-day</em>—and this is what we call upon every slaveholder -to do.</p> - -<p>I have seen too much of slavery to be a gradualist. -I dare not, in view of such a system, tell the slaveholder, -that ‘he is physically unable to emancipate his -slaves.’ I say <em>he is able</em> to let the oppressed go free, -and that such heaven-daring atrocities ought to <em>cease -now</em>, henceforth and forever. Oh, my very soul is -grieved to find a northern woman thus ‘sewing pillows -under all arm-holes,’ framing and fitting soft excuses -for the slaveholder’s conscience, whilst with the -same pen she is <em>professing</em> to regard slavery as a sin. -‘An open enemy is better than such a secret friend.’</p> - -<p>Hoping that thou mayest soon be emancipated from -such inconsistency, I remain until then,</p> - -<p>Thine <em>out</em> of the bonds of Christian Abolitionism,</p> - -<p class="signature">A. E. GRIMKÉ.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[14]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="LETTER_III">LETTER III.<br /> -<span class="smaller">MAIN PRINCIPLE OF ACTION.</span></h2> - -<p class="date"><span class="smcap">Lynn</span>, <i>6th Month, 23d, 1837</i>.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Dear Friend</span>:—I now pass on to the consideration of -‘the main principle of action in the Anti-Slavery Society.’ -Thou art pleased to assert that it ‘rests wholly on -a false deduction from past experience.’ In this, also, -thou ‘hast not been sufficiently informed.’ Our main -principle of action is embodied in God’s holy command—‘Wash -you, make you clean, put away the evil of your -doings from before mine eyes, cease to do evil, learn to do -well; seek judgment, relieve the oppressed, judge the -fatherless, plead for the widow.’ Under a solemn -conviction that it is our duty as Americans to ‘cry -aloud and spare not, to lift up our voices as a trumpet, -and to show our people their transgressions, and the -house of Jacob their sins,’ we are striving to rouse a -slumbering nation to a sense of the retributions which -must soon descend upon her guilty head, unless like -Ninevah she repent, and ‘break off her sins by righteousness, -and her transgressions by showing mercy to -the poor.’ <em>This</em> is our ‘main principle of action.’<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[15]</a></span> -Does it rest ‘wholly on a false deduction from past -experience?’ or on the experience of Israel’s King, -who exclaimed, ‘In keeping of them (thy commandments,) -there is great reward.’</p> - -<p>Thou art altogether under a mistake, if thou supposest -that our ‘main principle of action’ is the successful -effort of abolitionists in England, in reference -to the abolition of the slave-trade; for I hesitate not -to pronounce the attempts of Clarkson and Wilberforce, -at that period of their history, to have been a -<em>complete failure</em>; and never have the labors of any -philanthropists so fully showed the inefficacy of halfway -principles, as have those of these men of honorable -fame. The doctrines now advocated by the -American Anti-Slavery Society, were not advanced -by the abolitionists of that day. <em>They</em> were <em>not</em> immediate -abolitionists, but just such gradualists as thou -art even now. If I supposed that our labors in the -cause of the slave would produce <em>no better</em> results -than those of these worthies, I should utterly despair. -I need not remind thee, that they bent all their energies -to the annihilation of the slave-trade, under the -impression that <em>this</em> was the mother of slavery; and -that after toiling for twenty years, and obtaining the -passage of an act to that effect, the result was a mere -<em>nominal</em> abolition; for the atrocities of the slave-trade -are, if possible, <em>greater</em> now than ever. I will explain -what I mean. A friend of mine one evening last -winter, heard a conversation between two men, one of -whom had, until recently, been a slave-trader. He -had made several voyages to the coast of Africa, and -said that once his vessel was chased by an English<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span> -man of war, and that, in order to avoid a search and -the penalty of death, he threw every slave overboard; -and when his companion expressed surprise and horror -at such a wholesale murder, ‘Why,’ said the trader, -‘it was the fault of the English; they had no business -to make a law to hang a man on the yard arm, -if they caught him with slaves in his ship.’ He -intimated that it was not an uncommon thing for the -captains of slavers thus to save their lives.<a name="FNanchor_1" id="FNanchor_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Where, -then, I ask, is this glorious success of which we <em>hear</em> -so much, but <em>see</em> so little?</p> - -<p>Let us travel onward, from the year 1806, when -England passed her abolition act. What were British -philanthropists doing for the emancipation of the -slave, for the next twenty years? Nothing at all; and -it was the voice of Elizabeth Heyrick which first<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[17]</a></span> -awakened them from their dream of <em>gradualism</em> to -an understanding of the simple doctrine of immediate -emancipation; but even though they saw the injustice -and inefficiency of <em>their own</em> views, yet several -years elapsed before they had the courage to promulgate -hers. And now I can point thee to the success -of these efforts in the emancipation bill of 1834. -But even this success was paltry, in comparison with -what it would have been, had all the conspicuous -abolitionists of England been true to these just and -holy principles. Some of them were false to those -principles, and hence the compensation and apprenticeship -system. A few months ago, it was my privilege -to converse with Joseph Sturge, on his return -from the West Indies, via New York, to Liverpool, -whither he had gone to examine the working of England’s -plan of emancipation. I heard him speak of -the bounty of £20,000,000 which she had put into the -hands of the planters, of their mean and cruel abuse -of the apprenticeship system, and of the hearty approbation -he felt in the thorough-going principles of -the Anti-Slavery Societies in this country, and his -increased conviction that <em>ours</em> were the <em>only right</em> -principles on this important subject. That even the -apprenticeship system is viewed by British philanthropists -as a complete failure, is evident from the -fact that they are now re-organizing their Anti-Slavery -Societies, and circulating petitions for the substitution -of immediate emancipation in its stead.</p> - -<p>Hence it appears, that so far from our resting -‘wholly upon <em>a false deduction from past experience</em>,’ -we are resting on <em>no</em> experience at all; for no class of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[18]</a></span> -men in the world ever have maintained the principles -which we now advocate. Our main principle of -action is ‘obedience to God’—our hope of success is -faith in Him, and that faith is as unwavering as He -is true and powerful. ‘Blessed is the man who -trusteth in the Lord, and whose hope the Lord is.’</p> - -<p>With regard to the connection between the North -and the South, I shall say but little, having already -sent thee my views on that subject in the letter to -‘Clarkson,’ originally published in the New Haven -Religious Intelligencer. I there pointed out fifteen -different ways in which the North was implicated in -the guilt of slavery; and, therefore, I deny the charge -that abolitionists are endeavoring ‘to convince their -fellow citizens of the faults of <em>another</em> community.’ -Not at all. We are spreading out the horrors of slavery -before Northerners, in order to show them <em>their own -sin</em> in sustaining such a system of complicated wrong -and suffering. It is because we are politically, commercially, -and socially connected with our southern -brethren, that we urge our doctrines upon those of the -free States. We have begun our work <em>here</em>, because -pro-slavery men of the North are to the system of -slavery just what temperate drinkers were to the vice -of intemperance. Temperance reformers did not <em>begin</em> -their labors among drunkards, but among temperate -drinkers: so Anti-Slavery reformers did not <em>begin</em> -their labors among slaveholders, but among those who -were making their fortunes out of the unrequited toil -of the slave, and receiving large mortgages on southern -plantations and slaves, and trading occasionally -in ‘slaves and the souls of men,’ and sending men to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[19]</a></span> -Congress to buy up southern land to be converted -into slave States, such as Louisiana and Florida, which -cost <em>this nation</em> $20,000,000—men who have admitted -seven slave States into the Union—men who boast -on the floor of Congress, that ‘there is no cause in -which they would sooner buckle a knapsack on their -backs and shoulder a musket, than that of putting -down a servile insurrection at the South,’ as said the -present Governor of Massachusetts, which odious sentiment -was repeated by Governor Lincoln only last -winter—men who, trained up on Freedom’s soil, yet -go down to the South and marry slaveholders, and -become slaveholders, and then return to our northern -cities with slaves in their train. This is the case -with a native of this town, who is now here with his -southern wife and southern <em>slave</em>. And as soon as -we reform the recreant sons and daughters of the -North,—as soon as we rectify public opinion at the -North,—then I, for one, will promise to go down into -the midst of slaveholders themselves, to promulgate -our doctrines in the land of the slave. But how can -we go now, when northern pulpits and meeting-houses -are closed, and northern ministers are dumb, and -northern Governors are declaring that ‘the discussion -of the subject of slavery ought to be made an offence -indictable at common law,’ and northern women are -writing books to paralyze the efforts of southern women, -who have come up from the South, to entreat -their northern sisters to exert their influence in behalf -of the slave, and in behalf of the slaveholder, who is -as deeply corrupted, though not equally degraded, with -the slave. No! No! the taunts of a New England<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[20]</a></span> -woman will induce no abolitionist to cease his rebuke -of <em>northern slaveholders</em> and apologists for slavery. -Southerners see the wisdom of <em>this</em>, if <em>thou</em> canst not; -and over against thy opinion, I will place that of a -Louisiana planter, who, whilst on a visit to his relatives -at Uxbridge, Mass. this summer, unhesitatingly admitted -that the <em>North was the right place to begin -Anti-Slavery efforts</em>. Had I not been convinced of -this before, surely thy book would have been all-sufficient -to satisfy me of it; for a more subtle defence of -the slaveholder’s right to property in his helpless victims, -I never saw. It is just such a defence as the -hidden enemies of Liberty will rejoice to see, because, -like thyself, they earnestly desire to ‘avoid the <em>appearance -of evil</em>;’ they are as much opposed to slavery as -we are, only they are as much opposed to Anti-Slavery -as the slaveholders themselves. Is there any -middle path in this reformation? Or may we not -fairly conclude, that he or <em>she</em> that is not for the slave, -in deed and in truth, is <em>against</em> him, no matter how -specious their professions of pity for his condition?</p> - -<p class="pre-signature">In haste, I remain thy friend,</p> - -<p class="signature">A. E. GRIMKÉ.</p> - -<div class="footnotes"> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_1" id="Footnote_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> And in ‘Laird’s Expedition to Africa, &c.’ a work recently -published in England, this assertion of the slave trader is fully -sustained. Laird relates that ‘there is <em>proof</em> of the horrid -fact, that several of the wretches engaged in this traffic, when -hotly pursued, consigned <em>whole cargoes</em> to the deep.’ He then -goes on to state several such instances, from which I select -the following: ‘In 1833, the Black Joke and Fair Rosamond -fell in with the Hercule and Regule, two slave vessels off the -Bonny River. On perceiving the cruisers, they attempted to -regain the port, and pitched overboard upwards of 500 human -beings, chained together, before they were captured; from the -abundance of sharks in the river, their track was literally a -blood-stained one. The slaver not only does this, but <em>glories -in it</em>: the first words uttered by the captain of the Maria Isabelle, -seized by captain Rose, were, ‘that if he had seen the -man of war in chase an hour sooner, he would have thrown -<em>every</em> slave in his vessel overboard, as <em>he was fully insured</em>.’</p> - -</div> - -</div> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="LETTER_IV">LETTER IV.<br /> -<span class="smaller">CONNECTION BETWEEN THE NORTH AND SOUTH.</span></h2> - -<p class="date"><span class="smcap">Danvers</span>, Mass., <i>7th mo., 1837</i>.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Dear Friend</span>:—I thank thee for having furnished -me with just such a simile as I needed to illustrate the -connection which exists between the North and the -South. Thou sayest, ‘Suppose two rival cities, one of -which becomes convinced that certain practices in trade -and business in the other are dishonest, and have an oppressive -bearing on certain classes in that city. Suppose, -also, that these are practices, which, by those who allow -them, are considered as honorable and right. Those -who are convinced of this immorality wish to alter -the opinions and the practices of the citizens of their -rival city, and to do this they commence the collection -of facts, that exhibit the tendencies of these practices -and the evils they have engendered. But, instead of -going among the community in which the evil exists, -and endeavoring to convince them, they proceed to -form voluntary associations among their neighbors at -home, and spend their time, money, and efforts to -convince their fellow citizens that the inhabitants of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span> -their rival city are guilty of a great sin.’ Now I will -take up the comparison here, and suppose a few other -things about these two cities. Suppose that the people -in one city were <em>known never</em> to pay the laborer -his wages, but to be in the constant habit of keeping -back the hire of those who reaped down their fields; -and that, on examination, it was found that the people -in the other city were continually going over to live -with these gentlemen oppressors, and instead of rebuking -them, were joining hands in wickedness with -them, and were actually <em>more</em> oppressive to the poor -than the native inhabitants. Suppose, too, it was -found that many of the merchants in the city of Fairdealing, -as it was called, were known to hold mortgages, -not only upon the property which ought to -belong to the unpaid laborers, but mortgages, too, on -the <em>laborers themselves</em>, ay, and <em>their wives and children -also</em>, a thing altogether contrary to the laws of -their city, and the customs of their people, and the -principles of fundamental morality. Suppose, too, it -was found that the people in the city of Oppression -were in the constant practice of sending over to the -city of Fairdealing, and bribing their citizens to seize -the poorest, most defenceless of their people for them, -because they were so lazy they would not do their -own work, and so mean they would not pay others -for doing it, and chose thus to supply themselves with -laborers, who, when they once got into the city, were -placed under such severe laws, that it was almost impossible -for them ever to return to their afflicted wives -and children. Suppose, too, that whenever any of -these oppressed, unpaid laborers happened to escape<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span> -from the city of Oppression, and after lying out in the -woods and fastnesses which lay between the two cities, -for many weeks, ‘in weariness and painfulness, in -watchings, in hunger and thirst, in cold and nakedness,’ -that, as soon as they reached the city of Fairdealing, -they were most unmercifully hunted out and -sent back to their cruel oppressors, who it was well -known generally treated such laborers with great cruelty, -‘<em>stern necessity</em>’ demanding that they should be -punished and ‘rebuked before all, that others might -fear’ the consequences of such elopement. In short, -suppose that the city of Fairdealing was so completely -connected with the city of Oppression, that the golden -strands of their interests were twisted together so as -to form a bond of Union stronger than death, and that -by the intermarriages which were constantly taking -place, there was also a silken cord of love tying up -and binding together the tender feelings of their hearts -with all the intricacies of the Gordian knot; and then, -again, that the identity of the political interests of these -cities were wound round and round them like bands -of iron and brass, altogether forming an union so -complicated and powerful, that it was impossible even -to <em>speak</em> in the most solemn manner, in the city of -Fairdealing, of the enormous crimes which were -common in the city of Oppression, without having -brickbats and rotten eggs hurled at the speaker’s -head. Suppose, too, that although it was perfectly -manifest to every reflecting mind, that a most guilty -copartnership existed between these two cities, yet -that the ‘gentlemen of property and standing’ of the -city of Fairdealing were continually taunting the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[24]</a></span> -people who were trying to represent <em>their</em> iniquitous -league with the city of Oppression in its true and -sinful bearings, with the query of ‘Why don’t you -go to the city of Oppression, and tell the people there, -not to rob the poor?’ Might not these reformers -very justly remark, we cannot go there <em>until</em> we have -persuaded <em>our own</em> citizens to cease <em>their unholy co-operation -with them</em>, for they will certainly turn upon -us in bitter irony and say—‘Physician, heal thyself;’ -go back to your own city, and tell your own citizens -‘to break off <em>their</em> sins by righteousness, and <em>their</em> -transgressions by showing mercy to the poor,’ who -fly from our city into the gates of theirs for protection, -but receive it not. Would not common sense bear -them out in refusing to go there, until they had <em>first</em> -converted <em>their own</em> people from the error of their -ways? I will leave thee and my other readers to -make the application of this comparison; and if thou -dost not acknowledge that abolitionists have been -governed by the soundest common sense in the course -they have pursued at the North with regard to slavery, -then I am very much disappointed in thy professions -of <em>candor</em>. With regard to the parallel thou -hast drawn (p. 16,) between abolitionists, and the -‘men (who) are daily going into the streets, and calling -all bystanders around them’ and pointing out certain -men, some as liars, some as dishonest, some as licentious, -and then bringing proofs of their guilt and rebuking -them before all; at the same time exhorting -all around to point at them the finger of scorn; thou -sayest, ‘they persevere in this course till the whole -community is thrown into an uproar; and assaults<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span> -and even bloodshed ensue.’ But why, I should like -to know, if these people are themselves <em>guiltless</em> of -the crimes alleged against the others? I cannot understand -why they should be so angry, unless, like -the Jews of old, they perceived that the parable had -been spoken ‘<em>against them</em>.’ To my own mind, the -exasperation of the North at the discussion of slavery -is an undeniable proof of <em>her guilt</em>, a certain evidence -of the necessity of her plucking the beam out of her -own eye, <em>before</em> she goes to the South to rebuke sin -there. To thee, and to all who are continually -crying out, ‘Why don’t you go to the South?’ I retort -the question by asking, why don’t <span class="smcapuc">YOU</span> go to the -South? <em>We</em> conscientiously believe that this work -must be commenced <em>here</em> at the North; this is an -all-sufficient answer for <span class="smcapuc">US</span>; but <span class="smcapuc">YOU</span>, who are ‘as -much anti-slavery as we are,’ and differ <em>only</em> as to -the modus operandi, believing that the South and <em>not</em> -the North ought to be the field of Anti-Slavery labors—<span class="smcapuc">YOU</span>, -I say, have no excuse to offer, and are bound -to go there now.</p> - -<p>But there is another view to be taken of this subject. -By all our printing and talking at the North, -we <em>have actually reached the very heart of the disease -at the South</em>. They acknowledge it themselves. -Read the following confession in the Southern Literary -Review. ‘There are <em>many good men even -among us, who have begun to grow timid</em>. They -think that what the virtuous and high-minded men -of the North look upon as a crime and a plague-spot, -<em>cannot</em> be perfectly innocent or quite harmless in a -slaveholding community.’ James Smylie, of Mississippi,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span> -a minister of the gospel, <em>so called</em>, tells us on -the very first page of his essay, written to uphold the -doctrines of Governor McDuffie, ‘that the abolition -maxim, viz. that slavery is <em>in itself sinful</em>, had gained -on and entwined itself among the <em>religious</em> and <em>conscientious</em> -scruples of <em>many</em> in the community, so far -as to render them <em>unhappy</em>.’ I could quote other -southern testimony to the same effect, but will pass -on to another fact just published in the New England -Spectator; a proposition from a minister in Missouri -‘to have separate organizations for slavery and anti-slavery -professors,’ and indeed ‘all over the <em>slaveholding -States</em>.’ Has our labor then been in vain -in the Lord? Have we failed to rouse the slumbering -consciences of the South?</p> - -<p>Thou inquirest—‘Have the northern States power -to rectify evils at the South, as they have to remove -their own moral deformities?’ I answer unhesitatingly, -certainly they have, for <em>moral</em> evils can be removed -only by <em>moral</em> power; and the close connection -which exists between these two portions of our -country, affords the greatest possible facilities for exerting -a <em>moral</em> influence on it. Only let the North -exert as much moral influence over the South, as the -South has exerted demoralizing influence over the -North, and slavery would die amid the flame of -Christian remonstrance, and faithful rebuke, and holy -indignation. The South has told us so. In the report -of the committee on federal relations in the Legislature -of South Carolina last winter, we find the -following acknowledgement: ‘Let it be admitted, -that by reason of an efficient police and judicious internal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span> -legislation, we may render abortive the designs -of the fanatic and incendiary within our limits, and -that the torrent of pamphlets and tracts which the -abolition presses of the North are pouring forth with -an inexhaustible copiousness, is arrested the moment -it reaches our frontier. Are we to wait until our -enemies have built up, by the grossest misrepresentations -and falsehoods, a <em>body of public opinion, which -it would be impossible to resist</em>, without separating -ourselves from the social system of the rest of the -civilized world?’ Here is the acknowledgement of a -southern legislature, that it will be <em>impossible for the -South to resist the influence</em> of that body of <em>public -opinion</em>, which abolitionists are building up against -them at the North. If further evidence is needed, -that anti-slavery societies are producing a powerful -influence at the South, look at the efforts made there -to vilify and crush them. Why all this turmoil, and -passion, and rage in the slaveholder, if we have indeed -rolled back the cause of emancipation 200 years, as -thy father has asserted? Why all this terror at the -distant roar of free discussion, if they feel not the -earth quaking beneath them? Does not the <em>South</em> -understand what really will affect her interests and -break down her domestic institution? Has <em>she</em> no -subtle politicians, no far-sighted men in her borders, -who can scan the practical bearings of these troublous -times? Believe me, she has; and did they not know -that we are springing a mine beneath the great bastile -of slavery, and laying a train which will soon whelm -it in ruin, she would not be quite so eager ‘to cut out -our tongues, and hang us as high as Haman.’</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span></p> - -<p>I will just add, that as to the committee saying -that abolitionists are building up a body of public -opinion at the North ‘by the grossest misrepresentations -and falsehoods,’ I think it was due to <em>their</em> -character for veracity, to have cited and refuted some -of these calumnies. Until they do, we must believe -them; and as a Southerner, I can bear the most decided -testimony against slavery as the mother of <em>all</em> -abominations.</p> - -<p class="pre-signature">Farewell for the present.</p> - -<p class="center">I remain thy friend,</p> - -<p class="signature">A. E. GRIMKÉ.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="LETTER_V">LETTER V.<br /> -<span class="smaller">CHRISTIAN CHARACTER OF ABOLITIONISM.</span></h2> - -<p class="date"><span class="smcap">Newburyport</span>, <i>7th mo. 8th, 1837</i>.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Dear Friend</span>: As an Abolitionist, I thank thee for -the portrait thou hast drawn of the character of those -with whom I am associated. They deserve all thou -hast said in their favor; and I will now endeavor to -vindicate those ‘men of pure morals, of great honesty -of purpose, of real benevolence and piety,’ from some -objections thou hast urged against their measures.</p> - -<p>‘Much evidence,’ thou sayest, ‘can be brought to -prove that the character and measures of the Abolition -Society are not either peaceful or christian in -tendency, but that they are in their nature calculated -to generate party spirit, denunciation, recrimination, -and angry passion.’ Now I solemnly ask thee, whether -the character and measures of our holy Redeemer -did not produce exactly the same effects? Why did -the Jews lead him to the brow of the hill, that they -might cast him down headlong; why did they go about -to kill him; why did they seek to lay hands on him, -if the tendency of <em>his</em> measures was so very <em>pacific</em>?<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span> -Listen, too, to his own declaration: ‘I came not to send -peace on earth, but a sword;’ the effects of which, he -expressly said, would be to set the mother against her -daughter, and the daughter-in-law against her mother-in-law. -The rebukes which he uttered against sin -were eminently calculated to produce ‘recriminations -and angry passions,’ in all who were determined to -<em>cleave</em> to their sins; and they did produce them even -against ‘him who did no sin, neither was guile found -in his mouth.’ He was called a wine-bibber, and a -glutton, and Beelzebub, and was accused of casting out -devils by the prince of the devils. Why, then, protest -against our measures as <em>unchristian</em>, because they -do not smooth the pillow of the poor sinner, and lull -his conscience into fatal security? The truth is, the -efforts of abolitionists have stirred up the <em>very same -spirit</em> which the efforts of <em>all thorough-going</em> reformers -have ever done; we consider it a certain proof -that the truths we utter are sharper than any two -edged sword, and that they are doing the work of conviction -in the hearts of our enemies. If it be not so, -I have greatly mistaken the character of Christianity. -I consider it pre-eminently aggressive; it waits not to -be assaulted, but moves on in all the majesty of Truth -to <em>attack</em> the strong holds of the kingdom of darkness, -carries the war into the enemy’s camp, and throws its -fiery darts into the midst of its embattled hosts. Thou -seemest to think, on the contrary, that Christianity is -just such a weak, dependent, puerile creature as thou -hast described woman to be. In my opinion, thou -hast robbed both the one and the other of all their -true dignity and glory. Thy descriptions may suit<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span> -the prevailing christianity of this age, and the general -character of woman; and if so, we have great cause -for shame and confusion of face.</p> - -<p>I feel sorry that thy unkind insinuations against the -christian character of Wm. Lloyd Garrison, have rendered -it necessary for me to speak of him individually, -because what I shall feel bound to say of him may, -to some like thyself, appear like flattery; but I must -do what justice seems so clearly to call for at my -hands. Thou sayest that ‘though he professes a belief -in the christian religion, he is an avowed opponent -of most of its institutions.’ I presume thou art -here alluding to his views of the ordinances of baptism -and the Lord’s supper, and the Sabbath. Permit -me to remind thee, that in <em>all</em> these opinions, he coincides -entirely with the Society of Friends, whose -views of the Sabbath never were so ably vindicated -as by his pen: and the insinuations of hypocrisy -which thou hast thrown out against him, may with -just as much truth be cast upon <em>them</em>. The Quakers -think that these are not <em>christian</em> institutions, but thou -hast assumed it without any proof at all. Thou sayest -farther, ‘The character and spirit of <em>this man</em> have -for years been exhibited in the Liberator.’ I have -taken that paper for two years, and therefore understand -its character, and am compelled to acknowledge, -that harsh and severe as is the language often used, I -have never seen any expressions which <em>truth</em> did not -warrant. The abominations of slavery <em>cannot</em> be -otherwise described. I think Dr. Channing exactly -portrayed the character of brother Garrison’s writings -when he said, ‘That deep feeling of evils, which is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span> -<em>necessary</em> to <em>effectual</em> conflict with them, which marks -<em>God’s most powerful messengers to mankind, cannot</em> -breathe itself in soft and tender accents. The deeply -moved soul <em>will</em> speak strongly, and <em>ought</em> to speak -strongly, so as to move and shake nations.’ It is well for -the slave, and well for this country, that such a man was -sent to sound the tocsin of alarm before slavery had completed -its work of moral death in this ‘hypocritical nation.’ -Garrison began that discussion of the subject of -slavery, which J. Q. Adams declared in his oration, delivered -in this town on the 4th inst. ‘to be the only safety-valve -by which the high pressure boiler of slavery -could be prevented from a most fatal explosion in this -country;’ and as a Southerner, I feel truly grateful for -all his efforts to redeem not the slave only, but the -<em>slaveholder</em>, from the polluting influences of such a -system of crime.</p> - -<p>In his character as a man and a Christian, I have -the highest confidence. The assertion thou makest, -‘that there is to be found in that paper, or <em>any thing -else, any</em> evidence of his possessing the peculiar traits -of Wilberforce, (benignity, gentleness and kind heartedness, -I suppose thou meanest,) not even his warmest -admirers will maintain,’ is altogether new to me; -and I for one feel ready to declare, that I have never -met in any one a more lovely exhibition of these traits -of character. I might relate several anecdotes in -proof of this assertion, but let one suffice. A friend -of mine, a member of the Society of Friends, told me -that after he became interested in the Anti-Slavery -cause through the Liberator, he still felt so much prejudice -against its editor, that, although he wished to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span> -labor in behalf of the slaves, he still felt as if he -could not identify himself with a society which recognized -such a leader as he had heard Wm. L. Garrison -was. He had never seen him, and after many -struggles of feeling, determined to go to Boston on -purpose to see ‘this man,’ and judge of his character -for himself. He did so, and when he entered the office -of the Liberator, soon fell into conversation with -a person he did not know, and became very much interested -in him. After some time, a third person -came in and called off the attention of the stranger, -whose benevolent countenance and benignant manners -he had so much admired. He soon heard him addressed -as Mr. Garrison, which astonished him very -much; for he had expected to see some coarse, uncouth -and rugged creature, instead of the perfect gentleman -he now learned was Wm. L. Garrison. He -told me that the effect upon his mind was so great, -that he sat down and wept to think he had allowed -himself to be so prejudiced against a person, who was -so entirely different from what his enemies had represented -him to be. He at once felt as if he could most -cheerfully labor, heart and hand, with such a man, -and has for the last three or four years been a faithful -co-worker with him, in the holy cause of immediate -emancipation. And his confidence in him as a man -of pure, <em>christian</em> principle, has grown stronger and -stronger, as time has advanced, and circumstances -have developed his true character. I think it is impossible -thou canst be personally acquainted with -brother Garrison, or thou wouldst not write of him in -the way thou hast. If thou really wishest to have<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span> -thy erroneous opinions removed, embrace the first opportunity -of being introduced to him; for I can assure -thee, that with the fire of a Paul, he does possess some -of the most lovely traits in the character of Wilberforce.</p> - -<p>In much haste, I remain thy friend,</p> - -<p class="signature">A. E. GRIMKÉ.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="LETTER_VI">LETTER VI.<br /> -<span class="smaller">COLONIZATION.</span></h2> - -<p class="date"><span class="smcap">Amesbury</span>, <i>7th mo. 20th, 1837</i>.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Dear Friend</span>: The <em>aggressive</em> spirit of Anti-Slavery -papers and pamphlets, of which thou dost complain, so -far from being a repulsive one to me, is very attractive. -I see in it that uncompromising integrity and -fearless rebuke of sin, which will bear the enterprize -of emancipation through to its consummation. And I -most heartily desire to see these publications scattered -over our land as abundantly as the leaves of Autumn, -believing as I do that the principles they promulgate -will be as leaves for the healing of this nation.</p> - -<p>I proceed to examine thy objections to ‘one of the -first measures of Abolitionists:’ their attack on a <em>benevolent</em> -society.</p> - -<p>That the Colonization Society is a <em>benevolent</em> institution, -we deny: therefore our attack upon it was not -a sacrilegious one; it was absolutely necessary, in order -to disabuse the public mind of the false views they -entertained of its character. And it is a perfect mystery<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span> -to me how men and women can <em>conscientiously</em> -persevere in upholding a society, which the very objects -of its professed benevolence have repeatedly, solemnly, -constantly and universally condemned. To -say the least, this is a very suspicious kind of benevolence, -and seems too nearly allied to that, which induces -some southern professors to keep their brethren -in bonds <em>for their benefit</em>. Yes, the free colored people -are to be exiled, because public opinion is crushing -them into the dust; instead of their friends protesting -against that corrupt and unreasonable prejudice, and -living it down by a practical acknowledgement of their -<em>right</em> to <em>every</em> privilege, social, civil and religious, -which is enjoyed by the white man. I have never -yet been able to learn, how our hatred to our colored -brother is to be destroyed by driving him away from -us. I am told that when a colored republic is built -up on the coast of Africa, then we shall respect that -republic, and acknowledge that the character of the -colored man can be elevated; we will become connected -with it in a commercial point of view, and welcome -it to the sympathies of our hearts. Miserable -sophistry! deceitful apology for present indulgence in -sin! What man or woman of common sense now -doubts the intellectual capacity of the colored people? -Who does not know, that with all our efforts as a nation -to crush and ‘<em>annihilate the mind</em> of this portion -of our race,’ we have never yet been able to do it? -Henry Berry of Virginia, in his speech in the Legislature -of that State, in 1832, expressly acknowledged, -that although slaveholders had ‘as far as possible closed -every avenue by which light might enter their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span> -minds,’ yet that they never had found out the process -by which they ‘could extinguish the <em>capacity</em> to see -the light.’ No! that capacity remains—it is indestructible—an -integral part of their nature, as moral -and immortal beings.</p> - -<p>If it is true that white Americans only need a demonstration -of the colored man’s capacity for elevation, -in order to make them willing to receive him on -the same platform of human rights upon which they -stand, why has not the intelligence of the Haytians -convinced them? <em>Their</em> free republic has grown up -under the very eye of the slaveholder, and as a nation -we have for many years been carrying on a lucrative -trade with her merchants; and yet we have never recognized -her independence, never sent a minister -there, though we have sent ambassadors to European -countries whose commerce is far less important to us -than that of St. Domingo.<a name="FNanchor_2" id="FNanchor_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p> - -<p>These professions of a wish to plant the tree of -Liberty on the shores of Africa, in order to convince -our Republican Despotism of the high moral and intellectual -worth of the colored man, are perfectly absurd.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span> -Hayti has done that long ago. A friend of -mine (not an Abolitionist) whose business called him -to that island for several months, told me that in the -society of its citizens, he often felt his own inferiority. -He was astonished at the elegance of their manners, -and the intelligence of their conversation. Instead of -going into an examination of Colonization principles, -I refer thee to the Appeal to the Women of the nominally -free States, issued by the Convention of American -Women, in which we set forth our reasons for -repudiating them.</p> - -<p>Thou hast given a specimen of the manner in -which Abolitionists deal with their Colonization opponents. -Thy friend remarked, after an interview with -an abolitionist, ‘I love truth and sound argument; but -when a man comes at me with a sledge hammer, I -cannot help dodging.’ I presume thy friend only felt -the truth of the prophet’s declaration, ‘Is not my word -like as a fire, saith the Lord, and like a <em>hammer</em> that -breaketh the rock in pieces?’ I wonder not that he -did <em>dodge</em>, when the sledge hammer of truth was wielded -by an abolition army. Many a Colonizationist has -been compelled to dodge, in order to escape the blows of -this hammer of the Lord’s word, for there is no other way -to get clear. We must either <em>dodge</em> the arguments of abolitionists, -or like J. G. Birney, Edward C. Delevan, -and many others, be willing to be broken to pieces by -them. I greatly like this specimen of private dealing, -and hope it is not the only instance which has come -under thy notice, of Colonizationists acknowledging -the absolute necessity of <em>dodging</em> Anti-Slavery arguments, -when they were unwilling that the <em>rock of prejudice</em> -should be broken to pieces by them.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span></p> - -<p>Thy next complaint is against the <em>manner</em> in which -this benevolent <span class="smcap">Expatriation</span> Society was attacked. -‘The style in which the thing was done was at once -offensive, inflammatory and exasperating,’—‘the feelings -of many sincere, upright, and conscientious men -were harrowed by a sense of the injustice, the indecorum -and the unchristian treatment they received.’ -But why, if <em>they</em> were entirely innocent of the charges -brought against Colonizationists? I have been in the -habit, for several years past, of watching the workings -of my own mind under true and false charges against -myself; and my experience is, that the more clear I -am of the charge, the less I care about it. If I really -feel a sweet assurance that ‘my witness is in heaven—my -record is on high,’ I then realize to its fullest -extent that ‘it is a small thing to be judged of <em>man’s</em> -judgment,’ and I can bear <em>false</em> charges unmoved; but -true ones always nettle me, if I am unwilling to confess -that ‘I have sinned;’ if I am, and yield to conviction, -O then! how sweet the reward! Now I am -very much afraid that these sincere, upright and conscientious -Colonizationists are something like the <em>pious -professors</em> of the South, who are very angry because -abolitionists say that all slaveholders are men-stealers. -Both find it ‘hard to kick against the pricks’ -of conviction, and both are unwilling to repent. A -northern man remarked to a Virginia slaveholder last -winter, ‘that as the South denied the charges brought -against her by abolitionists, he could not understand -why she was so enraged; for,’ continued he, ‘if you -were to accuse us at the North of being sheep-stealers, -we should not care about the charge—we should ridicule<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span> -it.’ ‘O!’ said the Virginian with an oath, ‘what -the abolitionists say about slaveholders is <em>too true</em>, -and <em>that’s the reason</em> we are vexed.’ Is not this the -reason why our Colonization brethren and sisters are -so angry? Is not what we say of them also <em>too true</em>? -Let them examine these things with the bible and -prayer, and settle this question between God and their -own souls.</p> - -<p>Every true friend of the oppressed American has -great cause to rejoice, that the cloak of benevolence -has been torn off from the monster Prejudice, which -could love the colored man <em>after</em> he got to Africa, but -seemed to delight to pour contumely upon him whilst -he remained in the land of his birth. I confess it -would be very hard for me to believe that any association -of men and women loved me or my family, if, because -we had become obnoxious to them, they were to -meet together, and concentrate their energies and pour -out their money for the purpose of transporting us back -to France, whence our Huguenot fathers fled to this -country to escape the storm of persecutions. Why not -let us live in America, if you really <em>love</em> us? Surely -you never want to ‘<em>get rid</em>’ of people whom you <em>love</em>. -<em>I</em> like to have such near me; and it is because I love -the colored Americans, that I want them to stay in -this country; and in order to make it a happy home -to them, I am trying to talk down, and write down, and -live down this horrible prejudice. Sending a few to -Africa cannot destroy it. No—we must dig up the -weed by the roots out of each of our hearts. <em>It is a -sin</em>, and we must repent of it and forsake it—and then<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span> -we shall no longer be so anxious to ‘<em>be clear of them</em>,’ -‘<em>to get rid of them</em>.’</p> - -<p>Hoping, though against hope, that thou mayest one -day know how precious is the reward of those who -can love our oppressed brethren and sisters in this day -of their calamity, and who, despising the shame of being -identified with these peeled and scattered ones, -rejoice to stand side by side with them, in the glorious -conflict between Slavery and Freedom, Prejudice and -Love unfeigned, I remain thine in the bonds of universal -love,</p> - -<p class="signature">A. E. GRIMKÉ.</p> - -<div class="footnotes"> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_2" id="Footnote_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Although there are some who like to discant on the -worthless character of the Haytians, and the miserable condition -of the Island, yet it is an indisputable fact, that a population -of nearly 1,000,000 are supported on its soil, and that -in 1833, the value of its exports to the United States exceeded -in value those of Prussia, Sweden, and Norway—Denmark -and the Danish West Indies—Ireland and Scotland—Holland—Belgium—Dutch -East Indies—British West Indies—Spain—Portugal—all -Italy—Turkey and the Levant, or any one -Republic in South America.</p> - -</div> - -</div> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="LETTER_VII">LETTER VII.<br /> -<span class="smaller">PREJUDICE.</span></h2> - -<p class="date"><span class="smcap">Haverhill</span>, Mass., <i>7th mo. 23, 1837</i>.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Dear Friend</span>:—Thou sayest, ‘the <em>best</em> way to -make a person like a thing which is disagreeable, is -to try in some way to make it agreeable.’ So, then, -instead of convincing a person by sound argument -and pointed rebuke that sin is <em>sin</em>, we are to <em>disguise</em> -the opposite virtue in such a way as to make him like -that, in preference to the sin he had so dearly loved. -We are to <em>cheat</em> a sinner out of his sin, rather than -to compel him, under the stings of conviction, to give -it up from deep-rooted principle.</p> - -<p>If this is the course pursued by ministers, then I -wonder not at the kind of converts which are brought -into the church at the present day. Thy remarks -on the subject of prejudice, show but too plainly how -strongly thy own mind is imbued with it, and how -little thy colonization principles have done to exterminate -this feeling from thy own bosom. Thou sayest, -‘if a certain class of persons is the subject of unreasonable -prejudice, the peaceful and christian way of -removing it would be to endeavor to render the unfortunate<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span> -persons who compose this class, so useful, -so <em>humble, so unassuming</em>, &c. that prejudice would -be supplanted by complacency in their goodness, and -<em>pity</em> and sympathy for their disabilities.’ ‘If the -friends of the blacks had quietly set themselves to -work to increase their intelligence, their usefulness, -&c. and then had appealed to the <em>pity</em> and benevolence -of their fellow citizens, a very different result -would have appeared.’ Or in other words, if one -person is guilty of a sin against another person, I am -to let the sinner go entirely unreproved, but to persuade -the injured party to bear with humility and -patience all the outrages that are inflicted upon him, -and thus try to soothe the sinner ‘into complacency -with their goodness’ in ‘bearing all things, and enduring -all things.’ Well, suppose I succeed:—is -that sinner won from the evil of his ways by <em>principle</em>? -No! Has he the principle of love implanted -in his breast? No! Instead of being in love with -the virtue exhibited by the individual, because <em>it is -virtue</em>, he is delighted with the personal convenience -he experiences from the exercise of that virtue. He -feels kindly toward the individual, <em>because</em> he is an -<em>instrument</em> of his enjoyment, a mere <em>means</em> to promote -his wishes. There is <em>no</em> reformation there at all. -And so the colored people are to be taught to be ‘very -<em>humble</em>’ and ‘<em>unassuming</em>,’ ‘<em>gentle</em>’ and ‘<em>meek</em>,’ and -then the ‘<em>pity</em> and generosity’ of their fellow citizens are -to be appealed to. Now, no one who knows anything -of the influence of Abolitionists over the colored people, -can deny that it has been <em>peaceful</em> and christian; -had it not been so, they never would have seen those<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span> -whom they had regarded as their best friends, mobbed -and persecuted, without raising an arm in their defence. -Look, too, at the rapid spread of thorough -temperance principles among them, and their moral -reform and other laudable and useful associations; -look at the rising character of this people, the new -life and energy which have been infused into them. -Who have done it? Who have exerted by far the -greatest influence on these oppressed Americans? I -leave thee to answer. I will give thee one instance -of this salutary influence. In a letter I received from -one of my colored sisters, she incidentally makes this -remark:—‘Until very lately, I have lived and acted -more for <em>myself</em> than for the good of others. I confess -that I am <em>wholly indebted to the Abolition cause</em> -for arousing me from apathy and indifference, and -shedding light into a mind which has been too long -wrapt in selfish darkness.’ The Abolition cause has -exerted a powerful and healthful influence over this -class of our population, and it has been done by -quietly going into the midst of them, and identifying -ourselves with them.</p> - -<p>But Abolitionists are complained of, because they, -at the same time, fearlessly exposed the <em>sin</em> of the -unreasonable and unholy prejudice which existed -against these injured ones. Thou sayest ‘that reproaches, -rebukes and sneers were employed to convince -the whites that their prejudices were sinful, and -<em>without</em> any just cause.’ <em>Without any just cause!</em> -Couldst thou think so, if thou really loved thy colored -sisters <em>as thyself</em>? The unmeasured abuse which, -the Colonization Society was heaping upon this despised<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span> -people, was no <em>just cause</em> for pointed rebuke, I -suppose! The manner in which they are thrust into -one corner of our meeting-houses, as if the plague-spot -was on their skins; the rudeness and cruelty -with which they are treated in our hotels, and steamboats, -rail road cars and stages, is <em>no just cause</em> of -reproach to a professed christian community, I presume. -Well, all that I can say is, that I believe if -Isaiah or James were now alive, they would pour -their reproaches and rebukes upon the heads and -<em>hearts</em> of those who are thus despising the Lord’s -poor, and saying to those whose spirits are clothed -by God in the ‘vile raiment’ of a <em>colored skin</em>, ‘Stand -thou there in yonder gallery, or sit thou here in ‘the -negro-pew.’ ‘Sneers,’ too, are complained of. Have -abolitionists ever made use of greater sarcasm and -irony than did the prophet Elijah? When things -are ridiculous as well as wicked, it is unreasonable -to expect that every cast of mind will treat them with -solemnity. And what is more ridiculous than American -prejudice; to proscribe and persecute men and -women, because their <em>complexions</em> are of a darker hue -than our own? Why, it is an outrage upon common -sense; and as my brother Thomas S. Grimké remarked -only a few weeks before his death, ‘posterity will -laugh at our prejudices.’ Where is the harm, then, -if abolitionists should laugh now at the wicked absurdity?</p> - -<p>Thou sayest, ‘this tended to irritate the whites, and -to increase their prejudices against the blacks.’ The -<em>truth always</em> irritates the proud, impenitent sinner. -To charge abolitionists with this irritation, is something<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span> -like the charge brought against the English -government by the captain of the slaver I told thee of -in my second letter, who threw all his human merchandize -overboard, in order to escape detection, and -then charged this horrible wholesale murder upon the -government; because, said he, they had no business -to make a law to hang a man if he was found engaged -in the slave trade. So <em>we</em> must bear the guilt of -man’s angry passions, because the <em>truth</em> we preach is -like a two-edged sword, cutting through the bonds of -interest on the one side, and the cords of caste on the -other.</p> - -<p>As to our increasing the prejudice against color, -this is just like the North telling us that we have increased -the miseries of the slave. Common sense -cries out against the one as well as the other. With -regard to prejudice, I believe the truth of the case to -be this: the rights of the colored man <em>never</em> were advocated -by any body of men in their length and -breadth, before the rise of the Anti-Slavery Society -in this country. The propagation of these ultra principles -has produced in the northern States exactly the -same effect, which the promulgation of the doctrine -of immediate emancipation has done in the southern -States. It has <em>developed</em> the latent principles of pride -and prejudice, not <em>produced</em> them. Hear John Green, -a Judge of the Circuit Court of Kentucky, in reference -to abolition efforts having given birth to the opposition -against emancipation now existing in the South: ‘I -would rather say, it has been the means of <em>manifesting</em> -that opposition, which <em>previously</em> existed, but <em>laid -dormant</em> for want of an exciting cause.’ And just<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span> -so has it been with regard to prejudice at the North—when -there was no effort to obtain for the colored -man his <em>rights</em> as a man, as an American citizen, there -was no opposition exhibited, because it ‘laid dormant -for want of an exciting cause.’</p> - -<p>I know it is alleged that some individuals, who -treated colored people with the greatest kindness a few -years ago, have, since abolition movements, had their -feelings so embittered towards them, that they have -withdrawn that kindness. Now I would ask, could -such people have acted from <em>principle</em>? Certainly -not; or nothing that others could do or say would -have driven them from the high ground they <em>appeared</em> -to occupy. No, my friend, they acted precisely -upon the false principle which thou hast recommended; -their <em>pity</em> was excited, their <em>sentiments of generosity</em> -were called into exercise, because they regarded -the colored man as an <em>unfortunate inferior</em>, rather -than as an <em>outraged</em> and <em>insulted equal</em>. Therefore, -as soon as abolitionists demanded for the oppressed -American the <em>very same treatment</em>, upon the high -ground of <em>human rights</em>, why, then it was instantly -withdrawn, simply because <em>it never had been conceded -on the right</em> ground; and those who had previously -granted it became afraid, lest, during the æra of abolition -excitement, persons would presume <em>they</em> were -acting on the fundamental principle of abolitionism—the -principle of <em>equal rights</em>, irrespective of color or -condition, instead of on the mere principle of ‘<em>pity</em> -and <em>generosity</em>.’</p> - -<p>It is truly surprising to find a professing christian -excusing the unprincipled opposition exhibited in New<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span> -Haven, to the erection of a College for young men of -color. Are we indeed to succumb to a corrupt public -sentiment at the North, and the abominations of slavery -at the South, by refraining from asserting the -<em>right</em> of Americans to plant a literary institution in -New Haven, or New York, or <em>any where</em> on the -American soil? Are we to select ‘some retired place,’ -where there would be the least prejudice and opposition -to meet, rather than openly and fearlessly to face -the American monster, who, like the horse-leach, is -continually crying give, give, and whose demands are -only increased by compromise and surrender? No! -there is a spirit abroad in this country, which will not -consent to barter principle for an <em>unholy</em> peace; a -spirit which seeks to be ‘pure from the blood of all -men,’ by a bold and christian avowal of truth; a spirit -which will not hide God’s eternal principles of right -and wrong, but will stand erect in the storm of human -passion, prejudice and interest, ‘holding forth the light -of truth in the midst of a crooked and perverse generation;’ -a spirit which will never slumber nor sleep, -till man ceases to hold dominion over his fellow creatures, -and the trump of universal liberty rings in every -forest, and is re-echoed by every mountain and rock.</p> - -<p>Art thou not aware, my friend, that this College -was projected in the year 1831, previous to the formation -of the first Anti-Slavery Society, which was organized -in 1832? How, then, canst thou say that the -circumstances relative to it occurred ‘at a time when -the public mind was excited on the subject?’ I feel -quite amused at the <em>presumption</em> which thou appearest -to think was exhibited by the projectors of this institution,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span> -in wishing it to be located in New Haven, -where was another College ‘embracing a large proportion -of southern students,’ &c. It was a great offence, -to be sure, for colored men to build a College -by the walls of the white man’s ‘College, where half -the shoe-blacks and waiters were <em>colored men</em>.’ But -why so? The other half of the shoe-blacks and waiters -were <em>white</em>, I presume; and if these <em>white</em> servants -could be satisfied with <em>their</em> humble occupation <em>under -the roof</em> of Yale College, why might not the colored -waiters be contented also, though an institution for the -education of colored Americans might <em>presume</em> to lift -its head ‘beside the very walls of this College?’ Is -it possible that any professing christian can calmly -look back at these disgraceful transactions, and tell -me that such opposition was manifested ‘<em>for the best -reasons</em>?’ And what is still worse, censure the projectors -of a literary institution, in free, republican, enlightened -America, because they did not meekly yield -to ‘<em>such reasonable objections</em>,’ and refused ‘to soothe -the feelings and apprehensions of those who had been -excited’ to opposition and clamor by the simple fact -that some American born citizens wished to give their -children a liberal education in a separate College, only -because the white Americans despised their brethren -of a darker complexion, and scorned to share with -them the privileges of Yale College? It was very -wrong, to be sure, for the friends of the oppressed -American to consider such outrageous conduct ‘as a -mark of the force of sinful prejudice!’ Vastly uncharitable! -Great complaints are made that ‘the -worst motives were ascribed to some of the most respectable,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span> -and venerated, and <em>pious</em> men who opposed -the measure.’ Wonderful indeed, that men should -be found so true to their principles, as to dare in this -age of sycophancy to declare the truth to those who -stand in high places, wearing the badges of office or -honor, and fearlessly to rebuke the puerile and unchristian -prejudice which existed against their colored -brethren! ‘Pious men!’ Why, I would ask, how -are we to judge of men’s piety—by professions or -products? Do men gather thorns of grapes, or thistles -of figs? Certainly not. If, then, in the lives of men -we do not find the fruits of christian principle, we -have no right, according to our Saviour’s criterion, -‘by their fruits ye shall know them,’ to suppose that -men are really pious who can be perseveringly guilty -of despising others, and denying them equal rights, -because they have colored skins. ‘A great deal -was said and done that was calculated to throw -the community into an angry ferment.’ Yes, and I -suppose the friends of the colored man were just as -guilty as was the great Apostle, who, by the angry, -and excited, and <em>prejudiced</em> Jews, was accused of -being ‘a pestilent fellow and a mover of sedition,’ because -he declared himself called to preach the everlasting -gospel to the Gentiles, whom they considered -as ‘dogs,’ and utterly unworthy of being placed on the -same platform of human rights and a glorious immortality.</p> - -<p class="pre-signature">Thy friend,</p> - -<p class="signature">A. E. GRIMKÉ.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="LETTER_VIII">LETTER VIII.<br /> -<span class="smaller">VINDICATION OF ABOLITIONISTS.</span></h2> - -<p class="date"><span class="smcap">Groton</span>, Mass., <i>6th month, 1837</i>.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Dear Friend</span>:—In my last, I commented upon the -opposition to the establishment of a College in New -Haven, Conn., for the education of colored young -men. The same remarks are applicable to the persecutions -of the Canterbury School. I leave thee and -our readers to apply them. I cannot help thinking -how strange and unaccountable thy soft excuses for -the <em>sins of prejudice</em> will appear to the next generation, -if thy book ever reach their eye.</p> - -<p>As to Cincinnati having been chosen as the city in -which the Philanthropist should be published after the -retreat of its editor from Kentucky, thou hast not been -‘sufficiently informed,’ for James G. Birney pursued -exactly the course which <em>thou</em> hast marked out as the -most prudent and least offensive. He edited his paper -at New Richmond, in Ohio, for nearly three months -before he went to Cincinnati, and did not go there -until the excitement appeared to have subsided.</p> - -<p>And so, thou thinkest that abolitionists are accountable -for the outrages which have been committed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span> -against them; they are the tempters, and are held responsible -by God, as well as the tempted. Wilt thou -tell me, who was responsible for the mob which went -with swords and staves to take an innocent man before -the tribunals of Annas and Pilate, some 1800 -years ago? And who was responsible for the uproar -at Ephesus, the insurrection at Athens, and the tumults -at Lystra and Iconium? Were I a mobocrat, I -should want no better excuse than thou hast furnished -for such outrages. Wonderful indeed, if, in free -America, her citizens cannot <em>choose</em> where they will -erect their literary institutions and presses, to advocate -the self-evident truths of our Declaration of Independence! -And still more wonderful, that a New England -woman should, <em>after years of reflection</em>, deliberately -write a book to condemn the advocates of liberty, -and plead excuses for a relentless prejudice against -her colored brethren and sisters, and for the persecutors -of those, who, according to the opinion of a -<em>Southern</em> member of Congress, are prosecuting ‘the -<em>only plan</em> that can ever overthrow slavery at the -South.’ I am glad, <em>for thy own sake</em>, that thou hast -exculpated abolitionists from the charge of the ‘deliberate -intention of fomenting illegal acts of violence.’ -Would it not have been still better, if thou hadst spared -the remarks which rendered such an explanation necessary?</p> - -<p>I find that thou wilt not allow of the comparison -often drawn between the effects of christianity on the -hearts of those who obstinately rejected it, and those -of abolitionism on the hearts of people of the present -day. Thou sayest, ‘Christianity is a system of <em>persuasion</em>,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span> -tending by kind and gentle influences to -make men <em>willing</em> to leave their sins.’ Dost thou -suppose the Pharisees and Sadducees deemed it was -very <em>kind</em> and <em>gentle</em> in its influences, when our holy -Redeemer called them ‘a generation of vipers,’ or -when he preached that sermon ‘full of harshness, uncharitableness, -rebuke and denunciation,’ recorded in -the xxiii. chapter of Matthew? But I shall be told -that Christ knew the hearts of all men, and therefore -it was right for him to use terms which mere human -beings never ought to employ. Read, then, the prophecies -of Isaiah, Ezekiel, and others, and also the -Epistles of the New Testament. They employed the -most offensive terms on many occasions, and the -sharpest rebukes, knowing full well that there are -some sinners who can be reached by nothing but -death-thrusts at their consciences. An anecdote of -<span class="smcap">John Richardson</span>, who was remarkable for his urbanity -of manners, occurs to me. He one day preached -a sermon in a country town, in which he made use of -some <em>hard</em> language; a friend reproved him after -meeting, and inquired whether he did not know that -hard wood was split by soft knocks. Yes, said Richardson, -but I also know that there is some wood so -rotten at the heart, that nothing but tremendously hard -blows will ever split it open. Ah! John, replied the -elder, I see thou understandest <em>how</em> to do thy master’s -work. Now, I believe this nation is <em>rotten at the -heart</em>, and that nothing but the most tremendous blows -with the sledge-hammer of abolition truth, could ever -have broken the false rest which we had taken up for -ourselves on the very brink of ruin.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span></p> - -<p>‘Abolitionism, on the contrary, is a system of <em>coercion</em> -by public opinion.’ By this assertion, I presume -thou ‘hast not been correctly informed’ as to -the reasons which have induced abolitionists to put -forth all their energies to rectify public opinion. It -is <em>not</em> because we wish to wield this public opinion -like a rod of iron over the heads of slaveholders, to -<em>coerce</em> them into an abandonment of the system of -slavery; not at all. We are striving to purify public -opinion, first, because as long as the North is so much -involved in the guilt of slavery, by its political, commercial, -religious, and social connexion with the -South, <em>her own citizens</em> need to be converted. Second, -because we know that when public opinion is rectified -at the North, it will throw a flood of light from its -million of reflecting surfaces upon the heart and soul -of the South. The South sees full well at what we -are aiming, and she is so unguarded as to acknowledge -that ‘if she does not resist the danger in its -inception, it will <em>soon</em> become <em>irresistible</em>.’ She exclaims -in terror, ‘the truth is, the <em>moral</em> power of the -world is against us; it is idle to disguise it.’ The -fact is, that the slaveholders of the South, and their -northern apologists, have been overtaken by the storm -of free discussion, and are something like those who -go down to the sea and do business in the great -waters: ‘they reel to and fro, and stagger like a -drunken man, and are at their wit’s end.’</p> - -<p>Our view of the doctrine of expediency, thou art -pleased to pronounce ‘wrong and very pernicious in -its tendency.’ Expediency is emphatically the doctrine -by which the children of this world are wont to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span> -guide their steps, whilst the rejection of it as a rule -of action exactly accords with the divine injunction, -to ‘walk by faith, <em>not</em> by sight.’ Thy doctrine that -‘the wisdom and rectitude of a given course depend -entirely on the <em>probabilities of success</em>,’ is not the doctrine -of the Bible. According to this principle, how -absurd was the conduct of Moses! What probability -of success was there that he could move the heart of -Pharaoh? None at all; and thus did <em>he</em> reason -when he said, ‘Who am <em>I</em>, that I should go unto -Pharaoh?’ And again, ‘Behold, they will not believe -<em>me</em>, nor hearken unto my voice.’ The <em>success</em> of -Moses’s mission in persuading the king of Egypt to -‘let the people go,’ was not involved in the duty of -obedience to the divine command. Neither was the -success of Isaiah, Jeremiah, and others of the prophets -who were singularly <em>unsuccessful</em> in their mission -to the Jews. All who see the path of duty plain -before them, are bound to walk in that path, end -where it may. They then can realize the meaning -of the Apostle, when he exhorts Christians to cast -all their burden on the Lord, with the promise that -He would sustain them. This is walking by <em>faith</em>, -not by sight. In the work in which abolitionists are -engaged, they are compelled to ‘walk by faith;’ they -feel called upon to preach the truth in season and -out of season, to lift up their voices like a trumpet, -to show the people their transgressions and the house -of Jacob their sins. The <em>success</em> of this mission, <em>they</em> -have no more to do with, than had Moses and Aaron, -Jeremiah or Isaiah, with that of theirs. Whether -the South will be saved by Anti-Slavery efforts, is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span> -not a question for us to settle—and in some of our -hearts, the <em>hope of its salvation has utterly gone out</em>. -All nations have been punished for oppression, and -why should ours escape? Our light, and high professions, -and the age in which we live, convict us -not only of enormous oppression, but of the vilest -hypocrisy. It may be that the rejection of the truth -which we are now pouring in upon the South, may -be the final filling up of their iniquities, just previous -to the bursting of God’s exterminating thunders over -the Sodoms and Gomorrahs, the Admahs and Zeboims -of America. The <em>result</em> of our labors is hidden -from our eyes; whether the preaching of Anti-Slavery -truth is to be a savor of life unto life, or of -death unto death to this nation, we know not; and -we have no more to do with it, than had the Apostle -Paul, when he preached Christ to the people of his -day.</p> - -<p>If American Slavery goes down in blood, it will -but verify the declarations of those who uphold it. A -committee of the North Carolina Legislature acknowledged -this to an English Friend ten years ago. -Jefferson more than once uttered his gloomy forebodings; -and the Legislators of Virginia, in 1832, -declared that if the opportunity of escape, through -the means of emancipation, were rejected, ‘though -they might <em>save themselves</em>, they would rear their posterity -to the business of the dagger and the torch.’ I -have myself known several families to leave the -South, solely from a fear of insurrection; and this -twelve and fourteen years ago, long before any Anti-Slavery -efforts were made in this country. And<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span> -yet, I presume, <em>if</em> through the cold-hearted apathy and -obstinate opposition of the North, the South should -become strengthened in her desperate determination -to hold on to her outraged victims, until they are -goaded to despair, and if the Lord in his wrath pours -out the vials of his vengeance upon the slave States, -why then, Abolitionists will have to bear all the -blame. Thou hast drawn a frightful picture of the -final issue of Anti-Slavery efforts, as thou art pleased -to call it; but none of these things move me, for -with just as much truth mayest thou point to the land -of Egypt, blackened by God’s avenging fires, and exclaim, -‘Behold the issue of Moses’s mission.’ Nay, -verily! See in that smoking, and blood-drenched -house of bondage, the consequences of oppression, -disobedience, and an obstinate rejection of truth, and -light, and love. What had Moses to do with those -judgment plagues, except to lift his rod? And if -the South soon finds her winding sheet in garments -rolled in blood, it will <em>not</em> be because of what the -North has told her, but because, like impenitent Egypt, -she hardened her heart against it, whilst the voices -of some of her own children were crying in agony, -‘O! that thou hadst known, even thou, in this thy -day, the things which belong to thy peace; but now -they are hid from thine eyes.’</p> - -<p class="pre-signature">Thy friend,</p> - -<p class="signature">A. E. GRIMKÉ.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="LETTER_IX">LETTER IX.<br /> -<span class="smaller">EFFECT ON THE SOUTH.</span></h2> - -<p class="date"><span class="smcap">Brookline</span>, Mass., <i>8th month, 17th, 1837</i>.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Dear Friend</span>:—Thou sayest ‘There are cases also, -where differences in age, and station, and character, -forbid all interference to modify the conduct and character -of others.’ Let us bring this to the only touchstone -by which Christians should try their principles -of action.</p> - -<p>How was it when God designed to rid his people -out of the hands of the Egyptian monarch? Was <em>his</em> -station so exalted ‘as to forbid all interference to modify -his character and conduct?’ And <em>who</em> was sent to -interfere with his conduct towards a stricken people? -Was it some brother monarch of exalted station, -whose elevated rank might serve to excuse such interference -‘to modify his conduct and character?’ -No. It was an obscure shepherd of Midian’s desert; -for let us remember, that Moses, in pleading the cause -of the Israelites, identified himself with the <em>lowest</em> and -<em>meanest</em> of the King’s subjects. Ah! he was <em>one of -that despised caste</em>; for, although brought up as the -son of the princess, yet he had left Egypt as an outlaw.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span> -He had committed the crime of murder, and -fled because the monarch ‘sought to slay him.’ This -exiled outlaw is the instrument chosen by God to vindicate -the cause of his oppressed people. Moses was -in the sight of Pharaoh as much an object of scorn, -as Garrison now is to the tyrants of America. Some -seem to think, that great moral enterprises can be -made honorable only by Doctors of Divinity, and -Presidents of Colleges, engaging in them: when all -powerful Truth cannot be dignified by <em>any</em> man, but -<em>it</em> dignifies and ennobles all who embrace it. <em>It</em> lifts -the beggar from the dunghill, and sets him among -princes. Whilst it needs no great names to bear it -onward to its glorious consummation, it is continually -making great characters out of apparently mean and -unpromising materials; and in the intensity of its -piercing rays, revealing to the amazement of many, -the insignificance and <em>moral</em> littleness of those who -fill the highest stations in Church and State.</p> - -<p>But take a few more examples from the bible, of -those in high stations being reproved by men of inferior -rank. Look at David rebuked by Nathan, -Ahab and Jezebel by Elijah and Micaiah. What, -too, was the conduct of Daniel and Shadrach, Meshack -and Abednego, but a <em>practical</em> rebuke of Darius -and Nebuchadnezzar? And <em>who</em> were these men, -apart from these acts of daring interference? They -were the Lord’s prophets, I shall be told; but what -cared those monarchs for <em>this fact</em>? How much credit -did they give them for holding this holy office? None. -And why? Because all but David were impenitent -sinners, and rejected with scorn all ‘interference to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span> -modify their conduct or characters.’ Reformers are -rarely estimated in the age in which they live, -whether they be called prophets or apostles, or abolitionists, -or what not. They stand on the rock of -Truth, and calmly look down upon the careering -thunder-clouds, the tempest, and the roaring waves, -because they well know that where the atmosphere -is surcharged with pestilential vapors, a conflict of -the elements <em>must</em> take place, before it can be purified -by that moral electricity, beautifully typified by the -cloven tongues that sat upon <em>each</em> of the heads of the -120 disciples who were convened on the day of Pentecost. -Such men and women expect to be ‘blamed -and opposed, because their measures are deemed inexpedient, -and calculated to increase rather than diminish -the evil to be cured.’ They know full well, -that <em>intellectual</em> greatness cannot give <em>moral</em> perception—therefore, -<em>those who have no clear views of the -irresistibleness of moral power, cannot see the efficacy -of moral means</em>. They say with the apostle, ‘The -natural man receiveth not the things of the Spirit of -God; for they are foolishness unto him: neither can -he know them, because they are spiritually discerned.’ -We know full well, that northern men and women -laugh at the inefficacy of Anti-Slavery measures; -<em>but slaveholders never have ridiculed them</em>: not that -their moral perceptions are any clearer than those of -our northern opponents, but where men’s <em>interests</em> -and <em>lust of power</em> are immediately affected by moral -effort, they instinctively feel that it is so, and tremble -for the result.</p> - -<p>But suppose even that our measures were calculated<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span> -to <em>increase</em> the evils of slavery. <em>The measures -adopted by Moses, and sanctioned by God, increased -the burdens of the Israelites.</em> Were they, therefore, -<em>inexpedient</em>? And yet, if <em>our</em> measures produce a -similar effect, O then! they are very inexpedient indeed. -The truth is, when we look at Moses and his -measures, we look at them in connection with the -emancipation of the Israelites. The <em>ultimate</em> and -glorious success of the measures proves their wisdom -and expediency. But when Anti-Slavery measures -are looked at <em>now</em>, we see them long <em>before the end -is accomplished</em>. We see, according to thy account, -the burdens increased; but we do not yet see the -triumphant march through the Red Sea, nor do we -hear the song of joy and thanksgiving which ascended -from Israel’s redeemed host. But canst thou not -give us twenty years to complete our work? Clarkson, -thy much admired model, worked twenty years; -and the benevolent Colonization Society has been in -operation twenty years. Just give us as long a time, -or half that time, and then thou wilt be a far better -judge of the expediency or inexpediency of our measures. -Then thou wilt be able to look at them in -connection with their success or their failure, and -instead of writing a book on thy opinions and my -opinions, thou canst write a <em>history</em>.</p> - -<p>I cannot agree with thee in the sentiment, that the -station of a nursery maid makes it inexpedient for her -to turn reprover of the master who employs her. -This is the doctrine of <em>modern aristocracy</em>, not of -primitive christianity; for ecclesiastical history informs -us that, in the first ages of christianity, kings<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span> -were converted through the faithful and solemn rebukes -of their slaves and captives. I have myself -been reproved by a <em>slave</em>, and I thanked her, and still -thank her for it. Think how this doctrine robs the -nursery maid of her responsibility, and shields the -master from reproof; for it may be that she alone -has seen him ill-treat his wife. Now it appears to -me, so far from her station forbidding all interference -to modify the character and conduct of her employer, -that that station peculiarly qualifies her for the difficult -and delicate task, because nursery maids often know -secrets of oppression, which no other persons are fully -acquainted with. For my part, I believe it is <em>now -the duty of the slaves of the South to rebuke their -masters</em> for their robbery, oppression and crime; and -so far from believing that such ‘reproof would do no -good, but only evil,’ I think it would be attended by -the happiest results in the main, though I doubt not -it would occasion some instances of severe personal -suffering. No station or character can destroy individual -responsibility, in the matter of reproving sin. -I feel that a slave has a right to rebuke me, and so -has the vilest sinner; and the sincere, humble christian -will be thankful for rebuke, let it come from -whom it may. Such, I am confident, never would -think it inexpedient for their chamber maids to administer -it, but would endeavor to profit by it.</p> - -<p>Thou askest very gravely, why James G. Birney -did not go quietly into the southern States, and collect -facts? Indeed! Why should he go to the -South to collect facts, when he had lived there forty -years? Thou mayest with just as much propriety<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span> -ask me, why I do not go to the South to collect facts. -The answer to both questions is obvious:—We have -lived at the South, as <em>integral</em> parts of the system of -slavery, and therefore we know from practical observation -and sad experience, quite enough about it already. -I think it would be absurd for either of us to -spend our time in such a way. And even if J. G. -Birney had not lived at the South, why should he -go there to collect facts, when the Anti-Slavery presses -are continually throwing them out before the public? -Look, too, at the Slave Laws! What more do we -need to show us the bloody hands and iron heart of -Slavery?</p> - -<p>Thou sayest on the 89th page of thy book, ‘Every -avenue of approach to the South is shut. No paper, -pamphlet, or preacher, that touches on that topic, is -admitted in their bounds.’ Thou art greatly mistaken; -every avenue of approach to the South is <em>not</em> -shut. The American Anti-Slavery Society sends -between four and five hundred of its publications to -the South by mail, <em>to subscribers</em>, or as exchange -papers. One slaveholder in North Carolina, not -long since, bought $60 worth of our pamphlets, &c. -which he distributed in the slave States. Another -slaveholder from Louisiana, made a large purchase -of our publications last fall, which he designed to -distribute among professors of religion who held -slaves. To these I may add another from South -Carolina, another from Richmond, Virginia, numbers -from Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri, and others -from New Orleans, besides persons connected with -at least three Colleges and Theological Seminaries<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span> -in slave States, have applied for our publications for -their own use, and for distribution. Within a few -weeks, the South Carolina Delegation in Congress -have sent on an order to the publishing Agent of the -American Anti-Slavery Society, for all the principal -bound volumes, pamphlets, and periodicals of the -Society. At the same time, they addressed a very -courteous letter to J. G. Birney, the Corresponding -Secretary, propounding nearly a score of queries, -embracing the principles, designs, plans of operation, -progress and results of the Society. I know in the -large cities, such as Charleston and Richmond, that -Anti-Slavery papers are not suffered to reach their -destination through the mail; but <em>it is not so</em> in the -smaller towns. But even in the cities, I doubt not -they are read by the postmasters and others. The -South may pretend that she will not read our papers, -but it is all pretence; the fact is, she is very anxious -to see what we are doing, so that when the mail-bags -were robbed in Charleston in 1835, <em>I know</em> that the -robbers were very careful to select a few copies of -each of the publications <em>before</em> they made the bonfire, -and that these were handed round in a private way -through the city, so that they were <em>extensively read</em>. -This fact I had from a friend of mine who was in -Charleston at the time, and <em>read</em> the publications -himself. My relations also wrote me word, that they -had seen and read them.</p> - -<p>In order to show that our discussions and publications -have already produced a great effect upon many -individuals in the slave States, I subjoin the following -detail of facts and testimony now in my possession.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[65]</a></span></p> - -<p>My sister, S. M. Grimké, has just received a letter -from a Southerner residing in the far South, in which -he says, ‘On the 4th of July, the friends of the oppressed -met and contributed six or eight dollars, to -obtain some copies of Gerrit Smith’s letter, and some -other pamphlets for our own benefit and that of the -vicinity. The leaven, we think, is beginning to -work, and we hope that it will ere long purify the -whole mass of corruption.’</p> - -<p>An intelligent member of the Methodist Church, -who resides in North Carolina, was recently in the -city of New York, and told the editor of Zion’s -Watchman, that ‘our publications were read with -great interest at the South—that there was great -curiosity there to see them.’ A bookseller also in -one of the most southern States, only a few months -ago, ordered a package of our publications. And -within a very short time, an influential slaveholder -from the far South, who called at the Anti-Slavery -Office in New York, said he had had misgivings on -the subject ever since the formation of the American -Society—that he saw some of our publications <em>at the -South</em> three years ago, and is now convinced and has -emancipated his slaves.</p> - -<p>A correspondent of the Union Herald, a clergyman, -and a graduate of one of the colleges of Kentucky, -says, ‘I find in this State <em>many</em> who are decidedly -opposed to slavery—but few indeed take the ground -that it is right. I trust the cause of human rights is -onward—<em>weekly, I receive two copies of the Emancipator</em>, -which I send out as battering rams, to beat -down the citadel of oppression.’ In a letter to James<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[66]</a></span> -G. Birney, from a gentleman in a slave State, we -find this declaration: ‘Your paper, the Philanthropist, -is regularly distributed here, and as yet works -no incendiary results; and indeed, so far as I can -learn, general satisfaction is here expressed, both as -to the temper and spirit of the paper, and no disapprobation -as to the results.’ At an Anti-Slavery -meeting last fall in Philadelphia, a gentleman from -Delaware was present, who rose and encouraged -Abolitionists to go on, and said that he could assure -them the influence of their measures was felt there, -and their principles were gaining ground secretly and -silently. The subject, he informed them, was discussed -there, and he believed Anti-Slavery lectures could -be delivered there with safety, and would produce -important results. Since that time, a lecturer has -been into that State, and a State Society has been -formed, the secretary of which was the first editor of -the Emancipator, and is now pastor of the Baptist -church in the capital of the State. The North Carolina -Watchman, published at Salisbury, in an article -on the subject of Abolition, has the following remarks -of the editor: ‘It [the abolition party] is the growing -party at the North: we are inclined to believe, that -there is even <em>more of it at the South</em>, than prudence -will permit to be openly avowed.’ It rejoices our -hearts to find that there are some southerners who -feel and acknowledge the infatuation of the politicians -of the South, and the philanthropy of abolitionists. -The Maryville Intelligencer of 1836, exclaims, -‘What sort of madness, produced by a jaundiced and -distorted conception of the feelings and motives by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[67]</a></span> -which northern abolitionists are actuated, can induce -the southern political press to urge a severance of the -tie that binds our Union together? To offer rewards -for those very individuals who stand as <em>mediators</em> between -masters and slaves, urging the one to be obedient, -and the other to do justice?’</p> - -<p>A southern Minister of the Methodist Episcopal -Church, at the session of the New York Annual Conference, -in June of 1836, said: ‘Don’t give up Abolitionism—don’t -bow down to slavery. You have -thousands at the South who are secretly praying for -you.’ In a subsequent conversation with the same -individual, he stated, that the South is not that unit -of which the pro-slavery party boast—there is a diversity -of opinion among them in reference to slavery, -and the <span class="smcapuc">REIGN OF TERROR</span> alone suppresses the free -expression of sentiment. That there are thousands -who believe slaveholding to be sinful, who secretly -wish the abolitionists success, and believe God will -bless their efforts. That the ministers of the gospel -and ecclesiastical bodies who indiscriminately denounce -the abolitionists, without doing any thing -themselves to remove slavery, have <em>not</em> the thanks of -thousands at the South, but on the contrary are viewed -as <em>taking sides with slaveholders</em>, and <em>recreant to the -principles of their own profession</em>.—<cite>Zion’s Watchman, -November, 1836.</cite></p> - -<p>The Christian Mirror, published in Portland, Maine, -has the following letter from a minister who has lately -taken up his abode in Kentucky, to a friend in Maine:—‘Several -ministers have recently left the State, I -believe, on account of slavery; and many of the members<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[68]</a></span> -of churches, as I have understood, have sold their -property, and removed to the free States. Many are -becoming more and more convinced of the evil and <em>sin</em> -of slavery, and would gladly rid themselves and the -community of this scourge; and I feel confident that -influences are already in operation, which, if properly -directed and regulated by the principles of the gospel, -may ‘break every yoke and let the oppressed go free’ -in Kentucky.</p> - -<p>In 1st month, 1835, when Theodore D. Weld was -lecturing in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, at the close of -one of his evening lectures, a man sought him through -the crowd, and extending his hand to him through his -friends, by whom he was surrounded, solicited him to -step aside with him for a moment. After they had -retired by themselves, the gentleman said to him with -great earnestness, ‘I am a slaveholder from Maryland—<em>you -are right—the doctrine you advocate is truth</em>.’ -Why, then, said the lecturer, do you not emancipate -your slaves? ‘Because,’ said the Marylander, ‘I -have not religion enough’—He was a professing -christian—‘I dare not subject myself to the torrent of -opposition which, from the present state of public sentiment, -would be poured upon me; but do you abolitionists -go on, and you will effect a change in public -sentiment, which will render it possible and easy for -us to emancipate our slaves. I know,’ continued he, -‘a great many slaveholders in my State, who stand -on precisely the same ground that I do in relation to -this matter. <em>Only produce a correct public sentiment -at the North and the work is done; for all that keeps -the South in countenance while continuing this system,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[69]</a></span> -is the apology and argument afforded so generally -by the North; only produce a right feeling in -the North generally, and the South cannot stand before -it; let the North be thoroughly converted, and -the work is at once accomplished at the South.</em>’ -Another fact which may be adduced to prove that the -South is looking to the North for help, is the following: -At an Anti-Slavery concert of prayer for the oppressed, -held in New York city, in 1836, a gentleman -arose in the course of the meeting, declaring himself -a Virginian and a slaveholder. He said he came to -that city filled with the deepest prejudice against the -abolitionists, by the reports given of their character in -papers published at the North. But he determined -to investigate their character and designs for himself. -He even boarded in the family of an abolitionist, and -attended the monthly concert of prayer for the slaves -and the slaveholders. And now, as the result of his -investigations and observations, he was convinced that -<em>not only the spirit but the principles and measures of -the abolitionists</em> ARE RIGHTEOUS. He was now -ready to emancipate his own slaves, and had commenced -advocating the doctrine of immediate emancipation—‘and -here,’ said he, pointing to two men sitting -near him, ‘are the first fruits of my labors—these two -fellow Virginians and slaveholders, are converts with -myself to abolitionism. And I know a thousand Virginians, -who need only to be made acquainted with -the true spirit and principles of abolitionists, in order -to their becoming converts as we are. <em>Let the abolitionists -go on in the dissemination of their doctrines, -and let the Northern papers cease to misrepresent<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[70]</a></span> -them at the South—let the true light of abolitionism -be fully shed upon the Southern mind, and the work -of immediate and general emancipation will be speedily -accomplished.</em>‘—<cite>Morning Star, N. Y.</cite></p> - -<p>A letter from a gentleman in Kentucky to Gerrit -Smith, dated August, 1836, contains the following expressions:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>‘I am fully persuaded, that the voice of the free -States, lifted up in a proper manner against the evil, -[Slavery] will awaken them [slaveholders] from their -midnight slumbers, and produce a happy change. I -rejoice, dear brother in Christ, to hear that you are -with us, and feel deeply to plead the cause of the oppressed, -and undo the heavy burdens. May God bless -you, and the cause which you pursue.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>In the summer of 1835, William R. Buford, of Virginia, -who had then recently emancipated his slaves, -wrote a letter which was published in the Hampshire -Gazette, North Hampton, Mass. from which I give -thee some extracts.</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p><span class="smcap">Dear Sir</span>:—As you are ardently engaged in the -discussion of Slavery, I think it likely I may be of -service to you, and through you to the cause which -you are advocating. … I was born and brought -up at the South in the midst of slavery, as you know. -My father inherited slaves from his father, and I from -him. So far from thinking slavery a sin, or that I -had no right to own the slaves inherited from my -father, I thought no one could venture to dispute that -right, any more than he could my right to his land or -his stock. I advocated Colonization, as I thought it -on many accounts a good plan to get rid of such colored -persons as wished to go to Africa; but my conscience -as a slaveholder was not much troubled by it. -Of course, I had no tendency to make me disclaim my<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[71]</a></span> -right to my slaves. Abolition—immediate abolition, -began afterwards to be discussed in various parts of -the country. My right to the slaves I owned began -to be disputed. I had to defend myself. In vain did -I say I inherited my slaves from a pious father, who -seemed to be governed in his dealings by a sense of -duty to his slaves. In vain did I say that nearly all -my property consisted in slaves, and to free them -would make me a poor man. My duty to emancipate -was still urged. At length my eyes were opened—partly -by the arguments used by the abolitionists: but -mainly, by long being compelled <em>by them</em> to examine -the subject for myself. No longer could I close my -eyes to the evils of slavery, nor could I any longer -despise the abolitionists, ‘the only true friends of their -country and kind.’ I now think, I know, I have no -more right to own slaves, whether I inherited them or -not, than I have to encourage the African slave trade. -By declaring this sentiment, I expect and design to -abet the cause of Abolition at the North, and through -the North the emancipation of the slaves at the South. -I know that in doing this, I condemn the South. No -one can suppose, however, that I have any unkind -feelings towards the South. All my relatives live -in the slaveholding States, and are almost all slaveholders.</p> - -<p>I think the abolitionists have done, and are doing a -great deal of good, by holding slavery up to the public -gaze. Sentiment at the North on the subject of -slavery must have the same effect on the South, that -their opinions have on any other matter.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>The writer of the foregoing is, as I am told, still a -resident of Virginia, where he has long been known, -and is highly respected.</p> - -<p>In the 11th month, 1835, the United States Telegraph, -published at Washington city, contains the following -remarks by the Editor, Duff Green.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[72]</a></span></p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>‘We are of those who believe the South has nothing -to fear from a servile war. We do not believe that -the abolitionists intend, nor could they if they would, -excite the slaves to insurrection. The danger of this -is remote. We believe that we have most to fear -from the <em>organised action upon the consciences</em> and -fears of the slaveholders themselves; <em>from the insinuations -of their dangerous heresies into our schools, -our pulpits, and our domestic circles. It is only by -alarming the consciences of the weak and feeble, and -diffusing among our own people a morbid sensibility -on the question of slavery, that the abolitionists can -accomplish their object.</em> <span class="smcap">Preparatory to this</span>, they -are now laboring to saturate the non-slaveholding -States with the belief that slavery is a ‘sin against -God.’ We must meet the question in all its bearings. -We must <span class="smcapuc">SATISFY THE CONSCIENCES</span>, we must allay the -fears of our own people. We must satisfy them that -slavery is of itself right—that it is not a sin against -God—that it is not an evil, moral or political. To -do this, we must discuss the subject of slavery itself. -We must examine its bearing upon the moral, political, -and religious institutions of the country. In this -way, and this way only, can we prepare our own people -to <em>defend their own institutions</em>.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>In another number of the same paper, the Editor -says,</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>‘We hold that our sole reliance is on ourselves; -that we have <em>most to fear from the gradual operation -on public opinion among ourselves</em>; and that those are -the most insidious and dangerous invaders of our -rights and interests, who, coming to us in the guise of -friendship, endeavor to <em>persuade</em> us that slavery is a -sin, a curse, an evil. It is not true that the South -sleeps on a volcano—that we are afraid to go to bed -at night—that we are fearful of murder and pillage. -<em>Our greatest cause of apprehension is from the operation -of the morbid sensibility which appeals to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[73]</a></span> -consciences of our own people</em>, and would make them -the voluntary instruments of their own ruin.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>In 1835, I think about the close of the year, a series -of articles on Slavery appeared in the Lexington (Kentucky) -Intelligencer. In one of the numbers, the writer -says:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>‘Much of the preceding matter was inserted (May, -1833) in the Louisville Herald. A <em>great change</em> has -since taken place in public sentiment. Colonization, -then a favorite measure, is now rejected for instant -emancipation. Were this last feasible, I would gladly -join its advocates,’ &c.</p> - -</div> - -<p>In a letter to the publisher of the Emancipator, -dated ‘April 1, 1837,’ from a Southerner, I find the -following language:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>‘Though a —— born and bred, I now consider the -Anti-Slavery cause as a just and holy one. Deep reflection, -the reading of your excellent publications, and—years -of travel in Europe, have made me, what I -am now proud to call myself, an abolitionist.</p> - -<p>‘For the present, accept the assurances of my unswerving -devotion to the cause of liberty and justice. -Any letter from yourself will always give me sincere -pleasure, and whenever I go to New York, I shall call -upon you, <em>sans ceremonie</em>, as I would upon an old -friend.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>A short time since, J. G. Birney received a donation -of $20 for the Anti-Slavery Society, from an individual -residing in a slave State, accompanied with -a request that his name might not be mentioned.</p> - -<p>About the time of the robbery of the U. S. Mail, -and the burning of Abolition papers by the infatuated -citizens of my own city, the Editor of the Charleston -Courier made the following remarks in his paper,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[74]</a></span> -which plainly reveal the cowering of the spirit of slavery, -under the searching scrutiny occasioned by the -Anti-Slavery discussions in the free States.</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>‘<em>Mart for Negroes.</em>—We understand that a proposition -is before the city council, relative to the establishment -of a mart for the sale of negroes in this city, -in a place <em>more remote from observation</em>, and less offensive -to the public eye, than the one now used for -that purpose. We doubt not that the proposition before -the council will be acceptable to the community, -and that it may be so matured as to promote public -decency, without prejudice to the interest of individuals.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>Hear, too, the acknowledgement of the Southern -Literary Review, published at Charleston, South Carolina, -which was got up in 1837, to sustain the system -of Slavery.</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>‘There are <em>many</em> good men even among us, who -have begun to grow <em>timid</em>. They think that what -the virtuous and high-minded men of the North look -upon as a crime and a plague-spot, cannot be perfectly -innocent or quite harmless in a slaveholding community. -… Some timid men among us, whose ears -have been long assailed with outcries of tyranny and -oppression, wafted over the ocean and land from North -to South, begin to look <em>fearfully</em> around them.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>A correspondent of the Pittsburgh Witness, detailing -the particulars of an Anti-Slavery meeting in Washington -co. Pennsylvania, says:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>‘After Dr. Lemoyne, -the President of the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society, -had finished his address, in which the principles -and measures of the Anti-Slavery Society were fully -exhibited, the Rev. Charles Stewart, of Kentucky, a -slaveholding clergyman of the Presbyterian church, -who was casually present, rose and addressed the audience, -and instead of opposing our principles as might<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[75]</a></span> -have been expected, fully endorsed every thing that -had been said, declaring his conviction that such a -speech would have been well received by the truly religious -part of the community in which he resided, -and would have been opposed only by those who were -actuated by party politics alone, or those who ‘neither -feared God nor regarded man.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>I give thee now a letter from a gentleman in a -South Western slaveholding State, to <span class="smcap">J. G. Birney</span>.</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>‘<em>Very Dear Sir</em>:—I knew you in the days of your -prosperity at the South, though you will not recognize -me. Ever since you first took your stand in defence -of <em>natural rights</em>, I have been looking upon you with -intense interest. I <em>was</em> violently opposed to Abolitionists, -and verily thought I was doing service to -both church and State, in decrying them as <em>incendiaries</em> -and <em>fanatics</em>. What blindness and infatuation! -Yet I was <em>sincere</em>. Ah! my dear sir, God in mercy -has taught me that something more than <em>sincerity</em>, in -the common acceptation of the term, is necessary to -preserve our understandings from idiocy, and our -hearts from utter ruin. How could I have been such -a <em>madman</em>, as coolly and composedly to place my foot -upon the necks of immortal beings, and from that -horrid point of elevation, hurl the deep curses of -church and State at the heads of——whom? Fanatics? -No, sir!—<em>but of the only persons on the -face of the earth, who had <span class="smcapuc">HEART</span> enough to <span class="smcapuc">FEEL</span>, and -<span class="smcapuc">SOUL</span> enough to <span class="smcapuc">ACT</span>, in behalf of the RIGHTS OF -MAN</em>! Yet I was just such a madman! Yes, sir, -I was a <em>fanatic</em>, and an <em>incendiary</em> too—setting on -fire the worst passions of our fallen nature. But I -have repented. I have become a convert to political, -and I trust, also, to <em>Christian Freedom</em>. The spectacle -exhibited by yourself, and your compatriots and -fellow-christians, has completely overcome me. Your -reasonings convince my judgment, and your <span class="smcapuc">ACTIONS</span> -win my heart. God speed you in your work of love!<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[76]</a></span> -The hopes of the world depend, under God, upon the -success of your cause.</p> - -<p>Very respectfully and with undying affection,</p> - -<p class="pre-signature">Your friend and brother,</p> - -<p class="signature"><span class="smcap">A Southerner</span>.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>Another of J. G. Birney’s southern correspondents -says, in 1836,</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>‘That portion of the Church with which I am connected, -seem to have no sympathy with the indignation -against the abolitionists, which prevails so extensively -North and South; but, on the other hand, consider -the <em>South</em> as <em>infatuated</em> to the highest degree.</p> - -<p>There is more credit for philanthropy given those -who manumit their slaves, without <em>expatriation</em>, than -formerly.</p> - -<p>The thirst for information is increasing, while the -‘<em>non liquetism</em>’ [voting on neither side] of brethren in -church courts is becoming less and less satisfactory; -and such of them as advocate the perpetuity of the -system, are looked upon with surprise and regret.</p> - -<p>Those who view with horror the traffic in slaves -by ministers of the gospel, express more freely their -pain at its indulgence, <em>than I have ever known</em>. I -am acquainted with several such cases. In no instances -have they left the brother’s standing where it -was, before it took place. Of such cases—even those, -too, where the usual allowances might be called for—I -have heard professors of religion remark, ‘Mr. A. -could not get an audience to hear him preach’—‘Mr. -B. has more assurance than I could have, to preach, -after selling my slaves as he has done’—‘He can -never make me believe he has any religion’—‘This -is the first time you have done so, but repeat it, and I -think I shall never hear you preach again.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>These remarks were made by slaveholding professors -of religion themselves, and under circumstances -neither calculated nor intended to deceive.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[77]</a></span></p> - -<p>The following letter was written by an intelligent -gentleman in the interior of Alabama, to Arthur Tappan, -of New York, who had sent him some Anti-Slavery -publications. The date is March 21, 1834.</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>‘Dear Sir—Your letter of Dec. last, I read with -much interest. The numbers of the Anti-Slavery -Reporter, also, which you were so kind as to send -me, I carefully examined, and put them in circulation.</p> - -<p>Your operations have produced considerable excitement -in some sections of this country, but humanity -has lost nothing. The more the subject of slavery is -agitated, the better. A distinguished gentleman remarked -to me a day or two since, that ‘there was a -great change going on in public sentiment.’ Few -would acknowledge that it was to be ascribed to the -influence of your Society. There can be no doubt, -however, that this is directly and indirectly the principal -cause.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>During the same year, the Editor of the New York -Evangelist received a letter from a christian friend in -North Carolina, from which I give thee an extract.</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p><i>To the Editor of the Evangelist</i>—</p> - -<p>‘The subject of slavery, recently brought up and -discussed in your paper, is the one which elicits the -following remarks.</p> - -<p>In the first place I will state, that I entertain very -different views <em>now</em>, to what I did six months ago. I -was among those who thought (and honestly too) that -there was no more moral guilt attached to the holding -our fellow beings in bondage, regarding them as property, -than to the holding of a mule or an ox. It was -natural enough for me to think so, for I had been -trained from my very infancy to view the subject in -no other light. I shall never forget my feelings when -the subject was first hit upon in the Evangelist. I -became angry, and was disposed to attribute sinister<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[78]</a></span> -motives to all who were concerned in the matter. -With some others, I determined to stop the paper -forthwith.</p> - -<p>Though I made every effort to turn my mind away -from the subject, my conscience in spite of me began -to awake, and to be troubled. The word of God was -resorted to, with the hope of finding something to -bring peace and quietude, but all in vain. It was but -adding fuel to the flame. I determined, let others do -as they would, to meet the subject, to examine it in all -its bearings, and to abide the result; and if it should -be found that God regards slavery as an evil, and incompatible -with the gospel, I would give it up. If -not, I should be made wiser without incurring any -harm by the investigation.</p> - -<p>In the very nature of God’s dealings with men, this -subject must and will be agitated, until conviction -shall be brought home to the heart and conscience of -every man, and <em>slavery shall be banished from our -land</em>. And woe be to him who wilfully closes his -eyes, and stops his ears against the light of God’s -truth.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>In 8th month of the same year, the same paper -contained the following extract from another correspondent -in North Carolina.</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="date"><span class="smcap">—— N. C. July 9, 1834.</span></p> - -<p>‘Rev. and dear Sir—If I owe an apology for intruding -on you, and introducing myself, I must find it -in the fact, that I wish to bid you God speed in the -good cause in which you are so heartily engaged. -While so many at the North are opposing, I wish to -cheer you by one voice from the South. If it is unpopular -to plead the cause of the oppressed negro in -New York, how dangerous to be known as his friend -in the far South, where, as a correspondent in the -Evangelist justly observes, a minister cannot enforce -the law of love, without being suspected of favoring<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[79]</a></span> -emancipation. I am glad the people with you are -beginning to feel and to act. I pray God that you -may go on with all the light and love of the gospel, -and that the cry of ‘Let us alone,’ will not frighten -you from your labor of love.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>James A. Thome, a Presbyterian clergyman, a native, -and still a resident of Kentucky, said in a speech -at New York, at the Anniversary of the American -Anti-Slavery Society in 1834:</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>‘Under all these disadvantages, you are doing -much. The very little leaven which you have been -enabled to introduce, is now working with tremendous -power. One instance has lately occurred within -my acquaintance, of an heir to slave property—a -young man of growing influence, who was first -awakened by reading a single number of the Anti-Slavery -Reporter, sent to him by some unknown -hand. He is now a whole-hearted abolitionist. I -have facts to show that cases of this kind are by no -means rare. A family of slaves in Arkansas Territory, -another in Tennessee, and a third, consisting of -88, in Virginia, were successively emancipated through -the influence of one abolition periodical. Then do -not hesitate as to duty. Do not pause to consider -the propriety of interference. It is as unquestionably -the province of the North to labor in this cause, as it -is the duty of the church to convert the world. The -call is urgent—it is imperative. We want light. -The ungodly are saying, ‘the church will not enlighten -us.’ The church is saying, ‘the ministry will -not enlighten us.’ The ministry is crying, ‘Peace—take -care.’ We are altogether covered in gross -darkness. We appeal to you for light. Send us -facts—send us kind remonstrance and manly reasoning. -We are perishing for lack of truth. We -have been lulled to sleep by the guilty apologist.’</p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[80]</a></span></p> - -<p>A letter from a Post Master in Virginia, to the -editor of ‘Human Rights,’ dated August 15, 1835, -contains the following:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>‘I have received two numbers of Human Rights, -and one of The Emancipator. I have read and loaned -them, had them returned, and loaned again. I -can see no unsoundness in the arguments there advanced—and -until I can see some evil in your publications, -I shall distribute all you send to this office. -It is certainly high time this subject was examined, -and viewed in its proper light. I know these publications -will displease those who hold their fellow men -in bondage: but reason, truth and justice are on -your side—and why should you seek the good will -of any who do evil?</p> - -<p>I would be pleased to have a copy of the last Report -of the Am. Anti-Slavery Society, if convenient, and -some of your other pamphlets, which you have to distribute -gratis. I will read and use them to the best -advantage.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>A gentleman of Middlesex County, Mass. whose -house is one of my New England homes, told me that -he had very recently met with a slaveholder from the -South, who, during a warm discussion on the subject -of slavery, made the following acknowledgment: ‘The -worst of it is, <em>we have fanatics among ourselves</em>, and -we don’t know what to do with them, for they are <em>increasing -fast</em>, and are sustained in their opposition to -slavery by the Abolitionists of the North.’</p> - -<p>A Baptist clergyman whom I met in Worcester -County, Mass., a few months since, told me that his -brother-in-law, a lawyer of New Orleans, who had -recently paid him a visit, took up the Report of the -Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, and read it with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[81]</a></span> -great interest. He then inquired, whether the principles -set forth in that document were Anti-Slavery -principles. Upon being informed that they were, he -expressed his entire approbation of them, and full -conviction that they would prevail as soon as the -South understood them; for, said he, they are the principles -of truth and justice, and must finally triumph. -This gentleman requested to be furnished with some -of our publications, and carried them to the South -with him.</p> - -<p>There certainly can be no doubt to a reflecting and -candid mind, as to what will and <em>must</em> be the result -of Anti-Slavery operations. Hear now the opinion -of one of the leading political papers in Charleston, -South Carolina, the Southern Patriot.</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>‘While agitation is <em>permitted</em> in Congress, there is -<em>no security for the South</em>. While discussion is <em>allowed</em> -in that body, year after year, in relation to slavery -and its incidents, the rights of property at the -South <em>must, in the lapse of a short period, be undermined</em>. -It is the weapon of all who expect to work -out <em>great changes in public opinion</em>. It was the instrument -by which <span class="smcap">O’Connell</span> gradually shook the -fabric of popular prejudice in England on the Catholic -question. His sole instrument was agitation, both -in Parliament and out of it. His constant counsel to -his followers was, agitate! agitate! They did agitate. -They happily carried the question of Catholic -rights.</p> - -<p>Agitation may be successfully employed for a bad -as well as good cause. What was the weapon of the -English abolitionists?—Agitation. Regard the question -of the abolition of the slave trade when first -brought into Parliament—behold the influence of -PITT and the tory party beating down its advocates<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[82]</a></span> -by an overwhelming majority! Look at the question -of abolition itself, twenty years after, and you see -<span class="smcap">Wilberforce</span> and his adherents carrying the question -itself of <em>abolition of slavery</em>, by a majority as triumphant! -How was all this accomplished?—By agitation -in Parliament! It was on this ample theatre -that the abolitionists worked their fatal spells. It -was on this wide stage of discussion that they spoke -to the people of England in that voice of fanaticism, -which, at length, found an echo that suited their purposes. -It was through the debates, which circulated -by means of the press throughout every corner of the -realm, that they carried that question to its extremest -borders, to the hamlet of every peasant in the empire. -Can it then be expected, if we give the American -abolitionists the same advantage of that wide field of -debate which Congress affords, that the <em>same results</em> -will not follow? The local legislatures are limited -theatres of action. Their debates are comparatively -obscure. These are not read by the people at large. -Allow the agitators a great political centre, like that -of Washington—<em>permit</em> them to address their voice -of fanatical violence to the whole American people, -through their diffusive press, and they want no greater -advantage. They have a <span class="smcapuc">MORAL LEVER BY WHICH -THEY CAN MOVE A WORLD OF OPINION</span>.</p> - -<p>The course of the southern States is therefore -marked out by a pencil of light. They should obtain -additional guarantees against <em>the discussion of slavery -in Congress, in any manner, or in any of its forms, -as it exists in the United States</em>. This is the only -means that promises success in removing agitation. -We have said that this is the accepted time. When -we look at the spread of opinion on this subject in -some of the eastern States—in Vermont, Massachusetts -and Connecticut—what are we to expect in a -few years, in the middle States, should discussion -proceed in Congress? These States are yet uninfected, -in any considerable degree, by the fanatical<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[83]</a></span> -spirit. <em>They may not remain so after a lapse of five -years.</em> If they are animated by a true spirit of patriotism—by -a genuine love for the Union, they should, -and could with effect, interpose to stay this <em>moral</em> -pestilence. Their voice in this matter would be influential. -New York and Pennsylvania are intermediate -between the South and East in position and -in physical strength.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>Samuel L. Gould, a minister of the Baptist denomination, -writing to the Secretary of the American -Anti-Slavery Society, from Fayette County, Pennsylvania, -in 4th month, 1836, says:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>‘The Smithfield Anti-Slavery Society, [on the -border of Virginia] has among its members, several -residents of Virginia. Its President has been a slaveholder, -and until recently, was a distinguished citizen -of Virginia, the High Sheriff of Rockingham County. -Having become convinced of the wickedness of slaveholding, -a little more than a year ago he purchased -an estate in Pennsylvania, and removed to it, his -colored men accompanying him. He now employs -them as hired laborers.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>I may mention, in this connection, an Alabama -slaveholder, a lawyer named Smith, who emancipated -his slaves, I think about twenty in number, a few -months since. He was the brother-in-law of William -Allan of Huntsville, who was in 1834, president of -the Lane Seminary Anti-Slavery Society, and subsequently -an agent of the American Anti-Slavery Society, -and who had for years previous been in kind -and faithful correspondence with him on the subject -of slavery.</p> - -<p>Henry P. Thompson, a student of Lane Seminary, -and a slaveholder at the time of the Anti-Slavery<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[84]</a></span> -discussion in that Institution, was convinced by it, -went to Kentucky, and emancipated his slaves.</p> - -<p>Arthur Thome, an elder in the Presbyterian -Church, Augusta, Kentucky, emancipated his slaves, -fourteen in number, about two years since. J. G. -Birney, speaking of him in the Philanthropist, says:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>‘For a long time he had been a professor of religion, -but had not, till the doctrines of abolition were -embraced by his son on the discussion of the subject -at Lane Seminary, given to the subject more attention -than was usual among slaveholding professors at the -time. At first he thought his son was deranged—and -that his intended trip to New York, to speak at -the anniversary of the American Anti-Slavery Society, -was evidence of it. He sought him (as we have -heard,) on the steamboat, which was to convey him -up the Ohio river, that he might stop him from going. -Something, however, prevented his seeing his son -before his departure, and there was no detention.</p> - -<p>The truth bore on the mind of Mr. T. till it produced -its proper fruit—and he now says, that he is -confident no other doctrine but that of the <span class="smcapuc">SIN</span> of slaveholding, -connected with an <em>immediate</em> breaking off -from it, will influence the slaveholder to do justice.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>I see by the late Washington papers, that one of -my South Carolina cousins, Robert Barnwell Rhett, -the late Attorney General of the State, has come up -to my help on this point, with his characteristic chivalry; -[howbeit ‘he meaneth not so, neither doth his -heart think so.’] In his late address to his Congressional -Constituents, he says:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>‘Who that knows anything of human affairs, but -must be sensible that the subject of abolition may be -approached in a thousand ways, without direct legislation? -By perpetual discussion, agitation and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[85]</a></span> -threats, accompanied with the real or imaginary -power to perform, <em>there will be need of no other action -than words to shake the confidence of men in the safety -and continuance of the institution of slavery, and its -value and existence will be destroyed</em>. These are all -the weapons the abolitionist desires to be allowed to -use to accomplish his purpose. When Congress -moves, it will be the last act in the drama; and it will -be prepared to enforce its legislation. To acknowledge -the right, or to tolerate the act of interference at -all with this institution, is to give it up—to abandon -it entirely; and, as this must be the consummation -of any interference, the sooner it is reached the better. -The South must hold this institution, not amidst -alarm and molestation, but in peace—perfect peace, -from the interference or agitation of others; or, I repeat -it, she <em>will</em>—she <em>can</em>—hold it not at all. … -There is no one so weak, but he must perceive that, -whilst the spirit of abolition in the North is increasing, -slavery in the South, in all the frontier States, is decreasing.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>Farther, I may add the names of J. G. Birney of -Alabama, John Thompson and a person named Meux, -Jassamine County, Kentucky, J. M. Buchanan, Professor -in Center College, Kentucky, Andrew Shannon, -a Presbyterian minister in Shelbyville, Kentucky, -Samuel Taylor, a Presbyterian minister of Nicholasville, -Kentucky, Peter Dunn of Mercer County, Kentucky, -a person named Doake in Tennessee, another -named Carr in North Carolina, another named Harndon -in Virginia—with a number of others, the particulars -of whose cases I have not now by me, all of -whom were slaveholders four years since, and were -induced to emancipate their slaves through the influence -of Anti-Slavery discussions and periodicals.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[86]</a></span></p> - -<p>The Democrat, a political paper published at -Rochester, New York, contained the following in the -summer of 1835.</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>‘On Saturday last, many of our citizens had an -opportunity of witnessing a noble scene. On board -the boat William Henry, then lying at the Exchange -street wharf, were <span class="smcapuc">TEN SLAVES</span>, or those who had recently -been such, and several free persons of color. -The master, a gentleman of more than seventy years -of age, accompanied them. His residence was in -Powhattan County, seventy miles below Richmond, -Virginia. He was on his way to Buffalo, near which -place he intends purchasing a large farm, where his -‘people,’ as he calls them, are to be settled. The -above named gentleman was led to sacrifice much of -this world’s lucre, besides some $5000 of <em>human -‘property,’</em> by becoming convinced of the sinfulness -of his practice while reading <em>Anti-Slavery publications</em>.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>A letter now lies before me from an elder of a religious -denomination in the far South-West, who -was converted to Abolition sentiments by Anti-Slavery -publications sent to him from the city of New York, -and who has already emancipated his slaves, ten in -number. The writer says, ‘my hopes are revived -when I read of the progress of the cause in the Eastern -States, and of the increase of Anti-Slavery Societies. -My soul glows with gratitude to God for his -mercy to the down-trodden slaves, in raising up for -them in these days of savage cruelty, hundreds who, -fearless of consequences, are standing up for the entire -abolition of slavery, whom, though unseen, I dearly -love. O! how it would delight me to listen to the -public addresses of some of these dear friends.’</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[87]</a></span></p> - -<p>Hear, too, the reason assigned by James Smylie, a -Presbyterian minister of the Amite Presbytery, Mississippi, -for writing a book in 1836, to prove that slavery -is a divine institution.</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>‘From his intercourse with religious societies of -<em>all</em> denominations in Mississippi and Louisiana, he -was aware that the Abolition maxim, viz: that <em>Slavery -is in itself sinful, had gained on and entwined -itself among the religious and conscientious scruples -of many</em> in the community, so far as to render them -<em>unhappy</em>. The eye of the mind, resting on Slavery -itself as a <em>corrupt fountain</em>, from which, of necessity, -<em>nothing but corrupt</em> streams could flow, was <em>incessantly</em> -employed in search of some plan by which, -with safety, the fountain could, in some future time, -be <em>entirely</em> dried up.’ An illustration of this important -acknowledgement, will be found in the following -fact, extracted from the Herald of Freedom: ‘A -young gentleman who has been residing in South -Carolina, says our movements (Abolitionists) are producing -the best effects upon the South, <em>rousing the -consciences of Slaveholders</em>, while the slaves seem to -be impressed as a body with the idea, that help is -coming—that an interest is felt for them, and plans -devising for their relief somewhere—which keeps -them quiet. He says it is not uncommon for ministers -and good people to make confession like this. -One, riding with him, broke forth, ‘O, I fear that the -groans and wails from our slaves enter into the ear -of the Lord of Sabaoth. I am distressed on this subject: -my <em>conscience</em> will let me have no peace. I go -to bed, but not to sleep. I walk my room in agony, -and resolve that I will never hold slaves another day; -but in the morning, my heart, like Pharaoh’s, is -hardened.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>In the autumn of 1835, an influential minister in -one of the most southern States, (who only one year<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[88]</a></span> -before had stoutly defended slavery, and vehemently -insisted that northern abolitionists were producing -unmixed and irremediable evil at the South,) wrote to -the Corresponding Secretary of one of our State Anti-Slavery -Societies who had furnished him with Anti-Slavery -publications, avowing his conversion to Abolition -sentiments, and praying that Anti-Slavery Societies -might persevere in their efforts, and increase -them. Among other expressions of strong feeling -the letter contained the following:</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>‘I am greatly surprised that I should in any form -have been the apologist of a system so full of deadly -poison to all holiness and benevolence as slavery, the -concocted essence of fraud, selfishness, and cold-hearted -tyranny, and the fruitful parent of unnumbered evils, -both to the oppressor and the oppressed, -<span class="smcapuc">THE ONE THOUSANDTH PART OF WHICH HAS NEVER BEEN -BROUGHT TO LIGHT</span>.</p> - -<p>‘Do you ask why this change, after residing in a -slave country for twenty years? You remember the -lines of Pope, beginning:</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="verse">‘Vice is a monster, of so frightful mien</div> -<div class="verse">As to be hated, needs but to be seen,</div> -<div class="verse">But seen too oft, <em>familiar</em> with her face;</div> -<div class="verse">We first endure, then pity, then <em>embrace</em>.’</div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>‘I had become so familiar with the loathsome features -of slavery, that they <em>ceased to offend</em>—besides, -I had become a <em>southern man</em> in all my feelings, and -it is a part of our <em>creed</em> to defend slavery.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>About two years since, Arthur and Lewis Tappan -received a letter from a Virginian slaveholder, who -held nearly one hundred slaves, and whose conscience -had been greatly roused to the sin of slavery. In the -letter, he avowed his determination to absolve himself<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[89]</a></span> -from the guilt of slaveholding, declaring that he ‘had -rather be a wood cutter or a coal heaver, than to <em>remain -in the midst of slavery</em>.’</p> - -<p>An intelligent gentleman, a lawyer and a citizen -of the District of Columbia, has just written a letter -to a gentleman of New York city, from which I give -thee the following extract:</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>‘The proceedings in Congress at this session have -had the effect, I think, to rouse the attention of the -public in all quarters, to the subject of slavery; and -that, of itself, I think is a good: and it is in my -opinion the chief present good that is to grow out of -it. Discussion of some sort takes place, and the real -foundation on which the system rests, cannot but be -brought more or less into view. My hope is, that -men who <em>denounce</em> now, will at length <em>reason</em>. That -is what is wanted—reasoning, reflection, and a true -perception of the basis on which slavery is founded.’</p> - -</div> - -<p>The foregoing are but a few of the facts and testimonies -in the possession of Abolitionists, showing -that their discussions, periodicals, petitions, arguments, -appeals and societies, have extensively moved, and -are still mightily moving the slaveholding States—<em>for -good</em>. Did time and space permit, I might, by a little -painstaking, procure many more. Before passing -from this part of the subject, I must record my -amazement at the clamors of many of the opponents -of Abolitionists, from whom better things might indeed -be hoped. What slaveholders have you convinced? -they demand. Whom have you made Abolitionists? -Give us their names and places of abode. Now, those -who incessantly stun us with such unreasonable -clamor, know full well, that to give the public the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[90]</a></span> -names and residences of such persons, would be in -most instances to surrender them to butchery. But -be it known to the North and to the South, we have -names of scores of citizens of the slaveholding states, -many of them slaveholders, who are in constant correspondence -with us, persons who feel so deeply on -the subject as to implore us to persevere in our efforts, -and not to be dismayed by Southern threats nor -disheartened by Northern cavils and heartlessness. Yea -more, these persons have committed to us the custody -even of their lives, thus encountering imminent peril -that they might cheer us onward in our work. -Shall we betray their trust, or put them in jeopardy? -Judge thou.</p> - -<p>Now let me ask, when in former years Anti-Slavery -tracts, with our doctrines, could be circulated at -the South? The fact is, there were <em>none</em> to be circulated -there; our principle of repentance is quite -new. But I can tell thee of two facts, which it is -probable thou ‘hast not been informed of.’ In the -year 1809, the steward of a vessel, a colored man, -carried some Abolition pamphlets to Charleston. -Immediately on his arrival, he was informed against, -and would have been tried for his life, had he not -promised to leave the State, never to return. Was -South Carolina willing to receive abolition pamphlets -<em>then</em>? Again, in 1820, my sister carried some pamphlets -there—‘Thoughts on Slavery,’ issued by the -Society of Friends, and therefore <em>not</em> very incendiary, -thou mayest be assured; and yet she was informed -some time afterwards, that had it not been for the -influence of our family, she would have been imprisoned;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[91]</a></span> -for she, too, was accused of giving one of -them to a slave; just as Abolitionists have been -falsely charged with sending their papers to the enslaved. -What she did give away, she was <em>obliged</em> -to give <em>privately</em>. Was Charleston ready to receive -Abolition pamphlets <em>then</em>? Or when? please to tell -me. I say that <em>more</em>, far more Anti-Slavery tracts, -&c. are <em>now</em> read in the South, than ever were at -any former period. As to Colonization tracts, I -know they have circulated at the South; but what -of that, when Southerners believed that Colonization -had <em>no</em> connection with the overthrow of Slavery? -Colonization papers, &c. are not Abolition papers.</p> - -<p>As to preachers, let me assure thee, that they <em>never</em> -have dared to preach on the subject of slavery in -my native city, so far as my knowledge extends. -Ah! I for some years sat under two <em>northern</em> ministers, -but never did I hear them preach in public, or -speak in private, on the <em>sin</em> of slavery. O! the <em>deep</em>, -<span class="smcapuc">DEEP</span> injury which such unfaithful ministers have inflicted -on the South! It is well known that our -young men have, to a great extent, been educated in -Northern Theological Seminaries. With what principles -were <em>their</em> minds imbued? What kind of -religion did the <em>North</em> prepare them to preach? A -slaveholding religion. What kind of religion did -<em>northern men</em> come down and preach to us? A -slaveholding religion—and multitudes of them became -slaveholders. Such was one of my <em>northern</em> -pastors. And yet thou tellest me, the North has -nothing to do with slavery at the South—is <em>not</em> guilty, -&c. &c. ‘Their own clergy,’ thou sayest, ‘either<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[92]</a></span> -entirely hold their peace, or become the defenders -of a system they once lamented, and attempted -to bring to an end.’ Do name to me one of those -valiant defenders of slavery, who formerly lamented -over the system, and attempted to bring it to an end. -‘What is his name, or what is his son’s name, if -thou canst tell?’ Strange indeed, if, because <em>we</em> advocate -the truth, others should begin to hate it; or -because we expose sin, they should turn round and -defend what once they lamented over! Is this in -accordance with ‘the known laws of mind,’ where -principle is deeply rooted in the heart?</p> - -<p>And then thou closest these assertions <em>without -proof</em>, with the triumphant exclamation, ‘This is -the record of experience, as to the tendencies of abolitionism, -as thus far developed. The South is just -now in that state of high exasperation, at the sense -of wanton injury and <em>impertinent interference</em>, which -makes the influence of truth and reason most useless -and powerless.’ Hadst thou been better informed as -to the real tendencies of abolitionism on the South, -this assertion also might have been spared. Again -I repeat, the <em>South</em> does not tell us so. Read the -subjoined extract of a letter now lying before me -from a correspondent in a <em>Southern</em> State. ‘12 or 15 -at this place believe that <em>all</em> men are born free and -equal, that <em>prejudice against color is a disgrace to the -man who feels it</em>, that such a feeling is without foundation -in reason or scripture, and ought to be abandoned -<em>immediately</em>, that slavery is a <em>malum in se</em>, yea, -a <em>heinous crime</em> in the sight of God, to be repented -of <em>without delay</em>.’ Read also the following, extracted<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[93]</a></span> -from the Marietta Gazette: ‘A citizen of one of -the free states, not many months ago, observed to -a distinguished southerner, that the operations of the -abolitionists were impeding the cause of emancipation—or -to that effect. ‘Sir,’ said the Southerner, -‘You are mistaken. Depend upon it, these agitations -have put the slaveholders to very serious thinking.’ -These, then, are the effects which Abolitionism is -producing on some at the South. That others are -exasperated, I do not deny. Hear what Bolling of -Virginia said in 1832, in the Legislature of that -State: ‘It has long been the pleasure of those -who are wedded to the system of slavery, to brand -<em>all</em> its opponents with opprobrious epithets; to represent -them as enemies to order, as persons desirous -of tearing up the foundation of society thereby -endeavoring to brand them with infamy in -order to avert from them the public ear.’ Here then -we find a Southern Legislator acknowledging that -<em>all</em> the opponents of Slavery have ever excited the -same exasperation in those who are ‘wedded to the -system.’ Who is to be blamed? Is <em>this</em> any cause -of discouragement? That we have succeeded in -rousing the North to reflection, thou art thyself a living -proof; for let me ask, what it was that set <em>thee</em> to -such serious thinking, as to induce <em>thee</em> to write a -<em>book</em> on the Slave Question?</p> - -<p class="pre-signature">Thy friend in haste,</p> - -<p class="signature">A. E. GRIMKÉ.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[94]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="LETTER_X">LETTER X.<br /> -<span class="smaller">‘THE TENDENCY OF THE AGE TOWARDS EMANCIPATION’ -PRODUCED BY ABOLITION DOCTRINES.</span></h2> - -<p><span class="smcap">Dear Friend</span>: Thou sayest, ‘that this evil (Slavery,) -is at no distant period to come to an end, is the -unanimous opinion of all who either notice the tendencies -of the age, or believe in the prophecies of the -Bible.’ But how can this be true, if Abolitionists -have indeed rolled back the car of Emancipation? If -our measures really tend to this result, how can this -evil come to an end at no distant period? Colonizationists -tell us, if it had not been for our interference, -they could have done a vast deal better than they have -done; and the American Unionists say, that we have -paralyzed their efforts, so that they can do nothing; -and yet ‘the tendencies of the age’ are crowding forward -Emancipation. Now, what has produced this -tendency? Surely every reflecting person must acknowledge, -that Colonization cannot effect the work -of Abolition. The American Union is doing nothing; -and Abolitionists are pursuing a course which ‘will -tend to bring slavery to an end, <em>if at all</em>, at the <em>most<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[95]</a></span> -distant</em> period,’—then do tell me, how the tendencies -of the age can possibly lean towards Emancipation! -Perhaps I shall be told, that the movements of Great -Britain in the West Indies created this tendency. -Ah! but this is a <em>foreign influence</em>, more so even than -Northern influence; and if the North is ‘a foreign -community,’ as thou expressly stylest it, and can on -<em>that account</em> produce <em>no</em> influence on the South, how -can the doings of England affect her?</p> - -<p>Now I believe with thee, that the tendencies of the -age are toward Emancipation; but I contend that nothing -but free discussion has produced this tendency—‘the -present agitation of the subject’ is in fact <em>the -thing</em> which is producing this happy tendency. Now -let us turn to the South, and ask her eagle-eyed politicians -what <em>they</em> are most afraid of. Read their answer -in their desperate struggles to fetter the press -and gag the mouths of—<em>whom?</em>—Colonizationists? -Why no—<em>they</em> talk colonization <em>themselves</em>, and are -not at all afraid that the expatriation of a few hundreds -or thousands in 20 years will ever drain the -country of its millions of slaves, where they are now -increasing at the rate of 70,000 every year. The -American Unionists? O no! the South has not -deemed them worthy of any notice! Pray, then, -<em>whose</em> mouths are slaveholders so fiercely striving to -seal in silence? Why, the mouths of Abolitionists, to -be sure—even our infant school children know this. -Strange indeed, when the labors of these men are actually -rolling back the car of Emancipation for one or -two centuries! Why, the South ought to pour out -her treasure, to support Anti-Slavery agents, and print<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[96]</a></span> -Anti-Slavery papers and pamphlets, and do all she -can to aid us in <em>rolling back</em> Emancipation. Pray, -write <em>her a book</em>, and tell her she has been very needlessly -alarmed at our doings, and advise her to send -us a few thousand dollars: her money would be very -acceptable in these hard times, and we would take -it as the wages due to the unpaid laborers, though we -would never admit the donors to membership with us. -How dost thou think <em>she</em> would receive <em>such a book</em>? -Just try it, I entreat thee.</p> - -<p>Thou seemest to think that the North has <em>no right</em> -to rebuke the South, and assumest the ground that -Abolitionists are the enemies of the South. We say, -we have the right, and mean to exercise it. I believe -that every northern Legislature has a right, and ought -to use the right, to send a solemn remonstrance to -every southern Legislature on the subject of slavery. -Just as much right as the South has to send up a remonstrance -against our free presses, free pens, and -free tongues. Let the North follow her example; but, -instead of asking her to enslave her subjects, entreat -her to <em>free</em> them. The South may pretend <em>now</em>, that -we have no right to interfere, because it suits her convenience -to say so; but a few years ago, (1820,) we -find that our Vice President, R. M. Johnson, in his -speech on the Missouri question, was amazed at the -‘cold insensibility, the eternal apathy towards the -slaves in the District of Columbia,’ which was exhibited -by <em>northern</em> men, ‘though they had occular demonstration -continually’ before them of the abominations -of slavery. <em>Then</em> the South wondered <em>we did -not interfere with slavery</em>—and <em>now</em> she says we have -no right to interfere.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[97]</a></span></p> - -<p>I find, on the 57th p. a false assertion with regard -to Abolitionists. After showing the folly of our rejecting -the worldly doctrine of expediency, so excellent -in thy view, thou then sayest that we say, the -reason why we do not go to the South is, that we -should be murdered. Now, if there are any half-hearted -Abolitionists, who are thus recreant to the -high and holy principle of ‘Duty is ours, and events -are God’s,’ then I must leave such to explain their -own inconsistencies; but that this is the reason assigned -by the Society, as a body, I never have seen nor -believed. So far from it, that I have invariably heard -those who understood the principles of the Anti-Slavery -Society best, <em>deny</em> that it was a duty to go to the -South, <em>not</em> because they would be killed, but because -the <em>North was guilty</em>, and therefore ought to be labored -with <em>first</em>. They took exactly the same view of -the subject, which was taken by the southern friend -of mine to whom I have already alluded. ‘Until -northern women, (said she,) do their duty on the -subject of slavery, <em>southern</em> women cannot be expected -to do theirs.’ I therefore utterly deny this charge. -Such may be the opinion of a few, but it is not and -cannot be proved to be a principle of action in the -Anti-Slavery Society. The fact is, we need no excuse -for not going to the South, so long as the North -is as deeply involved in the guilt of slavery as she is, -and as blind to her duty.</p> - -<p>One word with regard to these remarks: ‘Before -the Abolition movements commenced, both northern -and southern men expressed their views freely at the -South.’ This, also, I deny, because, as a southerner,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[98]</a></span> -<em>I know</em> that <em>I</em> never could express my views freely on -the abominations of slavery, without exciting anger, -even in professors of religion. It is true, ‘the <em>dangers</em>, -<em>evils</em> and <em>mischiefs</em> of slavery’ could be, and were -discussed at the South and the North. Yes, we -might talk as much as we pleased about <em>these</em>, as long -as we viewed slavery as a <em>misfortune</em> to the <em>slaveholder</em>, -and talked of ‘the dangers, evils and mischiefs -of slavery’ to <em>him</em>, and pitied <em>him</em> for having had -such a ‘sad inheritance entailed upon him.’ But -could any man or woman ever ‘express their views -freely’ on the <span class="smcapuc">SIN</span> of slavery at the South? I say, -never! Could they express their views freely as to -the dangers, mischiefs and evils of slavery to the <em>poor -suffering slave</em>? No, never! It was only whilst the -<em>slaveholder</em> was regarded as <em>an unfortunate sufferer</em>, -and sympathized with <em>as such</em>, that he was willing to -talk, and be talked to, on this ‘delicate subject.’ -Hence we find, that as soon as <em>he</em> is addressed as a -<em>guilty oppressor</em>, why then he is in a phrenzy of passion. -As soon as we set before him the dangers, and -evils, and mischiefs of slavery to <em>the down-trodden -victims of his oppression</em>, O then! the slaveholder -storms and raves like a maniac. Now look at this -view of the subject: as a southerner, I know it is the -only correct one.</p> - -<p>With regard to the discussion of ‘the subject of -slavery, in the legislative halls of the South,’ if thou -hast read these debates, thou certainly must know -that they did not touch on the <span class="smcapuc">SIN</span> of slavery at all; -they were wholly confined to ‘the dangers, evils and -mischiefs of slavery’ to the <em>unfortunate slaveholder</em>.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[99]</a></span> -What did the discussion in the Virginia legislature -result in? In the <em>rejection of every</em> plan of emancipation, -and in the passage of an act which they believed -would give additional permanency to the institution, -whilst it divested it of its dangers, by removing -the free people of color to Liberia; for which purpose -they voted $20,000, but took very good care to provide, -‘that no slave to be thereafter emancipated should -have the benefit of the appropriation,’ so fearful were -they, lest masters might avail themselves of this -scheme of expatriation to manumit their slaves. The -Maryland scheme is altogether based on the principle -of banishment and oppression. The colored people -were to be ‘got rid of,’ for the benefit of their lordly -oppressors—<em>not</em> set free from the noble principles of -justice and mercy to <em>them</em>. If Abolitionists have put -a stop to all <em>such</em> discussions of slavery, I, for one, do -most heartily rejoice at it. The fact is, the South is -enraged, because we have exposed her horrible hypocrisy -to the world. We have torn off the mask, -and brought to light the hidden things of darkness.</p> - -<p>To prove to thee that the South, as a body, never -was prepared for emancipation, I might detail historical -facts, which are stubborn things; but I have not -the time to go into this subject that would be necessary. -I will, therefore, give a few extracts from documents -published by the old Abolition Societies, whose principle -was gradualism. In 1803, in the report of the -Delaware Society, I find the following statement:—‘The -general temper and opinion of the opulent in -this state, is either <em>opposed</em> to the generous principles -of emancipation to the people of color, or indifferent<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[100]</a></span> -to the success of the work.’ In 1804, when a Committee -was appointed to draft a memorial to the Legislature -of North Carolina, we find the following -sentiment expressed in their Report:—‘They believe -that public opinion in that state is <em>exceedingly hostile -to the abolition of slavery</em>; and <em>every</em> attempt towards -emancipation is regarded with an indignant and jealous -eye; that at present, the inhabitants of that State -consider the preservation of their lives, and all they -hold dear on earth, as depending on the continuance -of slavery, and are even riveting <em>more firmly</em> the fetters -of oppression.’ ‘They believe that great difficulty -would attend the presentation of an address to the -public, and that, if presented, it would not be read.’ -The address was, however, issued, and in it we find -this complaint—‘Many <em>aspersions</em> have been cast upon -the advocates of the freedom of the blacks, by malicious -and interested men.’ In 1805, in the Report of -the Alexandria Society, District of Columbia, they -say—‘There is rather a disposition to <em>increase</em> the -measure of affliction already appointed to the poor deserted -African:’ and complain of the decline of the -Society, for which they assign several reasons, one of -which is, ‘the admission of slaveholders into fellowship -at its formation.’ Several of the Reports state, -that they fully learned the impolicy of <em>this</em> measure, -by the violent opposition which these slaveholding -members made to their efforts for emancipation. Just -as well might a Temperance Society admit a practical -drunkard into their ranks, as for an Abolition Society -to admit a slaveholder to membership.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[101]</a></span></p> - -<p>In 1806, the Report of the Pennsylvania Society -says—‘We believe the true reason, why ostensible -and public measures are not pursued by the advocates -of abolition in the southern states, will be found in the -pretty general impression, that it would not, <em>under existing -circumstances</em>, and in the <em>present temper of the -public mind</em>, be expedient and useful.’ The Wilmington -Report ‘laments that the people of South -Carolina <em>continue opposed</em> to our cause’—and in 1809, -the Report of this same Society says, ‘We regret most -sincerely the difficulty we labor under in establishing -corresponding agents in the southern states, on whose -fidelity and integrity we can firmly rely.’ In 1816, -the Delaware Society makes the following confession—‘When -we look back at the bright prospects -which opened on this cause within the last 20 years, -and recur to the joyful feelings excited by the just -anticipations of speedy success in this conflict with -cruelty and wrong, we cannot but feel the pressure of -that gloom which is the consequence of <em>disappointment -and defeat</em>.’ In 1826, we find the North Carolina -Report acknowledging that ‘the <em>gentlest</em> attempt -to agitate the subject, or the <em>slightest hint</em> at the work -of emancipation, is sufficient to call forth their <em>indignant -resentment</em>, as if their dearest rights were invaded.’</p> - -<p>How, then, can our opponents say, that the cause -of emancipation has been <em>rolled back</em> by <em>us</em>? We -ask, when was it ever <em>forward</em>? As a southerner, I -repeat my solemn conviction, from <em>my own experience</em>, -and from all I can learn from historical facts, and the -reports of the Gradual Emancipation Societies of this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[102]</a></span> -country, and the scope of the debates which took place -in the Kentucky, Virginia and Maryland Legislatures, -that it <em>never was</em> forward. If the tendencies of the -age are towards emancipation, they are tendencies -peculiar to this age in the United States, and have -been brought about by free discussion, and in accordance, -too, with the <em>known laws of mind</em>; for collision -of mind as naturally produces light, as the striking of -the flint and the steel produces fire. <em>Free discussion -is this collision</em>, and the results are visible in the light -which is breaking forth in every city, town and village, -and spreading over the hills and valleys, through -the whole length and breadth of our land. Yes! it -has already reached ‘the dark valley of the shadow -of death’ in the South; and in a few brief years, He -who said, ‘Let there be light,’ will gather this moral -effulgence into a focal point, and beneath its burning -rays, the heart of the slaveholder, and the chains of -the slave, will melt like wax before the orb of day.</p> - -<p>Let us, then, take heed lest we be found fighting -against God while standing idle in the market place, -or endeavoring to keep other laborers out of the field -now already white to the harvest.</p> - -<p class="pre-signature">Thy Friend,</p> - -<p class="signature">A. E. GRIMKÉ.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[103]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="LETTER_XI">LETTER XI.<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE SPHERE OF WOMAN AND MAN AS MORAL BEINGS -THE SAME.</span></h2> - -<p class="date"><span class="smcap">Brookline</span>, Mass., <i>8th month, 28th, 1837</i>.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Dear Friend</span>: I come now to that part of thy -book, which is, of all others, the most important to the -women of this country; thy ‘general views in relation -to the place woman is appointed to fill by the -dispensations of heaven.’ I shall quote paragraphs -from thy book, offer my objections to them, and then -throw before thee my own views.</p> - -<p>Thou sayest, ‘Heaven has appointed to one sex -the <em>superior</em>, and to the other the <em>subordinate</em> station, -and this without any reference to the character or conduct -of either.’ This is an assertion without proof. -Thou further sayest, that ‘it was designed that the -mode of gaining influence and exercising power -should be <em>altogether different and peculiar</em>.’ Does -the Bible teach this? ‘Peace on earth, and good -will to men, is the character of all the rights and -privileges, the influence and the power of <em>woman</em>.’ -Indeed! Did our Holy Redeemer preach the doctrines<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[104]</a></span> -of <em>peace to our sex</em> only? ‘A <em>man</em> may act on -Society by the collision of intellect, in public debate; -<em>he</em> may urge his measures by a sense of shame, by -fear and by personal interest; <em>he</em> may coerce by the -combination of public sentiment; <em>he</em> may drive by -physical force, and <em>he</em> does <em>not</em> overstep the boundaries -of his sphere.’ Did Jesus, then, give a different -rule of action to men and women? Did he tell his -disciples, when he sent them out to preach the gospel, -that man might appeal to the fear, and shame, -and interest of those he addressed, and coerce by public -sentiment, and drive by physical force? ‘But -(that) all the power and all the conquests that are -lawful to <em>woman</em> are those only which appeal to the -kindly, generous, peaceful and benevolent principles?’ -If so, I should come to a very different conclusion -from the one at which thou hast arrived: I should -suppose that <em>woman was the superior</em>, and <em>man the -subordinate being</em>, inasmuch as moral power is immeasurably -superior to ‘physical force.’</p> - -<p>‘Woman is to win every thing by peace and love; -by making <em>herself</em> so much respected, &c. that to -yield to <em>her</em> opinions, and to gratify <em>her</em> wishes, will -be the free-will offering of the heart.’ This principle -may do as the rule of action to the fashionable belle, -whose idol is <em>herself</em>; whose every attitude and -smile are designed to win the admiration of others to -<em>herself</em>; and who enjoys, with exquisite delight, the -double-refined incense of flattery which is offered to -<em>her</em> vanity, by yielding to <em>her</em> opinions, and gratifying -<em>her</em> wishes, because they are <em>hers</em>. But to the humble -Christian, who feels that it is <em>truth</em> which she<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[105]</a></span> -seeks to recommend to others, <em>truth</em> which she wants -them to esteem and love, and not herself, this subtle -principle must be rejected with holy indignation. -Suppose she could win thousands to her opinions, -and govern them by her wishes, how much nearer -would they be to Jesus Christ, if she presents no -higher motive, and points to no higher leader?</p> - -<p>‘But this is all to be accomplished in the domestic -circle.’ Indeed! ‘Who made thee a ruler and a -judge over all?’ I read in the Bible, that Miriam, -and Deborah, and Huldah, were called to fill <em>public -stations</em> in Church and State. I find Anna, the -prophetess, speaking in the temple ‘unto all them -that looked for redemption in Jerusalem.’ During -his ministry on earth, I see women following him -from town to town, in the most public manner; I -hear the woman of Samaria, on her return to the -city, telling the <em>men</em> to come and see a man who had -told her all things that ever she did. I see them -even standing on Mount Calvary, around his cross, -in the most exposed situation; but He never <em>rebuked</em> -them; He never told them it was unbecoming <em>their -sphere in life</em> to mingle in the crowds which followed -his footsteps. Then, again, I see the cloven tongues -of fire resting on each of the heads of the one hundred -and twenty disciples, some of whom were -<em>women</em>; yea, I hear <em>them preaching</em> on the day of -Pentecost to the multitudes who witnessed the outpouring -of the spirit on that glorious occasion; for, -unless <em>women</em> as well as men received the Holy -Ghost, and <em>prophesied</em>, what did Peter mean by telling -them, ‘This is <em>that</em> which was spoken by the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[106]</a></span> -prophet Joel: And it shall come to pass in the last -days, said <em>God</em>, I will pour out my spirit upon <em>all</em> -flesh: and your sons and your <em>daughters shall prophesy</em>. … -And on my servants and on my <em>handmaidens</em>, -I will pour out in those days of my spirit; and -<em>they shall prophesy</em>.’ This is the plain matter of fact, -as Clark and Scott, Stratton and Locke, all allow. -Mine is no ‘private interpretation,’ no mere sectarian -view.</p> - -<p>I find, too, that Philip had four daughters which -did <em>prophesy</em>; and what is still more convincing, I -read in the xi. of I. Corinthians, some particular directions -from the Apostle Paul, as to <em>how</em> women -were to pray and prophesy in the assemblies of the -people—<em>not</em> in the domestic circle. On examination, -too, it appears that the very same word, <i>Diakonos</i>, -which, when applied to Phœbe, Romans xvi. 1, is -translated <i>servant</i>, when applied to Tychicus, Ephesians -vi. 21, is rendered <i>minister</i>. Ecclesiastical -History informs us, that this same Phœbe was pre-eminently -useful, as a minister in the Church, and -that female ministers suffered martyrdom in the first -ages of Christianity. And what, I ask, does the -Apostle mean when he says in Phillipians iv. 3.—‘Help -those women who labored with me in the gospel’? -Did these holy women of old perform all -their gospel labors in ‘the domestic and social circle’? -I trow not.</p> - -<p>Thou sayest, ‘the moment woman begins to feel -the promptings of ambition, or the thirst for power, -her ægis of defence is gone.’ Can man, then, retain -his ægis when he indulges these guilty passions? Is -it woman only who suffers this loss?</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[107]</a></span></p> - -<p>‘All the generous promptings of chivalry, all the -poetry of romantic gallantry, depend upon woman’s -retaining her place as <em>dependent</em> and <em>defenceless</em>, and -making no claims, and maintaining no rights, but -what are the gifts of honor, rectitude and love.’</p> - -<p>I cannot refrain from pronouncing this sentiment -as beneath the dignity of any woman who names the -name of Christ. No woman, who understands her -dignity as a moral, intellectual, and accountable being, -cares aught for any attention or any protection, -vouchsafed by ‘the promptings of chivalry, and the -poetry of romantic gallantry’? Such a one loathes -such littleness, and turns with disgust from all such -silly insipidities. Her noble nature is insulted by -such paltry, sickening adulation, and she will not -stoop to drink the foul waters of so turbid a stream. -If all this sinful foolery is to be withdrawn from our -sex, with all my heart I say, <em>the sooner the better</em>. -Yea, I say more, no woman who lives up to the true -glory of her womanhood, will ever be treated with -such <em>practical contempt</em>. Every man, when in the -presence of true moral greatness, ‘will find an influence -thrown around him,’ which will utterly forbid -the exercise of ‘the poetry of romantic gallantry.’</p> - -<p>What dost thou mean by woman’s retaining her -place as defenceless and dependent? Did our Heavenly -Father furnish man with any offensive or defensive -weapons? Was <em>he</em> created any less defenceless -than <em>she</em> was? Are they not equally defenceless, -equally dependent on Him? What did Jesus -say to his disciples, when he commissioned them to -preach the gospel?—‘Behold, I send you forth as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[108]</a></span> -<span class="smcapuc">SHEEP</span> in the midst of wolves; be ye wise as serpents, -and <em>harmless</em> as <em>doves</em>. What more could he -have said to women?</p> - -<p>Again, she must ‘make no claims, and maintain no -rights, but what are the gifts of honor, rectitude and -love.’ From whom does woman receive her <em>rights</em>? -From God, or from man? What dost thou mean by -saying, her rights are the <em>gifts</em> of honor, rectitude -and love? One would really suppose that man, as -her lord and master, was the gracious giver of her -rights, and that these rights were bestowed upon her -by ‘the promptings of chivalry, and the poetry of romantic -gallantry,’—out of the abundance of his honor, -rectitude and love. Now, if I understand the real -state of the case, woman’s rights are not the gifts of -man—no! nor the <em>gifts</em> of God. His gifts to her -may be recalled at his good pleasure—but her <em>rights</em> -are an integral part of her moral being; they cannot -be withdrawn; they must live with her forever. Her -rights lie at the foundation of all her duties; and, so -long as the divine commands are binding upon her, -so long must her rights continue.</p> - -<p>‘A woman may seek the aid of co-operation and -combination among her own sex, to assist her in her -appropriate offices of piety, charity,’ &c. <em>Appropriate</em> -offices! Ah! here is the great difficulty. What are -they? Who can point them out? Who has ever -attempted to draw a line of separation between the -duties of men and women, as <em>moral</em> beings, without -committing the grossest inconsistencies on the one -hand, or running into the most arrant absurdities on -the other?</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[109]</a></span></p> - -<p>‘Whatever, in any measure, throws a woman into -the attitude of a combatant, either for herself or others—whatever -binds her in a party conflict—whatever -obliges her in any way to exert coercive influences, -throws her out of her appropriate sphere.’ If, by a -<em>combatant</em>, thou meanest one who ‘drives by <em>physical -force</em>,’ then I say, <em>man</em> has no more right to appear -as <em>such</em> a combatant than woman; for all the -pacific precepts of the gospel were given to <em>him</em>, as -well as to her. If, by a <em>party conflict</em>, thou meanest -a struggle for power, either civil or ecclesiastical, -a thirst for the praise and the honor of man, why, -then I would ask, is this the proper sphere of <em>any</em> -moral, accountable being, man or woman? If, by -<em>coercive influences</em>, thou meanest the use of force or -of fear, such as slaveholders and warriors employ, -then, I repeat, that <em>man</em> has no more right to exert -these than <em>woman</em>. All such influences are repudiated -by the precepts and examples of Christ, and his -apostles; so that, after all, this appropriate sphere of -woman is <em>just as appropriate to man</em>. These ‘general -principles are correct,’ if thou wilt only permit -them to be of <em>general application</em>.</p> - -<p>Thou sayest that the propriety of woman’s coming -forward as a suppliant for a portion of her sex who -are bound in cruel bondage, depends entirely on its -<em>probable results</em>. I thought the disciples of Jesus -were to walk by <em>faith</em>, <em>not</em> by sight. Did Abraham -reason as to the <em>probable results</em> of his offering up -Isaac? No! or he could not have raised his hand -against the life of his son; because in Isaac, he had -been told, his seed should be called,—that seed in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[110]</a></span> -whom all the nations of the earth were to be blessed. -O! when shall we learn that God is wiser than man—that -his ways are higher than our ways, his thoughts -than our thoughts—and that ‘obedience is better than -sacrifice, and to hearken than the fat of rams?’ If -we are always to <em>reason</em> on the <em>probable results</em> of -performing our duty, I wonder what our Master meant -by telling his disciples, that they must become like -<em>little children</em>. I used to think he designed to inculcate -the necessity of walking by faith, in childlike -simplicity, docility and humility. But if we are to -<em>reason</em> as to the <em>probable results</em> of obeying the injunctions -to plead for the widow and the fatherless, -and to deliver the spoiled out of the hand of the oppressor, -&c., then I do not know what he meant to -teach.</p> - -<p>According to what thou sayest, the women of this -country are not to be governed by principles of duty, -but by the effect their petitions produce on the members -of Congress, and by the opinions of these men. -If they deem them ‘obtrusive, indecorous, and unwise,’ -they must not be sent. If <em>thou</em> canst consent -to exchange the precepts of the Bible for the opinions -of <em>such a body of men</em> as now sit on the destinies -of this nation, I cannot. What is this but -<em>obeying man</em> rather than God, and seeking the <em>praise -of man</em> rather than of God? As to our petitions increasing -the evils of slavery, this is merely an opinion, -the correctness or incorrectness of which remains -to be proved. When I hear Senator Preston of -South Carolina, saying, that ‘he regarded the concerted -movement upon the District of Columbia as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[111]</a></span> -an attempt to storm the gates of the citadel—as -throwing the bridge over the moat’—and declaring -that ‘the South must resist the <em>danger</em> in its inception, -or it would <em>soon become irresistible</em>‘—I feel confident -that petitions will effect the work of emancipation, -<em>thy</em> opinion to the contrary notwithstanding. -And when I hear Francis W. Pickens, from the -same State, saying in a speech delivered in Congress—‘Mr. -Speaker, we cannot mistake all these things. -The truth is, the moral power of the world is against -us. It is idle to disguise it. We must, sooner or -later, meet the great issue that is to be made on this -subject. Deeply connected with this, is the movement -to be made on the District of Columbia. If the -power be asserted in Congress to interfere here, or -any approach be made toward that end, <em>it will give a -shock to our institutions</em> and the country, the consequences -of which no man can foretell. Sir, as well -might you grapple with iron grasp into the very -heart and vitals of South Carolina, as to touch this -subject here.’ When I hear these things from the -lips of keen-eyed politicians of the South, northern -apologies for not interfering with the subject of slavery, -‘lest it should increase, rather than diminish the -evils it is wished to remove’ affect me little.</p> - -<p>Another objection to woman’s petitions is, that they -may ‘tend to bring females, as petitioners and partisans, -into every political measure that may tend to -injure and oppress their sex.’ As to their ever becoming -partisans, i.e. sacrificing principles to power -or interest, I reprobate this under all circumstances, -and in <em>both</em> sexes. But I trust my sisters may always<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[112]</a></span> -be permitted to <em>petition</em> for a redress of grievances. -Why not? The right of petition is the only -political right that women have: why not let them -exercise it whenever they are aggrieved? Our fathers -waged a bloody conflict with England, because -<em>they</em> were taxed without being represented. This is -just what unmarried women of property now are. -<em>They</em> were not willing to be governed by laws which -<em>they</em> had no voice in making; but this is the way in -which women are governed in this Republic. If, -then, <em>we</em> are taxed without being represented, and -governed by laws <em>we</em> have no voice in framing, then, -surely, we ought to be permitted at least to remonstrate -against ‘every political measure that may tend -to injure and oppress our sex in various parts of the -nation, and under the various public measures that -may hereafter be enforced.’ Why not? Art thou -afraid to trust the women of this country with discretionary -power as to petitioning? Is there not -sound principle and common sense enough among -them, to regulate the exercise of this right? I believe -they will always use it wisely. I am not afraid to -trust my sisters—not I.</p> - -<p>Thou sayest, ‘In this country, petitions to Congress, -in reference to official duties of legislators, -seem, IN ALL CASES, to fall entirely without the -sphere of female duty. Men are the proper persons -to make appeals to the rulers whom they appoint,’ -&c. Here I entirely dissent from thee. The fact -that women are denied the right of voting for members -of Congress, is but a poor reason why they -should also be deprived of the right of petition. If<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[113]</a></span> -their numbers are counted to swell the number of -Representatives in our State and National Legislatures, -the <em>very least</em> that can be done is to give them -the right of petition in all cases whatsoever; and -without any abridgement. If not, they are mere -slaves, known only through their masters.</p> - -<p>In my next, I shall throw out my own views with -regard to ‘the appropriate sphere of woman’—and -for the present, subscribe myself,</p> - -<p class="pre-signature">Thy Friend,</p> - -<p class="signature">A. E. GRIMKÉ.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[114]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="LETTER_XII">LETTER XII.<br /> -<span class="smaller">HUMAN RIGHTS NOT FOUNDED ON SEX.</span></h2> - -<p class="date"><span class="smcap">East Boylston</span>, Mass., <i>10th mo. 2d, 1837</i>.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Dear Friend</span>: In my last, I made a sort of running -commentary upon thy views of the appropriate -sphere of woman, with something like a promise, that -in my next, I would give thee my own.</p> - -<p>The investigation of the rights of the slave has led -me to a better understanding of my own. I have -found the Anti-Slavery cause to be the high school of -morals in our land—the school in which <em>human rights</em> -are more fully investigated, and better understood -and taught, than in any other. Here a great fundamental -principle is uplifted and illuminated, and -from this central light, rays innumerable stream all -around. Human beings have <em>rights</em>, because they -are <em>moral</em> beings: the rights of <em>all</em> men grow out of -their moral nature; and as all men have the same -moral nature, they have essentially the same rights. -These rights may be wrested from the slave, but they -cannot be alienated: his title to himself is as perfect -<em>now</em>, as is that of Lyman Beecher: it is stamped on -his moral being, and is, like it, imperishable. Now<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[115]</a></span> -if rights are founded in the nature of our moral being, -then the <em>mere circumstance of sex</em> does not give to -man higher rights and responsibilities, than to woman. -To suppose that it does, would be to deny the self-evident -truth, that the ‘physical constitution is the -mere instrument of the moral nature.’ To suppose -that it does, would be to break up utterly the relations, -of the two natures, and to reverse their functions, exalting -the animal nature into a monarch, and humbling -the moral into a slave; making the former a -proprietor, and the latter its property. When human -beings are regarded as <em>moral</em> beings, <em>sex</em>, instead -of being enthroned upon the summit, administering -upon rights and responsibilities, sinks into insignificance -and nothingness. My doctrine then is, that -whatever it is morally right for man to do, it is -morally right for woman to do. Our duties originate, -not from difference of sex, but from the diversity -of our relations in life, the various gifts and -talents committed to our care, and the different eras -in which we live.</p> - -<p>This regulation of duty by the mere circumstance -of sex, rather than by the fundamental principle of -moral being, has led to all that multifarious train of -evils flowing out of the anti-christian doctrine of masculine -and feminine virtues. By this doctrine, man -has been converted into the warrior, and clothed -with sternness, and those other kindred qualities, -which in common estimation belong to his character -as a <em>man</em>; whilst woman has been taught to lean -upon an arm of flesh, to sit as a doll arrayed in ‘gold, -and pearls, and costly array,’ to be admired for her<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[116]</a></span> -personal charms, and caressed and humored like a -spoiled child, or converted into a mere drudge to suit -the convenience of her lord and master. Thus have -all the diversified relations of life been filled with -‘confusion and every evil work.’ This principle -has given to man a charter for the exercise of tyranny -and selfishness, pride and arrogance, lust and brutal -violence. It has robbed woman of essential -rights, the right to think and speak and act on all -great moral questions, just as men think and speak -and act; the right to share their responsibilities, perils -and toils; the right to fulfil the great end of her -being, as a moral, intellectual and immortal creature, -and of glorifying God in her body and her spirit -which are His. Hitherto, instead of being a help -meet to man, in the highest, noblest sense of the -term, as a companion, a co-worker, an equal; she -has been a mere appendage of his being, an instrument -of his convenience and pleasure, the pretty toy -with which he wiled away his leisure moments, or -the pet animal whom he humored into playfulness -and submission. Woman, instead of being regarded -as the equal of man, has uniformly been looked -down upon as his inferior, a mere gift to fill up the -measure of his happiness. In ‘the poetry of romantic -gallantry,’ it is true, she has been called ‘the last -<em>best</em> gift of God to man;’ but I believe I speak forth -the words of truth and soberness when I affirm, that -woman never was given to man. She was created, -like him, in the image of God, and crowned with -glory and honor; created only a little lower than the -angels,—not, as is almost universally assumed, a little<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[117]</a></span> -lower than man; on her brow, as well as on his, was -placed the ‘diadem of beauty,’ and in her hand the -sceptre of universal dominion. Gen: i. 27, 28. -‘The last <em>best gift</em> of God to man!’ Where is the -scripture warrant for this ‘rhetorical flourish, this -splendid absurdity?’ Let us examine the account of -her creation. ‘And the rib which the Lord God had -taken from man, made he a woman, and brought her -unto the man.’ Not as a gift—for Adam immediately -recognized her <em>as a part of himself</em>—(‘this is now -bone of my bone, and flesh of my flesh’)—a companion -and equal, not one hair’s breadth beneath him in -the majesty and glory of her moral being; not placed -under his authority as a <em>subject</em>, but by his side, on -the same platform of human rights, under the government -of God only. This idea of woman’s being -‘the last best gift of God to man,’ however pretty it -may sound to the ears of those who love to discourse -upon ‘the poetry of romantic gallantry, and the generous -promptings of chivalry,’ has nevertheless been -the means of sinking her from an <em>end</em> into a mere -<em>means</em>—of turning her into an <em>appendage</em> to man, instead -of recognizing her as <em>a part of man</em>—of destroying -her individuality, and rights, and responsibilities, -and merging her moral being in that of man. -Instead of <em>Jehovah</em> being <em>her</em> king, <em>her</em> lawgiver, and -<em>her</em> judge, she has been taken out of the exalted -scale of existence in which He placed her, and subjected -to the despotic control of man.</p> - -<p>I have often been amused at the vain efforts made -to define the rights and responsibilities of immortal -beings as <em>men</em> and <em>women</em>. No one has yet found<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[118]</a></span> -out just <em>where</em> the line of separation between them -should be drawn, and for this simple reason, that no -one knows just how far below man woman is, whether -she be a head shorter in her moral responsibilities, or -head and shoulders, or the full length of his noble stature, -below him, i.e. under his feet. Confusion, uncertainty, -and great inconsistencies, must exist on this -point, so long as woman is regarded in the least degree -inferior to man; but place her where her Maker -placed her, on the same high level of human rights -with man, side by side with him, and difficulties vanish, -the mountains of perplexity flow down at the presence -of this grand equalizing principle. Measure -her rights and duties by the unerring standard of -<em>moral being</em>, not by the false weights and measures -of a mere circumstance of her human existence, and -then the truth will be self-evident, that whatever it is -<em>morally</em> right for a man to do, it is <em>morally</em> right for a -woman to do. I recognize no rights but <em>human</em> rights—I -know nothing of men’s rights and women’s rights; -for in Christ Jesus, there is neither male nor female. -It is my solemn conviction, that, until this principle of -equality is recognised and embodied in practice, the -church can do nothing effectual for the permanent reformation -of the world. Woman was the first transgressor, -and the first victim of power. In all heathen -nations, she has been the slave of man, and -Christian nations have never acknowledged her rights. -Nay more, no Christian denomination or Society has -ever acknowledged them on the broad basis of humanity. -I know that in some denominations, she is -permitted to preach the gospel; not from a conviction<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[119]</a></span> -of her rights, nor upon the ground of her equality -as a <em>human being</em>, but of her equality in spiritual gifts—for -we find that woman, even in these Societies, is -allowed no voice in framing the Discipline by which -she is to be governed. Now, I believe it is woman’s -right to have a voice in all the laws and regulations -by which she is to be <em>governed</em>, whether in Church -or State; and that the present arrangements of society, -on these points, are <em>a violation of human rights</em>, -<em>a rank usurpation of power</em>, a violent seizure and -confiscation of what is sacredly and inalienably hers—thus -inflicting upon woman outrageous wrongs, -working mischief incalculable in the social circle, and -in its influence on the world producing only evil, and -that continually. <em>If</em> Ecclesiastical and Civil governments -are ordained of God, <em>then</em> I contend that -woman has just as much right to sit in solemn counsel -in Conventions, Conferences, Associations and -General Assemblies, as man—just as much right to -sit upon the throne of England, or in the Presidential -chair of the United States.</p> - -<p>Dost thou ask me, if I would wish to see woman -engaged in the contention and strife of sectarian controversy, -or in the intrigues of political partizans? I -say no! never—never. I rejoice that she does not -stand on the same platform which man now occupies -in these respects; but I mourn, also, that he should -thus prostitute his higher nature, and vilely cast -away his birthright. I prize the purity of <em>his</em> character -as highly as I do that of hers. As a moral being, -<em>whatever it is morally wrong for her to do, it is -morally wrong for him to do</em>. The fallacious doctrine<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[120]</a></span> -of male and female virtues has well nigh ruined -all that is morally great and lovely in his character: -he has been quite as deep a sufferer by it as -woman, though mostly in different respects and by -other processes. As my time is engrossed by the -pressing responsibilities of daily public duty, I have -no leisure for that minute detail which would be required -for the illustration and defence of these principles. -Thou wilt find a wide field opened before thee, -in the investigation of which, I doubt not, thou wilt -be instructed. Enter this field, and explore it: thou -wilt find in it a hid treasure, more precious than rubies—a -fund, a mine of principles, as new as they are -great and glorious.</p> - -<p>Thou sayest, ‘an ignorant, a narrow-minded, or a -stupid woman, cannot feel nor understand the rationality, -the propriety, or the beauty of this relation’—i.e. -subordination to man. Now, verily, it does appear -to me, that nothing but a narrow-minded view of the -subject of human rights and responsibilities can induce -any one to believe in <em>this subordination to a fallible</em> -being. Sure I am, that the signs of the times -clearly indicate a vast and rapid change in public sentiment, -on this subject. Sure I am that she is not to -be, as she has been, ‘<em>a mere second-hand agent</em>’ in -the regeneration of a fallen world, but the acknowledged -equal and co-worker with man in this glorious -work. Not that ‘she will carry her measures by -tormenting when she cannot please, or by petulant -complaints or obtrusive interference, in matters which -are out of her sphere, and which she cannot comprehend.’ -But just in proportion as her moral and intellectual<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[121]</a></span> -capacities become enlarged, she will rise -higher and higher in the scale of creation, until she -reaches that elevation prepared for her by her Maker, -and upon whose summit she was originally stationed, -only ‘a little lower than the angels.’ Then will it -be seen that nothing which concerns the well-being -of mankind is either beyond her sphere, or above her -comprehension: <em>Then</em> will it be seen ‘that America -will be distinguished above all other nations for well -educated women, and for the influence they will exert -on the general interests of society.’</p> - -<p>But I must close with recommending to thy perusal, -my sister’s Letters on the Province of Woman, -published in the New England Spectator, and republished -by Isaac Knapp of Boston. As she has taken -up this subject so fully, I have only glanced at it. -That thou and all my country-women may better understand -the true dignity of woman, is the sincere -desire of</p> - -<p class="pre-signature">Thy Friend,</p> - -<p class="signature">A. E. GRIMKÉ.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[122]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="LETTER_XIII">LETTER XIII.<br /> -<span class="smaller">MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS,—CONCLUSION.</span></h2> - -<p class="date"><span class="smcap">Holliston</span>, Mass., <i>10th month, 23d, 1837</i>.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">My Dear Friend</span>: I resume my pen, to gather up -a few fragments of thy Essay, that have not yet been -noticed, and in love to bid thee farewell.</p> - -<p>Thou appearest to think, that it is peculiarly the duty -of <em>women</em> to educate the little children of this nation. -But why, I would ask—why are they any more bound to -engage in this sacred employment, than men? I believe, -that as soon as the rights of women are understood, -our brethren will see and feel that it is their -duty to co-operate with us, in this high and holy vocation, -of training up little children in the way they -should go. And the very fact of their mingling in -intercourse with such guileless and gentle spirits, will -tend to soften down the asperities of their characters, -and clothe them with the noblest and sublimest Christian -virtues. I know that this work is deemed beneath -the dignity of man; but how great the error! -I once heard a man, who had labored extensively -among children, say, ‘I never feel so near heaven, as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[123]</a></span> -when I am teaching these little ones.’ He was right; -and I trust the time is coming, when the occupation of -an instructer to children will be deemed the most -honorable of human employment. If it is drudgery -to teach these little ones, then it is the duty of men -to bear a part of that burthen; if it is a privilege and -an honor, then we generously invite them to share -that honor and privilege with us.</p> - -<p>I know some noble instances of this union of -principles and employment, and am fully settled in -the belief, that abolition doctrines are pre-eminently -calculated to qualify men and women to become -faithful and efficient teachers. <em>They alone</em> teach fully -the doctrine of human rights; and to know and appreciate -these, is an indispensable prerequisite to the -wisely successful performance of the duties of a -teacher. The right understanding of these will qualify -her to teach the fundamental, but unfashionable doctrine, -that ‘God is no respecter of persons,’ and that -he that despiseth the colored man, because he is ‘guilty -of a skin not colored like our own,’ reproacheth -his Maker for having given him that ebon hue. I -consider it absolutely indispensable, that this truth -should be sedulously instilled into the mind of every -child in our republic. I know of <em>no</em> moral truth of -greater importance at the present crisis. Those teachers, -who are not prepared to teach <em>this in all its fullness</em>, -are deficient in one of the most sterling elements -of moral character, and are false to the holy trust -committed to them, and utterly unfit to train up the -children of <em>this</em> generation. So far from urging the -deficiency of teachers in this country, as a reason why<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[124]</a></span> -women should keep out of the anti-slavery excitement, -I would say to my sisters, if you wish to become pre-eminently -qualified for the discharge of your arduous -duties, come into the abolition ranks, enter this high -school of morals, and drink from the deep fountains of -philanthropy and Christian equality, whence the waters -of healing are welling forth over wide desert wastes, -and making glad the city of our God. Intellectual endowments -are <em>good</em>, but a high standard of moral -principle is <em>better</em>, is <em>essential</em>. As a nation, we have -too long educated the <em>mind</em>, and left the <em>heart</em> a moral -waste. We have fully and fearfully illustrated the -truth of the Apostle’s declaration: ‘Knowledge puffeth -up.’ We have indeed been puffed up, vaunting ourselves -in our mental endowments and national greatness. -But we are beginning to realize, that it is -‘Righteousness which exalteth a nation.’</p> - -<p>Thou sayest, when a woman is asked to sign a petition, -or join an Anti-Slavery Society, it is ‘for the -purpose of contributing her measure of influence to -keep up agitation in Congress, to promote the excitement -of the North against the iniquities of the South, -to coerce the South by fear, shame, anger, and a sense -of odium, to do what she is determined not to do.’ -Indeed! Are these the only motives presented to the -daughters of America, for laboring in the glorious -cause of Human Rights? Let us examine them. -1. ‘To keep up agitation in Congress.’ Yes—for I -can adopt this language of Moore of Virginia, in the -Legislature of that State, in 1832: ‘I should regret -at all times the existence of any unnecessary excitement -in the country on any subject; but I confess,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[125]</a></span> -I see no reason to lament that which may have arisen -on the present occasion. It is often necessary that -there should be some excitement among the people, -to induce them to turn their attention to questions -deeply affecting the welfare of the Commonwealth; -and <em>there never can arise any subject more worthy -their attention, than that of the abolition of slavery</em>.’ -2. ‘To promote the excitement of the North against -the iniquities of the South.’ Yes, and against her -own sinful copartnership in those iniquities. I -believe the discussion of Human Rights at the North -has already been of incalculable advantage to this -country. It is producing the happiest influence upon -the minds and hearts of those who are engaged in it; -just such results as Thomas Clarkson tells us, were -produced in England by the agitation of the subject -there. Says he, ‘Of the immense advantages of this -contest, I know not how to speak. Indeed, the very -agitation of the question, which it involved, has been -highly important. Never was the heart of man so -expanded; never were its generous sympathies so -generally and so perseveringly excited. These sympathies, -thus called into existence, have been useful -preservatives of national virtue.’ I, therefore, wish -very much to promote the Anti-Slavery excitement -at the North, because I believe it will prove a useful -preservative of national virtue. 3. ‘To coerce the -South by fear, shame, anger, and a sense of odium.’ -It is true, that I feel the imminent danger of the -South so much, that I would fain ‘save them with -fear, pulling them out of the fire;’ for, if they ever -are saved, they will indeed be ‘as a brand plucked<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[126]</a></span> -out of the burning.’ Nor do I see any thing -wrong in influencing slaveholders by a feeling of -shame and odium, as well as by a sense of guilt. -Why may not abolitionists speak some things <em>to their -shame</em>, as the Apostle did to the Corinthians? As to -anger, it is no design of ours to excite so wicked a -passion. We cannot help it, if, in rejecting the truth, -they become angry. Could Stephen help the anger -of the Jews, when ‘they gnashed upon him with -their teeth’?</p> - -<p>But I had thought the principal motives urged by -abolitionists were not these; but that they endeavored -to excite men and women to active exertion,—first, to -cleanse <em>their own</em> hands of the sin of slavery, and -secondly, to save the South, if possible, and the North, -at any rate, from the impending judgments of heaven. -The result of their mission in this country, cannot -in the least affect the validity of that mission. Like -Noah, they may preach in vain; if so, the destruction -of the South can no more be attributed to them, -than the destruction of the antediluvian world to -him. ‘In vain,’ did I say? Oh no! The discussion -of the rights of the slave has opened the way -for the discussion of <em>other rights</em>, and the ultimate -result will most certainly be, ‘the breaking of <em>every</em> -yoke,’ the letting the oppressed of <em>every</em> grade and -description go free,—an emancipation far more glorious -than any the world has ever yet seen,—an introduction -into that ‘liberty wherewith Christ hath made -his people free.’</p> - -<p>I will now say a few words on thy remarks about -Esther. Thou sayest, ‘When a woman is placed in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[127]</a></span> -similar circumstances, where death to herself and all -her nation is one alternative, and there is nothing -worse to fear, but something to hope as the other alternative, -then she may safely follow such an example.’ -In this sentence, thou hast conceded every -thing I could wish, and proved beyond dispute just -what I adduced this text to prove in my Appeal. I -will explain myself. Look at the condition of our -country—Church and State deeply involved in the -enormous crime of slavery: ah! more—claiming -the sacred volume, as our charter for the collar and -chain. What then can we expect, but that the vials -of divine wrath will be poured out upon a nation of -oppressors and hypocrites? for we are loud in our -professions of civil and ecclesiastical liberty. Now, -as a Southerner, I know that reflecting slaveholders -expect their peculiar institution to be overthrown in -blood. Read the opinion of Moore of Virginia, as -expressed by him in the House of Delegates in 1832:—‘What -must be the ultimate consequence of retaining -the slaves amongst us? The answer to this enquiry -is both obvious and appalling. It is, that <em>the -time will come, and at no distant day, when we shall -be involved in all the horrors of a servile war</em>, which -will not end until both sides have suffered much, until -the land shall everywhere be red with blood, and -until the slaves or the whites are totally exterminated. -If there be any truth in history, and if the time -has not arrived when causes have ceased to produce -their legitimate results, the dreadful catastrophe in -which I have predicted that our slave system must -result, if persisted in, <em>is as inevitable as any event -which has already transpired</em>.’</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[128]</a></span></p> - -<p>Here, then, is one alternative, and just as tremendous -an alternative as that which was presented to -the Queen of Persia. ‘There is <em>nothing worse</em> to -fear’ for the South, let the results of abolition efforts -be what they may, whilst ‘there is something to hope -as the other alternative;’ because if she will receive -the truth in the love of it, she may repent and be -saved. So that, after all, according to thy own reasoning, -the women of America ‘may safely follow -such an example.’</p> - -<p>After endeavoring to show that woman has no -moral right to exercise the right of petition for the -dumb and stricken slave; no business to join, in any -way, in the excitement which anti-slavery principles -are producing in our country; no business to join -abolition societies, &c. &c.; thou professest to tell our -sisters what they are to do, in order to bring the system -of slavery to an end. And now, my dear friend, -what does all that thou hast said in many pages, -amount to? Why, that women are to exert their influence -in private life, to allay the excitement which -exists on this subject, and to quench the flame of sympathy -in the hearts of their fathers, husbands, brothers -and sons. Fatal delusion! Will Christian women -heed such advice?</p> - -<p>Hast thou ever asked thyself, what the slave would -think of thy book, if he could read it? Dost thou -know that, from the beginning to the end, not a word -of compassion for <em>him</em> has fallen from thy pen? Recall, -I pray, the memory of the hours which thou -spent in writing it! Was the paper once moistened -by the tear of pity? Did thy heart once swell with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[129]</a></span> -deep sympathy for thy sister <em>in bonds</em>? Did it once -ascend to God in broken accents for the deliverance -of the captive? Didst thou ever ask thyself, what -the free man of color would think of it? Is it such -an exhibition of slavery and prejudice, as will call -down <em>his</em> blessing upon thy head? Hast thou thought -of <em>these</em> things? or carest thou not for the blessings -and the prayers of these our suffering brethren? -Consider, I entreat, the reception given to thy book -by the apologists of slavery. What meaneth that -loud acclaim with which they hail it? Oh, listen and -weep, and let thy repentings be kindled together, and -speedily bring forth, I beseech thee, fruits meet for -repentance, and henceforth show thyself faithful to -Christ and his bleeding representative the slave.</p> - -<p>I greatly fear that thy book might have been written -just as well, hadst thou not had the heart of a -woman. It bespeaks a superior intellect, but paralyzed -and spell-bound by the sorcery of a worldly-minded -expediency. Where, oh where, in its pages, are the -outpourings of a soul overwhelmed with a sense of -the heinous crimes of our nation, and the necessity of -immediate repentance? Farewell! Perhaps on a -dying bed thou mayest vainly wish that ‘<cite>Miss Beecher -on the Slave Question</cite>’ might perish with the -mouldering hand which penned its cold and heartless -pages. But I forbear, and in deep sadness of heart, -but in tender love though I thus speak, I bid thee again, -Farewell. Forgive me, if I have wronged thee, and -pray for her who still feels like</p> - -<p>Thy sister in the bonds of a common sisterhood,</p> - -<p class="signature">A. E. GRIMKÉ.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[130]</a></span></p> - -<p>P. S. Since preparing the foregoing letters for the -press, I have been informed by a Bookseller in Providence, -that some of thy books had been sent to him -to sell last summer, and that one afternoon a number -of southerners entered his store whilst they were -lying on the counter. An elderly lady took up one -of them and after turning over the pages for some -time, she threw it down and remarked, here is a book -written by the daughter of a northern dough face, to -apologize for our southern institutions—but for my -part, I have a thousand times more respect for the -Abolitionists, who openly denounce the system of -slavery, than for those people, who in order to please -us, cloak their real sentiments under such a garb as -this. This southern lady, I have no doubt, expressed -the sentiments of thousands of the most respectable -slaveholders in our country—and thus, they will tell -the North in bitter reproach for their sinful subserviency, -after the lapse of a few brief years, when interest -no longer padlocks their lips. At present the -South feels that she must at least <em>appear</em> to thank her -northern apologists.</p> - -<p class="signature">A. E. G.</p> - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Letters to Catherine E. 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