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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #52389 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/52389)
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-The Project Gutenberg EBook of Vestiges of the supremacy of Mercia in the
-south of England during the eighth century, by Thomas Kerslake
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
-other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
-the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have
-to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.
-
-Title: Vestiges of the supremacy of Mercia in the south of England during the eighth century
-
-Author: Thomas Kerslake
-
-Release Date: June 21, 2016 [EBook #52389]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: UTF-8
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK VESTIGES OF SUPREMACY OF MERCIA ***
-
-
-
-
-Produced by MWS and the Online Distributed Proofreading
-Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from
-images generously made available by The Internet Archive)
-
-
-
-
-
-Transcriber’s Note: Minor errors of punctuation and printing have been
-repaired, but the transcriber does not fancy she knows the writer’s
-meaning better than he knows it himself, and has left the rest alone.
-
-
-
-
- VESTIGES OF
-
- THE SUPREMACY OF MERCIA
-
- IN THE SOUTH OF ENGLAND
-
- DURING THE EIGHTH CENTURY
-
- _With T. Kerslake’s Compliments,
- Bristol, 1879._
-
-
-
-
-CONTENTS.
-
-
- PAGES
-
- 1-8-9, &c. ST. WERBURGH.
-
- 2-14, &c. BRISTOL.
-
- 3-5. WICCIA.
-
- 6-7. ANGLO-SAXON.
-
- 10. FEMALE NATIONAL SAINTS.
-
- 11, &c. ÆTHELBALD. OFFA.
-
- 11-12. 50. ST. BONIFACE.
-
- 13. AVON FRONTIER.
-
- 14. 56. BATH. HENBURY.
-
- 15-17. NORTH DEVON.
-
- 18. 22. CORNWALL.
-
- 19-21. ST. CUTHBERT.
-
- 23. 25. 36, &c. KENTISH HOO.
-
- 26-39, &c. CLOVESHOE.
-
- 28-29, &c. CLIFFE AT HOO.
-
- 40. HIGHAM FERRY.
-
- 41-42. MIDDLESEX.
-
- 43. CEALCHYTHE.
-
- 44-45. ACLEAH.
-
- 46. PARISHES.
-
- 47. WERBURGHWICK.
-
- 49-51. HAETHFELTH. HERUTFORD. &C.
-
- 53-58. ST. HELEN. OFFA.
-
- 56-58. HASTINGS. SUSSEX.
-
- 59. LONDON.
-
- 60-63. DEDICATIONS.
-
- 61. HOLY ROOD.
-
- 62. ST. ETHELBERT. MARDEN. ST. MARY.
-
-
-ERRORS.
-
- Pages 24, 25 in Notes; _for_ p. 119-121, 125 _read_ 15-17, 22.
-
- ” 27. Note _for_ 1565 _read_ 1863.
-
- ” 7, line 3, _for_ “knut--” _read_ “Knut--”.
-
- ” 11, 12, 34, _for_ Bonifatius _prefer_ Bonifacius.
-
- ” 47, _for_ appanage _read_ apanage.
-
-Various others, including some introduced after the proofs had been
-finally revised by the writer, by some one who fancied he knew the
-writer’s meaning better than he knows it himself.
-
-
-
-
- VESTIGES OF THE
-
- SUPREMACY OF MERCIA
-
- IN THE SOUTH OF ENGLAND
-
- DURING THE EIGHTH CENTURY.
-
- (_Reprinted from the Transactions of the
- Bristol and Gloucestershire
- Archæological Society_).
-
- _Bristol_, 1879.
-
-
-
-
-VESTIGES OF THE SUPREMACY OF MERCIA IN THE SOUTH OF ENGLAND, DURING THE
-EIGHTH CENTURY.
-
-By THOMAS KERSLAKE.
-
- “… residual phenomena …, the small concentrated residues
- of great operations in the arts are almost sure to be the
- lurking-places of new chemical ingredients.… It was a happy
- thought of Glauber to examine what everybody else threw
- away.”--SIR J. F. W. HERSCHELL.
-
-
-Having sometimes said that the date of the original foundation of the
-lately-demolished church of St. Werburgh, in the centre of the ancient
-walled town of Bristol, was the year 741, and that a building so called
-has, from that early date, always stood on that spot, I have been asked
-how I know it. I have answered; by the same evidence--and the best
-class of it--as the most important events of our national history, of
-the three centuries in which that date occurs, are known. That is,
-by necessary inference from the very scanty records of those times,
-confirmed by such topical monumental evidence as may have survived. But
-this fact in itself is, also, of considerable importance to our own
-local history; because, if it should be realized, it would be the very
-earliest solid date that has yet been attached to the place that we
-now call Bristol. We are accustomed to speak, with a certain amount of
-popular pride, of “Old Bristol,” and in like manner of “Old England,”
-but without considering which is the oldest of the two. The position
-here attempted would give that precedence to Bristol.
-
- * * * * *
-
-It need scarcely be mentioned that what we now call England is no other
-than an enlargement of the ancient kingdom of the West Saxons, by the
-subjugation and annexation of the other kingdoms of the southern part
-of the island. A subjugation of which the result is that our now
-ruling sovereign is the successor, as well as descendant, of the Saxon
-Kings of Wessex, and of the supremacy which they ultimately achieved.
-Of course this was only the final effect of a long series of political
-revolutions. It was preceded by others that had promised a different
-upshot: one of which was the long-threatened supremacy of the Anglian
-kingdom of Mercia; by Penda, a Pagan king, and afterwards, during the
-long reigns of Æthelbald and Offa, his Christian successors in his
-kingdom and aggressive policy.
-
-One of two fates awaits a supplanted dynasty: to be traduced, or to be
-forgotten. Although this milder one has been the lot of the Mercian
-Empire, yet it is believed that distinct, and even extensive, traces
-can still be discerned, beyond the original seat of its own kingdom, of
-its former supremacy over the other kingdoms of England. In fact, this
-name itself of “England,” still co-extensive with this former Anglian
-supremacy over the Saxons, is a glorious monumental legacy of that
-supremacy, which their later Saxon over-rulers never renounced, and
-which has become their password to the uttermost parts of the earth.
-
-But it is with the encroachments of Æthelbald upon Wessex that we are
-in the first instance concerned. South of Mercia proper was another
-nation called Huiccia, extending over the present counties of Worcester
-and Gloucester, with part of Warwickshire and Herefordshire, and having
-the Bristol river Avon for its southern boundary. It is barely possible
-that it may have included a narrow margin between that river and the
-Wansdyke, which runs along the south of that river, at a parallel of
-from two to three miles from it; but of this no distinct evidence
-has been found. Some land, between the river and Wansdyke, did in
-fact belong to the Abbey of Bath, which is itself on the north of the
-river, but that this is said to have been bought--“mercati sumus digno
-praetio”--from Kenulf, King of the West Saxons[1], makes it likely that
-it was the river that had been the tribal boundary.
-
-Until divided from Gloucester by King Henry VIII., the Bishopric
-of Worcester substantially continued the territory, and the present
-name of Worcester = Wigorceaster = Wigorniæ civitas (A.D. 789), no
-doubt transmits, although obscurely, the name of Huiccia; and the
-church there contained (A.D. 774) “pontificalis Cathedra Huicciorum.”
-The name may even remain in “Warwick,” and especially in “Wickwar” =
-Huiccanwaru; but such instances must not be too much trusted, as there
-are other fruitful sources of “wick,” in names. In Worcestershire
-names, however, “-wick” and “-wich” as testimonials are abundant.
-Droitwich = “Uuiccium emptorium” (A.D. 715), almost certainly is so
-derived, in spite of its ambiguous contact with the great etymological
-puzzle of the “Saltwiches.”[2]
-
-At all events, within a hundred years from Ceawlin’s first subjugation
-of it, Saxon Wiccia had become entirely subject to Anglian Mercia. But
-there can be no doubt that its earliest Teutonic settlers were West
-Saxons. Even now, any one of us West Saxons, who should wander through
-Gloucestershire and Worcestershire, would recognise his own dialect.
-He would, perhaps, say they “speak finer” up here, but he would feel
-that his ears are still at home. If he should, however, advance into
-Derbyshire, or Staffordshire, or Eastern Shropshire, he would encounter
-a musical cadence, or song, which, though far from being unpleasant
-from an agreeable voice, would be very strange to him. He would, in
-fact, have passed out of Wiccia into Mercia proper: from a West-Saxon
-population into one of original Anglian substratum.
-
-What was the earlier political condition of Wiccia before it fell under
-the dominion of Mercia: whether it was ever for any time an integral
-part of the kingdom of Wessex, or a distinct subregulate of it, is
-uncertain. Two of the earlier pagan West-Saxon inroads (A.D. 577-584)
-were of this region, and happened long before that race had penetrated
-Somerset. It is not to be believed that any part of later Somerset,
-south of Avon, was included in either of these two pagan conquests
-of Ceawlin; nor even the south-west angle of Gloucestershire itself,
-that forms the separate elevated limestone ridges between the Bristol
-Frome and the Severn. There are some other reasons for believing that
-these heights immediately west of Bristol--say, Clifton, Henbury, and
-northward along the Ridgeway to about Tortworth--remained, both Welsh
-and Christian, for nearly a century afterwards; and that they were only
-reduced to Teutonic rule along with the subjection of Saxon Wiccia
-itself to Anglian Mercia. The record in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
-of the conquest of A.D. 577 plainly indicates the course of it, by
-the names of the places concerned--Bath, Dyrham, Cirencester, and
-Gloucester. It was not any river that was the instrument of advance;
-but, flanked and supported by the ancient Foss-way, the continuous
-elevated table-land of the southern limb of the Cotswolds, still
-abounding with remains of military occupations of yet earlier peoples.
-This is separated from the more western height by a broad belt of low
-land, then a weald or forest, since known as Kingswood; which, the line
-of the places named in the annal of the conquest, plainly indicates
-to have been purposely avoided: the district west of it, therefore
-still continued British. As to Ceawlin’s second expedition, A.D. 584,
-it most probably extended from Gloucester to the country between
-Severn and Wye, as far as Hereford,[3] and into the now Saxon-speaking
-Worcestershire. But that Ceawlin followed the Severn, and penetrated
-Cheshire to an unimportant place called “Faddiley,” is not only
-unlikely, but rests entirely on a single philological argument,
-concerning that name, too refined and unpractical for the burden laid
-upon it[4], and inconsistent with the later associations of the name
-itself.
-
-But if Wiccia became West-Saxon in 577-584, it did not long remain
-undisturbed by its Anglian northern neighbour. About fifty years later
-(A.D. 628), it is recorded in the Chronicle, that the rulers of Wessex
-and Mercia, fought at Cirencester, “and then compromised.” This shews
-that hitherto, for fifty years, all Wiccia had been ruled by Wessex:
-also that, except what reduction of territory may be represented by
-a Mercian inroad as far as Cirencester, it still continued under
-Wessex. But although this exception itself did not last many years
-longer, this is enough to account for our finding a Saxon people under
-Anglian government. In another fifty years, Wiccia is found to have
-become a subregulate, governed by Mercian sub-kings, and constituted a
-separate Bishopric, an offshoot from Mercian Lichfield; and from that
-time the kings of Mercia and their sub-reguli are found dealing with
-lands in various parts of Wiccia, even to the southern frontier, as
-at Malmesbury and Bath; and by a charter of Æthelred, King of Mercia,
-dated by Dr. Hickes, A.D. 692, the newly instituted cathedral in the
-city of Weogorna, is endowed with land at a place well-known to us by
-what was, even then said to be an “ancient name,” Henbury (“vetusto
-vocabulo nuncupatur heanburg.”[5])
-
-Much needless demur, if not excitement, has of late years been stirred
-up by some of the learned,[6] at the name “Anglo-Saxon,” for the oldest
-condition of English. They allege that this designation is “a most
-unlucky one,” and that in the first half of this century it was the
-cause of a “crass ignorance” of the true relations of continuity in
-this nation before and after the Norman conquest. Those who remember
-that time, well know that this imputed ignorance did not prevail: that
-if the most ordinary schoolboy, had then been asked, why William was
-called “the Conqueror,” he would have at once, rightly or wrongly,
-answered “because he conquered us,” and that he was only less detested
-than “Buonaparte,” because he was at that time farther away. They have
-now lived to be astonished to find that, by their own confession, the
-higher scholars of this later age are terrified by a fear of confusion
-in this rudimentary piece of learning. So these learned men put
-themselves into the most ludicrous passions, and--let us try to humour
-them--King “knut”-like scoldings at the tide, and Dame Partingtonian
-mop-twirlings, to cure us of such a dangerous old heresy. For old
-it is, and deeply rooted. Those “Anglo-Saxon” kings who assumed the
-supreme rule of the kingdoms of both races, so called themselves:
-and the entire “Anglo-Saxon” literature has been only so known in
-modern Europe, for the last three centuries; not only at home, but in
-Germany, Denmark, France, and wherever it has ever appeared in print.
-Yet another most learned and acute and sober Professor has been lately
-tempted to join the “unlucky” cry: saying that “It is like calling
-Greek, Attico-Ionian.”[7] Why “Greek?” Why not “Hellenic?” Is not
-“Greek” an exotic, and as barbarous as “Attico-Ionian” or “Anglo-Saxon?”
-
-But in our concern with the Wiccians we are exempt from this newly
-raised dispute. Here we have a great colony of a Saxon people who very
-soon fell under the dominion of Anglian kings, and so remained until a
-later revolution, the final supremacy of Wessex, made them once more
-Saxon subjects. The Wiccians, at any rate however, had become literally
-Anglo-Saxon: a Saxon people under Anglian rule. Shakespear was a
-Wiccian, born and bred--if one, who has taught us so much more than any
-breeding could have taught him, can be said to have been bred amongst
-us--at any rate he was born a Wiccian, and thereby an Anglo-Saxon, in
-the natural and indisputable sense: a sense earlier, stricter, and
-more real than that which afterwards extended the phrase to the entire
-kingdom. Wiccia was no doubt colonized by the Saxons, while the Saxons
-were yet pagan; and afterwards christianized by their Anglian Mercian
-subjugators. Not so the Saxons of Somerset, who were already Christians
-when they first penetrated that province.[8]
-
-Subsequent annals of the Chronicle shew that Wessex long remained
-impatient of the loss of Wiccia. In A.D. 715, a battle is shortly
-mentioned at a place, usually, and not impossibly, said to be
-Wanborough, a remarkable elevation within the fork of two great Roman
-ways a few miles south of Swindon. But our business is with three later
-entries in the Chronicle, for the three successive years 741, 742, and
-743; of which the first for A.D. 741, will be first here submitted as
-the record of the final subjection of Wiccia, and the establishment
-of the Bristol Avon as the permanent southern frontier of Mercia. The
-other two Annals will then be otherwise disposed of.
-
-These are the words of the Chronicle:--
-
- A.D. 741. Now Cuthred succeeded to the West-Saxon kingdom, and
- held it sixteen years, and he contended hardly with Æthelbald,
- King of the Mercians.
-
- A.D. 742. Now was a great Synod gathered at Cloveshou, and
- Æthelbald, King of the Mercians was there, and Cutbert,
- Archbishop [of Canterbury], and many other wise men.
-
- A.D. 743. Now Æthelbald, King of the Mercians, and Cuthred,
- King of the West-Saxons fought with the Welsh.
-
-We have in these three Annals a specimen of that condensed form and
-style, that is common to this ancient text and still more venerable
-primæval records; and which invites and justifies attempts to interpret
-them by the help of any existing external monuments.
-
-There are still known in England thirteen dedications of churches or
-chapels in the name of St. Werburgh, although, perhaps, not more than
-half of them are any longer above ground.[9] Seven, however, out of the
-thirteen are within the counties of Stafford, Chester, Shropshire, and
-Derbyshire: that is, they are within the original kingdom of Mercia,
-wherein, as the posthumous renown of the saint never extended beyond
-a nation, or rather a dynasty, that long since has been extinct and
-forgotten, we might have expected to have found them all. But the
-other six are extraneous, and three of them great stragglers. These
-must have owed their origin to political and military extensions of
-the influence of that kingdom, and these, it is intended to show, are
-found in places where Æthelbald, one of the three Mercian aspirants
-for English empire, has made good a conquest. This dedication may,
-therefore, be believed to have been his usual method of making his mark
-of possession.
-
-St. Werburgh was the daughter of Wulfhere, the second Christian King
-of Mercia, who was the son of Penda, the last pagan King. Æthelbald
-was the grandson of Eawa, a brother of Penda, probably the Eoba, who,
-in the Annales Cambriæ, A.D. 644, is himself called “rex Merciorum;”
-so that Æthelbald and Werburgh were what we should call second
-cousins.[10] Wulfhere, A.D. 675, was succeeded by his brother Æthelred,
-who placed his niece Werburgh at the head of three great convents of
-women, with a sort of general spiritual charge of the female portion
-of the newly christianised kingdom. She is said to have died about
-A.D. 700, for it is noted that on opening her coffin in the year 708,
-her body, after eight years, was found unaltered, and her vestments
-undefiled; and from this time, sealed by this reputed miracle, the
-renown of her sanctity soon grew to beatification; and when, eight
-years afterwards, her kinsman Æthelbald began his reign, she had
-achieved the reputation and precedence of the latest national saint.
-She was, however, one of a family of whom many of the women have
-transmitted their names, from immediately after their deaths to our
-own times, attached to religious foundations. Among these, that of her
-aunt, St. Audry, still lives in Ely Cathedral: and this example may
-serve as a crutch to those who find it hard to realise the unbroken
-duration of churches, with these names, direct from the very ages in
-which the persons who bore them lived; for the continuity of this
-name at Ely is a matter of open and undisputed history, unaided by
-mere inference, such as our less conspicuous case requires. There are
-some, also, who stumble at finding all the female saints of particular
-provinces to have been members of one royal family. But of this we
-have an analogy pervading the entire area of our own every-day life,
-in the active assistance in all benevolent purposes, received by the
-clergyman of nearly every parish, from the leisured daughters of the
-more wealthy families. In those missionary days, the kingdoms of the
-newly-converted rulers were the only parishes, and the king and his
-family were as the squire and his family are now; and the greater
-lustre, which then shone out around the name of each, was as that of a
-little candle, in their wider world, compared with what would be its
-effect in a general illumination now. The earlier British churches
-have presented us with the same phenomenon. The numerous progeny, of
-children and grand-children, of Brychan of Brecknock, have nearly all
-left their names in many churches in South Wales, and even in the
-opposite promontory of Cornwall and Devon.
-
-The historical facts of the name and local fame of this royal personage
-are all that we are concerned with. Otherwise, in some later times, it
-has been adorned with the usual amount of miraculous fable. The most
-notable of the miracles credited to her is, that one of her corn-fields
-being continually ravaged by flocks of geese, at her mere command
-they went into voluntary exile. As this is said to have happened near
-Chester, it is easy to refer the story to the monks there, who alone
-were interested in gilding her shrine with it; and her relics were not
-translated there till nearly two hundred years after her death. At any
-rate, the citizens of Bristol are living witnesses that her name is no
-safeguard of her heritage against the devastations of wasteful bipeds,
-who are not only unwise, but also unfledged. This imputed miracle is
-more transparent than is always the case with such embellishments of
-the lives of those who were the first to accept the new faith, and to
-promote it with active earnestness. In it may, at once, be discerned an
-ordinary incident of her pastoral or predial economy, exaggerated to a
-miracle in an age which preferred supernatural to natural causes.
-
-The career of Æthelbald is, of course, more widely known, holding,
-as it does, a prominent place in the general history of the times.
-His reign extended from A.D. 716 to 755, and was chiefly employed in
-extending his sovereignty by the subjugation of neighbouring kingdoms,
-and by his munificent patronage of the church. In the first year of
-his reign, he at once showed a disposition to commemorate his own
-friends, by dedicating churches in their names, by using this method of
-perpetuating, at Croyland, the recent memory of Guthlac, his kinsman
-and protector in exile. It seems, however, that the pagan manners of
-the northern mythology are not purged for several generations after
-conversion: but, as appears from another example, of the practical
-paganism of the Dukes of Normandy, down to our William the Mamzer,
-unless attended with more than the average cruelty and injustice of the
-times, meet with only a qualified reproach, until they are in conflict
-with church discipline and law. The celebrated severe, but friendly and
-respectful epistolary rebuke from Bonifatius,[11] Archbishop of Mainz,
-contains a heavy indictment against both Æthelbald and his predecessor
-Coelred, and their courts, while it acknowledges his prosperity,
-munificence to the church, and his just administration.
-
- * * * * *
-
-Having these specially national or tribal circumstances in view, it
-is thought that the six dedications of St. Werburgh that are found
-beyond the original Mercia must have had special causes, which it is
-believed can be found in the transactions that are recorded in the
-three successive Annals of the Chronicle above recited; and that the
-dedications and the Annals will therefore be found to mutually account
-for each other. The seven churches within Mercia, without any doubt
-each has its own history, mostly connected with Æthelbald: perhaps
-all except the present Chester Cathedral, which arose out of the
-translation, nearly two hundred years later, of her relics to that
-place, from her original shrine in one of her three convents. But these
-home dedications do not fall within our purview, which is limited to
-the wanderers.
-
-When the Chronicle, A.D. 741, says that Cuthred of Wessex contended
-with Æthelbald of Mercia, it can only mean that he attempted a reprisal
-of some portion of Wiccia: but it appears from the Annal of 743, that
-in the two years the combatants had become allies. The frontier between
-Mercia and Wessex had been finally determined; and there we find the
-name of Æthelbald’s recently beatified kinswoman, thrice repeated,
-along his own north bank of the Avon--at Bath, at Bristol, and at
-Henbury. It should be noticed that otherwise than these three, thus
-placed with an obvious purpose, none whatever are found throughout the
-whole length and breadth of Wiccia, the other seven being scattered
-within Mercia proper.[12] It is hence inferred that these three
-dedications are contemporary with each other, and the immediate result
-of the transaction of A.D. 741. It may also be worth noting that one
-of the still surviving dedications of St. Werburgh within Mercia, at
-Warburton, is similarly situated within the northern frontier, the
-river Mersey; and probably records a similar result of Æthelbald’s
-inroad of Northumbria, entered in the Chronicle at the earlier date of
-737: also, according to Bæda, A.D. 740.[13]
-
-The St. Werburgh at Bath is no longer in existence, but its site is
-still on record. It was less than a quarter of a mile north of the
-Roman town, and about a quarter of a mile from the departure of the
-western Roman road, now called Via Julia, from the Foss Way, and
-between them, and very near to both.[14]
-
-What was the condition of the spot now occupied by Bristol, in the
-centre of which, until yesterday, for nearly eleven hundred and fifty
-years, the church with this name has stood, when it was first planted
-there, this is not the place to discuss. A century-and-a-half earlier
-(A.D. 577), Bath, as we have seen, had been occupied by the West
-Saxons, and had no doubt so continued, until this advance southward
-of Æthelbald’s frontier also absorbed that city, or certainly its
-northern suburb, into Mercia. A great highway, of much earlier date
-than the times here being considered, skirted the southern edge of
-the weald that we only know as Kingswood; and at least approached the
-neck of the peninsula--projecting into a land-locked tidal lagoon,
-not a swamp, flooded by the confluence, at the crest of the tide, of
-Frome and Avon--upon which stands Bristol, and which has been hitherto
-crowned with Æthelbald’s usual symbol of Mercian dominion. As long ago
-as ships frequented the estuary of the Severn--ages before the times
-we are considering--it is inconceivable that the uncommon advantages
-of this haven could have been unknown. A British city had, no doubt,
-already existed for unknown ages on the neighbouring heights west
-of the lagoon; and there is a reason, too long to set forth here,
-to believe that the sheltered Bristol peninsula itself was used,
-by the West-Saxons of Ceawlin’s settlement at Bath, as an advanced
-frontier towards the Welsh of West Gloucestershire, long before it
-was appropriated by Mercia. It was, perhaps, already a town before
-Æthelbald planted upon it one of his limitary sanctuaries, having,
-_more Saxonico_, a fortress on the isthmus, upon which the great
-square Norman tower of Robert the Consul was afterwards raised.
-
-All that is known of the sanctuary at Henbury is, that it was one
-of the chapels to Westbury, confirmed to Worcester Cathedral by Bp.
-Simon (A.D. 1125-50), and is described in his charter as “capella
-sancte Wereburge super montem Hembirie sita.”[15] This is in that
-south-western limb of Gloucestershire, bounded by the Frome, Avon, and
-Severn, and separated by Kingswood Forest, which it has already been
-suggested was never Saxon, but remained Welsh until subdued by Mercia.
-
-So that as the only examples of this dedication to be found south
-of Staffordshire and Derbyshire, are the three which line the north
-shore of the Avon, the new frontier of Wessex and Mercia; the entire
-district of Gloucestershire, Worcestershire, and all the intervening
-country, from east to west, being totally without them; these three
-are manifestly arrayed in one line for a special purpose. The record,
-of the contest of Wessex and Mercia, contained in the Annal of A.D.
-741, is thus accounted for in this monument of its result. Three more
-distant St. Werburghs remain, of which two will now be appropriated to
-that of A.D. 743. The one for A.D. 742, passed over for the present,
-will afterwards be shewn to involve the remaining sixth.
-
- * * * * *
-
-It will be remembered that, in the year 743, the Chronicle shews
-Æthelbald and Cuthred, who two years earlier had been fighting each
-other, now united, by perhaps an analogue of a Russo-Turkish alliance,
-against an enemy who, while Cuthred had been engaged with his Teutonic
-rival, had become troublesome in his rear, and dangerous to both.
-Under this year, 743, it says “Now Æthelbald King of the Mercians and
-Cuthred King of the West Saxons fought with the Welsh.” It does not
-say which of the then surviving three great bodies of the Welsh, who
-had been pressed into the great western limbs of the island, that are
-geographically divided from each other by the estuary of the Severn
-and the great bay of Lancashire; but none can be meant but the
-Damnonian or Cornish Britons--the “Welsh” of the West Saxon Cuthred.
-No more of Devon could then have been held by the West Saxons than the
-fruitful southern lowlands, easily accessible from Somerset and Dorset,
-and from the south-coast. Most or all of Cornwall, and the highlands of
-Dartmoor and Exmoor, extending into north-west Somerset, still remained
-British or Welsh; as for the most part in blood, though not in speech,
-they do to this day.
-
-Written history is silent as to the parts separately taken by the
-allies in this contest; but other tokens of that of the Mercian are
-extant; and the two dedications of St. Werburgh that will next engage
-us are among the most significant. A glance at Mercia and the extent of
-the provinces annexed thereto by conquest, betrays a ruling political
-aim at obtaining access to the great seaports. Besides the Humber with
-Trent, and the Mersey, and, as we shall see below, the Medway, and the
-Thames itself; what is more to our purpose, we have found it already in
-possession of Bristol, added to Gloucester and the mouth of the Wye.
-An aggressive kingdom, with this policy, needs no chronicle to tell
-us that ships were abundant; and that at least it must have been able
-to command the transport service of a large mercantile fleet. It will
-readily be understood that one of Æthelbald’s strategies, in aid of his
-ally against his Damnonian insurgents, would be, to outflank the ally
-himself; and establish a cordon across his rear. This was effected by
-transporting, from his Wiccian ports on the Severn, to the north coast
-of Devon, a large migration of his own people; who not only occupied
-the district between the Dartmoor highlands and the north coast, not
-yet Teutonized by Wessex; but possessed themselves of the entire line
-across the western promontory, between Dartmoor and the Tamar, as far
-as the south sea near Plymouth.
-
-Of this strategic movement several strong indications remain upon the
-face of the district; which it is thought, mutually derive increased
-force from their accumulation. One of them is the existence, at
-the outposts of this expedition, of two of Æthelbald’s favourite
-dedications of his kinswoman. One, at Warbstow, stands at the western
-extremity of an incroachment of about eight miles beyond the Tamar,
-near Launceston, into Cornwall--still visible in our county maps,
-in the abstraction of an entire parish from the western side of the
-otherwise frontier river, by an abnormal projection beyond it. The
-other is at Wembury, where the church is finely situated on the
-sea-cliff of the eastern lip of Plymouth Sound. These two examples of
-the dedication, which was the favourite stamp of the conqueror’s heel,
-mark therefore the western and southern extremities of the assumed
-invasion.
-
-Another trace of this great unwritten Mercian descent upon Damnonia,
-may be discerned in the structure, as well as the constituents, of
-the place-names that cover the invaded district. The country, between
-the central highlands of Devon and the north-west coast of Devon and
-north-east of Cornwall, is not only secluded into an angular area
-bounded by the sea; but lies quite out of the course of the torrent of
-West Saxon advance westward: which indeed had been evidently checked
-by the Dartmoor heights. It might have been expected, therefore,
-except for the explanation now offered, that this district would have
-retained a strong tincture of its original Celtic condition, in that
-lasting index of race-occupancy its place-names. In this respect it
-might have presented the appearance of having been conquered, but
-not of a complete replacement of population. On the contrary, at the
-first glance of a full-named map, or in a passage through it, the
-entire district is surprisingly English. Besides this, the place-names
-have not only conspicuous peculiarities of structure, that at once
-distinguish this district from that of the West Saxons south and
-east of Dartmoor; but these recur with such uncommon frequency and
-uniformity, stopped by almost arbitrary limits, as to be manifestly due
-to a simultaneous descent of a very large population, at once spreading
-themselves over the whole of an extensive region.
-
-One of these notes of a great and simultaneous in-migration, is the
-termination of names in “-worthy;” which literally swarms over the
-entire tract of country between the Torridge and the Tamar. It is
-continued with no less frequency into that abnormal loop of the Devon
-frontier, which having crossed the Tamar stretches away towards
-the St. Werburgh dedication at Warbstow, and may be assumed to have
-been afterwards conceded to a condensed English speaking population
-already in possession; when, two hundred years later, King Athelstan
-determined that frontier. Others of these names are found scattered
-down southwards, over the western foot of Dartmoor, towards the
-southern St. Werburgh at Wembury, near Plymouth Sound. It is thought
-that this Devonshire “-worthy” is a transplant of the “-wardine” or
-“-uerdin” so frequent on the higher Severn and the Wye; changed during
-the long weaning from its cradle. In Domesday Book the orthography
-of the Devonshire “-worthys” and the “-wardines” of Worcestershire,
-Herefordshire, and Shropshire, was still almost identical, and their
-orthographical variations flit round one centre common to both. There
-is a “Hene_verdon_” at Plympton, close to Wembury.
-
-Another ending of names, also noticeable on the score of constant
-repetition over this large though limited area, is “-stow,” found
-annexed to the names of church-towns as the equivalent of the Cornish
-prefix “Lan-” and the Welsh “Llan-.” Another very numerous termination
-is “-cot.” But, with regard to these two, it should be mentioned, as
-a remarkable difference from the case of “-worthy,” that “-worthy”
-almost ceases abruptly with the Tamar boundary, except that it follows
-the Devon encroachments above mentioned across that river; whilst the
-“-stow” and “-cot” continue over the north-east angle of Cornwall
-itself to the sea. Although this observation does not conflict with our
-Mercian in-migration, it is not accounted for by it. It may indicate
-successive expeditions or reinforcements, after Æthelbald’s; occurring
-as they do beyond his Warbstow outpost. One incident of this disregard
-of the frontier, occurs in a difference of the behaviour of “-stow”
-on the two sides of it, and may be worth noting for its own sake. On
-the Devon side of the Tamar is a “Virginstow,” with a dedication of
-St. Bridget: on the Cornish side of the boundary is “Morwenstow,”
-preserving “morwen,” understood to be the Cornish word for “virgin.” So
-that this English “-stow” is found added to both the English and the
-Cornish name, each derived from a pre-existent church, dedicated to a
-female saint. The dedication of the present Morwenstow church appears
-to be uncertain; but Dr. Borlase and Dr. Oliver have both found, in
-Bishop Stafford’s Register, note of a former chapel of St. Mary in the
-parish.
-
-It is not meant that these three name-marks are not to be found in
-other parts of England: on the contrary, we shall hereafter see Mercian
-operations in other counties sufficient to account for a very wide
-sprinkling of them. What is here dwelt upon is the unexampled crowding
-of them, showing simultaneous colonisation upon a great scale. Another,
-but smaller, group of “-worthy” and “-cot,” occurs on the Severn
-coast of Somerset, about Minehead, indicating another naval descent
-of Mercia. In fact, although the great swarm above described occurs
-between the Torridge and the Tamar, two distinct trains flow from it:
-one, as before said, over the west foot of Dartmoor to the south sea:
-another along the Severn coast, eastward, ending with the Minehead or
-Selworthy group; and does not crop up again until in Gloucestershire it
-is found in its home midland form of Sheepwardine, and Miserden.
-
-Another example of this sort of connection of Mercia with Cornwall and
-south-west England may be briefly cited. Among the few--not more than
-six or eight--non-Celtic, but national or non-Catholic, dedications
-in Cornwall, is one of St. Cuthbert; a name that is also continued in
-“Cubert,” the secular name of the town. It is situated in one of the
-promontories that so boldly project into the sea on the north coast
-of Cornwall, but farther westward than the English footsteps above
-noted. A very learned and acute writer[16] could not make out how
-“St. Cuthbert has made his way from Lindisfarn to Wells;” and says,
-perhaps truly, that it “does not imply a Northumbrian settlement in
-Somerset.” But St. Cuthbert at Wells, might reasonably be left to the
-cross-examination of historians, or neighbours, of that place; and if
-judiciously and reverently questioned, by the help of what is here
-said, would possibly give a good account of himself.
-
-It is quite true, as might have been expected, that St. Cuthbert is
-much more often found at his home in Northumbria than in the south-west
-of England. In the south-eastern counties he has not been found at
-all: but over the midland counties, and all down through the western
-ones he is thinly sprinkled all the way. Between Humber and Mersey,
-and Tweed and Solway, forty-three can be named if required, and Bishop
-Forbes adds many from his side of the border. Derbyshire has one at
-Doveridge, near the Mercian royal castle of Tutbury; Warwickshire one
-at Shustoke, eight miles south of another villa regia at Tamworth;
-Leicestershire, Notts, Beds, have each one; Lincoln and Norfolk two
-each; Worcestershire perhaps one in the name “Cudbergelawe;”[17]
-Gloucestershire, one at Siston by Pucklechurch, and probably a second
-in the name “Cuberley;” Herefordshire two, or three? Somerset one at
-Wells; Dorset one, or two? Devon one, Cornwall one.
-
-This condensed statement of a series of facts, constitutes one of
-the phenomena of our argument; and shall here be accounted for by an
-observation, to which there will, further on, be occasion to revert.
-Whatever may have been the causes, there was a more intimate earlier
-intercourse between the Anglian kingdoms of Northumbria and Mercia,
-than between them and the more southern or Saxon kingdoms; so that,
-in fact, the hagiology of Northumberland is found to have infiltrated
-into that of Mercia. Sometimes the intercourse was hostile, and of
-this St. Oswald’s prevalence in Cheshire, Shropshire, &c., is an
-instance historically known. Another cause might be collected from
-a study of any pedigree tables of the rulers of the two kingdoms.
-A later action of this mutuality appears in the dedications of the
-Northumbrian Alkmond, found in towns built by Æthelfled, who, Amazon
-though she be reputed, confessed her womanhood in her _cultus_ of the
-child-martyr, as at her town of Derby and Shrewsbury. When, therefore,
-we find Northumbrian dedications in these unlikely southern regions, we
-are not driven to “imply a Northumbrian settlement,” but a sprout of
-Northumbrian hagiology, replanted along with a Mercian settlement.
-
-Midway between Wells and Somerton is Glastonbury. The Chronicle
-published by Hearne as John of Glastonbury, says that Æthelbald
-“rex Merciorum,” A.D. 744, gave to Abbot Tumbert, and the Familia
-at Glaston, lands at “Gassing and Bradelegh.”[18] Bradley is known
-and plain enough, and adjoins the Foss Way, near Glastonbury and
-Somerton; the other place is variously, and very corruptly written:
-once “Seacescet.” But there is still better evidence that at this
-time the supremacy of Æthelbald of Mercia was acknowledged in this
-district of Wessex. A charter, also dated A.D. 744, of a gift of land
-at “Baldheresberge et Scobbanuuirthe”--Baltonsburg and, as some say,
-Shapwick--to Glastonbury, by a lady called Lulla, with the licence of
-Æthelbald, “qui Britannicæ insulæ monarchiam dispensat.” The first
-signature is Æthelbald’s, followed by Cuthred of Wessex “annuens;”
-after which other witnesses, including Herewald, Bishop of Sherborne.
-It is printed in the Monasticon[19] and by Mr. Kemble,[20] both from
-the same manuscript, but with many slight variations in orthography
-which seem to be arbitrary in either. Mr. Kemble prints “Hilla,” but
-John of Glastonbury has “Lulla,” and so have both Dugdale and the
-new Monasticon. Mr. Kemble puts his star stigma but, although not
-of contemporary clerkships, it must transmit, in substance, a more
-ancient deed, and is at least an accumulative ancient and written
-confirmation of the external evidence already given of the supremacy
-of Mercia in this part of Wessex, and the subordination of Cuthred,
-even within the territory allotted to him at the contest of A.D. 741.
-Observe, in passing, an example, in the name “Scobbanuuirthe,” of the
-Mercian--“-uuerdin”--in a transition form towards the “-worthy” of
-North Devon.
-
-At all events, it is not to be wondered at that we should find a St.
-Cuthbert on the north coast of Cornwall, among the other symptoms
-that have been given of a Mercian settlement there. But one in Devon
-deserves some particular notice; because it is found identified with
-one of the examples of “-worthy” which is an outlier, and far away
-from the crowd that has been so much dwelt upon. These two tests of
-Mercian influence have indeed travelled far away from their fellows,
-but travelled together. It is at Widworthy, in the eastern corner of
-the county, between Honiton and Axminster, where the dedication and
-the termination, although compatriots, are both strangers together.
-No chronicle explains this, though no doubt it has a story never yet
-written. But it seems cruel to forsake the St. Cuthbert at Wells to
-account for itself, unhelped. After all that has been lately said, and
-insisted upon, to the contrary, what if it should turn out that the
-“Sumertun” of the Annal of A.D. 733, was Somerton in Somersetshire,
-twelve miles south of Wells, as our deprecated obsolete schoolbooks
-used to teach us? Another twenty-five miles reaches Widworthy. The then
-existing Foss-Way, which, even in its grass-grown abandoned fragments,
-is still a broad and practicable travelling road, passes within a very
-few miles of Wells, Glastonbury, Somerton, and Widworthy.
-
- * * * * *
-
-But a more substantial evidence, of a long continuance of Mercian
-influence beyond the Tamar, is not wanting: and even of its great
-extension farther westward, down to the time of King Alfred. A large
-hoard of coins and gold and silver ornaments was found near St. Austell
-in 1774; and a description and tabulation was lately published, by
-Mr. Rashleigh of Menabilly, of 114 coins that were rescued from the
-scramble.[21] Of these, no less than 60 were of Mercian Kings (A.D.
-757-874), whilst only seventeen belong to the then dominant West-Saxon
-sole monarchs (A.D. 800 to Alfred), and one to Northumbria.
-
-Add to these notes of the Anglian--and not Saxon--kinship of the
-English population of north-east Cornwall, the recurrence in that
-county of what, to uncritical ears, has a great likeness to the song or
-musical cadence already mentioned as met with in Mercia proper. West
-Saxons who had seen the first production of the comedy of “John Bull,”
-used to tell us with much relish, how this peculiarity was imitated
-upon the stage: and, in spite of the friction of an active scholastic
-career, it is still occasionally discernible in cathedral pulpits. It
-has even maintained, to recent times, a feeling among the West Saxons
-of Devon that a Cornishman is, in some degree, a foreigner. What again
-about the “Cornish hug” in wrestling?[22] so strongly contrasted with
-the hold-off grip of the collar or shoulders, and the “fair back-fall”
-which is the pride of the Devonshire champion. It has nothing to do
-with the erudite difference of Celt and Teuton. The men of Devon--such
-as Drake and Raleigh[23]--have nearly as much Celtic blood as those
-of Cornwall. Cornishmen are fond of saying that their English speech
-is more correct than that of Devon: by which they mean, that their
-dialect is nearer to the one that has had the luck to run into printed
-books. Perhaps it is more Anglian and less Saxon. After a neighbourship
-of nearly twelve hundred years, let them now shake hands and be
-Anglo-Saxons: or Englishmen, if they prefer it, and wish to include the
-super-critics in their greeting.
-
- * * * * *
-
-Five out of the six extraneous dedications of St. Werburgh have now
-been referred to the active presence of Æthelbald, at the places where
-they are found, especially in connection with his exploits as they
-are obscurely recorded in the two Anglo-Saxon Annals of the years 741
-and 743. The sixth, and last, of them remains, in like manner, to be
-brought into contact with him, and with the other recited Annal of the
-intermediate year, 742. We left three of the dedications as sentinels
-of their founder’s conquest of his southern frontier of Wiccia. Two
-more were at the more distant duty, of keeping guard over his strategic
-settlement, on the western rear of Wessex. The one yet to be dealt with
-is that of a church still known by the name of that saint, yet more
-distant from her Mercian home; in the extreme south-eastern county of
-Kent: and it only remains to enquire what business it has had; not only
-so far away from its midland cradle, but also from the abiding places
-of its fellow wanderers.
-
-Perhaps this would have been a much shorter task than either of the
-others, but that, at this part of the enquiry, our path is crossed by
-a controversy that began nearly three centuries ago, and has been ever
-since maintained with more or less warmth; and with so much learning,
-and variety of opinion, that the only point of approach, to unanimity
-among the contenders seems to be an acknowledgment that they have each
-left it unsettled. Yet this includes the question before us; whether
-or not the Annal 742 of the Chronicle really concerns that part of the
-island wherein the last of our outlying series of St. Werburghs has
-come to our hands. It is, indeed, believed that the newly-imported fact
-itself, of our finding this dedication where it is, may be a weighty
-contribution to the settlement of the question; yet the controversy
-has been so long carried on, and has involved so great an array of
-authoritative and orthodox scholarship; that we can only presume to
-pass it, by carefully and respectfully over-climbing it, and not by a
-contemptuous Remusian leap.
-
-This remaining sixth St. Werburgh is situated within that small
-peninsula of the north shore of Kent, which is insulated by the mouths
-of the Thames and Medway. In fact, it is not unlike a tongue in a
-mouth, of which Essex and the Isle of Sheppey are as the teeth or
-gums. A line from Rochester bridge to Gravesend would separate more
-than the entire district from the mainland: indeed it is all of the
-county of Kent that is north of Rochester. It consists of an elevated
-chalk promontory, about ten or twelve miles from east to west, and
-four from north to south, inclosing several small fertile valleys:
-added to which, on the north or Thames front, is a broad alluvial
-level or marsh, within the estuary of that river, of several miles
-in width. Camden says of this peninsula, “HO enim vocatur ilia quasi
-Chersonessus.” It is, accordingly, a large specimen of that sort of
-configuration of a tract of land in its relation to water, of which
-the name is often found to contain the descriptive syllable, “-holm,”
-“-ham,” or “-hoe.” Whether or not these three are dialectic varieties
-of one word, need not here be considered: it is certain, however,
-that the names of such peninsular tracts are very often found to be
-marked with “-hoe;” and “Hoo”[24] is the name of the hundred which
-still constitutes the largest and most prominent portion of this
-peninsula. So it was already called, even before the early time with
-which we shall find our own concern with it; for in a charter, dated
-A.D. 738,[25] it is already mentioned as “regio quæ vocatur Hohg.” In
-the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, A.D. 902, it is mentioned as “Holme.” In
-Domesday,[26] the hundred which constitutes the peninsular portion, is
-called “_HOV_;” the isthmus portion having already, however, become a
-separate hundred, then called “Essamele,” now “Shamwell.” The towns in
-the district have their proper names added to “Hoo,” as “Hoo-St.-Mary,”
-and “Hoo-St.-Werburgh:” and this last has the church above referred to.
-This is situated on the southern or Medway shore of the Hoo; but on the
-cliff of the northern side of the elevated core of the peninsula, and
-over-looking the great reach of the estuary of the Thames, and the
-broad alluvial level embraced by it, is the town of “Cliffe;” of which
-the church has the dedication St. Helen. The two churches are just four
-miles apart. There are several other churches now in the peninsula,
-but the others have been attributed to these two, of St. Werburgh and
-St. Helen, as their mother churches, of which the other parishes are
-ancient offshoots or chapelries.
-
- * * * * *
-
-Among the most famous names of places in England, during the long
-aggressive reigns of Æthelbald and Offa, when, for the largest part of
-the eighth century, the other kingdoms were more or less threatened
-with the supremacy of Mercia, was that of a place called Cloveshoe or
-Clovesham.[27] Its celebrity has been, no doubt, much enhanced by its
-intimate connection with the Church History of that period; but it has
-shared, with many of the names of the localities of the most important
-events of the history of those times, in a great deal of uncertainty
-and controversy as to the actual place.
-
-Few monuments of those ages are preserved to us in such multitude as
-names of places, and in such apparent entireness; but few are of such
-uncertain and doubtful appropriation. Although we are living in the
-midst of the scenes of the greatest events of our early history; yet
-one of the most surprising circumstances is, that of the number of
-the names of the places that have remained almost unaltered, during
-the interval of twelve centuries, so few of them can, with any degree
-of certainty, be identified: so that, although a Gazetteer or Index
-Locorum of those times would be a most valuable help it would be
-the most difficult to compile; and, judging from past attempts at
-contributions to it, impossible to be done with any reasonable approach
-to trustworthiness. The visible monuments have almost entirely been
-swept from off the face of the earth. Towns, then of importance and
-even magnitude, if not now entirely subject to the plough, are only
-represented by the merest villages; and religious institutions have
-had their identity drowned by the importation of later monastic
-orders; and generally by more catholic, but less national or local,
-dedications. The names of the places, in some few cases identified
-by immemorial traditions, are often the only indications of the
-whereabouts of some of the greatest events; but even the names
-themselves are obscured by the different methods, used in that age
-and in ours, of distinguishing them from other similar names; and the
-traditions, which should have preserved them, are interrupted by the
-long interval, between the events themselves, and the time at which the
-names first come again into our sight.
-
-But this Clovesho = Clofeshoum = or Clobesham[28] had necessarily
-retained its hold upon the public memory of the ages from the eighth to
-the sixteenth centuries, from the importance to the Church of the great
-acts of councils, both royal and pontifical, there held; and the memory
-or tradition of the National Church, was, of all others, the most vivid
-and tenacious of any, during that long period--perhaps the only one
-which may be said to have bridged it, unbroken by interruptions, such
-as dynastic revolutions. When the tradition of the actual whereabouts
-of this famous place comes first into our view, we find it attached to
-the “Hoo” of Kent above described, and to the place called “Cliffe”
-there situated. The name now current is “Cliffe-at-Hoo,” and this
-appears to have been the form in which it came to Camden’s knowledge:
-at any rate, in the earlier editions of Britannia (1587), he mentions
-this place as “Cliues at Ho Bedæ dictum.”
-
-There is, however, extant a still earlier record, that the tradition
-had not yet been doubted by the learned. The Rev. Prebendary Earle,
-Professor of Anglo-Saxon at Oxford, has most judiciously preserved
-some marginal notes of the 16th century, that he found in that MS. of
-the Saxon Chronicle,[29] which he distinguishes as “C.;” which notes
-he considers to be “written in an Elizabethan hand:” but as will be
-presently seen they must have been of the reign of Henry VIII. One
-of these is written in the margin against one of the occurrences of
-the name “Clofes hoo” in the Chronicle, and reads “doctor Hethe’s
-benyffyce;” and Mr. Earle asks, “where may Dr. Hethe’s benefice
-have been?”[30] To this question of the Professor’s, two more may
-be added: Who was Dr. Hethe? And who was--evidently his intimate
-acquaintance--the writer of the marginal notes to the Chronicle?
-
-The answers to these three questions will shew what sort of men these
-were whom we find in possession of this historical tradition concerning
-the actual place of those famous synods; and who, long before any
-question about it had been raised, by the incipient critical scepticism
-of the 17th century, out of fancied probabilities, are here seen
-treating it as an undoubted fact. These answers will also shew what
-advantages, of time and local associations, they had for judgment of
-the fact.
-
-The benefice, then, was the Rectory of the Cliffe above mentioned,
-situated in the peninsula, or Hoo, north of Rochester. This living was
-held, from 1543 to 1548, by Dr. Nicholas Heath: it was, therefore,
-during these years that the marginal notes were written. He was
-afterwards Bishop of Rochester, and of Worcester, and Archbishop of
-York, and Lord Chancellor; and during the reign of Henry VIII., and to
-the accession of Elizabeth, took leading parts in most affairs, both in
-Church and State. Wood calls him “a most wise and learned Man, of great
-Policy, and of as great Integrity.”
-
-As to Dr. Heath’s friend, the writer of the marginal notes, there can
-be no doubt that he was Dr. Nicholas Wotton: one of the small knot
-of revivers of Anglo-Saxon literature, and of those, named by Mr.
-Earle,[31] as a few persons who then had the handling of Saxon MSS.
-It is found that the long active and distinguished career, of each of
-these two men, ran both in the same groove:--through the same period,
-in the same rank and line of affairs, and locally together.[32] They
-were both part authors of the well-known Institution of a Christian
-Man, 1537. Wotton was the first Dean of Canterbury, and so continued
-for more than twenty-five years: also Dean of York. During two
-intervals he administered, by commission, the Province of Canterbury;
-and was named, along with Parker, as successor to that Primacy.
-
-These are the two men, who are first found in possession of the
-historical tradition, that the famous place where the Mercian kings,
-with the Archbishops, the Bishop of Rochester, and the Mercian and
-other Bishops, held their councils; the acts of which must, in all
-ages, have been most conspicuous to learned English Canonists, was
-no other than this very Cliffe-at-Hoo; and it is evident, from the
-directness of the marginal note, that they held it as an unquestioned
-fact. So, about fifty years afterwards, when he published Britannia,
-it was as we have seen, also without reserve, accepted by Camden.[33]
-Up to this time the tradition--not among men who accept Geoffrey
-of Monmouth’s stories and the like, but among the learned--was yet
-undisturbed. But twenty years later we find Camden wavering; influenced
-only by speculations on the nature of the district, and a then
-prevalent distorted perspective of the remote historical circumstances
-of the time concerned. In the edition of Britannia, which received
-his latest revision,[34] he qualifies his former statement, by saying
-that he no longer dares to affirm, as others do, whether or not the
-Cliffe in the little country called Ho, may be the “Cliues at Ho,” so
-celebrated in the infancy of the Anglican Church; because the place
-seems not to be a convenient one for holding the Synod; and that the
-actual place seems to have been within the kingdom of Mercia, rather
-than Kent. From that time to this present day the place, indicated by
-this name, has ranked among the most disputed and unsettled questions
-of early English topography.
-
-It also happened, that Camden, when treating of Berkshire, had quoted
-from the Chronicle of Abingdon, a passage which set forth, that,
-before the abbey was founded at, or removed to, that place, its name
-had been “Sheouesham,” and was a royal residence. This name, thus
-brought forward by Camden, struck the fancy of Somner the learned
-compiler of the earliest Anglo-Saxon Dictionary,[35] who, collating
-it with Camden’s hesitation at the Cliffe-at-Hoo tradition, thought
-he saw in “Sheouesham” a scriptorial erroneous variation of “Clouesho
-or -ham;” Abingdon being, in accordance with the conception of the
-greater constancy of the frontiers of the “Heptarchy” then prevalent,
-more likely to be the place of councils, at which the Mercian kings
-so often presided. And this seemed to be the more likely; because
-the Abingdon Chronicle also said, that Abingdon had hitherto been a
-royal residence, when the abbey was founded, from which it got its
-new name. The Abingdon Chronicle is, of course, good for its proper
-uses, but where it says that “Seouescham civitas” had been a “sedes
-regia,” although the name has an English colouring, it is evidently
-speaking of British or ante-Saxon times. If a royal residence during
-the reign of Æthelbald, it must have been of the West Saxons, and not
-of the Mercians. It could not, therefore, have been the Cloveshoe where
-Æthelbald presided.
-
-If this liberty of interpretation should be permitted, it is plain
-that it would be enough to shake almost any recorded name. Indeed
-another example of its use, if also tolerated, would reverse the one
-itself that had been proposed: would, if the other was enough to carry
-it to Abingdon, be strong enough to bring it back again to Hoo. In the
-charter, dated A.D. 738,[36] four years before the earliest recorded
-Cloveshoe Council, a piece of land is called “Andscohesham.” This is
-certainly within the very Hoo district itself, which is the site of
-the Cloveshoe of the tradition; being described as “in regione quæ
-uocatur Hohg.” Mr. Kemble prints the charter from the Textus Roffensis,
-but omits the title or endorsement that fixes the very spot in the
-Hoo that it refers to. This is, however, preserved in Monasticon
-Anglicanum:[37] “De Stokes, que antiquitus vocabatur Andscohesham;”
-and Stoke is now a parish in the Hoo, and close to Cliffe. There can
-be no doubt that the “And-” stands for, or is a corrupt reading of,
-“aed-” or the preposition “æt,-” so continually carried, along with
-vernacular Anglo-Saxon names, into Latin documents; and the name of
-this “Scohesham” of the Kentish Hoo would thus be practically identical
-with that of the “Scheouesham”--also written “Seuekesham”[38]--the
-alleged ancient name of Abingdon. Not that it is intended here to
-say that “Andscohesham” is a corruption of “Clovesham,” although it
-would have been just as reasonable as Somner’s inference; but that
-Somner’s conjecture for removing the place, might be retorted by one
-equally efficient to bring it back again. But even this might be
-worth farther scrutiny: for if this identity, of “Andscohesham” and
-“Clovesham,” should prove to be the case, the ancient controversy
-would be determined at once, without the further trouble here being
-bestowed. This Andscohesham or Stoke is close also to Hoo-St.-Werburgh,
-and probably identical with “Godgeocesham,” the place where “Eanmundus
-rex,” or Eahlmund (= Alcmund, father of Egbert of Wessex) was living,
-when he added his form of approval to a gift,[39] of land at Islingham
-also close adjoining, by his co-rex of Kent, Sigered, to Earduulf
-Bishop of Rochester, (A.D. 759-765.)
-
-The likeness of the name Clovesho and Cliff-at-Hoo, is not of a sort
-likely to suggest identity, except first prompted externally, such as
-by an actual independent tradition; but after having been thus brought
-together by external evidence, the structure of the old name can
-thoroughly justify the identity.
-
-But, however slender may have been this original philological cause
-of disturbance, it served to carry the question, of the actual place,
-out into the expansive region of conjecture; where it has been ever
-since rolling and rebounding, from one end of the land to the other,
-from that time to this. Every succeeding writer treating the matter as
-if it had been commissioned to him to choose the place of the synods,
-according to his own views of the fitness of things. Bishop Gibson
-first accepted Somner’s conjecture, and so adopting Abingdon, concludes
-that “no sane man,” who admits the authority of the Abingdon Chronicle,
-“can stick at it:”[40] the Abingdon Chronicle having never said it
-except through Somner’s distortion. Smith’s gloss, on the name in Beda
-is, “Vulgo Cliff, juxta Hrofes caester.” But he continues, in a note,
-that Somner’s opinion in preferring Abingdon seems not unworthy of
-observation. He recites Camden, but concludes, “Sed in his nihil ultra
-conjecturam, & illam certe valde fluctuantem.”[41] A conclusion which
-is even prophetic. In Dr. Geo. Smith’s map to Beda it is, however,
-placed at Abingdon. Smith’s note is transcribed as it stands by
-Wilkins;[42] and again by Sir T. D. Hardy.[43]
-
-Capt. John Stevens, in a note in his translation of Bede, (A.D. 1723,)
-says, as to the true place being Cliffe, “Of this opinion are the two
-great antiquarians, Spelman and Talbot, to which Lambard likewise
-gives in, though with caution.” This must be Dr. Robert Talbot, Canon
-of Norwich, another early Saxon scholar, reign Henry VIII., who left
-transcripts of charters of Abingdon,[44] and is, therefore, another
-early learned witness of the tradition. Spelman’s interpretation is
-“Cloveshoviæ (vulgo Clyff).”[45] The Rev. Joseph Stevenson[46] recites
-the option of Cliffe and Abingdon. Of the church historians, Fuller
-remonstrates against Camden’s doubts, with his usual moderation.
-Collier merely calls it “Clovesho, or Clyff, near Rochester.”
-
-By this time the Abingdon speculation had become strong enough to carry
-double: to be able to be called in to the help of other theories, on
-outside matters. The ingenious Welsh philologer, William Baxter,[47]
-gets from it an offspring _ergo_. He makes Abingdon the “Caleva
-Attrebatum,” _because_ it had been “Clovesho:” upon which, by a sort
-of “To-my-love and from-my-love” formula, Dr. W. Thomas[48] completes
-the symmetry of a logical circle, by citing “Calleva Attrebatum” as
-evidence that Cloveshoe is near Henley-on-Thames, then thought to be
-Calleva.
-
-R. Gough, in Additions to Camden, leaves it at Abingdon on Bp. Gibson’s
-argument: and, throughout the eighteenth century, Abingdon seems to
-have been favoured; the writers being much given to copy each other.
-Dr. Lingard, 1803, quoting Capt. Stevens’s translation of Bede, says
-“probably Abingdon,” and so also puts it in his Anglo-Saxon map; but
-Capt. Stevens had only quoted both views, without adopting either.
-
-The later editors of the Saxon Chronicle, Dr. Ingram and Mr. Thorpe,
-return to the tradition, contenting themselves with the simple gloss
-“Cliff-at-Hoo, Kent,” “Cliff near Rochester.” Miss Gurney, however,
-prudently says, “Cliff in Kent, or Abingdon.” Professor Earle gives
-the valuable note and question about Dr. Heath, before mentioned, but
-leaves the main question, of the place, open. On the other hand, the
-Dictionaries, since Somner: Lye says “fortasse Abbingdon,” and Dr.
-Bosworth follows with “perhaps Abingdon,” quoting both Somner and Lye.
-
-But the nineteenth century took a fresh stride away from the start of
-the seventeenth. Whilst accepting from the eighteenth the inheritance
-of the doubt, it next renounced the claim itself for which the doubt
-had been raised. It is no longer Abingdon, but wherever it may be
-thought likely--Dr. Lappenberg[49] places it in Oxfordshire; Mr.
-N.E.S.A. Hamilton[50] “co. Berks.” Mr. Kemble more boldly carries it
-to “the hundred of Westminster, and county of Gloucester, perhaps near
-Tewksbury.”[51] Next year,[52] he more firmly says “Doubts have been
-lavished upon the situation of this place, which I do not share,” and
-concludes that it was “not far from Deerhurst, Tewksbury, and Bishop’s
-Cleeve; not at all improbably in Tewksbury itself, which may have been
-called Clofeshoas, before the erection of a noble abbey at a later
-period gave it the name it now bears.”
-
-Messrs. Haddan and Stubbs[53] accept the objections of their
-forerunners against Cliff-at-Hoo, thinking that this place “rests
-solely on the resemblance of the name.” They say of the Abingdon
-= Sheovesham theory, that it is also “the merest conjecture.”
-They also reject Mr. Kemble’s Tewkesbury as founded on a mistaken
-identity of Westminster hundred with another place sometimes called
-“Westminster,” in the Mercian charters, (A.D. 804-824). This is,
-indeed, Westbury-on-Trym. But why was the minster there called “west,”
-and where was the minster that was east of it? At an earlier date
-(A.D. 794) it had already got its present name, “Uuestburg.” Messrs.
-Haddan and Stubbs leave the question of the true place of Cloveshoe as
-they find it, neither endorsing the original tradition, nor indulging
-in the freedom of choice which had been established for them. In
-another work,[54] however, Mr. Haddan has said, “On the locality of
-Cloveshoo itself, unfortunately, we can throw no more light than may
-be contained in the observation, that St. Boniface invariably styles
-the English synod, ‘Synodus _Londinensis_;’ and that … the immediate
-vicinity of that city--in all other respects the most probable of
-all localities--seems consequently the place where antiquarians must
-hunt for traces of the lost Cloveshoo.” How far Cliffe, situated near
-the mouth of the Thames, may satisfy or contradict the “Londinensis”
-of S. Bonifatius must be left to be judged. Dean Hook recites his
-fore-goers, but not quite understanding them:--“Where Cloveshoo was
-it is impossible to say, some antiquarians placing it at Cliff-at-Hoo,
-in Kent; some in the neighbourhood of Rochester; others contending for
-Abingdon; others again for Tewkesbury.”[55] But Cliff-at-Hoo in Kent
-_is_ in the _near_ neighbourhood of Rochester. The present state of the
-question, therefore, seems to be, that it is given up as hopeless.
-
-But the most strenuous renunciator of the Kentish tradition, in favour
-of the Berkshire conjecture, was a learned and distinguished native
-of the Kentish locality itself: the Rev. John Johnson. He is usually
-reckoned among the learned and suffering body of the Nonjurors, but,
-by personal merits and some concessions, he appears to have escaped
-their political ordeal; having retained his preferments throughout
-a long life. He is commonly distinguished, from the other Johnsons
-of literature, as “Johnson of Cranbrook.” His remarks deserve all
-the more careful consideration, because he was born at Frindsbury,
-immediately adjoining Cliffe, and the intermediate parish between
-it and Rochester. At Frindsbury, in fact, was the “Aeslingham” of
-the Textus Roffensis, in one of the charters that concern the Hoo
-and the locality now in question. He printed a Collection of Canons
-of the English Church, in 1720.[56] In his preface and notes to the
-Synod at which was ratified the submission of the usurped primacy of
-Lichfield to that of Canterbury, A.D. 803, which is one of those held
-at “clofeshoas;”[57] he oddly brings it, as an argument that Abingdon
-was the place, that the triumphant Archbishop of Canterbury “was
-willing to meet” his reconciled insubordinant rival, half way between
-Lichfield and Canterbury. Converting what is a very strong presumption
-against Abingdon, into an act of extreme humility on the part of the
-Archbishop. The learned writer must have felt the difficulty, which he
-thus strove so hard to liquidate into a virtue. After this, he goes
-on to allege that “there is not a more unhealthy spot in the whole
-province, I may say in all Christendom,” than this district of the Hoo.
-With deference, however, to such a writer, and a native of the spot,
-this account of it does, to a mere visitor, seem to be exaggerated.
-The Gads-Hill, of Falstaff, will bring the neighbourhood to the
-remembrance of many; and it has become more widely known of late years,
-by the last residence of another great master of humour and fiction,
-which is less than four miles from the church of Cliffe, and the
-outlook from which would be about identical with that from any Mercian
-Villa Regia that may have existed here. An ungrateful remembrance of
-the inflictions of schoolmasters, or other childish griefs, is often
-observed to haunt the later career of those to whose distinguished
-position they may have contributed.
-
-In his “Addenda,” Johnson afterwards says, “I find some worthy
-gentlemen still of opinion, that Cliff … was not unhealthy in the
-age of the Councils:” and he truly quotes charters from the Textus
-Roffensis, to show that the northern marshes, or levels, then already
-existed; and he urges that it “was, therefore, altogether unfit for
-a stated place of synod.” That “As Cliff in Hoo was never a place of
-great note itself, so it lies, and ever did lie, out of the road to any
-place of note;” and he goes on to recite Somner and Camden’s plea of
-the greater likelihood of Abingdon, for synods limited to the times of
-Mercian domination.
-
-But the marshes are not in question, they are but an appendage to the
-Hoo. This peninsula is formed of a large fragment of the chalk at
-the eastern end of the North Kentish downs, called by geologists an
-“inlier” into the Thames basin; upon the heights, and in the valleys,
-of which the places concerned in this enquiry were situated. The
-marshes are a broad fringe of level pasture land,[58] advanced into the
-Thames estuary, beyond its north chalk cliff. In Kent the word “marsh”
-signifies the same as “more” in Somersetshire: which, although even
-Dr. Jamieson confounds the two, is a totally different word and thing,
-from the “muir,” or “moor,” for waste lands of a highland character.
-It is to such land as this that we owe the dairies of Cheddar; and if
-this objection should be good, Glastonbury and Wells, not to mention
-Ely and Croyland, must resign their venerable places in history. A very
-similar projection of alluvial level pasture extends from Henbury and
-Shirehampton to the Bristol Channel, without disparagement of their
-salubrity. Mr. Johnson, having suffered much in health by a residence
-of a year or two at Appledore, in Kent, obtained the vicarage of
-Cranbrook, where he lived for eighteen years. It is likely that he was
-sensitive of climatal influences, and shy of those breezes that reach
-this island after passing over the great plains of central Europe: a
-tenderness, which neither Æthelbald nor Offa can be supposed to have
-shared with him.
-
-It is plain, however, that this broad alluvial margin, extending
-from the northern edge of the heights, which are the substantial
-constituents of the Hoo peninsula, already existed, A.D. 779, at
-least a very large extent of it; for the first charter, so dated,[59]
-describes it as then “habentem quasi quinquaginta iugerum.” In a later
-charter, A.D. 789,[60] the name of the projecting level appears as
-“Scaga.”[61] It must already have become land of value to be granted in
-these charters; and its identity is certain from the limits--Yantlet
-(“Jaenlade”) water to “Bromgeheg,” now “Bromey,” on the higher land at
-Cooling. Does not the word “jugeru,” used in the charter, indicate that
-this “marsh” was already cultivated or pasture land? How it had been
-originally caused is, however, not hard to discern. It is, evidently, a
-large portion of the delta of the Thames, intercepted by the confluence
-of the other great river, the Medway, and thrown back behind the chalk
-promontory of the Hoo. Inside, and westward of this deposit, the tidal
-estuary makes a bold reach southward; sweeping the western side of
-this level, and approaching the heights, so as, at Cliffe, Higham, and
-Chalk, to leave only a comparatively narrow fringe of level; and it is
-on the heights at the southern bend of this reach, that are situated
-these three villages, which will presently be found, it is thought, to
-be interesting to us.
-
-As to the most substantial objection, which of course has continued to
-be a constantly recurring ingredient of this controversy, that the
-place of the synods must have been within the kingdom of Mercia, it
-seems a little oblique of the mark aimed at. They were royal councils,
-and these must be expected to have followed the presence of the king
-and his court, as was the case in much later times than those now
-under consideration. Most of the remaining records of these synods
-at Cloveshoe, and of the other national ones during the same period,
-show the king to have presided; and it is true that it is the Mercian
-King, who is so found, during both of the long reigns of Æthelbald and
-Offa; and throughout the time of the domination of the Mercians in
-Kent. The policy of the Mercian aggressors, during their long continued
-contention for empire, to grasp the great estuaries of the island, has
-already been referred to, and a glance at sheets I. and VI. of the
-Ordinance survey will show how desirable was this Chersonesus for the
-head quarters of a power, which made a chief point of the possession
-of the Thames, and its only less valuable and smaller sister, the
-Medway. The opposite coast of the East Saxons had already, for several
-reigns, been subjected to Mercia. A.D. 704, Suebræd, the regulus of
-the East Saxons, could not grant lands at Twickenham, then in Essex,
-but “in prouincia quæ nuncupatur middelseaxan,” to Waldhere, Bishop
-of London, except “cum licentia Æthelredi regis” of Mercia.[62] Kent,
-less fortunate, was still contended for by both Wessex and Mercia, as
-well as by Sussex, and by all three it was successively ravaged; and it
-even looks as if the three contending invaders maintained, as clients,
-rival pretenders, as kings of the parts of Kent at the time under their
-power. The division of Kent into Lathes may be a so-to-speak fossil,
-or rather an archaic autograph upon the surface of the county, of this
-state of it. It is, however, certain that Mercia ultimately made good a
-permanent domination of Kent; and the kings of Kent acknowledged that
-supremacy in their government, by merely counter-subscribing the acts
-of the kings of Mercia.[63]
-
-The mass of chalk, of which the body of the Hoo consists, is said to
-pass under the Thames; and a small continuation of it reappears on
-the Essex side, directly opposite Cliffe and Higham and Chalk, at East
-Tilbury; and having continued four miles westward, behind the marsh
-marked by Tilbury Fort, dies out at Purfleet.[64] It forms an elevated
-promontory at East Tilbury, penetrating the levels on that side to the
-river. The present chief traject of the river is about three miles
-westward, from Gravesend to the fort: but the chalk promontory is the
-terminus of an ancient straight chain of roads, which, although in
-some places interrupted by later breaks and divergencies, indicates a
-traffic of ages, from this terminus on the river, in a north-western
-direction, striking the Iknield Street at Brentwood, and apparently
-afterwards still continuing the same line: probably to Watling Street;
-any rate to the heart of the Mercian dominions: say, to Hertford, if
-you like.
-
-There are various other substantial evidences of great ancient
-intercourse of Essex with the Hoo of Kent, by a trajectus at this
-place, between East Tilbury and Higham; and Higham is only five miles
-from Rochester bridge, by which the Watling Street entered that city.
-Morant says, of the manor of Southall in East Tilbury, “This estate
-goes now to the repair of Rochester bridge: when and by whom given
-we do not find.”[65] He also mentions the “famous Higham Causeway”
-in connection with Tilbury.[66] Until the reign of Stephen, the
-church at Higham had belonged to the Abbot and Convents of St. John,
-Colchester.[67] The importance of this Essex traject to the kingdoms
-north of the Thames, when the domination of Mercia in Essex and Kent
-was beginning, may be inferred from the fact that one of the two
-colleges, or capitular churches, founded by Cedda, A.D. 653, in Essex,
-was at Tilbury.[68] There is a place called Chadwell by West Tilbury.
-Some years later, A.D. 676, when Æthelred of Mercia first devastated
-Kent, it is evident that he used this passage; for the destruction
-of Rochester, five miles south of Higham and Cliffe, is the only
-one of his exploits, on that expedition, specified by name.[69] So
-late as A.D. 1203, Giraldus Cambrensis passed from Kent to Essex by
-Tilbury. These incidents, connecting Tilbury and Higham, may qualify
-the surprise that has hitherto troubled church historians at finding
-that “Clofeshoch,” at so early a date as A.D. 673, was appointed, at
-“Herutford,” as the place for future councils, even if Herutford had
-been Hertford, as some say.
-
-The conclusion that the line of approach, and of the first invasion of
-Kent by the Mercians, was by a passage from the Essex coast to Higham
-or Cliffe; and that the peninsula of Hoo, adjoining Rochester, had then
-and long after been the basis of their domination of that kingdom;
-had been already formed, from what has been already said. And it was
-at this point, that it was thought worth while to see what the chief
-county historians say about the two termini of the trajectus.
-
-This is Hasted’s statement:--
-
- “_Plautius_, the _Roman_ General under the _Emperor
- Claudius_, in the year of Christ, 43, is said to have passed
- the river _Thames_ from _Essex_ into _Kent_, near the mouth
- of it, with his army, in pursuit of the flying _Britons_ who
- being acquainted with the firm and fordable places of it passed
- it easily. (Dion. Cass., lib. lx.) The place of this passage
- is, by many, supposed to have been from _East Tilbury_, in
- _Essex_, across the river to _Higham_. (By Dr. Thorpe, Dr.
- Plott, and others.) Between these places there was a _ferry_ on
- the river for many ages after, the usual method of intercourse
- between the two counties of Kent and Essex for all these parts,
- and it continued so till the dissolution of the abbey here;
- before which time Higham was likewise the place for shipping
- and unshipping corn and goods in great quantities from this
- part of the country, to and from _London_ and elsewhere. The
- probability of this having been a frequented ford or passage
- in the time of the _Romans_, is strengthened by the visible
- remains of a raised causeway or road, near 30 feet wide,
- leading from the _Thames_ side through the marshes by _Higham
- southward_ to this _Ridgway_ above mentioned, and thence across
- the _London_ highroad on _Gads-hill_ to _Shorne-ridgway_, about
- half-a-mile beyond which adjoins the _Roman Watling-street_
- road near the entrance into _Cobham-park_. In the pleas of the
- crown in the 21st year of K. Edward I., the _Prioress_ of the
- nunnery of _Higham_ was found liable to maintain a bridge and
- causeway that led from _Higham_ down to the river _Thames_, in
- order to give the better and easier passage to such as would
- ferry from thence into Essex.”[70]
-
-It may be added that the Hoo peninsula has other marks of having been,
-at much earlier times, a district of great transit. There is, perhaps,
-no other part of England, of so small an extent, which has so many and
-clustered examples of “Street” in names of secluded spots--including
-the almost ubiquitous “Silver Street”[71]--quite disengaged from those
-that follow the line itself of Watling-street. Yet Mr. Johnson of
-Cranbrook goes on to say, “As Cliffe in Hoo was never a place of note
-itself, so it lies, and ever did lie, out of the road to any place of
-note.” It is believed that he has greatly under-rated the substantial
-results of such a dynastic change as we are now considering; followed,
-for a thousand years, by its sequential changes on the material surface
-of the earth.
-
-At all events, this was, evidently, the earliest line of approach, by
-which Mercia, with its contingents, the other Anglian nations and the
-East Saxons, whom it had either subdued or otherwise allied, invaded
-Kent; and this continued to be its chief or only access for some years.
-A single glance, at the geography of the Hoo, will show the value of
-such an advanced peninsula, as the basis of such an incursion upon the
-centre of Kent; and as the stronghold from which the subjection of that
-kingdom could be maintained. We have other means of knowing that it was
-probably, at least, thirty years before a second or optional approach
-was secured by way of the east of Kent. This second access must have
-been a much coveted one, and when it came into hand must have been of
-great value; particularly in regard to the occasional, or at least
-frequent, royal residence already established at the Hoo. The Watling
-Street, the greatest and most frequented of all the highways then
-existing, led from the very heart of Mercia, in a direct line through
-Middlesex, to the very isthmus of the peninsula itself. Although Kent
-had been already invaded, A.D. 676, yet so late as A.D. 695,[72] London
-remained subject to Essex; but, as we have already seen, only nine
-years afterwards Twickenham, in the province called “Middelseaxan,” had
-become subject to Mercia.
-
-Some of our most learned historians describe the “Middle Saxons” as
-a very small people, forming a part of the East Saxons; but they are
-obliged to confess that they find very little to say about them. It is
-believed that there never was a separate people called Middle Saxons.
-They have been created out of a snatched analogy, of the mere name
-“Middlesex,” with “Essex,” “Sussex,” and “Wessex.” There can be little
-doubt that Middlesex represents the original civitas, or territory, of
-the local government, of its urbs or burgh of London, the capital of
-the kingdom of Essex. Like other great commercial seaports or staples,
-this already great mart had maintained much of the condition of a
-free city; and, in passing, along with its territory from Essex to
-the ascendant power of Mercia, it may not have been by conquest, but
-by a voluntary exercise of that instinct, to unite in the fortunes of
-an advancing supremacy, which is often associated with, and perhaps
-closely allied to, commercial habits. At all events, it is at this time
-that the name, Middlesex, first comes to light;[73] and it is believed
-that instead of being, like the names of the Saxon nations, formed by
-the addition of an adjective; the “middle” of this newer name is a
-preposition, and that it means, that Anglian acquisition which had now
-thrust itself _between_ the East Saxons and the South and West Saxons.
-The Anglo-Saxon Dictionaries produce an example, from one of the
-glossaries of Ælfric, of “Middel-gesculdru” = the space _between_ the
-shoulders.
-
-But although, in the existing records of the series of Councils and
-Synods that were held during the ascendancy of Mercia, and often
-presided over by the Mercian kings in person, the name of Cloveshoe
-is frequent, as the place of convention; other places, as “Cealchythe”
-and “Acle,” are also frequent and continuous. And the names of the
-councillors, who sign the acts as witnesses, have a certain current
-identity, with only such changes as may be expected by lapse of time,
-rather than of change of the region where the assemblies had been
-convened. After the king, usually follows the Archbishop of Canterbury;
-then the Bishop of Lichfield, followed by the other Mercian Bishops;
-and then of the other subject kingdoms.
-
-These two places, Cealchythe and Acle, have been as great puzzles to
-enquirers as Clovesho itself; and they also have been placed in very
-distant regions; the sounds of their names being apparently thought
-to be the only consideration. Cealchythe was thought by Archbishop
-Parker to be in Northumbria; but Alford said Chelsea; Spelman that
-it was within the kingdom of Mercia.[74] Gibson suggests Culcheth
-in Lancashire, as although in Northumbria, not far from Mercia.
-Miss Gurney also says “Perhaps Kilcheth on the southern border of
-Lancashire.” Dr. W. Thomas gives it to Henley-on-Thames, partly because
-he considered it “near” Cloveshoe; Wilkins nor Kemble make any venture;
-others, adopted by Messrs. Haddan and Stubbs, and, as far as the name
-alone would have settled it, with a very great deal of apparent reason,
-would have placed it at Chelsea. The ancient forms of the name of
-Chelsea, of which examples are by no means scarce, seem all directly
-to lead up to an identity with that of the councils. One of these, of
-the baptism, A.D. 1448, of John, son of Richard, Duke of York, recorded
-in Will. Wyrcester’s Anecdota, is, for example, at “Chelchiethe.” But
-the name of the council seems to resolve itself into “Chalk-hythe,” and
-there is no chalk at Chelsea. But even this has been got over by taking
-the first portion of “Chelsey” for “chesil” or gravel; and this favours
-the ancient forms of Chelsea = Chelchythe, rather more than it does the
-variations in the name of the council; which on the whole lean towards
-“chalk” or “Chalkhythe.” Dr. Ingram[75] adopts “Challock, or Chalk, in
-Kent;” and Mr. Thorpe repeats that suggestion, with the addition of a
-“?”
-
-As to this “Chalk,” it is also in the district of the Hoo, and is the
-adjoining parish westward of Higham; on the same chalk ridge, whereon
-both Higham and Cliff-at-Hoo are situated. The village is two miles
-west of Higham church, and all three are practically the same place,
-within a space of four miles; of which the ancient trajectus above
-mentioned is at the centre. The face of the cliff, upon which Cliffe
-stands, is still quarried for chalk, which is shipped in a small creek
-that runs up to the cliff. It will at once come to mind, how constantly
-such wharfs are called “hythe,” throughout the navigable portion of
-the Thames; and how frequently that word forms a part of the names of
-them. That river has, indeed, almost--not quite--a monopoly of this
-name-form. But the Ordnance Surveyors[76] show an eastward detachment
-of Chalk parish, within half a mile of Higham church, and close to that
-point of the shore which would have been the hythe of the traject.
-There can be little doubt that this detachment is a survival of the
-“Chalkhythe” at which some of the councils were dated, whilst others
-were at Cliffe-at-Hoo adjoining. An endorsed confirmation,[77] under
-Coenulf, has the formula, “in synodali conciliabulo _juxta_ locum qui
-dicitur caelichyth.”
-
- * * * * *
-
-Another frequent name, of the place of convention of some of this
-series of councils during Mercian ascendancy, is “Acle” or “Acleah,”
-which has been as great a puzzle as the others. This name may be
-expected to appear in any such modern forms as Oakley, Okeley, Ockley,
-or Ackley, which are very numerous in nearly every part of England;
-indeed, wherever the oak has grown: and rather a free use of this wide
-choice has been made in the attempts to find the place of the councils
-so dated. The most accepted one seems to be Ockley, south of Dorking,
-near the confines of Surrey and Sussex; apparently attracted by a
-battle with the Danes there, A.D. 851. But this happened in later and
-Wessexian times. Lambarde (about A.D. 1577) thought it likely to be
-somewhere in the Deanery of Ackley, in Leicestershire: Spelman, in the
-Bishopric of Durham. Dr. Ingram says, “Oakley in Surrey.” Professor
-Stubbs says of one act of Offa so dated that it “is unquestionably
-Ockley in Surrey,” and affords “a strong presumption that the other
-councils of the southern province said to be at Acleah, were held at
-the same place,” apparently because the charter before him is a grant
-to Chertsey. But the substance of these royal grants does not show the
-place where they were executed. They are the Acts of the Supreme Court
-of Appeal. Ingram and Thorpe give Ockley, Surrey. Miss Gurney, “Acley,
-Durham?” Kemble, “Oakley or Ackley, Kent, or Ockley, Surrey,” Sir T. D.
-Hardy says “in Dunelmia;” no doubt adopting Spelman’s judgment.
-
-Turning again to the Ordnance Survey,[78] at one mile-and-a-half from
-the church at Cliff-at-Hoo, and rather nearer to it than Higham church
-itself, will be seen a building marked “Oakly;” or, in the six-inch
-scale, two: Oakley and Little Oakley. Reverting to Hasted’s account of
-the parish of Higham,[79] we also find that it contained two manors,
-Great and Little Okeley; and he quotes the Book of Knight’s Fees,
-K. John, where it is written, “Acle.”[80] Oakley lies in the direct
-way from the ancient traject to Rochester bridge, and has been held
-liable to repair the fourth pier of it. In Domesday it appears as
-“Arclei.” But the existence of this very place can be realised at a
-date eight years earlier than the first recorded Synod at Aclea. Mr.
-Kemble has printed[81] a grant of Offa, dated A.D. 774, to Jaenberht
-the Archbishop, of a piece of land in a place called “Hehham,” now
-Higham; of which one portion is conterminous with Acleag--“per confinia
-acleage”,--another part touches “ad colling”--now Cooling with its
-Castle,--afterwards bounded by “mersctun,” since Merston, and other
-lands “Sc̄i andree,” _i.e._ of Rochester Cathedral. This piece of land,
-although granted by Offa to the Archbishop of Canterbury, is not only
-situated within the diocese of Rochester, but is immediately surrounded
-by the demesnes of Rochester Church. From a realization of the above
-three land-marks of the charter, it is certain that, although Cliffe is
-not named, the site of the church and town of Cliffe itself, as well as
-Higham, is included within the land-marks of the grant; and that the
-granted manor is identical with those parishes, as they have afterwards
-become. Cooling adjoins the granted land to the east; Acleag, now
-Oakley, to the south; Merston, is described by Hasted as a forgotten
-parish, and no longer appears even in his own map of the Hundred,
-but he identifies the ruined church among the buildings of “Green
-Farm,” close to Gads-hill. From this he represents it to have reached
-the Shorne Marshes; that is to the Thames shore; forming, therefore,
-the western boundary of Cliffe and Higham, and including the already
-mentioned detachment of Chalk parish, and having Acleag named as one of
-its boundaries.[82]
-
-In this charter of Offa, we see one of the examples of those first
-separations of land, which afterwards became what we call a parish.
-What we now call a parish, is not an invention or institution by
-Archbishop Honorius, or Archbishop Theodore, nor of any individual
-genius; any more than shires and hundreds were invented by King Alfred.
-Our parishes are the natural and exigent result of the variety of
-causes that have planted churches; to the use of which, and to the
-privileges of the cures vested in them, neighbours have acquired
-customary or other rights. Territorial parishes are definitions and
-ratifications of these emergent rights, that pre-existed, as other
-political results do pre-exist, such confirmations of them. Their
-multiplication may have been promoted, more or less, by different men
-in different ages, including our own age. We shall presently see,
-that it is most likely that Offa founded the church at Cliffe; and
-this charter no doubt fixes the date of it. Higham must have been
-separated from it, into another parish, at a later time. The Archbishop
-of Canterbury continued to be the owner of Cliffe until K. Henry
-VIII.; and the rectory is still in the gift of the Archbishop, and
-exempt from Rochester which encompasses it. As Johnson of Cranbrook
-himself admits, “It is indeed a parish most singularly exempt; for the
-incumbent is the Archbishop’s immediate surrogate.”
-
- * * * * *
-
-But there is a much later Mercian council, which deserves to be
-noticed; not for its intrinsic importance, but on account of the
-place from which it is dated.[83] It is a sale of two bits of land at
-Canterbury to the Archbishop, A.D. 823, by Ceoluulf, “rex merciorum
-seu etiam cantwariorum.” The price seems to have been, a pot of gold
-and silver money, by estimation five pounds and-a-half (or ? four
-and-a-half); more portable and convenient to Ceoluulf under Beornuulf’s
-usurpation of Mercia. This was just when Mercia was waning, and Wessex
-ascendant. The date is “in uillo regali, qui dicitur werburging wic.”
-It will be remembered what was the business that first called us to the
-Kentish Hoo: the finding one of our St. Werburgh dedications there.
-
-That this Werburghwick was in the Hoo, will become more likely by
-comparison with another charter.[84] This is, a grant of a privilege
-to the Bishop of Rochester, by Æthelbald, A.D. 734, which has an
-endorsed confirmation, by Beorhtuulf “regi merciorū in uico regali
-uuerbergeuuic,” which endorsement must have been added about A.D. 844.
-Turn also to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, A.D. 851 or 853, where it is
-said that the Heathen men having held their winter in Thanet; in the
-same year came 350 ships into Thames mouth, and broke Canterbury, and
-London, and made this same Beorhtuulf King of the Mercians fly with his
-army, and went south over Thames into Surrey.[85] It is thought more
-likely that he was at his villa regalis, in the Hoo, than at Tamworth;
-where however he sometimes is also found.
-
-The truth seems to be, that, when Mercia relapsed into a mere province
-or Ealdormanship, it still retained its hold in Kent as an appanage.
-Thus we have seen Ceoluulf at our Werburghwick in the Hoo, A.D. 823;
-and Beorhtwulf in the same place, A.D. 844, and again, apparently
-disturbed by the Danes, A.D. 853. In the paper, before referred to,
-Mr. Rashleigh has given an analytical table of a hoard of about 550
-Anglo-Saxon Coins found at or near Gravesend in 1838, which must have
-been buried so late as A.D. 874-5. Of these 429 are of Burgred king
-of Mercia A.D. 852-874, and one of Ceoluulf (II.) of Mercia, A.D.
-874. Probably the boundary of the latest holding of Mercians in Kent,
-answers to that of the diocese of Rochester, as it came down to the
-middle of the present century; somewhat abnormally consisting of only
-a part of a county. Dioceses were originally identical with civil
-provinces; and have been dormantly conservative of their boundaries,
-during those very times when political revolutions have been most
-active upon those of civil states.
-
- * * * * *
-
-It thus appears, that the three most frequent of the names, from which
-the series of Mercian synods are dated, can be accounted for as of
-places practically in the same locality; and that, the one to which
-tradition, before it had been tampered with by philological evolution,
-had already directly pointed; and on a piece of land, exceptionally
-given to Canterbury, encompassed by the lands of Rochester, for
-a purpose of which the circumstances here adduced are the only
-explanation and index. It is not inferred that all three names indicate
-the same building: probably not; for, in a later synod, “ad Clobeham,”
-(A.D. 825)[86] a judgment “prius at Cælchythe” is referred to. But so
-might, up to our time, a judgment at Westminster, or at Guildhall, be
-quoted in the Chancellor’s Court at Lincoln’s Inn; but all three would
-be at London.
-
- * * * * *
-
-Although the synods of the series are most frequently dated from
-Cloveshoe, Chalkhythe, and Acleah, other places have one or two each.
-There is “Berhford,” A.D. 685, usually placed at Burford, Oxon., for
-no other reason than the sound of the name, connected with the old
-prejudice for that neighbourhood as central for Mercia. “Baccanceld,”
-A.D. 798, was certainly in Kent, since there was also a council of
-the still self-acting king of Kent held there, A.D. 694. Another
-name “Bregentforda,” very doubtfully, upon no better ground, placed
-at Brentford. All these deserve to be closely re-considered; and if
-possible supported by some reason, added to these guesses from the
-merest outside likeness in the names.
-
-Already, A.D. 680, Theodore, Archbishop of Canterbury, had presided
-at a general Council of the Bishops of England, said by Ven. Beda to
-be “in loco qui Saxonico vocabulo _Haethfelth_ nominatur.” Some have
-placed this at one of the various Hatfields or Heathfields that may
-have struck the taste of either; whether in Yorkshire, Herts, Essex,
-Sussex, or Somerset. But Archbishop Parker[87] says that it was “juxta
-Roffam,” apparently quoting “Roff. Histor.” This, at any rate, shews
-that near Rochester was at least not thought an unlikely place for
-a great general Council. Collier also gives the marginal title “The
-synod at Hatfield _or_ Clyff, near Rochester.” So much for Heathfelth.
-But where, after all, was “Herutford,” the place of the earlier synod
-(A.D. 673), also convened by Archbishop Theodore? This may be looked
-upon as the initial one of the long series of “Clofeshoch” synods:
-at which that series was first appointed. Mr. Kemble says[88] that
-it was “presided over by Hlothari the sovereign of Kent,” and this
-was probably the case, although Beda does not expressly say so. Beda
-only adds, to his account of the decrees of the council, a paragraph
-beginning with a statement that it was held A.D. 673, the year in which
-king Ecgberct had died and been succeeded by his brother Hlothere. Kent
-was still an independent kingdom; and, not only in the primacy, but in
-its instrument, the series of synods thus instituted, possessed within
-itself the heart of the now established church; which, having become
-an active political function of concentration, was a much coveted
-constituent of empire; and invited the impending aggression of Mercia.
-Within three years of the first institution and localisation of these
-councils, Æthered made a direct swoop upon this quarry, when he entered
-Kent at this very Hoo, the appointed place of the future councils.
-
-The only reason for “Hertford,” as the usual interpretation of
-“Herutford,” is again the mere likeness of the name; and is not a
-strong one even of its kind. Any place with “Rod-,” “Reed-,” “Rote-,”
-and many the like initial syllable, would have a better claim. It is
-very much suspected that the method, hitherto practised of placing
-these old place-names, has been far too hasty. It may fairly be
-expected that some of them are no longer represented by any existing
-names. We have seen above by how close a shaving several have survived.
-But of this name “Herutford,” “Heorotford,” or “Heortford,” it might
-safely be assumed that the initial “He-,” is no more than a prefixed
-aspirate: that it is not of the essence of the name. And so Beda
-himself evidently thought; for when[89] he mentions a name, almost
-identical with this one, in Hampshire; he gives it with a Latin
-explanation, “_Hreutford_, id est _Vadum harundinis_,” evidently
-taking it for Reed or Rodford.[90] We might also expect to find such
-a name represented by a modern name beginning with “Wr-;” but an
-inconsiderable “Redham,” a farm, in Gloucestershire, is found written
-“Hreodham” in the tenth century.
-
-The above had already been written, when it seemed to be at least a
-formal obligation to test this principle, by a direct application of it
-to the district under consideration; which has unexpectedly yielded,
-what is at any rate, an example of the principle. Whether or not it
-indicates an actual trace of the place “Herutford” itself, shall not
-at present be ventured to say. However,[91] in the charter, dated 778,
-already quoted, in which the level land north of Cliffe is called
-“Scaga;” the land-marks begin with the words “Huic uero terrae adiacent
-pratae ubi dicitur Hreodham.” The land itself, to which it is adjacent,
-is called “Bromgeheg;” a name which now remains as “Broomey,” a house
-only, at Cooling; and the chief land-limits are “Clifwara gemære” and
-“Culinga gemære.” The land is granted to the Bishop of Rochester, but
-evidently adjoins the eastern side of that including Cliffe itself,
-which had already been given to the Archbishop, as above quoted.
-
-Even at first sight it would seem unaccountable, that, at a synod
-held at Hertford; what appears to amount to a periodical series of
-repetitions or continuations, or in fact adjournments of it should have
-been determined upon at so distant a place as Clofeshoch,--wherever
-that may prove to have been--must have been from Hertford. It would
-seem more likely, that the future place of assembly in view, would have
-been practically in the same place. This initial council was under the
-presidency of the Primate; and so were those that followed, except that
-when the King of Mercia was present the Primate yielded the first place
-to him. The permanently appointed place would also be likely to have in
-view the convenience of access, to the Primate, of his suffragans, from
-all the sub-kingdoms; and to this the Watling-street contributed, not
-only his own ready approach from Canterbury, to the very place where
-tradition has fixed it; but also, for those who were to meet him there;
-the most perfect road from London, and the entire north-west of the
-island; whilst immediate access from East Saxony, East Anglia, and the
-northern dioceses, has been shewn in the well frequented ferry, also to
-this very place. The Church of England is seen to have had an earlier
-approximation towards political unity than the Kingdom of England. The
-former was, in fact, contributory to the latter as, perhaps, one of its
-most efficient causes. This was not lost sight of by those who aimed at
-the supremacy; whose policy, therefore, was to have the Primate at his
-right hand in his councils; and to cultivate an identity of interest
-with him. Offa’s attempt to set up an Archbishop at Lichfield, only
-seven miles from his home-court at Tamworth, was in this direction.
-
- * * * * *
-
-This attempt to determine the true place of these synods, during the
-continuance of Mercian supremacy in England; was intended to confirm
-the statement, that wherever extraneous dedications of St. Werburgh are
-found, traces are also found of the energetic or active presence of
-Æthelbald. It may seem to be rather an elaborate implement for so small
-a purpose. It has been more extensive than was contemplated: but, if
-once successfully constructed, it may serve a greater purpose of its
-own: the setting at rest of a long dispute. And this purpose of its own
-will itself receive back all that it gives to ours: for if the presence
-of Æthelbald, accounts for our having found a St. Werburgh in this
-now secluded peninsula; the presence of that dedication, is a weighty
-confirmation of the much disputed fact, that he was busy and much
-resident there; and that we might reasonably expect his most important
-acts to be dated thence. At all events, it is hoped that our sixth and
-last remaining of the wandering dedications of St. Werburgh, in the
-Kentish Hoo, has been thus discovered to have been in the immediate
-company of Æthelbald; when, as it is said in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle:
-
- “A.D. 742. Now was a great synod gathered at Cloueshou, and
- there was Æthelbald, King of the Mercians, and Cutbert,
- Archbishop, and many other wise men.”
-
-But something more is to be said concerning this passage itself of
-the Chronicle. It appears to be only contained in one manuscript;
-consequently in the five-column edition, this year is only filled in
-in the fifth column; the other four being blank. Sir T. D. Hardy says
-of this solitary manuscript, that it is “apparently of the twelfth
-century;” and that it contains “various peculiar additions, chiefly
-relating to Kentish ecclesiastical affairs.”[92] Professor Earle also
-says of it: “There is no external tradition informing us as to what
-home it belonged, but the internal evidence assigns it to Christ
-Church, Canterbury.”[93] This is much more to our purpose than if it
-had been in all the manuscripts: for if it had been a part of the
-usual and received text of the Chronicle, it would have here been a
-mere retranscription, for ages, with an indefinite locality. As it is,
-standing only in a Chronicle of Canterbury; it had evidently claimed
-the special attention of the Annalist, from its direct local Kentish
-interest; and especially its concern with a piece of land, which,
-we have seen, was owned by the Cathedral Church to which the writer
-belonged. What has been already said about the “Dr. Hethe” note[94]
-applies with still greater force to this; which is indeed the same
-Canterbury tradition; only that it is in hand-writing of four hundred
-years earlier date.
-
-But “Hoo-St.-Werburgh” is a parish adjoining to Cliffe; and our
-argument is, that when, as recorded in the Canterbury copy of the
-Chronicle, A.D. 742, there was a synod at Cloueshou, and that
-“Æthelbald was there;” he founded and dedicated this church, as we have
-found him to have done elsewhere. Added to this, we have seen reason,
-and shall presently see more, that the neighbouring church of Cliffe
-itself was founded by his great successor Offa, A.D. 774. It has been
-said, and with great likelihood, that Cliffe and Hoo-St.-Werburgh
-were the two most ancient churches in the Hoo; and that they are the
-mother churches of the five or six others in the peninsula, that have
-sprung up at some later times; their segregated portions, which, in due
-course, have consolidated into separate parishes.
-
-As before said, the church at Cliffe-at-Hoo itself, has the dedication
-of St. Helen; and it is believed that, by a similar foretaste of
-chivalry, to that of Æthelbald’s for St. Werburgh; Offa habitually
-planted his standard under the name of this other female saint. It is,
-therefore, no wonder that we find these two, close together, in that
-very district wherein, during two long reigns, Æthelbald and Offa are
-recorded as constantly performing acts of sovereignty. Of this there
-are many evidences, besides the councils about which we are engaged,
-in the accounts of their dealings, in this district, and along the
-Medway, and throughout Kent, in the manner in which conquerors usually
-deal with newly-acquired land; as shewn in their numerous charters.
-
-The reputed British-Roman nativity of St. Helen in Deira, appears to
-have given her name a prevalence in that province, with which the
-Anglian successors of the northern Britons were infected; like that
-of St. Alban, and the Kentish St. Martin, with his prolific eastern
-grafts.[95] And they accepted and improved the legacy. But the remains,
-of this acceptance, of a local aspect of religion, are the most
-conspicuous in Deira; and in Lindisse or Southumbria, a constituent
-of that kingdom. It did not extend to Bernicia. Of the known existing
-dedications of St. Helen, Durham contains only two, Northumberland one,
-Westmoreland and Cumberland none; and we learn from Bp. Forbes, that
-the name thinly re-appears beyond the border in Scottish Northumbria.
-But in Yorkshire we find twenty-two, and in Lincolnshire thirty; and
-these last, except two a little south of it, are all in Lindsey proper:
-Nottinghamshire also has ten. Lancashire has four or five. The tendency
-of Northumbrian hagiology to spread into Mercia proper, has been
-already mentioned; and a still pretty free, but reduced, scattering
-of St. Helens is found in that kingdom. Derbyshire has 5, Cheshire 3,
-Northants 6, Leicestershire 4, but Staffordshire none, Salop one--being
-near to [H]Elle[n]smere. Bedfordshire one at [H]El[len]stow. Herts
-one at Wheathampstead--near Offa’s St. Alban, and Essex (Colchester)
-one. The Wiccian counties, Warwick two, Worcester (city), and
-Gloucestershire (north) each one.
-
-The above examples, of this dedication in England--about 96--have been
-recited, chiefly for the purpose of exhaustion. The residual seven
-or eight, still more scattered over the more southern counties, are
-what our lesson must be chiefly read from; that they are found in the
-footsteps of Offa, as marks of new possession; in a similar manner
-to the St. Werburghs in the tract of Æthelbald. No doubt each of the
-ninety six has its own story to tell, but it does not now concern us.
-
-As we have already seen,[96] A.D. 774, Offa granted the land at Higham
-in Hoo, which includes the site of the church and town of Cliffe, to
-Jaenberht, Archbishop of Canterbury; exceptionally surrounded by lands
-of the Bishop of Rochester. At the same time, there can be no doubt,
-he founded and dedicated the church, which still bears the name of St.
-Helen. Again, in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, A.D. 777, it is written,
-“Now Cynewulf”--of Wessex--“and Offa fought around Bensington, and Offa
-took that town.” The church at Bensington on the left--or Offa’s--shore
-of the Thames is also a St. Helen at this day. At Albury, also in
-Oxfordshire, about nine miles north of Bensington, on the smaller river
-Thame, the church is St. Helen. Also, on the Thames, at Abingdon, as is
-well known, there is a St. Helen. With regard, however, to this last,
-the local monastic tradition gives an earlier origin, founded on a
-miraculous discovery of a Holy Rood. This must stand, against our use
-of this example, for whatever the tradition may be worth. Perhaps a
-fourth “Sancta Helena” is recorded,[97] as the sanctuary of a fugitive
-who had stolen a bridle, A.D. 995. The land, given in conciliation,
-must have been close to the chalk ridge south of the White Horse Vale,
-Berks; as, among the boundaries, is “Cwicelmes hlæw,” well known to
-be on this ridge; and the “grenanweg,” still called by the neighbours
-“the Green Way;” being a part of what is called “the Drover’s Road,” by
-which, until outdone by the rail, cattle from the west were driven, for
-many miles, turnpike free, and with peripatetic grazing. The St. Helen
-here referred to may, however, have been Abingdon itself.
-
-At any rate, here are three, out of the few existing southern St.
-Helens, in the line of frontier then realised by Offa against Wessex.
-The same line of St. Helens, both eastward and westward, is also
-extended across the island, from the extreme north of Kent, as we
-have seen; by the well-known one in London; and another formerly at
-Malmsebury, and another at Bath. These last three--making six--also
-probably resulted from the same campaign of Offa as the Berkshire and
-Oxfordshire ones.
-
-That at Bath, however, has a special claim to our attention; having
-been in that same suburb outside the north gate, where also was found
-the St. Werburgh, within the fork of the Foss-way and that now called
-Via Julia. Here then, as already in the Hoo of Kent, we once more find
-a St. Werburgh and a St. Helen in immediate companionship. The seal of
-Æthelbald endorsed by that of Offa, the inheritor of his policy.[98]
-But what is the significance of these emblems of Mercian territory,
-being both found outside the Roman walled town on the north side? Did
-this suburb become specially a Mercian quarter? The monastery, of
-which Offa was a reputed founder or re-founder about this very time,
-must have been a chief occupant of the area within the walls; and its
-possessions extended, in the opposite direction, beyond the river, on
-the Wessex side. We have already seen[99] signs of Æthelbald’s further
-south-west progress along the Foss-way as far as into East Devon.
-
-Besides this line of St. Helens, along the frontier, which was the
-result of the campaign recorded in the Chronicle, under A.D. 777;
-there are still three outlying southward, along the south coast: the
-extreme natural limit of the Saxon nations. Although not recorded in
-the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, an earlier excursion of Offa is mentioned
-by others. A.D. 771, Simeon of Durham[100] says “His diebus Offa, rex
-Merciorum, Hestingorum gentem armis subegerat.” Dr. Lappenberg, in
-relating this feat of Offa’s, calls “the Hestingas, a people whose
-locality, like that of so many others among the Saxons, is not known
-with certainty. They have been sought for about Hastings in Sussex, and
-most probably inhabited the district around that town to which they
-gave their name.”[101] Roger of Wendover, however, reads “Anglorum
-gentem.”[102] Upon this, Sir F. Palgrave had already noted: “It is
-not easy to ascertain what people are meant. The name has inclined
-many writers to suppose that they were the inhabitants of Hastings,
-but they could scarcely be of sufficient importance. Perhaps we should
-read _East Anglorum_.”[103] Other recent historians, with or without
-hesitation, adopt the present town of Hastings as the scene of the
-conquest.
-
-Here then we have another fully ripe historic doubt; so evenly balanced
-in the judgments of the most specifically learned, that after what has
-already been shewn, of the local coincidences of dedications of St.
-Helen with the feats of Offa; if the like should be found also to apply
-to the one here recorded, would be sufficient to give a considerable
-bias to the scale. And this is what we do find.
-
-About a mile north of the town, which still bears a name that has since
-acquired other claims to places in history, Hastings; is a village
-called Ore; of which the church has another of our southern outlying
-dedications of St. Helen. If Offa’s conquest, as recorded by Simeon of
-Durham, refers to Sussex, it needs only to say so much, in order to
-account for this one; and to fulfil the promise of our theory; that
-the name of this saint and the written witnesses of Offa’s progress,
-shall be found to mutually confirm each other as evidence of his active
-presence. This village is situated on an elevation commanding the town
-itself; and on the southern edge of a ridge, along which, and close
-to the village, runs one of those great roads, of which the straight
-line is significant of a long, ancient, and arterial use. In fact it
-must have been always the almost sole approach to the town, whether
-from Kent or from the centre of England. Moreover, at whatever point
-of the neighbouring beach, at a later time, William landed; this road
-must have been his principal means of reaching Battle. Here, therefore,
-upon the door itself of the town, still remains the usual seal of
-Offa’s conquests. Sir Francis Palgrave’s objection, of the insufficient
-importance of the Gens Hestingorum, would not, it is thought, have been
-raised, if he had remembered that the large territory, called the “Rap
-de Hastings” of Domesday, and the Rape of Hastings of our own time,
-most likely had already existed from the first settlement of the South
-Saxons. Two or three years later, Offa is still found busy in that part
-of Kent which adjoins this most eastern of the Rapes of Sussex.
-
-But although the Hæstingas only are mentioned, as the people first
-encountered, there are other evidences that he extended his conquests
-westward throughout Sussex. One of his St. Helens remains on the foot
-of the South Downs, between the peninsulated stronghold called The
-Devil’s Dike and the sea; and, within actual eyeshot, is another, on
-the opposite eastern coast of the Isle of Wight. Moreover he has, as
-was his practice in many parts of England, also left his own name along
-the line, in Offham, near Lewes, Offington, near Worthing, Offham,
-close to Arundel Park.
-
-There are also one or two St. Helens or Elens, both in Cornwall and
-Wales: which would be in accordance with what otherwise has been said
-above, but as several local Celtic saints have names liable to become
-more familiar by corruption into this one, they will not be here called
-into evidence.
-
- * * * * *
-
-For the series of synods of which the acts are dated from Cloveshoe
-did not cease with the reign of Æthelbald. These, interspersed with
-occasional dates of Cealchythe and Aclea, continued throughout the
-other long and dominant Mercian reign of his successor Offa. Indeed
-they continued as long as Mercia remained supreme, and far into the
-ninth century: the date of “Clofeshoe” being last met with for a synod
-under Beornuulf, A.D. 825: about the time when both Kent and Essex are
-found to have been annexed by Wessex.
-
-It may seem difficult to realise that what is a small detached
-region--almost practically an island--now containing only four or five
-villages or decayed towns; was, for about a century and a half, the
-seat of one of the royal residences, where a succession of powerful
-kings held so many of their courts to which were convened the magnates
-of their own and of subject kingdoms. The truth is, that political
-centrality is not coincident with geographical; and is only partially
-dependent upon natural aspect or condition. London is very far from a
-geographical centre; and, if we could bring into view its original
-natural aspect; London, with its marshes would be as incredible as the
-place here concerned. Its present greatness is the outgrowth of the
-later supremacy of Wessex; and London was as much an outpost of Saxony
-into Mercia, as the Hoo had been of Anglia into Centland.
-
-Those who expect a confirmation of this regal occupation of the Hoo,
-from substantial remains there, may remember that a thousand years of
-desertion have passed over it. As Fuller said, when writing of this
-controversy about Cloveshoe, already warm in his day:[104] “Nor doth
-the modern Meanness of the Place make anything against it; it might be
-a Gallant in that Age, which is a Beggar now-a-dayes.” Geographical
-and natural conditions have much to do with the choice and permanence
-of the seats of governments; but political needs and fortunes often
-over-rule or reverse them. The rise of Wessex turned the preference to
-other centres; and the exposure of this peninsula to the ravages of
-the Danes, just then becoming active, is sufficient to have brought
-desolation upon it. The site of New York seems very much like this;
-but its growth was not prevented by such a constant peril as this last
-in its front, nor by the ascendancy of a rival power in its rear. It
-is political causes that have surrounded the circular mound at Windsor
-with the regal associations, which have forsaken that of Tamworth; and
-the same political causes have covered with houses and palaces, not
-only the elevated spot upon which London was first planted, but the
-many miles of swamp that encompassed it. When cities, or settlements
-upon elevations, take to growing great, they no longer despise the
-alluvial levels which skirt them; but cover even these with buildings.
-This is the case with London itself, where even the supreme Aula Regia
-of the Saxon empire, that has inherited the “England” of Æthelbald and
-Offa; stands upon a similar alluvial appendage of the higher ground
-of the original settlement; to that which, projecting from the chalky
-heights of the Hoo, has been declared to be inconsistent with its
-history.
-
-Again, are there preserved, anywhere at all, any fragments whatever,
-of masonry of the time of Æthelbald and Offa, even under the most
-favourable circumstances? We have seen that many churches were founded
-in that age, that have continued in vital existence to this day. In
-these, if anywhere, remains of the first structures might have been
-found. Instead of this, the few præ-Norman relics that do exist can
-scarcely be said to approach that date; and when, later, they do
-crop up; they seem to bring with them an indication, why they are
-the earliest. They are found in places where stone is as plenty and
-as easily hewn as wood; and they appear to be worked and constructed
-by hands and heads that had been accustomed to work and construct in
-wood; and often with adze-like tool marks. The angry question whether
-the word “timber” was, by birth, a verb or a noun--a question of which
-some of the most eminent Anglo-Saxon scholars seem, on waking, to have
-found themselves on the wrong side--shall not here be roused; but the
-absence of earlier remains may be accounted for, by taking for granted,
-wood to have been, at the earlier time, the material mostly used. What
-then can we expect to find in a tract of land, ever since abandoned to
-its ordinary rural and pastoral condition? The cartular evidence of the
-importance of this small territory, during the time in question, is
-most abundant; and the many traces of antiquity, in the names of now
-inconsiderable spots, has been already referred to.
-
- * * * * *
-
-As the inferences, from the surviving examples of these dedications,
-and their topographical distribution, may have assumed the tone of
-exact or statistical inductions; it is but right that they should be
-qualified by an admission that, from that point of view, they are
-subject to some elements of discount. It has been already admitted
-that more extinct St. Werburghs may come to light; and of course it
-is impossible to foresee to what extent the inferences may be thereby
-disturbed; although it is not expected that they can be substantially
-over-balanced. Indeed, there are not wanting other spots which have
-names with a suspicious possibility of being corruptions of the name of
-Werburgh, similar to those that we have seen, where they are confirmed
-by the actual survival of the dedication itself; as in the cases of
-Warburton and Warbstow. Of these are two eminences, the situations of
-which are strikingly similar to that at Wembury, as if chosen by the
-same eye. They are close to the sea shore, but in other parts of the
-south coast. These are a hill, called “Warberrys,” close to Torquay;
-and another called “Warbarrow,” in the isle of Purbeck. But neither of
-these have traces of the dedication, and both names are quite likely to
-have had other causes; nor can the places be directly connected with
-any known record of Æthelbald. Therefore they shall not be enlisted
-into the present enquiry. There is also a Wareberrewe near Wallingford,
-with the present dedication of S. Laurence.
-
-The indications, that have been above induced, however, from the
-occurrences of the dedications of St. Werburgh in south England, as
-well as those of St. Cuthbert in Wessex, are very distinct and definite
-as guide-posts in historical topography; being strictly national
-or dynastic. But St. Helen, as compared with them, has the great
-disadvantage of being catholic and illustrious; and the possibility,
-of course, exists, for a catholic dedication to have had sometimes
-other causes besides that here attributed--the personal veneration of a
-conqueror. It is, however, thought that the comparative numbers in the
-different provinces, that have been offered, may help any judgment upon
-this point. One cause of aberration, in the case of the St. Helens may
-be, that some examples may have been “St. Helen and Holy Rood;” and, as
-often happens to a joint dedication, one half may have been worn off by
-grinding time: sometimes the first, sometimes the last; so that some
-of what are now only known as Holy Rood, or Holy Cross, may have been
-originally St. Helens. On the other hand, the dedication of Holy Rood
-may, in some cases, have been independently attached to churches, that
-have arisen where there had already been a cross of a martyr, which
-had brought a great resort to a spot of reputed eminent sanctity.[105]
-Or, as in the legend of Abingdon, where a cross, or a piece of
-the True Cross has been said to have been miraculously found: or a
-wonder-working Crucifix, as at Waltham Abbey. The local distribution of
-Holy Roods does not shew any estimable counter-balance of that of the
-St. Helens; and the Holy Roods themselves are believed to have had a
-tendency to pass into St. Saviour, or Christchurch.
-
- * * * * *
-
-One very general agent in the obliteration of those dedications that
-are national, or otherwise capable of rendering historical indications,
-has been particularly active in the English part of this island. This
-is the tendency to depose them, in favour of the greater saints, who
-are recognized and honoured throughout Christendom. This, as might have
-been expected, is more particularly the case of St. Mary. It is likely
-that many of the churches with this dedication are amplifications of
-sanctuaries of the more ancient and national kind. So strong was this
-tendency that, where it did not drown out the original tutelar name
-of a church; it must at least be satisfied by the addition of a “Lady
-Chapel.” Such a process of change may often be seen actually at work.
-The fine large church at Marden, Herefordshire, is said, both by Leland
-and Browne Willis, to have the dedication of St. Ethelbert; and so
-no doubt it has: but the present officers of the church, if asked,
-pronounce it to be of St. Mary. A glance at the building accounts
-for this. Within the church, at, perhaps, about twenty feet from
-the western wall, is preserved an uncommon relique, the well of St.
-Ethelbert; murdered by Offa, about a mile off, but whose shrine was at
-Marden, until translated to Hereford Cathedral. There can be no doubt
-that the well occupied the focus of the original small sanctuary that
-was first raised over the reliques of the martyr; and which was on the
-brink of the river, that flows near the western front of the church,
-and so prevented enlargement in that direction. The large increase of
-the church eastward, in accordance with the practice of the later age,
-having been devoted to the name of St. Mary. Another similar case, of
-Middleham in Richmondshire, has been kindly brought to notice by Mr.
-W. H. D. Longstaffe. The original dedication is St. Alkelda, whose
-martyrdom, being strangled by two female servants, is represented on
-glass. Her traditional altar-tomb, is westward of the chancel arch of
-the collegiate choir of St. Mary, founded by King Richard III. The only
-other traces of St. Alkelda is a church in her name at Giggleswick,
-some miles westward.
-
- * * * * *
-
-That sort of conviction, which arises from a gradual accumulation
-of facts, upon what had at first started as a suspicion or a guess;
-cannot be so vividly imparted to a reader. But even if what has been
-said above should have been successful; it will be very far from
-having exhausted the materials of this kind of enquiry: will only
-have served, by one or two examples, to shew the value of a neglected
-class of monuments, which, it is thought, have not yet been made to
-yield up their teaching. At the best, what has here been done, can be
-no more than the exposure of two or three fragments of a vast ruin,
-co-extensive with the land; of which the plan should be restored by a
-comparative registration or cartography of the whole. In the Celtic
-portions of these islands, the dedications of the churches retain much
-of their original or primitive topical distribution; shewing, as they
-have sometimes already been made to do, the maternity of missionary
-centres to offshoot churches. In the Teutonized portions of England, it
-is likely that they have another and greater lesson. They are here, in
-addition, believed to be able to shew, to a certain extent, what may
-be called an ethnical stratification; which, if carefully observed,
-would often mark out the extension of revolutions or conquests: more
-especially in those early times, of which written history is scanty or
-altogether wanting.
-
-
-
-
-FOOTNOTES
-
-
-[1] Cod. Dip. CXLIII.
-
-[2] Dr. Lappenburg (I. 38) describes the people of Warwickshire and
-Worcestershire as the “Gewissi.” But the “Gevissæ” was the ancient
-name of the southern main stem of the West Saxons, who made their way
-into Somerset and Devon (Bæda. H. E. III. 7), and plainly a name of
-distinction from the Huiccii. All the pre-Christian pedigrees of the
-West Saxon leaders have an early name “Gewis,” which has been, with
-great likelihood, supposed to have been the origin of the name of the
-Gevissæ. In some only of the pedigrees, this name is next preceded by
-“Wig.” This seems to point to a division of the leadership between two
-kinsmen, perhaps brothers; and the Wiccii or Wigornians to be derived
-from the latter.
-
-[3] A.S. Chron., “Feathan leag”--Welsh Chronicles, “_Ffery llwg_.”
-
-[4] Dr. Guest in Archæological Journal, vol. xix., p. 197.
-
-[5] Thesaurus, I. 169.
-
-[6] Dr. Guest and Mr. Freeman, and their followers, as the Saturday
-Review, and the various school histories, which, having adopted the
-innovation, are lauded in that journal.
-
-[7] Prof. W. W. Skeat, Macmillan, Feb. 1879, p. 313.
-
-[8] See “A Primæval British Metropolis,” Bristol, 1877, pp. 45-80.
-
-[9] One of the obsolete ones was brought to mind by a paper read by Mr.
-C. E. Davis, at Bath, in 1857: another is printed from the Register of
-Worcester Cathedral in Thomas’s Survey, kindly pointed out by Mr. John
-Taylor; so that others, unreckoned, may possibly be brought to light.
-
-There is one, in addition to all those above mentioned, at Dublin; but,
-as the dedications in Strongbow’s Dublin are no more than a post-Norman
-colonisation of those at Bristol, it does not enter into our reckoning.
-
-[10] The genealogical relation of St. Werburgh and Æthelbald will be
-seen in this extract from Dr. Lappenberg’s Pedigree of the Kings of
-Mercia:
-
-                Wybba.
-                 |
-        +--------+--------------------------------+
-        |                                         |
-      Penda, last Pagan King of                 Eawa, died A.D. 642.
-      Mercia, reigned A.D. 626-655.             (Called “Rex Merciorum.”?)
-        |                                                     |
-        +--------------+------------+                 +-------+-----+
-        |              |            |                 |             |
-      Peada, K. of M.  |        Æthelred, K. of    Alweo.       Osmod.
-      A.D. 655-656.    |        M. A.D. 675-704,      |             |
-                       |        died A.D. 715.        |             |
-                       |            |                 |          Eanwulf.
-                 Wulfhere, K. of M. |                 |             |
-                 A.D. 656-675.      |                 |             |
-                       |            |                 |         Thingferth.
-    +---------------+----+          |                 |             |
-    |               |    |          |                 |             |
-  Cenred, K. of M.  |  Beorhtwald,  |                 |             |
-  A.D. 704-709.     |  Sub-King of  |                 |             |
-                    |  Wiccia A.D.  |                 |             |
-                    |  636.         |                 |           OFFA,
-                    |            Coelred, K.      ÆTHELBALD,     K. of M.
-              St. WERBURGH,      of M., A.D.      K. of M.    A.D. 757-798.
-              died about         709-716.       A.D. 716-757
-               A.D. 700.
-
-[11] The birth, in the West of England, of this assiduous propagator
-of the great mediæval embodiment of civilisation, zealous devotee of
-the Church, and prominent European statesman, is so important a fact
-in our ethnical topography as to deserve a passing, though attentive,
-glance. On the authority of those who personally knew him, he was born
-near Exeter, about the year 680; but, although no Saxon Conquest had
-yet extended so far westward, he bore a Saxon name, although in the
-midst of a Celtic people. From this, and from other circumstances also
-mentioned of his early life, it may be inferred that his father was a
-peaceful Saxon colonist, in advance of conquest, and still a pagan; and
-that his mother was a British Christian. He is, therefore, the earliest
-recorded example of that irrepressible compound of the two races that
-has since made so many deep and broad marks upon the outer world. This
-fact, of a pacific international intercourse antecedent to conquest,
-was so directly in conflict with evolved history, that it has provoked
-an ineffectual attempt to subvert the testimony of it, by questioning
-the undoubted reading of the name as being that of Exeter. (E. A.
-Freeman, Esq., in Archæol. Journal, vol. xxx., or Macmillan M., Sep.
-1873, p. 474).
-
-Another, but later, testimony gives us the name of the place near
-Exeter where he was born: Crediton, in a deep and most fertile valley
-of that middle district in Devon which is the interval between the
-highlands of Dartmoor and Exmoor, but rather to the south-west of that
-district. Here there is reason to believe Christianity had already
-been established at a much earlier time, by Croyde, or Creed, an Irish
-missionary virgin, who has left her name at other places throughout
-both Devon and Cornwall. The incredulity, that Crediton was the
-birthplace of S. Bonifatius, was vindicated by saying that it has “no
-_ancient_ authority whatever.” It has not contemporary authority like
-that for “near Exeter,” which, however, it strongly confirms, and
-which, for English topography of so early a date, is almost unique in
-its explicitness, but it has an authority as ancient as we are obliged
-to be content with for nearly all we know of those times, and far
-more respectable than most of it. The authority is a church-service
-book, still preserved in Exeter Cathedral, compiled by Bp. Grandisson
-(died A.D. 1366), and attested by his autograph. If this had been a
-mere outdoor tradition, and had rested upon no more than the personal
-authority of this most distinguished man, it would even then have been
-the very highest evidence of its kind. But it does no such thing. Bp.
-Grandisson is not the _author_ of the book any more than St. Osmund is
-the author of the Usages of Sarum. He is the codifier of the immemorial
-observances of the church, at which the contemporary biographer of St.
-Boniface attests that he received his earliest teaching; and of the
-very existence of which church their irreproachable attestation is by a
-long interval the earliest record.
-
-But there is another evidence that this great man of his age was
-known, to his compatriots in his own province, as one of themselves.
-Of this they have left a substantial monument in the dedications of
-two churches still remaining in Devon, not in his ecclesiastical name,
-by which the rest of the world knew him, but in his birth-name of
-“Winfrid” by which they had remembered him. The two more distant extant
-dedications of Bonchurch, Isle of Wight, and Banbury, Cheshire, on the
-contrary, in their dedications of “St. Boniface” are mere reflections
-of his realised continental greatness back upon his own island.
-
-Winfrith, near Lulworth, in Dorset, probably had a third western
-example of the dedication, for although the present church is of
-Norman structure, and with a different dedication (St. Christopher),
-most likely, as in many other cases, an earlier sanctuary existed in
-Winfrid’s name.
-
-[12] What may be presumed to be another dedication of St. Werburgh
-has since been traced to its place, and may be reckoned as an eighth
-of those in the home kingdom, at its southern frontier. Among the
-land-marks (A.D. 849) of a place called “Coftun,” is Werburgh’s cross
-(“in Wærburge rode”) Cod. Dip. CCLXII. This has been found to be
-Cofton Hackett, in that north point of Worcestershire that abuts upon
-Staffordshire and Shropshire.
-
-[13] Lib. v.
-
-[14] See Warner p. 228. Collinson’s Som., vol. I. Bath, p. 53.
-
-[15] Thomas, Worc. Cath., 1736, Append. No. 9. p. 6. It might be worth
-while to search for remains of it in plantations thereabout. It is
-distinct from the chapel of St. Blaise, and on a different eminence.
-
-[16] Saturday Rev., Ap. 24, 1875, p. 533.
-
-[17] Reg. Worc. Priory, Camden Soc.
-
-[18] Page 105.
-
-[19] 1846. Glaston. No. LXXXV.
-
-[20] Cod. Dip., No. XCII.
-
-[21] An account of A.S. Coins, &c. Communicated to the Numismatic
-Society of London, by Jonathan Rashleigh, Esq., 1868.
-
-[22] _Wessexonicè_ “vvrasseling.”
-
-[23] No matter about their names. Their ethnical pedigree is distinctly
-blazoned in their portraits.
-
-[24] A remarkable cluster of four or five names, with the form “-hoe,”
-occurs on the coast of North Devon, in that part where we have already
-pointed to the unrecorded Mercian descents upon the Damnonian Britons
-(see before pp. 119-121). This is very faraway from the much more
-numerous assemblages of it, which are in the Anglian parts of England.
-It has been contended that this name-form is a vestige of the Danes,
-and, on this North Devon coast, the Danes might quite as likely have
-left their mark, as the Mercians. But one of them, “Martinhoe,” is
-formed by the addition of “-hoe” to the Christian dedication of
-the church: not likely, therefore, to have been named by a pagan
-colony. Another place, in East Devon not many miles from the Mercian
-Widworthy-St. Cuthbert already mentioned, (p. 125), called “Pinhoe,”
-is recorded in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, A.D. 1001, to have been
-burnt _by_ the Danes in revenge of a Saxon defeat. Would this revenge
-have fallen upon their own countrymen? Also, close to the South Devon
-dedication of St. Werburgh (p. 121), at Wembury, before mentioned,
-are two examples of this name-form. One, the well-known “Hoe,” of
-Plymouth; another, the village of “Hooe,” in the promontory itself,
-where Wembury stands. Again, we have seen above that this very “regio,”
-in Kent, which now engages us, was so named “Hogh” so early as A.D.
-738. Very early for the Danes. Add to this: contemporary with the first
-appearance of the Danes in Northumbria, at Lindisfarne, there was
-already a place called “Billingahoh,” now “Billing_ham_,” near Stockton.
-
-It is, therefore, evident that “-hoe” was here before the Danes,
-and can be no other than an Anglian peculiarity. It is, therefore,
-an additional evidence, and very strong confirmation, of what has
-been already said of the great Mercian descent upon Devon, that this
-Anglianism is found strewed in the very path of it.
-
-It will presently be seen that, besides Simeon of Durham, and other
-early chroniclers, both Somner and Camden took it for granted that
-“-hoe” is only another form, or dialect of “-ham.” It is however
-not unlikely, that, as in many other cases, a second mark of names
-“-haw” or “-haugh,” said to be Danish, has been concurrent with and
-undistinguished from this.
-
-[25] Cod. Dip., No. LXXXV.
-
-[26] 8_b_.
-
-[27] First mentioned by Beda as “Clofeshoch,” and in K. Alfred’s
-translation “Clofeshooh.”
-
-[28] See Cod. Dip. _passim_, for other varieties of the name.
-
-[29] Two S. Chronicles, Oxford, 1565.
-
-[30] It is to be regretted that editors of ancient texts, have not more
-generally extended their care to the preservation of marginal and other
-adventitious notes, even when they are of comparatively much later date
-than the texts, which of course are their chief care. Such valuable
-fragments are in imminent peril at the present day; for whenever a new
-discovery of ancient books or records is now brought to the notice
-of the most distinguished experts, the very first piece of advice is
-that they shall be “cleaned,” “repaired,” and “skilfully” rebound.
-See, among others, examples in the Historical Manuscripts Commission,
-_passim_. Why the binding, and even the _status quo_ itself, is a part
-of the essence of such things, as monuments. But manuscripts, with far
-less excuse, are following the churches on the broad way to refaction,
-as it may be mildly called.
-
-When the fanciers of books, especially in London, as well as experts
-in manuscripts, make a fortunate acquisition of anything, both fine
-and unique; after the usual notes of admiration, such as “truly
-marvellous,” etc., they go on to say, “but it deserves a better
-jacket.” And at once order it to be stripped of its monumental
-covering, and scoured of the autumnal tints of many ages; its pedigree,
-contained in ancient shelf-marks, and autographs, is discarded;
-often valuable notarial records of events that have for safety, like
-monuments in churches, been entered on the covers and fly-leaves,
-are lost; and it is finally converted into a monument of nineteenth
-century skill in smooth morocco, “antique style,” &c. All that is
-really wanted, however, is either a box-case, or other apparatus for
-protection. Keep charters or papers nearly as you do Bank of England
-Notes. These are never bound for safe-keeping. On the outsides of these
-unattached bindings, or other provisions for safe-keeping, can be
-lavished whatever munificence, or luxury of modern art, may be thought
-to be a sufficient tribute of admiration to the object contained.
-
-[31] Introd. LXVIII.
-
-[32] See Strype’s Works _passim_, where above 100 transactions of Heath
-are referred to, and above 50 of Wotton.
-
-[33] Edn. 1587, p. 196.
-
-[34] 1607, folio.
-
-[35] Oxon, 1659.
-
-[36] Cod. Dip., No. LXXXV.
-
-[37] Rochester, Num. IV.
-
-[38] Chron. of Abingdon.
-
-[39] Cod. D., No. CXIV.
-
-[40] Chron. Sax. Oxon. 1692.
-
-[41] Bæda H. E., cura Jo. Smith, Cant. 722, p. 1748.
-
-[42] Concilia, I., 161.
-
-[43] Monumenta Hist. Brit.
-
-[44] Tanner Bibl. Brit., p. 703.
-
-[45] Concilia, 1639, p. 242.
-
-[46] Beda, 1838, p. 200.
-
-[47] Gloss. Ant. Brit., 1733.
-
-[48] Account of Worc. Cath., 1736, p. 120.
-
-[49] A.S.K., I. 225.
-
-[50] Will. Malm., G.P. 1870.
-
-[51] Cod. Dip., 1848.
-
-[52] Saxons in E., 1849, I, 191. The _name_, of Tewkesbury is, however,
-apparently older than even this ancient monastery.
-
-[53] Councils, Vol. III., Oxf., 1871, p. 122.
-
-[54] Remains, p. 326.
-
-[55] A-B. C., I., 224.
-
-[56] New edition, by Rev. J. Baron, Oxford, 1850.
-
-[57] C.D. CLXXXV.
-
-[58] “Bercaria” is a synonym for the East Marsh at Cliffe.--Monasticon
-Angl. V.I., p. 177, No. 52.
-
-[59] Cod. D. CXXXV.
-
-[60] Cod. D. CLVII.
-
-[61] See Cleasby and Vigfusson, v. “Skaga.” The northern pagans,
-afterwards such pests of Rochester, must have already landed here.
-
-[62] Cod. D., No. LII.
-
-[63] For example, Cod. D. No. CXI., which grants lands in the Hoo
-itself, viz.: Islingham in Frindsbury, adjoining Cliffe, to Rochester
-Cathedral.
-
-[64] Geol. Surv. of E. & W., vol. IV., London Basin, 1872, pp. 34, 35.
-
-[65] H. of Essex, I., 235.
-
-[66] P. 236.
-
-[67] Mon. Anglic. Lillechurch (alias Higham), Nos. IV. and V.
-
-[68] Beda, H. E. III., 22.
-
-[69] Beda, H. E., IV., 12.
-
-[70] Hist. Kent, I., p. 528.
-
-[71] See Dr. J. H. Pring, in the Somerset Arch. Soc.
-
-[72] Cod. Dip., No. XXXVIII.
-
-[73] One copy of the A.-S. Chronicle has “Middelseaxe” as early as A.D.
-653, the other four testify this to be miswritten for “Middelengle.”
-
-[74] Conc. pp. 291, 313, 314.
-
-[75] A. Sax. Chron.
-
-[76] 6-inch scale.
-
-[77] C.D., No. CXVI.
-
-[78] Sheet 1.
-
-[79] Hist. of Kent, vol. I., p. 526-7.
-
-[80] See also “Willelmus de Cloeville duas partes decime de Acle.”
-(Mon. Angl., vol. I., 169.)
-
-[81] Cod. Dip. CXXI.
-
-[82] Hasted (vol. I. p. 531.) quotes a charter of Æthelred, A.D.
-1001, granting to the Priory of Canterbury “Terram Clofiæ.” That is,
-apparently, regranting to his newly instituted monks, this very piece
-of land which Offa had earlier granted to the secular church. If so,
-the orthography “Clofia,” points to its identity with “Cloveshoe.”
-The nature of the document quoted by Hasted, may be gathered from a
-contemporary one of the same kind, printed in the Monasticon. Vol. I.
-p. 99. No. V.
-
-[83] Cod. Dip., No. CCXVII.
-
-[84] C. D., No. LXXVIII.
-
-[85] There is some difference of this statement among the six texts.
-Some include London, and some do not.
-
-[86] Cod. Dip., No. MXXXIV.
-
-[87] De Ant. Brit. Eccl., ed. Drake., p. 81.
-
-[88] C.D., vol. I., Int. p. cvii.
-
-[89] Lib. IV., ch. 15.
-
-[90] Looking at this again, a fresh and interesting association arises.
-This must have been at or close to “_Red_bridge,” at the head of the
-Southampton estuary. Beda is telling the story of the two young pagan
-Jutish princes, from the Isle of Wight, being baptised, preparatory to
-their martyrdom, by Cyniberet abbot of Hreutford. Close to Redbridge
-is Nutshalling, the monastery to which the young Winfred, afterwards
-St. Bonifatius, passed from Exeter to the care of the abbot “Wynbert.”
-There can be no doubt that Beda’s monastery of Hrentford is identical
-with the Nutschalling of the biographers of Winfred; and that Beda’s
-“Cyniberet” is the same as their “Wynbert.”
-
-If this identification, both of a place and a person, that have both
-been known by different names for above a thousand years, should be
-justified; it will be all the more remarkable, because Beda’s text has
-been in English keeping; whilst that of the biographers of Bonifatius
-has been chiefly in foreign literary custody.
-
-[91] Cod. Dip., No. CXXXII.
-
-[92] M.H.B., Pref. 77.
-
-[93] Two Chron., Introd., lii.
-
-[94] P. 28.
-
-[95] Kent has 15 extant St. Martins, Lincoln 14, Norfolk 14, Suffolk 7,
-Essex 4, Middlesex 8.
-
-[96] P. 45.
-
-[97] Cod. Dip., No. MCCLXXXIX.
-
-[98] These were both in that suburb, still called “Ladymead.” But it
-would be one of the rash things, that are so often committed in these
-matters, to connect this name with the two Lady dedications. In fact
-there is a tolerable alternative. It may have been a mead that belonged
-to one “Godric Ladda,” a witness to an Anglo-Saxon manumission of a
-Bondsman, in Bath Abbey. (Hickes, Dissert., 8 Epist., p. 22).
-
-[99] P. 124-5.
-
-[100] Mon. Hist. Brit., p. 664.
-
-[101] A.-S. K., I., 229-30.
-
-[102] Flores Hist., 1601. p. 143.
-
-[103] Eng. Com., Proofs, cclxxix.
-
-[104] Ch. H., 1655, II., VIII., 21.
-
-[105] The contemporary authoress of the life of St. Willibald, says
-that (about A.D. 703), it was the custom among the Saxons--_i.e._
-Willibald’s compatriots in Wessex--for some noble or substantial men,
-not to erect a church upon their estates, but to hold in honour a lofty
-Holy Cross. This seems a strong confirmation of a recent suggestion
-of Prof. Earle, that the English word “Church” is a transliteration,
-and scarcely that, of the word “crux.” It seems to be a more likely
-word for the churches of Augustine and Birinus, than the usual one
-more distantly derived. Leland in one place has “curx” for “crux.” In
-planting these crosses, these old Lords of Manors were sowing the seeds
-of what are to us parishes.
-
-
-
-
-ALSO ALREADY PUBLISHED.
-
-
-A PRIMÆVAL BRITISH METROPOLIS. With Notes on the Ancient Topography of
-the South-Western Peninsula of Britain. 1877.
-
- _Bristol: Thomas Kerslake & Co._ (1_s._, _postage_ 2_d._)
-
- _Contents_: The Pen-Pits and Stourhead. Cair Pensauelcoit.
- Penselwood. The Nennian Catalogue of Cities. Totnais or
- Talnas, of the Welsh “Bruts.” Æt Peonnum, A.D. 658 and 1016.
- Pointington Down, near Sherborne. Celtic Hagiography of
- Somerset. Vespasian’s Incursion, A.D. 47. Alauna Sylva. Dolbury
- and Exeter. Sceorstan, A.D. 1016, &c.
-
-THE CELT AND THE TEUTON IN EXETER. _With Plan._ A.D. 927.
-
- _Printed in the Archæological Journal (Institute)_, _Vol._ xxx.
- 1874.
-
-SAINT EWEN. BRISTOL AND THE WELSH BORDER. Circiter A.D. 577-926. 1875.
-
- _Bristol: Thomas Kerslake & Co._ (1_s._ _Post free_.)
-
-THE ANCIENT KINGDOM OF DAMNONIA. In Remains of the Celtic Hagiology.
-
- _Printed in the Journal of the British Archæological
- Association._ 1876. _Vol._ xxxiii.
-
-WHAT IS A TOWN?
-
- _Printed in the Archæological Journal (Institute)_, _Vol._
- xxxiv. 1877.
-
-VARIOUS PAPERS, NOTES, &c.
-
-SANCTUS VEDASTUS = SAINT FOSTER.
-
-ATHELNEY (Before Alfred.)
-
-ANTIQUARIAN LEGISLATION.
-
-CATHERINE BOVEY, of Flaxley, Gloucestershire, the “Perverse Widow” of
-Sir Roger de Coverley. With Notes on the Correspondence of ALEXANDER
-POPE. (1856.)
-
-PROPERTY IN OLD MANUSCRIPTS.
-
- PERHAPS MAY FOLLOW:
-
-Notes on the Place, “AUGUSTINE’S OAK,” of Ven. Beda.
-
- Perhaps also:
-
-The DEDICATIONS of the Churches and Chapels in BRISTOL and
-GLOUCESTERSHIRE.
-
-
-
-
-
-End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Vestiges of the supremacy of Mercia in
-the south of England during the eighth, by Thomas Kerslake
-
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-The Project Gutenberg EBook of Vestiges of the supremacy of Mercia in the
-south of England during the eighth century, by Thomas Kerslake
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
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-
-Title: Vestiges of the supremacy of Mercia in the south of England during the eighth century
-
-Author: Thomas Kerslake
-
-Release Date: June 21, 2016 [EBook #52389]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: UTF-8
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK VESTIGES OF SUPREMACY OF MERCIA ***
-
-
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-
-Produced by MWS and the Online Distributed Proofreading
-Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from
-images generously made available by The Internet Archive)
-
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-</pre>
-
-
-<p class="transnote">Transcriber’s Note: Minor errors of punctuation
-and printing have been repaired, but the transcriber does not fancy she
-knows the writer’s meaning better than he knows it himself, and has
-left the rest alone.</p>
-
-<div class="front-matter">
-
-<p class="titlepage larger">VESTIGES OF<br />
-<br />
-THE SUPREMACY OF MERCIA<br />
-<br />
-IN THE SOUTH OF ENGLAND<br />
-<br />
-DURING THE EIGHTH CENTURY</p>
-
-<p class="top-margin right"><i>With T. Kerslake’s Compliments,<br />
-Bristol, 1879.</i></p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<h2>CONTENTS.</h2>
-
-<table summary="Contents">
- <tr>
- <td>PAGES</td><td></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><a href="#Page_1">1-8-9, &amp;c.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">St. Werburgh.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><a href="#Page_2">2-14, &amp;c.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">Bristol.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><a href="#Page_3">3-5.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">Wiccia.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><a href="#Page_6">6-7.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">Anglo-Saxon.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><a href="#Page_10">10.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">Female National Saints.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><a href="#Page_11">11, &amp;c.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">Æthelbald. Offa.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><a href="#Page_11">11-12.</a> <a href="#Page_50">50.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">St. Boniface.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><a href="#Page_13">13.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">Avon Frontier.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><a href="#Page_14">14.</a> <a href="#Page_56">56.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">Bath. Henbury.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><a href="#Page_15">15-17.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">North Devon.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><a href="#Page_18">18.</a> <a href="#Page_22">22.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">Cornwall.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><a href="#Page_19">19-21.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">St. Cuthbert.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><a href="#Page_23">23.</a> <a href="#Page_25">25.</a> <a href="#Page_36">36, &amp;c.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">Kentish Hoo.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><a href="#Page_26">26-39, &amp;c.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">Cloveshoe.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><a href="#Page_28">28-29, &amp;c.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">Cliffe at Hoo.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><a href="#Page_40">40.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">Higham Ferry.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><a href="#Page_41">41-42.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">Middlesex.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><a href="#Page_43">43.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">Cealchythe.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><a href="#Page_44">44-45.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">Acleah.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><a href="#Page_46">46.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">Parishes.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><a href="#Page_47">47.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">Werburghwick.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><a href="#Page_49">49-51.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">Haethfelth. Herutford. &amp;c.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><a href="#Page_53">53-58.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">St. Helen. Offa.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><a href="#Page_56">56-58.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">Hastings. Sussex.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><a href="#Page_59">59.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">London.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><a href="#Page_60">60-63.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">Dedications.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><a href="#Page_61">61.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">Holy Rood.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><a href="#Page_62">62.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">St. Ethelbert. Marden. St. Mary.</span></td>
- </tr>
-</table>
-
-<h2>ERRORS.</h2>
-
-<ul>
-<li>Pages 24, 25 in Notes; <i>for</i> p. 119-121, 125 <i>read</i> 15-17, 22.</li>
-
-<li><span class="ditto">”</span> 27. Note <i>for</i> 1565 <i>read</i> 1863.</li>
-
-<li><span class="ditto">”</span> 7, line 3, <i>for</i> “knut&mdash;” <i>read</i> “Knut&mdash;”.</li>
-
-<li><span class="ditto">”</span> 11, 12, 34, <i>for</i> Bonifatius <i>prefer</i> Bonifacius.</li>
-
-<li><span class="ditto">”</span> 47, <i>for</i> appanage <i>read</i> apanage.</li>
-
-<li>Various others, including some introduced after the proofs had been finally
-revised by the writer, by some one who fancied he knew the writer’s
-meaning better than he knows it himself.</li>
-
-</ul>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[1]</a></span></p>
-
-<p class="titlepage">VESTIGES OF THE<br />
-<br />
-SUPREMACY OF MERCIA<br />
-<br />
-IN THE SOUTH OF ENGLAND<br />
-<br />
-DURING THE EIGHTH CENTURY.</p>
-
-<p class="titlepage">(<i>Reprinted from the Transactions of the Bristol and Gloucestershire
-Archæological Society</i>).</p>
-
-<p class="noindent top-margin"><i>Bristol</i>, 1879.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[2]</a></span></p>
-
-<h1>VESTIGES OF THE SUPREMACY OF MERCIA<br />
-IN THE SOUTH OF ENGLAND, DURING THE<br />
-EIGHTH CENTURY.</h1>
-
-<p class="center">By THOMAS KERSLAKE.</p>
-
-<div class="blockquote smaller">
-
-<p>“… residual phenomena …, the small concentrated residues
-of great operations in the arts are almost sure to be the lurking-places of
-new chemical ingredients.… It was a happy thought of Glauber to examine
-what everybody else threw away.”&mdash;<span class="smcap">Sir J. F. W. Herschell.</span></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>Having sometimes said that the date of the original foundation of
-the lately-demolished church of St. Werburgh, in the centre of
-the ancient walled town of Bristol, was the year 741, and that a
-building so called has, from that early date, always stood on that
-spot, I have been asked how I know it. I have answered; by the
-same evidence&mdash;and the best class of it&mdash;as the most important
-events of our national history, of the three centuries in which that
-date occurs, are known. That is, by necessary inference from the
-very scanty records of those times, confirmed by such topical monumental
-evidence as may have survived. But this fact in itself is,
-also, of considerable importance to our own local history; because,
-if it should be realized, it would be the very earliest solid date
-that has yet been attached to the place that we now call Bristol.
-We are accustomed to speak, with a certain amount of popular
-pride, of “Old Bristol,” and in like manner of “Old England,”
-but without considering which is the oldest of the two. The
-position here attempted would give that precedence to Bristol.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb" />
-
-<p>It need scarcely be mentioned that what we now call England
-is no other than an enlargement of the ancient kingdom of the
-West Saxons, by the subjugation and annexation of the other
-kingdoms of the southern part of the island. A subjugation of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[3]</a></span>
-which the result is that our now ruling sovereign is the successor,
-as well as descendant, of the Saxon Kings of Wessex, and of the
-supremacy which they ultimately achieved. Of course this was
-only the final effect of a long series of political revolutions. It
-was preceded by others that had promised a different upshot: one
-of which was the long-threatened supremacy of the Anglian
-kingdom of Mercia; by Penda, a Pagan king, and afterwards,
-during the long reigns of Æthelbald and Offa, his Christian successors
-in his kingdom and aggressive policy.</p>
-
-<p>One of two fates awaits a supplanted dynasty: to be traduced,
-or to be forgotten. Although this milder one has been the lot of
-the Mercian Empire, yet it is believed that distinct, and even
-extensive, traces can still be discerned, beyond the original seat
-of its own kingdom, of its former supremacy over the other
-kingdoms of England. In fact, this name itself of “England,”
-still co-extensive with this former Anglian supremacy over the
-Saxons, is a glorious monumental legacy of that supremacy, which
-their later Saxon over-rulers never renounced, and which has
-become their password to the uttermost parts of the earth.</p>
-
-<p>But it is with the encroachments of Æthelbald upon Wessex
-that we are in the first instance concerned. South of Mercia
-proper was another nation called Huiccia, extending over the
-present counties of Worcester and Gloucester, with part of Warwickshire
-and Herefordshire, and having the Bristol river Avon
-for its southern boundary. It is barely possible that it may have
-included a narrow margin between that river and the Wansdyke,
-which runs along the south of that river, at a parallel of
-from two to three miles from it; but of this no distinct evidence
-has been found. Some land, between the river and Wansdyke,
-did in fact belong to the Abbey of Bath, which is itself on the
-north of the river, but that this is said to have been bought&mdash;“mercati
-sumus digno praetio”&mdash;from Kenulf, King of the
-West Saxons<a name="FNanchor_1" id="FNanchor_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>, makes it likely that it was the river that had been
-the tribal boundary.</p>
-
-<p>Until divided from Gloucester by King Henry VIII., the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[4]</a></span>
-Bishopric of Worcester substantially continued the territory, and
-the present name of Worcester = Wigorceaster = Wigorniæ civitas
-(<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 789), no doubt transmits, although obscurely, the name of
-Huiccia; and the church there contained (<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 774) “pontificalis
-Cathedra Huicciorum.” The name may even remain in
-“Warwick,” and especially in “Wickwar” = Huiccanwaru; but
-such instances must not be too much trusted, as there are other
-fruitful sources of “wick,” in names. In Worcestershire names,
-however, “-wick” and “-wich” as testimonials are abundant.
-Droitwich = “Uuiccium emptorium” (<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 715), almost certainly
-is so derived, in spite of its ambiguous contact with the great
-etymological puzzle of the “Saltwiches.”<a name="FNanchor_2" id="FNanchor_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p>
-
-<p>At all events, within a hundred years from Ceawlin’s first
-subjugation of it, Saxon Wiccia had become entirely subject to
-Anglian Mercia. But there can be no doubt that its earliest
-Teutonic settlers were West Saxons. Even now, any one of us
-West Saxons, who should wander through Gloucestershire and
-Worcestershire, would recognise his own dialect. He would,
-perhaps, say they “speak finer” up here, but he would feel
-that his ears are still at home. If he should, however, advance
-into Derbyshire, or Staffordshire, or Eastern Shropshire, he would
-encounter a musical cadence, or song, which, though far from being
-unpleasant from an agreeable voice, would be very strange to him.
-He would, in fact, have passed out of Wiccia into Mercia proper:
-from a West-Saxon population into one of original Anglian
-substratum.</p>
-
-<p>What was the earlier political condition of Wiccia before it
-fell under the dominion of Mercia: whether it was ever for any
-time an integral part of the kingdom of Wessex, or a distinct<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[5]</a></span>
-subregulate of it, is uncertain. Two of the earlier pagan West-Saxon
-inroads (<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 577-584) were of this region, and happened
-long before that race had penetrated Somerset. It is not to be
-believed that any part of later Somerset, south of Avon, was
-included in either of these two pagan conquests of Ceawlin; nor
-even the south-west angle of Gloucestershire itself, that forms the
-separate elevated limestone ridges between the Bristol Frome and
-the Severn. There are some other reasons for believing that
-these heights immediately west of Bristol&mdash;say, Clifton, Henbury,
-and northward along the Ridgeway to about Tortworth&mdash;remained,
-both Welsh and Christian, for nearly a century afterwards; and
-that they were only reduced to Teutonic rule along with the subjection
-of Saxon Wiccia itself to Anglian Mercia. The record in
-the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle of the conquest of <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 577 plainly
-indicates the course of it, by the names of the places concerned&mdash;Bath,
-Dyrham, Cirencester, and Gloucester. It was not any river
-that was the instrument of advance; but, flanked and supported
-by the ancient Foss-way, the continuous elevated table-land of the
-southern limb of the Cotswolds, still abounding with remains of
-military occupations of yet earlier peoples. This is separated from
-the more western height by a broad belt of low land, then a weald
-or forest, since known as Kingswood; which, the line of the
-places named in the annal of the conquest, plainly indicates to
-have been purposely avoided: the district west of it, therefore
-still continued British. As to Ceawlin’s second expedition, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span>
-584, it most probably extended from Gloucester to the country
-between Severn and Wye, as far as Hereford,<a name="FNanchor_3" id="FNanchor_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and into the now
-Saxon-speaking Worcestershire. But that Ceawlin followed the
-Severn, and penetrated Cheshire to an unimportant place called
-“Faddiley,” is not only unlikely, but rests entirely on a single
-philological argument, concerning that name, too refined and unpractical
-for the burden laid upon it<a name="FNanchor_4" id="FNanchor_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>, and inconsistent with the
-later associations of the name itself.</p>
-
-<p>But if Wiccia became West-Saxon in 577-584, it did not long
-remain undisturbed by its Anglian northern neighbour. About<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[6]</a></span>
-fifty years later (<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 628), it is recorded in the Chronicle, that
-the rulers of Wessex and Mercia, fought at Cirencester, “and
-then compromised.” This shews that hitherto, for fifty years, all
-Wiccia had been ruled by Wessex: also that, except what reduction
-of territory may be represented by a Mercian inroad as far as
-Cirencester, it still continued under Wessex. But although this
-exception itself did not last many years longer, this is enough to
-account for our finding a Saxon people under Anglian government.
-In another fifty years, Wiccia is found to have become a subregulate,
-governed by Mercian sub-kings, and constituted a separate
-Bishopric, an offshoot from Mercian Lichfield; and from that
-time the kings of Mercia and their sub-reguli are found dealing
-with lands in various parts of Wiccia, even to the southern
-frontier, as at Malmesbury and Bath; and by a charter of
-Æthelred, King of Mercia, dated by Dr. Hickes, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 692, the
-newly instituted cathedral in the city of Weogorna, is endowed
-with land at a place well-known to us by what was, even then
-said to be an “ancient name,” Henbury (“vetusto vocabulo nuncupatur
-heanburg.”<a name="FNanchor_5" id="FNanchor_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>)</p>
-
-<p>Much needless demur, if not excitement, has of late years been
-stirred up by some of the learned,<a name="FNanchor_6" id="FNanchor_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> at the name “Anglo-Saxon,”
-for the oldest condition of English. They allege that this designation
-is “a most unlucky one,” and that in the first half of this
-century it was the cause of a “crass ignorance” of the true relations
-of continuity in this nation before and after the Norman conquest.
-Those who remember that time, well know that this imputed
-ignorance did not prevail: that if the most ordinary schoolboy,
-had then been asked, why William was called “the Conqueror,”
-he would have at once, rightly or wrongly, answered “because he
-conquered us,” and that he was only less detested than “Buonaparte,”
-because he was at that time farther away. They have now
-lived to be astonished to find that, by their own confession, the
-higher scholars of this later age are terrified by a fear of confusion<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[7]</a></span>
-in this rudimentary piece of learning. So these learned men put
-themselves into the most ludicrous passions, and&mdash;let us try to
-humour them&mdash;King “knut”-like scoldings at the tide, and Dame
-Partingtonian mop-twirlings, to cure us of such a dangerous old
-heresy. For old it is, and deeply rooted. Those “Anglo-Saxon”
-kings who assumed the supreme rule of the kingdoms of both races,
-so called themselves: and the entire “Anglo-Saxon” literature has
-been only so known in modern Europe, for the last three centuries;
-not only at home, but in Germany, Denmark, France, and wherever
-it has ever appeared in print. Yet another most learned and
-acute and sober Professor has been lately tempted to join the
-“unlucky” cry: saying that “It is like calling Greek, Attico-Ionian.”<a name="FNanchor_7" id="FNanchor_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a>
-Why “Greek?” Why not “Hellenic?” Is not
-“Greek” an exotic, and as barbarous as “Attico-Ionian” or
-“Anglo-Saxon?”</p>
-
-<p>But in our concern with the Wiccians we are exempt from
-this newly raised dispute. Here we have a great colony of a
-Saxon people who very soon fell under the dominion of Anglian
-kings, and so remained until a later revolution, the final supremacy
-of Wessex, made them once more Saxon subjects. The Wiccians,
-at any rate however, had become literally Anglo-Saxon: a Saxon
-people under Anglian rule. Shakespear was a Wiccian, born and
-bred&mdash;if one, who has taught us so much more than any breeding
-could have taught him, can be said to have been bred amongst
-us&mdash;at any rate he was born a Wiccian, and thereby an Anglo-Saxon,
-in the natural and indisputable sense: a sense earlier,
-stricter, and more real than that which afterwards extended the
-phrase to the entire kingdom. Wiccia was no doubt colonized by
-the Saxons, while the Saxons were yet pagan; and afterwards
-christianized by their Anglian Mercian subjugators. Not so the
-Saxons of Somerset, who were already Christians when they first
-penetrated that province.<a name="FNanchor_8" id="FNanchor_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p>
-
-<p>Subsequent annals of the Chronicle shew that Wessex long
-remained impatient of the loss of Wiccia. In <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 715, a battle
-is shortly mentioned at a place, usually, and not impossibly, said<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span>
-to be Wanborough, a remarkable elevation within the fork of two
-great Roman ways a few miles south of Swindon. But our
-business is with three later entries in the Chronicle, for the three
-successive years 741, 742, and 743; of which the first for <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span>
-741, will be first here submitted as the record of the final subjection
-of Wiccia, and the establishment of the Bristol Avon as
-the permanent southern frontier of Mercia. The other two
-Annals will then be otherwise disposed of.</p>
-
-<p>These are the words of the Chronicle:&mdash;</p>
-
-<div class="blockquote">
-
-<p class="hanging"><span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 741. Now Cuthred succeeded to the West-Saxon kingdom,
-and held it sixteen years, and he contended hardly
-with Æthelbald, King of the Mercians.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging"><span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 742. Now was a great Synod gathered at Cloveshou, and
-Æthelbald, King of the Mercians was there, and Cutbert,
-Archbishop [of Canterbury], and many other wise men.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging"><span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 743. Now Æthelbald, King of the Mercians, and Cuthred,
-King of the West-Saxons fought with the Welsh.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>We have in these three Annals a specimen of that condensed
-form and style, that is common to this ancient text and still more
-venerable primæval records; and which invites and justifies
-attempts to interpret them by the help of any existing external
-monuments.</p>
-
-<p>There are still known in England thirteen dedications of
-churches or chapels in the name of St. Werburgh, although,
-perhaps, not more than half of them are any longer above ground.<a name="FNanchor_9" id="FNanchor_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a>
-Seven, however, out of the thirteen are within the counties of
-Stafford, Chester, Shropshire, and Derbyshire: that is, they are
-within the original kingdom of Mercia, wherein, as the posthumous
-renown of the saint never extended beyond a nation, or rather a
-dynasty, that long since has been extinct and forgotten, we might<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[9]</a></span>
-have expected to have found them all. But the other six are
-extraneous, and three of them great stragglers. These must have
-owed their origin to political and military extensions of the influence
-of that kingdom, and these, it is intended to show, are found
-in places where Æthelbald, one of the three Mercian aspirants
-for English empire, has made good a conquest. This dedication
-may, therefore, be believed to have been his usual method of
-making his mark of possession.</p>
-
-<p>St. Werburgh was the daughter of Wulfhere, the second
-Christian King of Mercia, who was the son of Penda, the last
-pagan King. Æthelbald was the grandson of Eawa, a brother of
-Penda, probably the Eoba, who, in the Annales Cambriæ, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 644,
-is himself called “rex Merciorum;” so that Æthelbald and
-Werburgh were what we should call second cousins.<a name="FNanchor_10" id="FNanchor_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> Wulfhere,
-<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 675, was succeeded by his brother Æthelred, who placed his
-niece Werburgh at the head of three great convents of women,
-with a sort of general spiritual charge of the female portion of the
-newly christianised kingdom. She is said to have died about <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span>
-700, for it is noted that on opening her coffin in the year 708,
-her body, after eight years, was found unaltered, and her vestments
-undefiled; and from this time, sealed by this reputed miracle, the
-renown of her sanctity soon grew to beatification; and when, eight<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[10]</a></span>
-years afterwards, her kinsman Æthelbald began his reign, she had
-achieved the reputation and precedence of the latest national
-saint. She was, however, one of a family of whom many of the
-women have transmitted their names, from immediately after their
-deaths to our own times, attached to religious foundations. Among
-these, that of her aunt, St. Audry, still lives in Ely Cathedral:
-and this example may serve as a crutch to those who find it hard
-to realise the unbroken duration of churches, with these names,
-direct from the very ages in which the persons who bore them
-lived; for the continuity of this name at Ely is a matter of open
-and undisputed history, unaided by mere inference, such as our less
-conspicuous case requires. There are some, also, who stumble at
-finding all the female saints of particular provinces to have been
-members of one royal family. But of this we have an analogy
-pervading the entire area of our own every-day life, in the active
-assistance in all benevolent purposes, received by the clergyman of
-nearly every parish, from the leisured daughters of the more
-wealthy families. In those missionary days, the kingdoms of the
-newly-converted rulers were the only parishes, and the king and
-his family were as the squire and his family are now; and the
-greater lustre, which then shone out around the name of each, was
-as that of a little candle, in their wider world, compared with what
-would be its effect in a general illumination now. The earlier
-British churches have presented us with the same phenomenon.
-The numerous progeny, of children and grand-children, of Brychan
-of Brecknock, have nearly all left their names in many churches
-in South Wales, and even in the opposite promontory of Cornwall
-and Devon.</p>
-
-<p>The historical facts of the name and local fame of this royal
-personage are all that we are concerned with. Otherwise, in some
-later times, it has been adorned with the usual amount of miraculous
-fable. The most notable of the miracles credited to her is,
-that one of her corn-fields being continually ravaged by flocks of
-geese, at her mere command they went into voluntary exile. As
-this is said to have happened near Chester, it is easy to refer the
-story to the monks there, who alone were interested in gilding her<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[11]</a></span>
-shrine with it; and her relics were not translated there till nearly
-two hundred years after her death. At any rate, the citizens of
-Bristol are living witnesses that her name is no safeguard of her
-heritage against the devastations of wasteful bipeds, who are not
-only unwise, but also unfledged. This imputed miracle is more
-transparent than is always the case with such embellishments of
-the lives of those who were the first to accept the new faith, and
-to promote it with active earnestness. In it may, at once, be discerned
-an ordinary incident of her pastoral or predial economy,
-exaggerated to a miracle in an age which preferred supernatural
-to natural causes.</p>
-
-<p>The career of Æthelbald is, of course, more widely known,
-holding, as it does, a prominent place in the general history of the
-times. His reign extended from <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 716 to 755, and was chiefly
-employed in extending his sovereignty by the subjugation of neighbouring
-kingdoms, and by his munificent patronage of the church.
-In the first year of his reign, he at once showed a disposition to
-commemorate his own friends, by dedicating churches in their
-names, by using this method of perpetuating, at Croyland, the
-recent memory of Guthlac, his kinsman and protector in exile.
-It seems, however, that the pagan manners of the northern mythology
-are not purged for several generations after conversion: but,
-as appears from another example, of the practical paganism of the
-Dukes of Normandy, down to our William the Mamzer, unless
-attended with more than the average cruelty and injustice of the
-times, meet with only a qualified reproach, until they are in
-conflict with church discipline and law. The celebrated severe,
-but friendly and respectful epistolary rebuke from Bonifatius,<a name="FNanchor_11" id="FNanchor_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[12]</a></span>
-Archbishop of Mainz, contains a heavy indictment against both
-Æthelbald and his predecessor Coelred, and their courts, while<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[13]</a></span>
-it acknowledges his prosperity, munificence to the church, and his
-just administration.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb" />
-
-<p>Having these specially national or tribal circumstances in view,
-it is thought that the six dedications of St. Werburgh that are
-found beyond the original Mercia must have had special causes,
-which it is believed can be found in the transactions that are
-recorded in the three successive Annals of the Chronicle above
-recited; and that the dedications and the Annals will therefore be
-found to mutually account for each other. The seven churches
-within Mercia, without any doubt each has its own history,
-mostly connected with Æthelbald: perhaps all except the present
-Chester Cathedral, which arose out of the translation, nearly two
-hundred years later, of her relics to that place, from her original
-shrine in one of her three convents. But these home dedications
-do not fall within our purview, which is limited to the wanderers.</p>
-
-<p>When the Chronicle, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 741, says that Cuthred of Wessex
-contended with Æthelbald of Mercia, it can only mean that he
-attempted a reprisal of some portion of Wiccia: but it appears from
-the Annal of 743, that in the two years the combatants had become
-allies. The frontier between Mercia and Wessex had been finally
-determined; and there we find the name of Æthelbald’s recently
-beatified kinswoman, thrice repeated, along his own north bank of
-the Avon&mdash;at Bath, at Bristol, and at Henbury. It should be
-noticed that otherwise than these three, thus placed with an obvious
-purpose, none whatever are found throughout the whole length and
-breadth of Wiccia, the other seven being scattered within Mercia
-proper.<a name="FNanchor_12" id="FNanchor_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> It is hence inferred that these three dedications are contemporary
-with each other, and the immediate result of the
-transaction of <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 741. It may also be worth noting that one of
-the still surviving dedications of St. Werburgh within Mercia, at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[14]</a></span>
-Warburton, is similarly situated within the northern frontier, the
-river Mersey; and probably records a similar result of Æthelbald’s
-inroad of Northumbria, entered in the Chronicle at the earlier
-date of 737: also, according to Bæda, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 740.<a name="FNanchor_13" id="FNanchor_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a></p>
-
-<p>The St. Werburgh at Bath is no longer in existence, but its
-site is still on record. It was less than a quarter of a mile north of
-the Roman town, and about a quarter of a mile from the departure
-of the western Roman road, now called Via Julia, from the Foss
-Way, and between them, and very near to both.<a name="FNanchor_14" id="FNanchor_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a></p>
-
-<p>What was the condition of the spot now occupied by Bristol, in
-the centre of which, until yesterday, for nearly eleven hundred and
-fifty years, the church with this name has stood, when it was first
-planted there, this is not the place to discuss. A century-and-a-half
-earlier (<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 577), Bath, as we have seen, had been occupied
-by the West Saxons, and had no doubt so continued, until this
-advance southward of Æthelbald’s frontier also absorbed that
-city, or certainly its northern suburb, into Mercia. A great
-highway, of much earlier date than the times here being considered,
-skirted the southern edge of the weald that we only know as
-Kingswood; and at least approached the neck of the peninsula&mdash;projecting
-into a land-locked tidal lagoon, not a swamp, flooded by
-the confluence, at the crest of the tide, of Frome and Avon&mdash;upon
-which stands Bristol, and which has been hitherto crowned with
-Æthelbald’s usual symbol of Mercian dominion. As long ago as
-ships frequented the estuary of the Severn&mdash;ages before the times
-we are considering&mdash;it is inconceivable that the uncommon advantages
-of this haven could have been unknown. A British city had,
-no doubt, already existed for unknown ages on the neighbouring
-heights west of the lagoon; and there is a reason, too long to set
-forth here, to believe that the sheltered Bristol peninsula itself was
-used, by the West-Saxons of Ceawlin’s settlement at Bath, as an
-advanced frontier towards the Welsh of West Gloucestershire, long
-before it was appropriated by Mercia. It was, perhaps, already a
-town before Æthelbald planted upon it one of his limitary sanctuaries,
-having, <i>more Saxonico</i>, a fortress on the isthmus, upon which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[15]</a></span>
-the great square Norman tower of Robert the Consul was afterwards
-raised.</p>
-
-<p>All that is known of the sanctuary at Henbury is, that it was
-one of the chapels to Westbury, confirmed to Worcester Cathedral
-by Bp. Simon (<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 1125-50), and is described in his charter as
-“capella sancte Wereburge super montem Hembirie sita.”<a name="FNanchor_15" id="FNanchor_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> This
-is in that south-western limb of Gloucestershire, bounded by the
-Frome, Avon, and Severn, and separated by Kingswood Forest,
-which it has already been suggested was never Saxon, but remained
-Welsh until subdued by Mercia.</p>
-
-<p>So that as the only examples of this dedication to be found
-south of Staffordshire and Derbyshire, are the three which line
-the north shore of the Avon, the new frontier of Wessex and
-Mercia; the entire district of Gloucestershire, Worcestershire,
-and all the intervening country, from east to west, being totally
-without them; these three are manifestly arrayed in one line for a
-special purpose. The record, of the contest of Wessex and Mercia,
-contained in the Annal of <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 741, is thus accounted for in this
-monument of its result. Three more distant St. Werburghs
-remain, of which two will now be appropriated to that of <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 743.
-The one for <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 742, passed over for the present, will afterwards
-be shewn to involve the remaining sixth.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb" />
-
-<p>It will be remembered that, in the year 743, the Chronicle
-shews Æthelbald and Cuthred, who two years earlier had been
-fighting each other, now united, by perhaps an analogue of a
-Russo-Turkish alliance, against an enemy who, while Cuthred had
-been engaged with his Teutonic rival, had become troublesome in
-his rear, and dangerous to both. Under this year, 743, it says
-“Now Æthelbald King of the Mercians and Cuthred King of the
-West Saxons fought with the Welsh.” It does not say which of
-the then surviving three great bodies of the Welsh, who had been
-pressed into the great western limbs of the island, that are geographically
-divided from each other by the estuary of the Severn and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span>
-the great bay of Lancashire; but none can be meant but the
-Damnonian or Cornish Britons&mdash;the “Welsh” of the West Saxon
-Cuthred. No more of Devon could then have been held by the
-West Saxons than the fruitful southern lowlands, easily accessible
-from Somerset and Dorset, and from the south-coast. Most or all
-of Cornwall, and the highlands of Dartmoor and Exmoor, extending
-into north-west Somerset, still remained British or Welsh; as
-for the most part in blood, though not in speech, they do to
-this day.</p>
-
-<p>Written history is silent as to the parts separately taken by
-the allies in this contest; but other tokens of that of the Mercian
-are extant; and the two dedications of St. Werburgh that will next
-engage us are among the most significant. A glance at Mercia
-and the extent of the provinces annexed thereto by conquest,
-betrays a ruling political aim at obtaining access to the great
-seaports. Besides the Humber with Trent, and the Mersey, and,
-as we shall see below, the Medway, and the Thames itself; what
-is more to our purpose, we have found it already in possession of
-Bristol, added to Gloucester and the mouth of the Wye. An
-aggressive kingdom, with this policy, needs no chronicle to
-tell us that ships were abundant; and that at least it must
-have been able to command the transport service of a large
-mercantile fleet. It will readily be understood that one of
-Æthelbald’s strategies, in aid of his ally against his Damnonian
-insurgents, would be, to outflank the ally himself; and establish
-a cordon across his rear. This was effected by transporting, from
-his Wiccian ports on the Severn, to the north coast of Devon, a
-large migration of his own people; who not only occupied the district
-between the Dartmoor highlands and the north coast, not
-yet Teutonized by Wessex; but possessed themselves of the entire
-line across the western promontory, between Dartmoor and the
-Tamar, as far as the south sea near Plymouth.</p>
-
-<p>Of this strategic movement several strong indications remain
-upon the face of the district; which it is thought, mutually derive
-increased force from their accumulation. One of them is the
-existence, at the outposts of this expedition, of two of Æthelbald’s
-favourite dedications of his kinswoman. One, at Warbstow, stands<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[17]</a></span>
-at the western extremity of an incroachment of about eight miles
-beyond the Tamar, near Launceston, into Cornwall&mdash;still visible
-in our county maps, in the abstraction of an entire parish from
-the western side of the otherwise frontier river, by an abnormal
-projection beyond it. The other is at Wembury, where the church
-is finely situated on the sea-cliff of the eastern lip of Plymouth
-Sound. These two examples of the dedication, which was the
-favourite stamp of the conqueror’s heel, mark therefore the
-western and southern extremities of the assumed invasion.</p>
-
-<p>Another trace of this great unwritten Mercian descent upon
-Damnonia, may be discerned in the structure, as well as the constituents,
-of the place-names that cover the invaded district. The
-country, between the central highlands of Devon and the north-west
-coast of Devon and north-east of Cornwall, is not only secluded into
-an angular area bounded by the sea; but lies quite out of the course
-of the torrent of West Saxon advance westward: which indeed
-had been evidently checked by the Dartmoor heights. It might
-have been expected, therefore, except for the explanation now
-offered, that this district would have retained a strong tincture of
-its original Celtic condition, in that lasting index of race-occupancy
-its place-names. In this respect it might have presented the
-appearance of having been conquered, but not of a complete replacement
-of population. On the contrary, at the first glance of a
-full-named map, or in a passage through it, the entire district is
-surprisingly English. Besides this, the place-names have not only
-conspicuous peculiarities of structure, that at once distinguish this
-district from that of the West Saxons south and east of Dartmoor;
-but these recur with such uncommon frequency and uniformity,
-stopped by almost arbitrary limits, as to be manifestly due to a
-simultaneous descent of a very large population, at once spreading
-themselves over the whole of an extensive region.</p>
-
-<p>One of these notes of a great and simultaneous in-migration, is the
-termination of names in “-worthy;” which literally swarms over
-the entire tract of country between the Torridge and the Tamar.
-It is continued with no less frequency into that abnormal loop of
-the Devon frontier, which having crossed the Tamar stretches away<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[18]</a></span>
-towards the St. Werburgh dedication at Warbstow, and may be
-assumed to have been afterwards conceded to a condensed English
-speaking population already in possession; when, two hundred
-years later, King Athelstan determined that frontier. Others of
-these names are found scattered down southwards, over the
-western foot of Dartmoor, towards the southern St. Werburgh at
-Wembury, near Plymouth Sound. It is thought that this Devonshire
-“-worthy” is a transplant of the “-wardine” or “-uerdin”
-so frequent on the higher Severn and the Wye; changed during
-the long weaning from its cradle. In Domesday Book the
-orthography of the Devonshire “-worthys” and the “-wardines”
-of Worcestershire, Herefordshire, and Shropshire, was still almost
-identical, and their orthographical variations flit round one centre
-common to both. There is a “Hene<i>verdon</i>” at Plympton, close
-to Wembury.</p>
-
-<p>Another ending of names, also noticeable on the score of
-constant repetition over this large though limited area, is “-stow,”
-found annexed to the names of church-towns as the equivalent of
-the Cornish prefix “Lan-” and the Welsh “Llan-.” Another very
-numerous termination is “-cot.” But, with regard to these two,
-it should be mentioned, as a remarkable difference from the case
-of “-worthy,” that “-worthy” almost ceases abruptly with the
-Tamar boundary, except that it follows the Devon encroachments
-above mentioned across that river; whilst the “-stow” and
-“-cot” continue over the north-east angle of Cornwall itself to the
-sea. Although this observation does not conflict with our Mercian
-in-migration, it is not accounted for by it. It may indicate
-successive expeditions or reinforcements, after Æthelbald’s; occurring
-as they do beyond his Warbstow outpost. One incident of this
-disregard of the frontier, occurs in a difference of the behaviour of
-“-stow” on the two sides of it, and may be worth noting for its
-own sake. On the Devon side of the Tamar is a “Virginstow,”
-with a dedication of St. Bridget: on the Cornish side of the
-boundary is “Morwenstow,” preserving “morwen,” understood
-to be the Cornish word for “virgin.” So that this English “-stow”
-is found added to both the English and the Cornish name, each<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[19]</a></span>
-derived from a pre-existent church, dedicated to a female saint.
-The dedication of the present Morwenstow church appears to be
-uncertain; but Dr. Borlase and Dr. Oliver have both found, in
-Bishop Stafford’s Register, note of a former chapel of St. Mary
-in the parish.</p>
-
-<p>It is not meant that these three name-marks are not to be
-found in other parts of England: on the contrary, we shall hereafter
-see Mercian operations in other counties sufficient to account
-for a very wide sprinkling of them. What is here dwelt upon is the
-unexampled crowding of them, showing simultaneous colonisation
-upon a great scale. Another, but smaller, group of “-worthy”
-and “-cot,” occurs on the Severn coast of Somerset, about Minehead,
-indicating another naval descent of Mercia. In fact, although
-the great swarm above described occurs between the Torridge and
-the Tamar, two distinct trains flow from it: one, as before said,
-over the west foot of Dartmoor to the south sea: another along the
-Severn coast, eastward, ending with the Minehead or Selworthy
-group; and does not crop up again until in Gloucestershire it is
-found in its home midland form of Sheepwardine, and Miserden.</p>
-
-<p>Another example of this sort of connection of Mercia with
-Cornwall and south-west England may be briefly cited. Among
-the few&mdash;not more than six or eight&mdash;non-Celtic, but national or
-non-Catholic, dedications in Cornwall, is one of St. Cuthbert; a
-name that is also continued in “Cubert,” the secular name of the
-town. It is situated in one of the promontories that so boldly project
-into the sea on the north coast of Cornwall, but farther westward
-than the English footsteps above noted. A very learned and
-acute writer<a name="FNanchor_16" id="FNanchor_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> could not make out how “St. Cuthbert has made his
-way from Lindisfarn to Wells;” and says, perhaps truly, that it
-“does not imply a Northumbrian settlement in Somerset.” But St.
-Cuthbert at Wells, might reasonably be left to the cross-examination
-of historians, or neighbours, of that place; and if judiciously
-and reverently questioned, by the help of what is here said, would
-possibly give a good account of himself.</p>
-
-<p>It is quite true, as might have been expected, that St. Cuthbert<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[20]</a></span>
-is much more often found at his home in Northumbria than
-in the south-west of England. In the south-eastern counties he
-has not been found at all: but over the midland counties, and all
-down through the western ones he is thinly sprinkled all the way.
-Between Humber and Mersey, and Tweed and Solway, forty-three
-can be named if required, and Bishop Forbes adds many from his side
-of the border. Derbyshire has one at Doveridge, near the Mercian
-royal castle of Tutbury; Warwickshire one at Shustoke, eight
-miles south of another villa regia at Tamworth; Leicestershire,
-Notts, Beds, have each one; Lincoln and Norfolk two each;
-Worcestershire perhaps one in the name “Cudbergelawe;”<a name="FNanchor_17" id="FNanchor_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> Gloucestershire,
-one at Siston by Pucklechurch, and probably a second
-in the name “Cuberley;” Herefordshire two, or three? Somerset
-one at Wells; Dorset one, or two? Devon one, Cornwall one.</p>
-
-<p>This condensed statement of a series of facts, constitutes one of
-the phenomena of our argument; and shall here be accounted for
-by an observation, to which there will, further on, be occasion to
-revert. Whatever may have been the causes, there was a more
-intimate earlier intercourse between the Anglian kingdoms of
-Northumbria and Mercia, than between them and the more southern
-or Saxon kingdoms; so that, in fact, the hagiology of Northumberland
-is found to have infiltrated into that of Mercia. Sometimes
-the intercourse was hostile, and of this St. Oswald’s prevalence in
-Cheshire, Shropshire, &amp;c., is an instance historically known.
-Another cause might be collected from a study of any pedigree
-tables of the rulers of the two kingdoms. A later action of this
-mutuality appears in the dedications of the Northumbrian Alkmond,
-found in towns built by Æthelfled, who, Amazon though
-she be reputed, confessed her womanhood in her <i>cultus</i> of the
-child-martyr, as at her town of Derby and Shrewsbury. When,
-therefore, we find Northumbrian dedications in these unlikely
-southern regions, we are not driven to “imply a Northumbrian
-settlement,” but a sprout of Northumbrian hagiology, replanted
-along with a Mercian settlement.</p>
-
-<p>Midway between Wells and Somerton is Glastonbury. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span>
-Chronicle published by Hearne as John of Glastonbury, says that
-Æthelbald “rex Merciorum,” <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 744, gave to Abbot Tumbert,
-and the Familia at Glaston, lands at “Gassing and Bradelegh.”<a name="FNanchor_18" id="FNanchor_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a>
-Bradley is known and plain enough, and adjoins the Foss Way,
-near Glastonbury and Somerton; the other place is variously, and
-very corruptly written: once “Seacescet.” But there is still better
-evidence that at this time the supremacy of Æthelbald of Mercia
-was acknowledged in this district of Wessex. A charter, also
-dated <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 744, of a gift of land at “Baldheresberge et Scobbanuuirthe”&mdash;Baltonsburg
-and, as some say, Shapwick&mdash;to Glastonbury,
-by a lady called Lulla, with the licence of Æthelbald, “qui
-Britannicæ insulæ monarchiam dispensat.” The first signature is
-Æthelbald’s, followed by Cuthred of Wessex “annuens;” after
-which other witnesses, including Herewald, Bishop of Sherborne.
-It is printed in the Monasticon<a name="FNanchor_19" id="FNanchor_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> and by Mr. Kemble,<a name="FNanchor_20" id="FNanchor_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> both from
-the same manuscript, but with many slight variations in orthography
-which seem to be arbitrary in either. Mr. Kemble prints
-“Hilla,” but John of Glastonbury has “Lulla,” and so have both
-Dugdale and the new Monasticon. Mr. Kemble puts his star stigma
-but, although not of contemporary clerkships, it must transmit, in
-substance, a more ancient deed, and is at least an accumulative
-ancient and written confirmation of the external evidence already
-given of the supremacy of Mercia in this part of Wessex, and the
-subordination of Cuthred, even within the territory allotted to him
-at the contest of <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 741. Observe, in passing, an example, in the
-name “Scobbanuuirthe,” of the Mercian&mdash;“-uuerdin”&mdash;in a
-transition form towards the “-worthy” of North Devon.</p>
-
-<p>At all events, it is not to be wondered at that we should find
-a St. Cuthbert on the north coast of Cornwall, among the other
-symptoms that have been given of a Mercian settlement there.
-But one in Devon deserves some particular notice; because it is
-found identified with one of the examples of “-worthy” which
-is an outlier, and far away from the crowd that has been so much
-dwelt upon. These two tests of Mercian influence have indeed
-travelled far away from their fellows, but travelled together. It<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span>
-is at Widworthy, in the eastern corner of the county, between
-Honiton and Axminster, where the dedication and the termination,
-although compatriots, are both strangers together. No chronicle
-explains this, though no doubt it has a story never yet written.
-But it seems cruel to forsake the St. Cuthbert at Wells to account
-for itself, unhelped. After all that has been lately said, and insisted
-upon, to the contrary, what if it should turn out that the “Sumertun”
-of the Annal of <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 733, was Somerton in Somersetshire,
-twelve miles south of Wells, as our deprecated obsolete schoolbooks
-used to teach us? Another twenty-five miles reaches Widworthy.
-The then existing Foss-Way, which, even in its grass-grown
-abandoned fragments, is still a broad and practicable travelling road,
-passes within a very few miles of Wells, Glastonbury, Somerton,
-and Widworthy.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb" />
-
-<p>But a more substantial evidence, of a long continuance of
-Mercian influence beyond the Tamar, is not wanting: and even of
-its great extension farther westward, down to the time of King
-Alfred. A large hoard of coins and gold and silver ornaments
-was found near St. Austell in 1774; and a description and tabulation
-was lately published, by Mr. Rashleigh of Menabilly, of
-114 coins that were rescued from the scramble.<a name="FNanchor_21" id="FNanchor_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> Of these, no less
-than 60 were of Mercian Kings (<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 757-874), whilst only seventeen
-belong to the then dominant West-Saxon sole monarchs (<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span>
-800 to Alfred), and one to Northumbria.</p>
-
-<p>Add to these notes of the Anglian&mdash;and not Saxon&mdash;kinship
-of the English population of north-east Cornwall, the recurrence in
-that county of what, to uncritical ears, has a great likeness to the
-song or musical cadence already mentioned as met with in Mercia
-proper. West Saxons who had seen the first production of the
-comedy of “John Bull,” used to tell us with much relish, how this
-peculiarity was imitated upon the stage: and, in spite of the
-friction of an active scholastic career, it is still occasionally discernible
-in cathedral pulpits. It has even maintained, to recent
-times, a feeling among the West Saxons of Devon that a Cornishman<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span>
-is, in some degree, a foreigner. What again about the “Cornish
-hug” in wrestling?<a name="FNanchor_22" id="FNanchor_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> so strongly contrasted with the hold-off grip of
-the collar or shoulders, and the “fair back-fall” which is the
-pride of the Devonshire champion. It has nothing to do with the
-erudite difference of Celt and Teuton. The men of Devon&mdash;such
-as Drake and Raleigh<a name="FNanchor_23" id="FNanchor_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a>&mdash;have nearly as much Celtic blood as those of
-Cornwall. Cornishmen are fond of saying that their English speech
-is more correct than that of Devon: by which they mean, that
-their dialect is nearer to the one that has had the luck to run into
-printed books. Perhaps it is more Anglian and less Saxon. After
-a neighbourship of nearly twelve hundred years, let them now
-shake hands and be Anglo-Saxons: or Englishmen, if they prefer
-it, and wish to include the super-critics in their greeting.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb" />
-
-<p>Five out of the six extraneous dedications of St. Werburgh
-have now been referred to the active presence of Æthelbald, at the
-places where they are found, especially in connection with his
-exploits as they are obscurely recorded in the two Anglo-Saxon
-Annals of the years 741 and 743. The sixth, and last, of
-them remains, in like manner, to be brought into contact
-with him, and with the other recited Annal of the intermediate
-year, 742. We left three of the dedications as sentinels of their
-founder’s conquest of his southern frontier of Wiccia. Two more
-were at the more distant duty, of keeping guard over his strategic
-settlement, on the western rear of Wessex. The one yet to be
-dealt with is that of a church still known by the name of that
-saint, yet more distant from her Mercian home; in the extreme
-south-eastern county of Kent: and it only remains to enquire
-what business it has had; not only so far away from its midland
-cradle, but also from the abiding places of its fellow wanderers.</p>
-
-<p>Perhaps this would have been a much shorter task than either
-of the others, but that, at this part of the enquiry, our path is
-crossed by a controversy that began nearly three centuries ago,
-and has been ever since maintained with more or less warmth;
-and with so much learning, and variety of opinion, that the only<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[24]</a></span>
-point of approach, to unanimity among the contenders seems to be
-an acknowledgment that they have each left it unsettled. Yet
-this includes the question before us; whether or not the Annal 742
-of the Chronicle really concerns that part of the island wherein
-the last of our outlying series of St. Werburghs has come to our
-hands. It is, indeed, believed that the newly-imported fact itself,
-of our finding this dedication where it is, may be a weighty contribution
-to the settlement of the question; yet the controversy has
-been so long carried on, and has involved so great an array of
-authoritative and orthodox scholarship; that we can only presume
-to pass it, by carefully and respectfully over-climbing it, and not
-by a contemptuous Remusian leap.</p>
-
-<p>This remaining sixth St. Werburgh is situated within that
-small peninsula of the north shore of Kent, which is insulated by
-the mouths of the Thames and Medway. In fact, it is not unlike a
-tongue in a mouth, of which Essex and the Isle of Sheppey are as
-the teeth or gums. A line from Rochester bridge to Gravesend
-would separate more than the entire district from the mainland:
-indeed it is all of the county of Kent that is north of Rochester.
-It consists of an elevated chalk promontory, about ten or twelve
-miles from east to west, and four from north to south, inclosing
-several small fertile valleys: added to which, on the north or
-Thames front, is a broad alluvial level or marsh, within the
-estuary of that river, of several miles in width. Camden says of
-this peninsula, “HO enim vocatur ilia quasi Chersonessus.” It
-is, accordingly, a large specimen of that sort of configuration of a
-tract of land in its relation to water, of which the name is often
-found to contain the descriptive syllable, “-holm,” “-ham,” or
-“-hoe.” Whether or not these three are dialectic varieties of one
-word, need not here be considered: it is certain, however, that
-the names of such peninsular tracts are very often found to be
-marked with “-hoe;” and “Hoo”<a name="FNanchor_24" id="FNanchor_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> is the name of the hundred<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span>
-which still constitutes the largest and most prominent portion of
-this peninsula. So it was already called, even before the early
-time with which we shall find our own concern with it; for in a
-charter, dated <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 738,<a name="FNanchor_25" id="FNanchor_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> it is already mentioned as “regio quæ
-vocatur Hohg.” In the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 902, it is
-mentioned as “Holme.” In Domesday,<a name="FNanchor_26" id="FNanchor_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> the hundred which constitutes
-the peninsular portion, is called “<i>HOV</i>;” the isthmus
-portion having already, however, become a separate hundred, then
-called “Essamele,” now “Shamwell.” The towns in the district
-have their proper names added to “Hoo,” as “Hoo-St.-Mary,”
-and “Hoo-St.-Werburgh:” and this last has the church above
-referred to. This is situated on the southern or Medway shore of
-the Hoo; but on the cliff of the northern side of the elevated
-core of the peninsula, and over-looking the great reach of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span>
-estuary of the Thames, and the broad alluvial level embraced by
-it, is the town of “Cliffe;” of which the church has the dedication
-St. Helen. The two churches are just four miles apart.
-There are several other churches now in the peninsula, but the
-others have been attributed to these two, of St. Werburgh and
-St. Helen, as their mother churches, of which the other parishes
-are ancient offshoots or chapelries.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb" />
-
-<p>Among the most famous names of places in England, during the
-long aggressive reigns of Æthelbald and Offa, when, for the largest
-part of the eighth century, the other kingdoms were more or less
-threatened with the supremacy of Mercia, was that of a place
-called Cloveshoe or Clovesham.<a name="FNanchor_27" id="FNanchor_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> Its celebrity has been, no doubt,
-much enhanced by its intimate connection with the Church
-History of that period; but it has shared, with many of the names
-of the localities of the most important events of the history of
-those times, in a great deal of uncertainty and controversy as to
-the actual place.</p>
-
-<p>Few monuments of those ages are preserved to us in such
-multitude as names of places, and in such apparent entireness;
-but few are of such uncertain and doubtful appropriation. Although
-we are living in the midst of the scenes of the greatest
-events of our early history; yet one of the most surprising
-circumstances is, that of the number of the names of the places
-that have remained almost unaltered, during the interval of
-twelve centuries, so few of them can, with any degree of
-certainty, be identified: so that, although a Gazetteer or Index
-Locorum of those times would be a most valuable help
-it would be the most difficult to compile; and, judging from past
-attempts at contributions to it, impossible to be done with any
-reasonable approach to trustworthiness. The visible monuments
-have almost entirely been swept from off the face of the earth.
-Towns, then of importance and even magnitude, if not now
-entirely subject to the plough, are only represented by the merest
-villages; and religious institutions have had their identity drowned<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span>
-by the importation of later monastic orders; and generally by
-more catholic, but less national or local, dedications. The names
-of the places, in some few cases identified by immemorial traditions,
-are often the only indications of the whereabouts of some of the
-greatest events; but even the names themselves are obscured by
-the different methods, used in that age and in ours, of distinguishing
-them from other similar names; and the traditions, which
-should have preserved them, are interrupted by the long interval,
-between the events themselves, and the time at which the names
-first come again into our sight.</p>
-
-<p>But this Clovesho = Clofeshoum = or Clobesham<a name="FNanchor_28" id="FNanchor_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> had necessarily
-retained its hold upon the public memory of the ages from
-the eighth to the sixteenth centuries, from the importance to the
-Church of the great acts of councils, both royal and pontifical, there
-held; and the memory or tradition of the National Church, was, of
-all others, the most vivid and tenacious of any, during that long
-period&mdash;perhaps the only one which may be said to have bridged
-it, unbroken by interruptions, such as dynastic revolutions. When
-the tradition of the actual whereabouts of this famous place comes
-first into our view, we find it attached to the “Hoo” of Kent
-above described, and to the place called “Cliffe” there situated.
-The name now current is “Cliffe-at-Hoo,” and this appears to have
-been the form in which it came to Camden’s knowledge: at
-any rate, in the earlier editions of Britannia (1587), he mentions
-this place as “Cliues at Ho Bedæ dictum.”</p>
-
-<p>There is, however, extant a still earlier record, that the
-tradition had not yet been doubted by the learned. The Rev.
-Prebendary Earle, Professor of Anglo-Saxon at Oxford, has most
-judiciously preserved some marginal notes of the 16th century,
-that he found in that MS. of the Saxon Chronicle,<a name="FNanchor_29" id="FNanchor_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> which he
-distinguishes as “C.;” which notes he considers to be “written in
-an Elizabethan hand:” but as will be presently seen they must have
-been of the reign of Henry VIII. One of these is written in the
-margin against one of the occurrences of the name “Clofes hoo”
-in the Chronicle, and reads “doctor Hethe’s benyffyce;” and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span>
-Mr. Earle asks, “where may Dr. Hethe’s benefice have been?”<a name="FNanchor_30" id="FNanchor_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a>
-To this question of the Professor’s, two more may be added: Who
-was Dr. Hethe? And who was&mdash;evidently his intimate acquaintance&mdash;the
-writer of the marginal notes to the Chronicle?</p>
-
-<p>The answers to these three questions will shew what sort of
-men these were whom we find in possession of this historical
-tradition concerning the actual place of those famous synods; and
-who, long before any question about it had been raised, by the
-incipient critical scepticism of the 17th century, out of fancied
-probabilities, are here seen treating it as an undoubted fact.
-These answers will also shew what advantages, of time and local
-associations, they had for judgment of the fact.</p>
-
-<p>The benefice, then, was the Rectory of the Cliffe above
-mentioned, situated in the peninsula, or Hoo, north of Rochester.
-This living was held, from 1543 to 1548, by Dr. Nicholas Heath:<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span>
-it was, therefore, during these years that the marginal notes were
-written. He was afterwards Bishop of Rochester, and of Worcester,
-and Archbishop of York, and Lord Chancellor; and during
-the reign of Henry VIII., and to the accession of Elizabeth, took
-leading parts in most affairs, both in Church and State. Wood
-calls him “a most wise and learned Man, of great Policy, and of
-as great Integrity.”</p>
-
-<p>As to Dr. Heath’s friend, the writer of the marginal notes,
-there can be no doubt that he was Dr. Nicholas Wotton: one of
-the small knot of revivers of Anglo-Saxon literature, and of those,
-named by Mr. Earle,<a name="FNanchor_31" id="FNanchor_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> as a few persons who then had the handling
-of Saxon MSS. It is found that the long active and distinguished
-career, of each of these two men, ran both in the same groove:&mdash;through
-the same period, in the same rank and line of affairs, and
-locally together.<a name="FNanchor_32" id="FNanchor_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> They were both part authors of the well-known
-Institution of a Christian Man, 1537. Wotton was the first
-Dean of Canterbury, and so continued for more than twenty-five
-years: also Dean of York. During two intervals he administered,
-by commission, the Province of Canterbury; and was named,
-along with Parker, as successor to that Primacy.</p>
-
-<p>These are the two men, who are first found in possession of the
-historical tradition, that the famous place where the Mercian kings,
-with the Archbishops, the Bishop of Rochester, and the Mercian and
-other Bishops, held their councils; the acts of which must, in all ages,
-have been most conspicuous to learned English Canonists, was no
-other than this very Cliffe-at-Hoo; and it is evident, from the
-directness of the marginal note, that they held it as an unquestioned
-fact. So, about fifty years afterwards, when he published
-Britannia, it was as we have seen, also without reserve, accepted
-by Camden.<a name="FNanchor_33" id="FNanchor_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> Up to this time the tradition&mdash;not among men who
-accept Geoffrey of Monmouth’s stories and the like, but among
-the learned&mdash;was yet undisturbed. But twenty years later we
-find Camden wavering; influenced only by speculations on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span>
-nature of the district, and a then prevalent distorted perspective
-of the remote historical circumstances of the time concerned. In
-the edition of Britannia, which received his latest revision,<a name="FNanchor_34" id="FNanchor_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> he
-qualifies his former statement, by saying that he no longer dares
-to affirm, as others do, whether or not the Cliffe in the little
-country called Ho, may be the “Cliues at Ho,” so celebrated
-in the infancy of the Anglican Church; because the place seems
-not to be a convenient one for holding the Synod; and that the
-actual place seems to have been within the kingdom of Mercia,
-rather than Kent. From that time to this present day the place,
-indicated by this name, has ranked among the most disputed and
-unsettled questions of early English topography.</p>
-
-<p>It also happened, that Camden, when treating of Berkshire,
-had quoted from the Chronicle of Abingdon, a passage which set
-forth, that, before the abbey was founded at, or removed to, that
-place, its name had been “Sheouesham,” and was a royal residence.
-This name, thus brought forward by Camden, struck the
-fancy of Somner the learned compiler of the earliest Anglo-Saxon
-Dictionary,<a name="FNanchor_35" id="FNanchor_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> who, collating it with Camden’s hesitation at the Cliffe-at-Hoo
-tradition, thought he saw in “Sheouesham” a scriptorial
-erroneous variation of “Clouesho or -ham;” Abingdon being, in
-accordance with the conception of the greater constancy of the
-frontiers of the “Heptarchy” then prevalent, more likely to be the
-place of councils, at which the Mercian kings so often presided.
-And this seemed to be the more likely; because the Abingdon
-Chronicle also said, that Abingdon had hitherto been a royal residence,
-when the abbey was founded, from which it got its new
-name. The Abingdon Chronicle is, of course, good for its proper
-uses, but where it says that “Seouescham civitas” had been a
-“sedes regia,” although the name has an English colouring, it is
-evidently speaking of British or ante-Saxon times. If a royal
-residence during the reign of Æthelbald, it must have been of
-the West Saxons, and not of the Mercians. It could not, therefore,
-have been the Cloveshoe where Æthelbald presided.</p>
-
-<p>If this liberty of interpretation should be permitted, it is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span>
-plain that it would be enough to shake almost any recorded
-name. Indeed another example of its use, if also tolerated, would
-reverse the one itself that had been proposed: would, if the other
-was enough to carry it to Abingdon, be strong enough to bring it
-back again to Hoo. In the charter, dated <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 738,<a name="FNanchor_36" id="FNanchor_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> four years
-before the earliest recorded Cloveshoe Council, a piece of land is
-called “Andscohesham.” This is certainly within the very Hoo
-district itself, which is the site of the Cloveshoe of the tradition;
-being described as “in regione quæ uocatur Hohg.” Mr. Kemble
-prints the charter from the Textus Roffensis, but omits the title
-or endorsement that fixes the very spot in the Hoo that it refers
-to. This is, however, preserved in Monasticon Anglicanum:<a name="FNanchor_37" id="FNanchor_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a>
-“De Stokes, que antiquitus vocabatur Andscohesham;” and Stoke
-is now a parish in the Hoo, and close to Cliffe. There can be no
-doubt that the “And-” stands for, or is a corrupt reading of,
-“aed-” or the preposition “æt,-” so continually carried, along with
-vernacular Anglo-Saxon names, into Latin documents; and the
-name of this “Scohesham” of the Kentish Hoo would thus be
-practically identical with that of the “Scheouesham”&mdash;also written
-“Seuekesham”<a name="FNanchor_38" id="FNanchor_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a>&mdash;the alleged ancient name of Abingdon.
-Not that it is intended here to say that “Andscohesham” is a
-corruption of “Clovesham,” although it would have been just
-as reasonable as Somner’s inference; but that Somner’s conjecture
-for removing the place, might be retorted by one equally efficient
-to bring it back again. But even this might be worth farther
-scrutiny: for if this identity, of “Andscohesham” and “Clovesham,”
-should prove to be the case, the ancient controversy would
-be determined at once, without the further trouble here being
-bestowed. This Andscohesham or Stoke is close also to Hoo-St.-Werburgh,
-and probably identical with “Godgeocesham,” the place
-where “Eanmundus rex,” or Eahlmund (= Alcmund, father of
-Egbert of Wessex) was living, when he added his form of approval
-to a gift,<a name="FNanchor_39" id="FNanchor_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> of land at Islingham also close adjoining, by his co-rex
-of Kent, Sigered, to Earduulf Bishop of Rochester, (<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 759-765.)</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>The likeness of the name Clovesho and Cliff-at-Hoo, is not of a
-sort likely to suggest identity, except first prompted externally,
-such as by an actual independent tradition; but after having
-been thus brought together by external evidence, the structure
-of the old name can thoroughly justify the identity.</p>
-
-<p>But, however slender may have been this original philological
-cause of disturbance, it served to carry the question, of the actual
-place, out into the expansive region of conjecture; where it
-has been ever since rolling and rebounding, from one end of the
-land to the other, from that time to this. Every succeeding
-writer treating the matter as if it had been commissioned to him
-to choose the place of the synods, according to his own views of
-the fitness of things. Bishop Gibson first accepted Somner’s
-conjecture, and so adopting Abingdon, concludes that “no sane
-man,” who admits the authority of the Abingdon Chronicle, “can
-stick at it:”<a name="FNanchor_40" id="FNanchor_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> the Abingdon Chronicle having never said it except
-through Somner’s distortion. Smith’s gloss, on the name in Beda
-is, “Vulgo Cliff, juxta Hrofes caester.” But he continues, in a
-note, that Somner’s opinion in preferring Abingdon seems not
-unworthy of observation. He recites Camden, but concludes,
-“Sed in his nihil ultra conjecturam, &amp; illam certe valde fluctuantem.”<a name="FNanchor_41" id="FNanchor_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a>
-A conclusion which is even prophetic. In Dr. Geo. Smith’s
-map to Beda it is, however, placed at Abingdon. Smith’s note is
-transcribed as it stands by Wilkins;<a name="FNanchor_42" id="FNanchor_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> and again by Sir T. D.
-Hardy.<a name="FNanchor_43" id="FNanchor_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a></p>
-
-<p>Capt. John Stevens, in a note in his translation of Bede,
-(<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 1723,) says, as to the true place being Cliffe, “Of this
-opinion are the two great antiquarians, Spelman and Talbot, to
-which Lambard likewise gives in, though with caution.” This
-must be Dr. Robert Talbot, Canon of Norwich, another early
-Saxon scholar, reign Henry VIII., who left transcripts of charters
-of Abingdon,<a name="FNanchor_44" id="FNanchor_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> and is, therefore, another early learned witness of
-the tradition. Spelman’s interpretation is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span> “Cloveshoviæ (vulgo
-Clyff).”<a name="FNanchor_45" id="FNanchor_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> The Rev. Joseph Stevenson<a name="FNanchor_46" id="FNanchor_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> recites the option of Cliffe
-and Abingdon. Of the church historians, Fuller remonstrates
-against Camden’s doubts, with his usual moderation. Collier
-merely calls it “Clovesho, or Clyff, near Rochester.”</p>
-
-<p>By this time the Abingdon speculation had become strong
-enough to carry double: to be able to be called in to the help of
-other theories, on outside matters. The ingenious Welsh philologer,
-William Baxter,<a name="FNanchor_47" id="FNanchor_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> gets from it an offspring <i>ergo</i>. He
-makes Abingdon the “Caleva Attrebatum,” <i>because</i> it had been
-“Clovesho:” upon which, by a sort of “To-my-love and from-my-love”
-formula, Dr. W. Thomas<a name="FNanchor_48" id="FNanchor_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> completes the symmetry of a
-logical circle, by citing “Calleva Attrebatum” as evidence that
-Cloveshoe is near Henley-on-Thames, then thought to be Calleva.</p>
-
-<p>R. Gough, in Additions to Camden, leaves it at Abingdon on
-Bp. Gibson’s argument: and, throughout the eighteenth century,
-Abingdon seems to have been favoured; the writers being much
-given to copy each other. Dr. Lingard, 1803, quoting Capt.
-Stevens’s translation of Bede, says “probably Abingdon,” and so
-also puts it in his Anglo-Saxon map; but Capt. Stevens had only
-quoted both views, without adopting either.</p>
-
-<p>The later editors of the Saxon Chronicle, Dr. Ingram and Mr.
-Thorpe, return to the tradition, contenting themselves with the
-simple gloss “Cliff-at-Hoo, Kent,” “Cliff near Rochester.” Miss
-Gurney, however, prudently says, “Cliff in Kent, or Abingdon.”
-Professor Earle gives the valuable note and question about Dr.
-Heath, before mentioned, but leaves the main question, of the
-place, open. On the other hand, the Dictionaries, since Somner:
-Lye says “fortasse Abbingdon,” and Dr. Bosworth follows with
-“perhaps Abingdon,” quoting both Somner and Lye.</p>
-
-<p>But the nineteenth century took a fresh stride away from the start
-of the seventeenth. Whilst accepting from the eighteenth the inheritance
-of the doubt, it next renounced the claim itself for which
-the doubt had been raised. It is no longer Abingdon, but wherever
-it may be thought likely&mdash;Dr. Lappenberg<a name="FNanchor_49" id="FNanchor_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> places it in Oxfordshire;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span>
-Mr. N.E.S.A. Hamilton<a name="FNanchor_50" id="FNanchor_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> “co. Berks.” Mr. Kemble more boldly
-carries it to “the hundred of Westminster, and county of Gloucester,
-perhaps near Tewksbury.”<a name="FNanchor_51" id="FNanchor_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> Next year,<a name="FNanchor_52" id="FNanchor_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> he more firmly
-says “Doubts have been lavished upon the situation of this
-place, which I do not share,” and concludes that it was “not far
-from Deerhurst, Tewksbury, and Bishop’s Cleeve; not at all
-improbably in Tewksbury itself, which may have been called
-Clofeshoas, before the erection of a noble abbey at a later period
-gave it the name it now bears.”</p>
-
-<p>Messrs. Haddan and Stubbs<a name="FNanchor_53" id="FNanchor_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> accept the objections of their forerunners
-against Cliff-at-Hoo, thinking that this place “rests solely
-on the resemblance of the name.” They say of the Abingdon =
-Sheovesham theory, that it is also “the merest conjecture.” They
-also reject Mr. Kemble’s Tewkesbury as founded on a mistaken
-identity of Westminster hundred with another place sometimes
-called “Westminster,” in the Mercian charters, (<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 804-824).
-This is, indeed, Westbury-on-Trym. But why was the minster
-there called “west,” and where was the minster that was east of
-it? At an earlier date (<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 794) it had already got its present
-name, “Uuestburg.” Messrs. Haddan and Stubbs leave the
-question of the true place of Cloveshoe as they find it, neither
-endorsing the original tradition, nor indulging in the freedom of
-choice which had been established for them. In another work,<a name="FNanchor_54" id="FNanchor_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a>
-however, Mr. Haddan has said, “On the locality of Cloveshoo
-itself, unfortunately, we can throw no more light than may be
-contained in the observation, that St. Boniface invariably styles
-the English synod, ‘Synodus <i>Londinensis</i>;’ and that …
-the immediate vicinity of that city&mdash;in all other respects the most
-probable of all localities&mdash;seems consequently the place where
-antiquarians must hunt for traces of the lost Cloveshoo.” How
-far Cliffe, situated near the mouth of the Thames, may satisfy or
-contradict the “Londinensis” of S. Bonifatius must be left to be
-judged. Dean Hook recites his fore-goers, but not quite understanding
-them:&mdash;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span>“Where Cloveshoo was it is impossible to say,
-some antiquarians placing it at Cliff-at-Hoo, in Kent; some in the
-neighbourhood of Rochester; others contending for Abingdon;
-others again for Tewkesbury.”<a name="FNanchor_55" id="FNanchor_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> But Cliff-at-Hoo in Kent <i>is</i> in
-the <i>near</i> neighbourhood of Rochester. The present state of the
-question, therefore, seems to be, that it is given up as hopeless.</p>
-
-<p>But the most strenuous renunciator of the Kentish tradition,
-in favour of the Berkshire conjecture, was a learned and distinguished
-native of the Kentish locality itself: the Rev. John
-Johnson. He is usually reckoned among the learned and suffering
-body of the Nonjurors, but, by personal merits and some concessions,
-he appears to have escaped their political ordeal; having
-retained his preferments throughout a long life. He is commonly
-distinguished, from the other Johnsons of literature, as “Johnson
-of Cranbrook.” His remarks deserve all the more careful consideration,
-because he was born at Frindsbury, immediately adjoining
-Cliffe, and the intermediate parish between it and Rochester. At
-Frindsbury, in fact, was the “Aeslingham” of the Textus Roffensis,
-in one of the charters that concern the Hoo and the locality
-now in question. He printed a Collection of Canons of the
-English Church, in 1720.<a name="FNanchor_56" id="FNanchor_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> In his preface and notes to the Synod
-at which was ratified the submission of the usurped primacy of
-Lichfield to that of Canterbury, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 803, which is one of those
-held at “clofeshoas;”<a name="FNanchor_57" id="FNanchor_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> he oddly brings it, as an argument that
-Abingdon was the place, that the triumphant Archbishop of
-Canterbury “was willing to meet” his reconciled insubordinant
-rival, half way between Lichfield and Canterbury. Converting
-what is a very strong presumption against Abingdon, into an act
-of extreme humility on the part of the Archbishop. The learned
-writer must have felt the difficulty, which he thus strove so hard to
-liquidate into a virtue. After this, he goes on to allege that “there
-is not a more unhealthy spot in the whole province, I may say in
-all Christendom,” than this district of the Hoo. With deference,
-however, to such a writer, and a native of the spot, this account
-of it does, to a mere visitor, seem to be exaggerated. The Gads-Hill,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span>
-of Falstaff, will bring the neighbourhood to the remembrance
-of many; and it has become more widely known of late years, by
-the last residence of another great master of humour and fiction,
-which is less than four miles from the church of Cliffe, and the
-outlook from which would be about identical with that from any
-Mercian Villa Regia that may have existed here. An ungrateful
-remembrance of the inflictions of schoolmasters, or other childish
-griefs, is often observed to haunt the later career of those to whose
-distinguished position they may have contributed.</p>
-
-<p>In his “Addenda,” Johnson afterwards says, “I find some
-worthy gentlemen still of opinion, that Cliff … was not unhealthy
-in the age of the Councils:” and he truly quotes charters from
-the Textus Roffensis, to show that the northern marshes, or levels,
-then already existed; and he urges that it “was, therefore,
-altogether unfit for a stated place of synod.” That “As Cliff in
-Hoo was never a place of great note itself, so it lies, and ever
-did lie, out of the road to any place of note;” and he goes on to
-recite Somner and Camden’s plea of the greater likelihood of
-Abingdon, for synods limited to the times of Mercian domination.</p>
-
-<p>But the marshes are not in question, they are but an appendage
-to the Hoo. This peninsula is formed of a large fragment
-of the chalk at the eastern end of the North Kentish downs,
-called by geologists an “inlier” into the Thames basin; upon the
-heights, and in the valleys, of which the places concerned in this
-enquiry were situated. The marshes are a broad fringe of level
-pasture land,<a name="FNanchor_58" id="FNanchor_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> advanced into the Thames estuary, beyond its north
-chalk cliff. In Kent the word “marsh” signifies the same as
-“more” in Somersetshire: which, although even Dr. Jamieson
-confounds the two, is a totally different word and thing, from the
-“muir,” or “moor,” for waste lands of a highland character. It
-is to such land as this that we owe the dairies of Cheddar; and if
-this objection should be good, Glastonbury and Wells, not to
-mention Ely and Croyland, must resign their venerable places in
-history. A very similar projection of alluvial level pasture extends<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span>
-from Henbury and Shirehampton to the Bristol Channel, without
-disparagement of their salubrity. Mr. Johnson, having suffered
-much in health by a residence of a year or two at Appledore, in
-Kent, obtained the vicarage of Cranbrook, where he lived for
-eighteen years. It is likely that he was sensitive of climatal
-influences, and shy of those breezes that reach this island after
-passing over the great plains of central Europe: a tenderness,
-which neither Æthelbald nor Offa can be supposed to have shared
-with him.</p>
-
-<p>It is plain, however, that this broad alluvial margin,
-extending from the northern edge of the heights, which are the
-substantial constituents of the Hoo peninsula, already existed,
-<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 779, at least a very large extent of it; for the first charter,
-so dated,<a name="FNanchor_59" id="FNanchor_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> describes it as then “habentem quasi quinquaginta
-iugerum.” In a later charter, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 789,<a name="FNanchor_60" id="FNanchor_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> the name of the projecting
-level appears as “Scaga.”<a name="FNanchor_61" id="FNanchor_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> It must already have become land of
-value to be granted in these charters; and its identity is certain
-from the limits&mdash;Yantlet (“Jaenlade”) water to “Bromgeheg,”
-now “Bromey,” on the higher land at Cooling. Does not the word
-“jugeru,” used in the charter, indicate that this “marsh” was
-already cultivated or pasture land? How it had been originally
-caused is, however, not hard to discern. It is, evidently, a large
-portion of the delta of the Thames, intercepted by the confluence
-of the other great river, the Medway, and thrown back behind the
-chalk promontory of the Hoo. Inside, and westward of this
-deposit, the tidal estuary makes a bold reach southward; sweeping
-the western side of this level, and approaching the heights, so as, at
-Cliffe, Higham, and Chalk, to leave only a comparatively narrow
-fringe of level; and it is on the heights at the southern bend of
-this reach, that are situated these three villages, which will presently
-be found, it is thought, to be interesting to us.</p>
-
-<p>As to the most substantial objection, which of course has
-continued to be a constantly recurring ingredient of this controversy,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span>
-that the place of the synods must have been within the
-kingdom of Mercia, it seems a little oblique of the mark aimed at.
-They were royal councils, and these must be expected to have
-followed the presence of the king and his court, as was the case in
-much later times than those now under consideration. Most of
-the remaining records of these synods at Cloveshoe, and of the
-other national ones during the same period, show the king to have
-presided; and it is true that it is the Mercian King, who is so
-found, during both of the long reigns of Æthelbald and Offa; and
-throughout the time of the domination of the Mercians in Kent.
-The policy of the Mercian aggressors, during their long continued
-contention for empire, to grasp the great estuaries of the island,
-has already been referred to, and a glance at sheets I. and VI. of
-the Ordinance survey will show how desirable was this Chersonesus
-for the head quarters of a power, which made a chief point of the
-possession of the Thames, and its only less valuable and smaller
-sister, the Medway. The opposite coast of the East Saxons had
-already, for several reigns, been subjected to Mercia. <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 704,
-Suebræd, the regulus of the East Saxons, could not grant lands at
-Twickenham, then in Essex, but “in prouincia quæ nuncupatur
-middelseaxan,” to Waldhere, Bishop of London, except “cum
-licentia Æthelredi regis” of Mercia.<a name="FNanchor_62" id="FNanchor_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> Kent, less fortunate, was
-still contended for by both Wessex and Mercia, as well as by
-Sussex, and by all three it was successively ravaged; and it even
-looks as if the three contending invaders maintained, as clients,
-rival pretenders, as kings of the parts of Kent at the time under
-their power. The division of Kent into Lathes may be a so-to-speak
-fossil, or rather an archaic autograph upon the surface of
-the county, of this state of it. It is, however, certain that Mercia
-ultimately made good a permanent domination of Kent; and the
-kings of Kent acknowledged that supremacy in their government,
-by merely counter-subscribing the acts of the kings of Mercia.<a name="FNanchor_63" id="FNanchor_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a></p>
-
-<p>The mass of chalk, of which the body of the Hoo consists, is
-said to pass under the Thames; and a small continuation of it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span>
-reappears on the Essex side, directly opposite Cliffe and Higham and
-Chalk, at East Tilbury; and having continued four miles westward,
-behind the marsh marked by Tilbury Fort, dies out at Purfleet.<a name="FNanchor_64" id="FNanchor_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> It
-forms an elevated promontory at East Tilbury, penetrating the levels
-on that side to the river. The present chief traject of the river is
-about three miles westward, from Gravesend to the fort: but the
-chalk promontory is the terminus of an ancient straight chain of
-roads, which, although in some places interrupted by later breaks
-and divergencies, indicates a traffic of ages, from this terminus on
-the river, in a north-western direction, striking the Iknield Street
-at Brentwood, and apparently afterwards still continuing the
-same line: probably to Watling Street; any rate to the heart of
-the Mercian dominions: say, to Hertford, if you like.</p>
-
-<p>There are various other substantial evidences of great ancient
-intercourse of Essex with the Hoo of Kent, by a trajectus at this
-place, between East Tilbury and Higham; and Higham is only five
-miles from Rochester bridge, by which the Watling Street entered
-that city. Morant says, of the manor of Southall in East Tilbury,
-“This estate goes now to the repair of Rochester bridge: when and
-by whom given we do not find.”<a name="FNanchor_65" id="FNanchor_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> He also mentions the “famous
-Higham Causeway” in connection with Tilbury.<a name="FNanchor_66" id="FNanchor_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> Until the
-reign of Stephen, the church at Higham had belonged to the
-Abbot and Convents of St. John, Colchester.<a name="FNanchor_67" id="FNanchor_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> The importance of
-this Essex traject to the kingdoms north of the Thames, when
-the domination of Mercia in Essex and Kent was beginning, may
-be inferred from the fact that one of the two colleges, or capitular
-churches, founded by Cedda, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 653, in Essex, was at Tilbury.<a name="FNanchor_68" id="FNanchor_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a>
-There is a place called Chadwell by West Tilbury. Some years
-later, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 676, when Æthelred of Mercia first devastated Kent,
-it is evident that he used this passage; for the destruction of
-Rochester, five miles south of Higham and Cliffe, is the only one
-of his exploits, on that expedition, specified by name.<a name="FNanchor_69" id="FNanchor_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> So late as
-<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 1203, Giraldus Cambrensis passed from Kent to Essex by
-Tilbury. These incidents, connecting Tilbury and Higham, may<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span>
-qualify the surprise that has hitherto troubled church historians at
-finding that “Clofeshoch,” at so early a date as <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 673, was
-appointed, at “Herutford,” as the place for future councils, even if
-Herutford had been Hertford, as some say.</p>
-
-<p>The conclusion that the line of approach, and of the first
-invasion of Kent by the Mercians, was by a passage from the
-Essex coast to Higham or Cliffe; and that the peninsula of Hoo,
-adjoining Rochester, had then and long after been the basis of
-their domination of that kingdom; had been already formed, from
-what has been already said. And it was at this point, that it was
-thought worth while to see what the chief county historians say
-about the two termini of the trajectus.</p>
-
-<p>This is Hasted’s statement:&mdash;</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="blockquote">
-
-<p>“<i>Plautius</i>, the <i>Roman</i> General under the <i>Emperor Claudius</i>,
-in the year of Christ, 43, is said to have passed the river
-<i>Thames</i> from <i>Essex</i> into <i>Kent</i>, near the mouth of it, with
-his army, in pursuit of the flying <i>Britons</i> who being
-acquainted with the firm and fordable places of it passed it
-easily. (Dion. Cass., lib. lx.) The place of this passage is,
-by many, supposed to have been from <i>East Tilbury</i>, in
-<i>Essex</i>, across the river to <i>Higham</i>. (By Dr. Thorpe,
-Dr. Plott, and others.) Between these places there was a
-<i>ferry</i> on the river for many ages after, the usual method
-of intercourse between the two counties of Kent and
-Essex for all these parts, and it continued so till the dissolution
-of the abbey here; before which time Higham was
-likewise the place for shipping and unshipping corn and
-goods in great quantities from this part of the country, to
-and from <i>London</i> and elsewhere. The probability of this
-having been a frequented ford or passage in the time of
-the <i>Romans</i>, is strengthened by the visible remains of a
-raised causeway or road, near 30 feet wide, leading from
-the <i>Thames</i> side through the marshes by <i>Higham southward</i>
-to this <i>Ridgway</i> above mentioned, and thence across
-the <i>London</i> highroad on <i>Gads-hill</i> to <i>Shorne-ridgway</i>, about
-half-a-mile beyond which adjoins the <i>Roman Watling-street</i>
-road near the entrance into <i>Cobham-park</i>. In the pleas
-of the crown in the 21st year of K. Edward I., the
-<i>Prioress</i> of the nunnery of <i>Higham</i> was found liable to
-maintain a bridge and causeway that led from <i>Higham</i>
-down to the river <i>Thames</i>, in order to give the better and
-easier passage to such as would ferry from thence into
-Essex.”<a name="FNanchor_70" id="FNanchor_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>It may be added that the Hoo peninsula has other marks of
-having been, at much earlier times, a district of great transit. There
-is, perhaps, no other part of England, of so small an extent,
-which has so many and clustered examples of “Street” in
-names of secluded spots&mdash;including the almost ubiquitous “Silver
-Street”<a name="FNanchor_71" id="FNanchor_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a>&mdash;quite disengaged from those that follow the line itself of
-Watling-street. Yet Mr. Johnson of Cranbrook goes on to say,
-“As Cliffe in Hoo was never a place of note itself, so it lies, and
-ever did lie, out of the road to any place of note.” It is believed
-that he has greatly under-rated the substantial results of such a
-dynastic change as we are now considering; followed, for a
-thousand years, by its sequential changes on the material surface
-of the earth.</p>
-
-<p>At all events, this was, evidently, the earliest line of approach,
-by which Mercia, with its contingents, the other Anglian nations
-and the East Saxons, whom it had either subdued or otherwise
-allied, invaded Kent; and this continued to be its chief or only
-access for some years. A single glance, at the geography of the
-Hoo, will show the value of such an advanced peninsula, as the
-basis of such an incursion upon the centre of Kent; and as the
-stronghold from which the subjection of that kingdom could
-be maintained. We have other means of knowing that it was
-probably, at least, thirty years before a second or optional approach
-was secured by way of the east of Kent. This second access must
-have been a much coveted one, and when it came into hand must
-have been of great value; particularly in regard to the occasional,
-or at least frequent, royal residence already established at the
-Hoo. The Watling Street, the greatest and most frequented of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span>
-all the highways then existing, led from the very heart of Mercia,
-in a direct line through Middlesex, to the very isthmus of the peninsula
-itself. Although Kent had been already invaded, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 676,
-yet so late as <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 695,<a name="FNanchor_72" id="FNanchor_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> London remained subject to Essex; but,
-as we have already seen, only nine years afterwards Twickenham,
-in the province called “Middelseaxan,” had become subject to
-Mercia.</p>
-
-<p>Some of our most learned historians describe the “Middle
-Saxons” as a very small people, forming a part of the East
-Saxons; but they are obliged to confess that they find very little
-to say about them. It is believed that there never was a separate
-people called Middle Saxons. They have been created out of a
-snatched analogy, of the mere name “Middlesex,” with “Essex,”
-“Sussex,” and “Wessex.” There can be little doubt that Middlesex
-represents the original civitas, or territory, of the local
-government, of its urbs or burgh of London, the capital of the kingdom
-of Essex. Like other great commercial seaports or staples,
-this already great mart had maintained much of the condition of a
-free city; and, in passing, along with its territory from Essex to
-the ascendant power of Mercia, it may not have been by conquest,
-but by a voluntary exercise of that instinct, to unite in the
-fortunes of an advancing supremacy, which is often associated
-with, and perhaps closely allied to, commercial habits. At all events,
-it is at this time that the name, Middlesex, first comes to light;<a name="FNanchor_73" id="FNanchor_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a>
-and it is believed that instead of being, like the names of the Saxon
-nations, formed by the addition of an adjective; the “middle” of
-this newer name is a preposition, and that it means, that Anglian
-acquisition which had now thrust itself <i>between</i> the East Saxons
-and the South and West Saxons. The Anglo-Saxon Dictionaries
-produce an example, from one of the glossaries of Ælfric, of
-“Middel-gesculdru” = the space <i>between</i> the shoulders.</p>
-
-<p>But although, in the existing records of the series of Councils
-and Synods that were held during the ascendancy of Mercia, and
-often presided over by the Mercian kings in person, the name of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span>
-Cloveshoe is frequent, as the place of convention; other places, as
-“Cealchythe” and “Acle,” are also frequent and continuous. And
-the names of the councillors, who sign the acts as witnesses, have
-a certain current identity, with only such changes as may be
-expected by lapse of time, rather than of change of the region
-where the assemblies had been convened. After the king, usually
-follows the Archbishop of Canterbury; then the Bishop of Lichfield,
-followed by the other Mercian Bishops; and then of the other
-subject kingdoms.</p>
-
-<p>These two places, Cealchythe and Acle, have been as great
-puzzles to enquirers as Clovesho itself; and they also have been
-placed in very distant regions; the sounds of their names being
-apparently thought to be the only consideration. Cealchythe was
-thought by Archbishop Parker to be in Northumbria; but Alford
-said Chelsea; Spelman that it was within the kingdom of Mercia.<a name="FNanchor_74" id="FNanchor_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a>
-Gibson suggests Culcheth in Lancashire, as although in Northumbria,
-not far from Mercia. Miss Gurney also says “Perhaps
-Kilcheth on the southern border of Lancashire.” Dr. W. Thomas
-gives it to Henley-on-Thames, partly because he considered it
-“near” Cloveshoe; Wilkins nor Kemble make any venture;
-others, adopted by Messrs. Haddan and Stubbs, and, as far as
-the name alone would have settled it, with a very great deal of
-apparent reason, would have placed it at Chelsea. The ancient
-forms of the name of Chelsea, of which examples are by no means
-scarce, seem all directly to lead up to an identity with that of the
-councils. One of these, of the baptism, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 1448, of John, son
-of Richard, Duke of York, recorded in Will. Wyrcester’s Anecdota,
-is, for example, at “Chelchiethe.” But the name of the
-council seems to resolve itself into “Chalk-hythe,” and there is
-no chalk at Chelsea. But even this has been got over by taking
-the first portion of “Chelsey” for “chesil” or gravel; and this
-favours the ancient forms of Chelsea = Chelchythe, rather more
-than it does the variations in the name of the council; which on
-the whole lean towards “chalk” or “Chalkhythe.” Dr. Ingram<a name="FNanchor_75" id="FNanchor_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a>
-adopts “Challock, or Chalk, in Kent;” and Mr. Thorpe repeats
-that suggestion, with the addition of a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span> “?”</p>
-
-<p>As to this “Chalk,” it is also in the district of the Hoo, and
-is the adjoining parish westward of Higham; on the same chalk
-ridge, whereon both Higham and Cliff-at-Hoo are situated. The
-village is two miles west of Higham church, and all three
-are practically the same place, within a space of four miles; of
-which the ancient trajectus above mentioned is at the centre. The
-face of the cliff, upon which Cliffe stands, is still quarried for
-chalk, which is shipped in a small creek that runs up to the cliff.
-It will at once come to mind, how constantly such wharfs are
-called “hythe,” throughout the navigable portion of the Thames;
-and how frequently that word forms a part of the names of them.
-That river has, indeed, almost&mdash;not quite&mdash;a monopoly of this
-name-form. But the Ordnance Surveyors<a name="FNanchor_76" id="FNanchor_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> show an eastward
-detachment of Chalk parish, within half a mile of Higham church,
-and close to that point of the shore which would have been the
-hythe of the traject. There can be little doubt that this detachment
-is a survival of the “Chalkhythe” at which some of the
-councils were dated, whilst others were at Cliffe-at-Hoo adjoining.
-An endorsed confirmation,<a name="FNanchor_77" id="FNanchor_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> under Coenulf, has the formula, “in
-synodali conciliabulo <i>juxta</i> locum qui dicitur caelichyth.”</p>
-
-<hr class="tb" />
-
-<p>Another frequent name, of the place of convention of some of
-this series of councils during Mercian ascendancy, is “Acle” or
-“Acleah,” which has been as great a puzzle as the others. This
-name may be expected to appear in any such modern forms as
-Oakley, Okeley, Ockley, or Ackley, which are very numerous in
-nearly every part of England; indeed, wherever the oak has
-grown: and rather a free use of this wide choice has been made
-in the attempts to find the place of the councils so dated. The
-most accepted one seems to be Ockley, south of Dorking, near the
-confines of Surrey and Sussex; apparently attracted by a battle
-with the Danes there, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 851. But this happened in later and
-Wessexian times. Lambarde (about <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 1577) thought it likely
-to be somewhere in the Deanery of Ackley, in Leicestershire:
-Spelman, in the Bishopric of Durham. Dr. Ingram says, “Oakley
-in Surrey.” Professor Stubbs says of one act of Offa so dated that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span>
-it “is unquestionably Ockley in Surrey,” and affords “a strong
-presumption that the other councils of the southern province said
-to be at Acleah, were held at the same place,” apparently because
-the charter before him is a grant to Chertsey. But the substance
-of these royal grants does not show the place where they were
-executed. They are the Acts of the Supreme Court of Appeal.
-Ingram and Thorpe give Ockley, Surrey. Miss Gurney, “Acley,
-Durham?” Kemble, “Oakley or Ackley, Kent, or Ockley,
-Surrey,” Sir T. D. Hardy says “in Dunelmia;” no doubt
-adopting Spelman’s judgment.</p>
-
-<p>Turning again to the Ordnance Survey,<a name="FNanchor_78" id="FNanchor_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> at one mile-and-a-half
-from the church at Cliff-at-Hoo, and rather nearer to it than
-Higham church itself, will be seen a building marked “Oakly;”
-or, in the six-inch scale, two: Oakley and Little Oakley. Reverting
-to Hasted’s account of the parish of Higham,<a name="FNanchor_79" id="FNanchor_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> we also find that it
-contained two manors, Great and Little Okeley; and he quotes
-the Book of Knight’s Fees, K. John, where it is written, “Acle.”<a name="FNanchor_80" id="FNanchor_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a>
-Oakley lies in the direct way from the ancient traject to Rochester
-bridge, and has been held liable to repair the fourth pier of it.
-In Domesday it appears as “Arclei.” But the existence of this
-very place can be realised at a date eight years earlier than the
-first recorded Synod at Aclea. Mr. Kemble has printed<a name="FNanchor_81" id="FNanchor_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> a grant
-of Offa, dated <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 774, to Jaenberht the Archbishop, of a piece of
-land in a place called “Hehham,” now Higham; of which one
-portion is conterminous with Acleag&mdash;“per confinia acleage”,&mdash;another
-part touches “ad colling”&mdash;now Cooling with its
-Castle,&mdash;afterwards bounded by “mersctun,” since Merston, and
-other lands “Sc̄i andree,” <i>i.e.</i> of Rochester Cathedral. This piece
-of land, although granted by Offa to the Archbishop of Canterbury,
-is not only situated within the diocese of Rochester, but is
-immediately surrounded by the demesnes of Rochester Church.
-From a realization of the above three land-marks of the charter, it
-is certain that, although Cliffe is not named, the site of the church
-and town of Cliffe itself, as well as Higham, is included within<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span>
-the land-marks of the grant; and that the granted manor is
-identical with those parishes, as they have afterwards become.
-Cooling adjoins the granted land to the east; Acleag, now Oakley,
-to the south; Merston, is described by Hasted as a forgotten
-parish, and no longer appears even in his own map of the
-Hundred, but he identifies the ruined church among the buildings
-of “Green Farm,” close to Gads-hill. From this he represents it
-to have reached the Shorne Marshes; that is to the Thames
-shore; forming, therefore, the western boundary of Cliffe and
-Higham, and including the already mentioned detachment of
-Chalk parish, and having Acleag named as one of its boundaries.<a name="FNanchor_82" id="FNanchor_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a></p>
-
-<p>In this charter of Offa, we see one of the examples of those first
-separations of land, which afterwards became what we call a
-parish. What we now call a parish, is not an invention or
-institution by Archbishop Honorius, or Archbishop Theodore, nor
-of any individual genius; any more than shires and hundreds
-were invented by King Alfred. Our parishes are the natural and
-exigent result of the variety of causes that have planted churches;
-to the use of which, and to the privileges of the cures vested in
-them, neighbours have acquired customary or other rights.
-Territorial parishes are definitions and ratifications of these
-emergent rights, that pre-existed, as other political results do pre-exist,
-such confirmations of them. Their multiplication may
-have been promoted, more or less, by different men in different
-ages, including our own age. We shall presently see, that
-it is most likely that Offa founded the church at Cliffe; and
-this charter no doubt fixes the date of it. Higham must have
-been separated from it, into another parish, at a later time.
-The Archbishop of Canterbury continued to be the owner of
-Cliffe until K. Henry VIII.; and the rectory is still in the gift
-of the Archbishop, and exempt from Rochester which encompasses<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span>
-it. As Johnson of Cranbrook himself admits, “It is indeed a
-parish most singularly exempt; for the incumbent is the Archbishop’s
-immediate surrogate.”</p>
-
-<hr class="tb" />
-
-<p>But there is a much later Mercian council, which deserves to
-be noticed; not for its intrinsic importance, but on account of the
-place from which it is dated.<a name="FNanchor_83" id="FNanchor_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> It is a sale of two bits of land at
-Canterbury to the Archbishop, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 823, by Ceoluulf, “rex merciorum
-seu etiam cantwariorum.” The price seems to have been, a pot
-of gold and silver money, by estimation five pounds and-a-half
-(or ? four and-a-half); more portable and convenient to Ceoluulf
-under Beornuulf’s usurpation of Mercia. This was just when
-Mercia was waning, and Wessex ascendant. The date is “in
-uillo regali, qui dicitur werburging wic.” It will be remembered
-what was the business that first called us to the Kentish Hoo:
-the finding one of our St. Werburgh dedications there.</p>
-
-<p>That this Werburghwick was in the Hoo, will become more
-likely by comparison with another charter.<a name="FNanchor_84" id="FNanchor_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> This is, a grant of a
-privilege to the Bishop of Rochester, by Æthelbald, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 734, which
-has an endorsed confirmation, by Beorhtuulf “regi merciorū in
-uico regali uuerbergeuuic,” which endorsement must have been
-added about <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 844. Turn also to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle,
-<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 851 or 853, where it is said that the Heathen men having held
-their winter in Thanet; in the same year came 350 ships into Thames
-mouth, and broke Canterbury, and London, and made this same
-Beorhtuulf King of the Mercians fly with his army, and went
-south over Thames into Surrey.<a name="FNanchor_85" id="FNanchor_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> It is thought more likely that
-he was at his villa regalis, in the Hoo, than at Tamworth; where
-however he sometimes is also found.</p>
-
-<p>The truth seems to be, that, when Mercia relapsed into a mere
-province or Ealdormanship, it still retained its hold in Kent as an
-appanage. Thus we have seen Ceoluulf at our Werburghwick in
-the Hoo, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 823; and Beorhtwulf in the same place, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 844,
-and again, apparently disturbed by the Danes, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 853. In the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span>
-paper, before referred to, Mr. Rashleigh has given an analytical
-table of a hoard of about 550 Anglo-Saxon Coins found at or near
-Gravesend in 1838, which must have been buried so late as <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span>
-874-5. Of these 429 are of Burgred king of Mercia <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 852-874,
-and one of Ceoluulf (II.) of Mercia, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 874. Probably the
-boundary of the latest holding of Mercians in Kent, answers to
-that of the diocese of Rochester, as it came down to the middle
-of the present century; somewhat abnormally consisting of only
-a part of a county. Dioceses were originally identical with civil
-provinces; and have been dormantly conservative of their boundaries,
-during those very times when political revolutions have been
-most active upon those of civil states.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb" />
-
-<p>It thus appears, that the three most frequent of the names,
-from which the series of Mercian synods are dated, can be
-accounted for as of places practically in the same locality; and
-that, the one to which tradition, before it had been tampered with
-by philological evolution, had already directly pointed; and on a
-piece of land, exceptionally given to Canterbury, encompassed by
-the lands of Rochester, for a purpose of which the circumstances
-here adduced are the only explanation and index. It is not
-inferred that all three names indicate the same building: probably
-not; for, in a later synod, “ad Clobeham,” (<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 825)<a name="FNanchor_86" id="FNanchor_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> a judgment
-“prius at Cælchythe” is referred to. But so might, up to our
-time, a judgment at Westminster, or at Guildhall, be quoted in
-the Chancellor’s Court at Lincoln’s Inn; but all three would be at
-London.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb" />
-
-<p>Although the synods of the series are most frequently dated
-from Cloveshoe, Chalkhythe, and Acleah, other places have one or
-two each. There is “Berhford,” <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 685, usually placed at
-Burford, Oxon., for no other reason than the sound of the name,
-connected with the old prejudice for that neighbourhood as central
-for Mercia. “Baccanceld,” <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 798, was certainly in Kent, since
-there was also a council of the still self-acting king of Kent held
-there, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 694. Another name “Bregentforda,” very doubtfully,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span>
-upon no better ground, placed at Brentford. All these deserve to
-be closely re-considered; and if possible supported by some reason,
-added to these guesses from the merest outside likeness in the
-names.</p>
-
-<p>Already, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 680, Theodore, Archbishop of Canterbury, had
-presided at a general Council of the Bishops of England, said by
-Ven. Beda to be “in loco qui Saxonico vocabulo <i>Haethfelth</i> nominatur.”
-Some have placed this at one of the various Hatfields
-or Heathfields that may have struck the taste of either; whether
-in Yorkshire, Herts, Essex, Sussex, or Somerset. But Archbishop
-Parker<a name="FNanchor_87" id="FNanchor_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> says that it was “juxta Roffam,” apparently quoting
-“Roff. Histor.” This, at any rate, shews that near Rochester was
-at least not thought an unlikely place for a great general Council.
-Collier also gives the marginal title “The synod at Hatfield <i>or</i>
-Clyff, near Rochester.” So much for Heathfelth. But where, after
-all, was “Herutford,” the place of the earlier synod (<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 673),
-also convened by Archbishop Theodore? This may be looked upon
-as the initial one of the long series of “Clofeshoch” synods: at
-which that series was first appointed. Mr. Kemble says<a name="FNanchor_88" id="FNanchor_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> that it
-was “presided over by Hlothari the sovereign of Kent,” and this
-was probably the case, although Beda does not expressly say so.
-Beda only adds, to his account of the decrees of the council, a
-paragraph beginning with a statement that it was held <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 673,
-the year in which king Ecgberct had died and been succeeded by
-his brother Hlothere. Kent was still an independent kingdom;
-and, not only in the primacy, but in its instrument, the series of
-synods thus instituted, possessed within itself the heart of the
-now established church; which, having become an active political
-function of concentration, was a much coveted constituent of
-empire; and invited the impending aggression of Mercia. Within
-three years of the first institution and localisation of these councils,
-Æthered made a direct swoop upon this quarry, when he
-entered Kent at this very Hoo, the appointed place of the future
-councils.</p>
-
-<p>The only reason for “Hertford,” as the usual interpretation
-of “Herutford,” is again the mere likeness of the name; and is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span>
-not a strong one even of its kind. Any place with “Rod-,”
-“Reed-,” “Rote-,” and many the like initial syllable, would have
-a better claim. It is very much suspected that the method,
-hitherto practised of placing these old place-names, has been far
-too hasty. It may fairly be expected that some of them are no
-longer represented by any existing names. We have seen above
-by how close a shaving several have survived. But of this name
-“Herutford,” “Heorotford,” or “Heortford,” it might safely be
-assumed that the initial “He-,” is no more than a prefixed
-aspirate: that it is not of the essence of the name. And so Beda
-himself evidently thought; for when<a name="FNanchor_89" id="FNanchor_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> he mentions a name, almost
-identical with this one, in Hampshire; he gives it with a Latin
-explanation, “<i>Hreutford</i>, id est <i>Vadum harundinis</i>,” evidently
-taking it for Reed or Rodford.<a name="FNanchor_90" id="FNanchor_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> We might also expect to find
-such a name represented by a modern name beginning with “Wr-;”
-but an inconsiderable “Redham,” a farm, in Gloucestershire, is
-found written “Hreodham” in the tenth century.</p>
-
-<p>The above had already been written, when it seemed to be at
-least a formal obligation to test this principle, by a direct application
-of it to the district under consideration; which has
-unexpectedly yielded, what is at any rate, an example of the
-principle. Whether or not it indicates an actual trace of the place
-“Herutford” itself, shall not at present be ventured to say.
-However,<a name="FNanchor_91" id="FNanchor_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> in the charter, dated 778, already quoted, in which the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span>
-level land north of Cliffe is called “Scaga;” the land-marks begin
-with the words “Huic uero terrae adiacent pratae ubi dicitur
-Hreodham.” The land itself, to which it is adjacent, is called
-“Bromgeheg;” a name which now remains as “Broomey,” a
-house only, at Cooling; and the chief land-limits are “Clifwara
-gemære” and “Culinga gemære.” The land is granted to the
-Bishop of Rochester, but evidently adjoins the eastern side of
-that including Cliffe itself, which had already been given to the
-Archbishop, as above quoted.</p>
-
-<p>Even at first sight it would seem unaccountable, that, at a
-synod held at Hertford; what appears to amount to a periodical
-series of repetitions or continuations, or in fact adjournments of it
-should have been determined upon at so distant a place as
-Clofeshoch,&mdash;wherever that may prove to have been&mdash;must have
-been from Hertford. It would seem more likely, that the future
-place of assembly in view, would have been practically in the same
-place. This initial council was under the presidency of the
-Primate; and so were those that followed, except that when the
-King of Mercia was present the Primate yielded the first place to
-him. The permanently appointed place would also be likely to
-have in view the convenience of access, to the Primate, of his
-suffragans, from all the sub-kingdoms; and to this the Watling-street
-contributed, not only his own ready approach from Canterbury,
-to the very place where tradition has fixed it; but also, for
-those who were to meet him there; the most perfect road from
-London, and the entire north-west of the island; whilst immediate
-access from East Saxony, East Anglia, and the northern dioceses,
-has been shewn in the well frequented ferry, also to this very
-place. The Church of England is seen to have had an earlier
-approximation towards political unity than the Kingdom of
-England. The former was, in fact, contributory to the latter as,
-perhaps, one of its most efficient causes. This was not lost sight
-of by those who aimed at the supremacy; whose policy, therefore,
-was to have the Primate at his right hand in his councils; and to
-cultivate an identity of interest with him. Offa’s attempt to set up<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span>
-an Archbishop at Lichfield, only seven miles from his home-court
-at Tamworth, was in this direction.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb" />
-
-<p>This attempt to determine the true place of these synods,
-during the continuance of Mercian supremacy in England; was
-intended to confirm the statement, that wherever extraneous
-dedications of St. Werburgh are found, traces are also found of the
-energetic or active presence of Æthelbald. It may seem to be
-rather an elaborate implement for so small a purpose. It has
-been more extensive than was contemplated: but, if once successfully
-constructed, it may serve a greater purpose of its own: the
-setting at rest of a long dispute. And this purpose of its own
-will itself receive back all that it gives to ours: for if the presence
-of Æthelbald, accounts for our having found a St. Werburgh in
-this now secluded peninsula; the presence of that dedication, is a
-weighty confirmation of the much disputed fact, that he was busy
-and much resident there; and that we might reasonably expect his
-most important acts to be dated thence. At all events, it is
-hoped that our sixth and last remaining of the wandering dedications
-of St. Werburgh, in the Kentish Hoo, has been thus
-discovered to have been in the immediate company of Æthelbald;
-when, as it is said in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle:</p>
-
-<div class="blockquote">
-
-<p class="hanging">“<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 742. Now was a great synod gathered at Cloueshou,
-and there was Æthelbald, King of the Mercians, and
-Cutbert, Archbishop, and many other wise men.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>But something more is to be said concerning this passage itself
-of the Chronicle. It appears to be only contained in one manuscript;
-consequently in the five-column edition, this year is only
-filled in in the fifth column; the other four being blank. Sir T. D.
-Hardy says of this solitary manuscript, that it is “apparently of
-the twelfth century;” and that it contains “various peculiar
-additions, chiefly relating to Kentish ecclesiastical affairs.”<a name="FNanchor_92" id="FNanchor_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> Professor
-Earle also says of it:<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span> “There is no external tradition
-informing us as to what home it belonged, but the internal
-evidence assigns it to Christ Church, Canterbury.”<a name="FNanchor_93" id="FNanchor_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> This is
-much more to our purpose than if it had been in all the manuscripts:
-for if it had been a part of the usual and received text
-of the Chronicle, it would have here been a mere retranscription,
-for ages, with an indefinite locality. As it is, standing only in a
-Chronicle of Canterbury; it had evidently claimed the special
-attention of the Annalist, from its direct local Kentish interest;
-and especially its concern with a piece of land, which, we have
-seen, was owned by the Cathedral Church to which the writer
-belonged. What has been already said about the “Dr. Hethe”
-note<a name="FNanchor_94" id="FNanchor_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> applies with still greater force to this; which is indeed the
-same Canterbury tradition; only that it is in hand-writing of
-four hundred years earlier date.</p>
-
-<p>But “Hoo-St.-Werburgh” is a parish adjoining to Cliffe; and
-our argument is, that when, as recorded in the Canterbury copy of
-the Chronicle, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 742, there was a synod at Cloueshou, and that
-“Æthelbald was there;” he founded and dedicated this church,
-as we have found him to have done elsewhere. Added to this, we
-have seen reason, and shall presently see more, that the neighbouring
-church of Cliffe itself was founded by his great successor
-Offa, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 774. It has been said, and with great likelihood, that
-Cliffe and Hoo-St.-Werburgh were the two most ancient churches
-in the Hoo; and that they are the mother churches of the five or
-six others in the peninsula, that have sprung up at some later
-times; their segregated portions, which, in due course, have consolidated
-into separate parishes.</p>
-
-<p>As before said, the church at Cliffe-at-Hoo itself, has the
-dedication of St. Helen; and it is believed that, by a similar
-foretaste of chivalry, to that of Æthelbald’s for St. Werburgh;
-Offa habitually planted his standard under the name of this other
-female saint. It is, therefore, no wonder that we find these two,
-close together, in that very district wherein, during two long
-reigns, Æthelbald and Offa are recorded as constantly performing
-acts of sovereignty. Of this there are many evidences, besides
-the councils about which we are engaged, in the accounts of their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span>
-dealings, in this district, and along the Medway, and throughout
-Kent, in the manner in which conquerors usually deal with
-newly-acquired land; as shewn in their numerous charters.</p>
-
-<p>The reputed British-Roman nativity of St. Helen in Deira,
-appears to have given her name a prevalence in that province,
-with which the Anglian successors of the northern Britons were
-infected; like that of St. Alban, and the Kentish St. Martin,
-with his prolific eastern grafts.<a name="FNanchor_95" id="FNanchor_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> And they accepted and improved
-the legacy. But the remains, of this acceptance, of a local aspect
-of religion, are the most conspicuous in Deira; and in Lindisse or
-Southumbria, a constituent of that kingdom. It did not extend
-to Bernicia. Of the known existing dedications of St. Helen,
-Durham contains only two, Northumberland one, Westmoreland
-and Cumberland none; and we learn from Bp. Forbes, that the
-name thinly re-appears beyond the border in Scottish Northumbria.
-But in Yorkshire we find twenty-two, and in Lincolnshire
-thirty; and these last, except two a little south of it, are all in
-Lindsey proper: Nottinghamshire also has ten. Lancashire has
-four or five. The tendency of Northumbrian hagiology to spread
-into Mercia proper, has been already mentioned; and a still
-pretty free, but reduced, scattering of St. Helens is found in that
-kingdom. Derbyshire has 5, Cheshire 3, Northants 6, Leicestershire
-4, but Staffordshire none, Salop one&mdash;being near to
-[H]Elle[n]smere. Bedfordshire one at [H]El[len]stow. Herts one
-at Wheathampstead&mdash;near Offa’s St. Alban, and Essex (Colchester)
-one. The Wiccian counties, Warwick two, Worcester (city), and
-Gloucestershire (north) each one.</p>
-
-<p>The above examples, of this dedication in England&mdash;about
-96&mdash;have been recited, chiefly for the purpose of exhaustion. The
-residual seven or eight, still more scattered over the more southern
-counties, are what our lesson must be chiefly read from; that they
-are found in the footsteps of Offa, as marks of new possession; in
-a similar manner to the St. Werburghs in the tract of Æthelbald.
-No doubt each of the ninety six has its own story to tell, but it
-does not now concern us.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>As we have already seen,<a name="FNanchor_96" id="FNanchor_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 774, Offa granted the land at
-Higham in Hoo, which includes the site of the church and town
-of Cliffe, to Jaenberht, Archbishop of Canterbury; exceptionally
-surrounded by lands of the Bishop of Rochester. At the
-same time, there can be no doubt, he founded and dedicated the
-church, which still bears the name of St. Helen. Again, in the
-Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 777, it is written, “Now Cynewulf”&mdash;of
-Wessex&mdash;“and Offa fought around Bensington, and Offa
-took that town.” The church at Bensington on the left&mdash;or Offa’s&mdash;shore
-of the Thames is also a St. Helen at this day. At
-Albury, also in Oxfordshire, about nine miles north of Bensington,
-on the smaller river Thame, the church is St. Helen. Also, on the
-Thames, at Abingdon, as is well known, there is a St. Helen.
-With regard, however, to this last, the local monastic tradition
-gives an earlier origin, founded on a miraculous discovery of a
-Holy Rood. This must stand, against our use of this example, for
-whatever the tradition may be worth. Perhaps a fourth “Sancta
-Helena” is recorded,<a name="FNanchor_97" id="FNanchor_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> as the sanctuary of a fugitive who had
-stolen a bridle, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 995. The land, given in conciliation, must
-have been close to the chalk ridge south of the White Horse
-Vale, Berks; as, among the boundaries, is “Cwicelmes hlæw,”
-well known to be on this ridge; and the “grenanweg,” still called
-by the neighbours “the Green Way;” being a part of what is
-called “the Drover’s Road,” by which, until outdone by the rail,
-cattle from the west were driven, for many miles, turnpike free,
-and with peripatetic grazing. The St. Helen here referred to may,
-however, have been Abingdon itself.</p>
-
-<p>At any rate, here are three, out of the few existing southern
-St. Helens, in the line of frontier then realised by Offa against
-Wessex. The same line of St. Helens, both eastward and westward,
-is also extended across the island, from the extreme north of
-Kent, as we have seen; by the well-known one in London; and
-another formerly at Malmsebury, and another at Bath. These last
-three&mdash;making six&mdash;also probably resulted from the same campaign
-of Offa as the Berkshire and Oxfordshire ones.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>That at Bath, however, has a special claim to our attention;
-having been in that same suburb outside the north gate, where
-also was found the St. Werburgh, within the fork of the Foss-way
-and that now called Via Julia. Here then, as already in the
-Hoo of Kent, we once more find a St. Werburgh and a St. Helen
-in immediate companionship. The seal of Æthelbald endorsed by
-that of Offa, the inheritor of his policy.<a name="FNanchor_98" id="FNanchor_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> But what is the significance
-of these emblems of Mercian territory, being both found
-outside the Roman walled town on the north side? Did this
-suburb become specially a Mercian quarter? The monastery, of
-which Offa was a reputed founder or re-founder about this very
-time, must have been a chief occupant of the area within the
-walls; and its possessions extended, in the opposite direction,
-beyond the river, on the Wessex side. We have already seen<a name="FNanchor_99" id="FNanchor_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a>
-signs of Æthelbald’s further south-west progress along the Foss-way
-as far as into East Devon.</p>
-
-<p>Besides this line of St. Helens, along the frontier, which was
-the result of the campaign recorded in the Chronicle, under <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span>
-777; there are still three outlying southward, along the south coast:
-the extreme natural limit of the Saxon nations. Although not
-recorded in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, an earlier excursion of
-Offa is mentioned by others. <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 771, Simeon of Durham<a name="FNanchor_100" id="FNanchor_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> says
-“His diebus Offa, rex Merciorum, Hestingorum gentem armis
-subegerat.” Dr. Lappenberg, in relating this feat of Offa’s, calls
-“the Hestingas, a people whose locality, like that of so many
-others among the Saxons, is not known with certainty. They
-have been sought for about Hastings in Sussex, and most probably
-inhabited the district around that town to which they gave their
-name.”<a name="FNanchor_101" id="FNanchor_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> Roger of Wendover, however, reads “Anglorum gentem.”<a name="FNanchor_102" id="FNanchor_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a>
-Upon this, Sir F. Palgrave had already noted:<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span> “It is
-not easy to ascertain what people are meant. The name has
-inclined many writers to suppose that they were the inhabitants
-of Hastings, but they could scarcely be of sufficient importance.
-Perhaps we should read <i>East Anglorum</i>.”<a name="FNanchor_103" id="FNanchor_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> Other recent historians,
-with or without hesitation, adopt the present town of Hastings
-as the scene of the conquest.</p>
-
-<p>Here then we have another fully ripe historic doubt; so evenly
-balanced in the judgments of the most specifically learned, that
-after what has already been shewn, of the local coincidences of
-dedications of St. Helen with the feats of Offa; if the like
-should be found also to apply to the one here recorded, would be
-sufficient to give a considerable bias to the scale. And this is
-what we do find.</p>
-
-<p>About a mile north of the town, which still bears a name that
-has since acquired other claims to places in history, Hastings; is a
-village called Ore; of which the church has another of our southern
-outlying dedications of St. Helen. If Offa’s conquest, as recorded
-by Simeon of Durham, refers to Sussex, it needs only to say so
-much, in order to account for this one; and to fulfil the promise
-of our theory; that the name of this saint and the written witnesses
-of Offa’s progress, shall be found to mutually confirm each other as
-evidence of his active presence. This village is situated on an
-elevation commanding the town itself; and on the southern edge
-of a ridge, along which, and close to the village, runs one of those
-great roads, of which the straight line is significant of a long,
-ancient, and arterial use. In fact it must have been always the
-almost sole approach to the town, whether from Kent or from the
-centre of England. Moreover, at whatever point of the neighbouring
-beach, at a later time, William landed; this road must
-have been his principal means of reaching Battle. Here, therefore,
-upon the door itself of the town, still remains the usual seal
-of Offa’s conquests. Sir Francis Palgrave’s objection, of the
-insufficient importance of the Gens Hestingorum, would not, it is
-thought, have been raised, if he had remembered that the large
-territory, called the “Rap de Hastings” of Domesday, and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span>
-Rape of Hastings of our own time, most likely had already existed
-from the first settlement of the South Saxons. Two or three
-years later, Offa is still found busy in that part of Kent which
-adjoins this most eastern of the Rapes of Sussex.</p>
-
-<p>But although the Hæstingas only are mentioned, as the people
-first encountered, there are other evidences that he extended his
-conquests westward throughout Sussex. One of his St. Helens
-remains on the foot of the South Downs, between the peninsulated
-stronghold called The Devil’s Dike and the sea; and, within
-actual eyeshot, is another, on the opposite eastern coast of the
-Isle of Wight. Moreover he has, as was his practice in many parts
-of England, also left his own name along the line, in Offham, near
-Lewes, Offington, near Worthing, Offham, close to Arundel Park.</p>
-
-<p>There are also one or two St. Helens or Elens, both in Cornwall
-and Wales: which would be in accordance with what otherwise
-has been said above, but as several local Celtic saints have names
-liable to become more familiar by corruption into this one, they
-will not be here called into evidence.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb" />
-
-<p>For the series of synods of which the acts are dated from
-Cloveshoe did not cease with the reign of Æthelbald. These,
-interspersed with occasional dates of Cealchythe and Aclea, continued
-throughout the other long and dominant Mercian reign of
-his successor Offa. Indeed they continued as long as Mercia
-remained supreme, and far into the ninth century: the date of
-“Clofeshoe” being last met with for a synod under Beornuulf,
-<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 825: about the time when both Kent and Essex are found to
-have been annexed by Wessex.</p>
-
-<p>It may seem difficult to realise that what is a small detached
-region&mdash;almost practically an island&mdash;now containing only four or
-five villages or decayed towns; was, for about a century and a
-half, the seat of one of the royal residences, where a succession
-of powerful kings held so many of their courts to which were
-convened the magnates of their own and of subject kingdoms.
-The truth is, that political centrality is not coincident with
-geographical; and is only partially dependent upon natural aspect
-or condition. London is very far from a geographical centre; and,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span>
-if we could bring into view its original natural aspect; London,
-with its marshes would be as incredible as the place here concerned.
-Its present greatness is the outgrowth of the later
-supremacy of Wessex; and London was as much an outpost of
-Saxony into Mercia, as the Hoo had been of Anglia into Centland.</p>
-
-<p>Those who expect a confirmation of this regal occupation of
-the Hoo, from substantial remains there, may remember that a
-thousand years of desertion have passed over it. As Fuller said,
-when writing of this controversy about Cloveshoe, already warm in
-his day:<a name="FNanchor_104" id="FNanchor_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> “Nor doth the modern Meanness of the Place make anything
-against it; it might be a Gallant in that Age, which is a
-Beggar now-a-dayes.” Geographical and natural conditions have
-much to do with the choice and permanence of the seats of governments;
-but political needs and fortunes often over-rule or reverse
-them. The rise of Wessex turned the preference to other centres;
-and the exposure of this peninsula to the ravages of the Danes,
-just then becoming active, is sufficient to have brought desolation
-upon it. The site of New York seems very much like this; but
-its growth was not prevented by such a constant peril as this last
-in its front, nor by the ascendancy of a rival power in its rear.
-It is political causes that have surrounded the circular mound at
-Windsor with the regal associations, which have forsaken that of
-Tamworth; and the same political causes have covered with
-houses and palaces, not only the elevated spot upon which London
-was first planted, but the many miles of swamp that encompassed
-it. When cities, or settlements upon elevations, take to growing
-great, they no longer despise the alluvial levels which skirt them;
-but cover even these with buildings. This is the case with London
-itself, where even the supreme Aula Regia of the Saxon empire,
-that has inherited the “England” of Æthelbald and Offa; stands
-upon a similar alluvial appendage of the higher ground of the
-original settlement; to that which, projecting from the chalky heights
-of the Hoo, has been declared to be inconsistent with its history.</p>
-
-<p>Again, are there preserved, anywhere at all, any fragments
-whatever, of masonry of the time of Æthelbald and Offa, even<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span>
-under the most favourable circumstances? We have seen that
-many churches were founded in that age, that have continued in
-vital existence to this day. In these, if anywhere, remains of the
-first structures might have been found. Instead of this, the few
-præ-Norman relics that do exist can scarcely be said to approach
-that date; and when, later, they do crop up; they seem to bring with
-them an indication, why they are the earliest. They are found in
-places where stone is as plenty and as easily hewn as wood; and
-they appear to be worked and constructed by hands and heads that
-had been accustomed to work and construct in wood; and often
-with adze-like tool marks. The angry question whether the word
-“timber” was, by birth, a verb or a noun&mdash;a question of which
-some of the most eminent Anglo-Saxon scholars seem, on waking,
-to have found themselves on the wrong side&mdash;shall not here be
-roused; but the absence of earlier remains may be accounted for,
-by taking for granted, wood to have been, at the earlier time, the
-material mostly used. What then can we expect to find in a
-tract of land, ever since abandoned to its ordinary rural and
-pastoral condition? The cartular evidence of the importance of
-this small territory, during the time in question, is most abundant;
-and the many traces of antiquity, in the names of now inconsiderable
-spots, has been already referred to.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb" />
-
-<p>As the inferences, from the surviving examples of these dedications,
-and their topographical distribution, may have assumed
-the tone of exact or statistical inductions; it is but right that
-they should be qualified by an admission that, from that point of
-view, they are subject to some elements of discount. It has been
-already admitted that more extinct St. Werburghs may come to
-light; and of course it is impossible to foresee to what extent the
-inferences may be thereby disturbed; although it is not expected
-that they can be substantially over-balanced. Indeed, there are
-not wanting other spots which have names with a suspicious
-possibility of being corruptions of the name of Werburgh, similar
-to those that we have seen, where they are confirmed by the
-actual survival of the dedication itself; as in the cases of Warburton
-and Warbstow. Of these are two eminences, the situations of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span>
-which are strikingly similar to that at Wembury, as if chosen by
-the same eye. They are close to the sea shore, but in other parts
-of the south coast. These are a hill, called “Warberrys,” close to
-Torquay; and another called “Warbarrow,” in the isle of
-Purbeck. But neither of these have traces of the dedication, and
-both names are quite likely to have had other causes; nor can
-the places be directly connected with any known record of
-Æthelbald. Therefore they shall not be enlisted into the present
-enquiry. There is also a Wareberrewe near Wallingford, with
-the present dedication of S. Laurence.</p>
-
-<p>The indications, that have been above induced, however, from
-the occurrences of the dedications of St. Werburgh in south
-England, as well as those of St. Cuthbert in Wessex, are very
-distinct and definite as guide-posts in historical topography; being
-strictly national or dynastic. But St. Helen, as compared with
-them, has the great disadvantage of being catholic and illustrious;
-and the possibility, of course, exists, for a catholic dedication to
-have had sometimes other causes besides that here attributed&mdash;the
-personal veneration of a conqueror. It is, however, thought that
-the comparative numbers in the different provinces, that have been
-offered, may help any judgment upon this point. One cause of
-aberration, in the case of the St. Helens may be, that some
-examples may have been “St. Helen and Holy Rood;” and, as
-often happens to a joint dedication, one half may have been worn
-off by grinding time: sometimes the first, sometimes the last; so
-that some of what are now only known as Holy Rood, or Holy
-Cross, may have been originally St. Helens. On the other hand,
-the dedication of Holy Rood may, in some cases, have been
-independently attached to churches, that have arisen where there
-had already been a cross of a martyr, which had brought a great
-resort to a spot of reputed eminent sanctity.<a name="FNanchor_105" id="FNanchor_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> Or, as in the legend<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span>
-of Abingdon, where a cross, or a piece of the True Cross has been
-said to have been miraculously found: or a wonder-working
-Crucifix, as at Waltham Abbey. The local distribution of Holy
-Roods does not shew any estimable counter-balance of that of
-the St. Helens; and the Holy Roods themselves are believed to
-have had a tendency to pass into St. Saviour, or Christchurch.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb" />
-
-<p>One very general agent in the obliteration of those dedications
-that are national, or otherwise capable of rendering historical
-indications, has been particularly active in the English part of
-this island. This is the tendency to depose them, in favour of
-the greater saints, who are recognized and honoured throughout
-Christendom. This, as might have been expected, is more particularly
-the case of St. Mary. It is likely that many of the
-churches with this dedication are amplifications of sanctuaries of
-the more ancient and national kind. So strong was this tendency
-that, where it did not drown out the original tutelar name of a
-church; it must at least be satisfied by the addition of a “Lady
-Chapel.” Such a process of change may often be seen actually
-at work. The fine large church at Marden, Herefordshire, is said,
-both by Leland and Browne Willis, to have the dedication of St.
-Ethelbert; and so no doubt it has: but the present officers of
-the church, if asked, pronounce it to be of St. Mary. A glance at
-the building accounts for this. Within the church, at, perhaps,
-about twenty feet from the western wall, is preserved an uncommon
-relique, the well of St. Ethelbert; murdered by Offa, about a mile
-off, but whose shrine was at Marden, until translated to Hereford
-Cathedral. There can be no doubt that the well occupied the
-focus of the original small sanctuary that was first raised over the
-reliques of the martyr; and which was on the brink of the river,
-that flows near the western front of the church, and so prevented
-enlargement in that direction. The large increase of the church
-eastward, in accordance with the practice of the later age, having
-been devoted to the name of St. Mary. Another similar case, of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span>
-Middleham in Richmondshire, has been kindly brought to notice
-by Mr. W. H. D. Longstaffe. The original dedication is St.
-Alkelda, whose martyrdom, being strangled by two female servants,
-is represented on glass. Her traditional altar-tomb, is westward
-of the chancel arch of the collegiate choir of St. Mary, founded by
-King Richard III. The only other traces of St. Alkelda is a
-church in her name at Giggleswick, some miles westward.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb" />
-
-<p>That sort of conviction, which arises from a gradual accumulation
-of facts, upon what had at first started as a suspicion or a
-guess; cannot be so vividly imparted to a reader. But even if
-what has been said above should have been successful; it will be
-very far from having exhausted the materials of this kind of
-enquiry: will only have served, by one or two examples, to shew
-the value of a neglected class of monuments, which, it is thought,
-have not yet been made to yield up their teaching. At the best,
-what has here been done, can be no more than the exposure of two
-or three fragments of a vast ruin, co-extensive with the land; of
-which the plan should be restored by a comparative registration or
-cartography of the whole. In the Celtic portions of these islands,
-the dedications of the churches retain much of their original or
-primitive topical distribution; shewing, as they have sometimes
-already been made to do, the maternity of missionary centres to
-offshoot churches. In the Teutonized portions of England, it is
-likely that they have another and greater lesson. They are here,
-in addition, believed to be able to shew, to a certain extent, what
-may be called an ethnical stratification; which, if carefully
-observed, would often mark out the extension of revolutions or
-conquests: more especially in those early times, of which written
-history is scanty or altogether wanting.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<h2>FOOTNOTES</h2>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_1" id="Footnote_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Cod. Dip. <span class="smcapuc">CXLIII.</span></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_2" id="Footnote_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dr. Lappenburg (I. 38) describes the people of Warwickshire and
-Worcestershire as the “Gewissi.” But the “Gevissæ” was the ancient
-name of the southern main stem of the West Saxons, who made their way
-into Somerset and Devon (Bæda. H. E. III. 7), and plainly a name of distinction
-from the Huiccii. All the pre-Christian pedigrees of the West Saxon
-leaders have an early name “Gewis,” which has been, with great likelihood,
-supposed to have been the origin of the name of the Gevissæ. In some
-only of the pedigrees, this name is next preceded by “Wig.” This seems
-to point to a division of the leadership between two kinsmen, perhaps
-brothers; and the Wiccii or Wigornians to be derived from the latter.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_3" id="Footnote_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> A.S. Chron., “Feathan leag”&mdash;Welsh Chronicles, “<i>Ffery llwg</i>.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_4" id="Footnote_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Dr. Guest in Archæological Journal, vol. xix., p. 197.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_5" id="Footnote_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Thesaurus, I. 169.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_6" id="Footnote_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Dr. Guest and Mr. Freeman, and their followers, as the Saturday
-Review, and the various school histories, which, having adopted the innovation,
-are lauded in that journal.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_7" id="Footnote_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Prof. W. W. Skeat, Macmillan, Feb. 1879, p. 313.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_8" id="Footnote_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> See “A Primæval British Metropolis,” Bristol, 1877, pp. 45-80.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_9" id="Footnote_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> One of the obsolete ones was brought to mind by a paper read by Mr.
-C. E. Davis, at Bath, in 1857: another is printed from the Register of
-Worcester Cathedral in Thomas’s Survey, kindly pointed out by Mr. John
-Taylor; so that others, unreckoned, may possibly be brought to light.</p>
-
-
-<p>There is one, in addition to all those above mentioned, at Dublin; but,
-as the dedications in Strongbow’s Dublin are no more than a post-Norman
-colonisation of those at Bristol, it does not enter into our reckoning.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_10" id="Footnote_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> The genealogical relation of St. Werburgh and Æthelbald will be
-seen in this extract from Dr. Lappenberg’s Pedigree of the Kings of Mercia:</p>
-
-<div class="monospace">
-              Wybba.<br />
-               |<br />
-      +--------+--------------------------------+<br />
-      |                                         |<br />
-    Penda, last Pagan King of                 Eawa, died <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 642.<br />
-    Mercia, reigned <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 626-655.             (Called “Rex Merciorum.”?)<br />
-      |                                                     |<br />
-      +--------------+------------+                 +-------+-----+<br />
-      |              |            |                 |             |<br />
-    Peada, K. of M.  |        Æthelred, K. of    Alweo.       Osmod.<br />
-    <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 655-656.    |        M. <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 675-704,      |             |<br />
-                     |        died <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 715.        |             |<br />
-                     |            |                 |          Eanwulf.<br />
-               Wulfhere, K. of M. |                 |             |<br />
-               <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 656-675.      |                 |             |<br />
-                     |            |                 |         Thingferth.<br />
-  +---------------+----+          |                 |             |<br />
-  |               |    |          |                 |             |<br />
-Cenred, K. of M.  |  Beorhtwald,  |                 |             |<br />
-<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 704-709.     |  Sub-King of  |                 |             |<br />
-                  |  Wiccia <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span>  |                 |             |<br />
-                  |  636.         |                 |           <span class="smcap">Offa</span>,<br />
-                  |            Coelred, K.      <span class="smcap">Æthelbald</span>,     K. of M.<br />
-            St. <span class="smcap">Werburgh</span>,      of M., <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span>      K. of M.    <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 757-798.<br />
-            died about         709-716.       <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 716-757<br />
-             <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 700.
-</div>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_11" id="Footnote_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> The birth, in the West of England, of this assiduous propagator of
-the great mediæval embodiment of civilisation, zealous devotee of the
-Church, and prominent European statesman, is so important a fact in our
-ethnical topography as to deserve a passing, though attentive, glance.
-On the authority of those who personally knew him, he was born near
-Exeter, about the year 680; but, although no Saxon Conquest had yet
-extended so far westward, he bore a Saxon name, although in the midst of
-a Celtic people. From this, and from other circumstances also mentioned
-of his early life, it may be inferred that his father was a peaceful Saxon
-colonist, in advance of conquest, and still a pagan; and that his mother was
-a British Christian. He is, therefore, the earliest recorded example of that
-irrepressible compound of the two races that has since made so many deep
-and broad marks upon the outer world. This fact, of a pacific international
-intercourse antecedent to conquest, was so directly in conflict with evolved
-history, that it has provoked an ineffectual attempt to subvert the testimony
-of it, by questioning the undoubted reading of the name as being
-that of Exeter. (E. A. Freeman, Esq., in Archæol. Journal, vol. xxx., or
-Macmillan M., Sep. 1873, p. 474).</p>
-
-
-<p>Another, but later, testimony gives us the name of the place near
-Exeter where he was born: Crediton, in a deep and most fertile valley of
-that middle district in Devon which is the interval between the highlands
-of Dartmoor and Exmoor, but rather to the south-west of that district.
-Here there is reason to believe Christianity had already been established
-at a much earlier time, by Croyde, or Creed, an Irish missionary
-virgin, who has left her name at other places throughout both Devon and
-Cornwall. The incredulity, that Crediton was the birthplace of S. Bonifatius,
-was vindicated by saying that it has “no <i>ancient</i> authority whatever.”
-It has not contemporary authority like that for “near Exeter,” which,
-however, it strongly confirms, and which, for English topography of so
-early a date, is almost unique in its explicitness, but it has an authority as
-ancient as we are obliged to be content with for nearly all we know of those
-times, and far more respectable than most of it. The authority is a church-service
-book, still preserved in Exeter Cathedral, compiled by Bp. Grandisson
-(died <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 1366), and attested by his autograph. If this had been a
-mere outdoor tradition, and had rested upon no more than the personal
-authority of this most distinguished man, it would even then have been the
-very highest evidence of its kind. But it does no such thing. Bp. Grandisson
-is not the <i>author</i> of the book any more than St. Osmund is the
-author of the Usages of Sarum. He is the codifier of the immemorial observances
-of the church, at which the contemporary biographer of St. Boniface
-attests that he received his earliest teaching; and of the very existence
-of which church their irreproachable attestation is by a long interval the
-earliest record.</p>
-
-
-<p>But there is another evidence that this great man of his age was
-known, to his compatriots in his own province, as one of themselves. Of
-this they have left a substantial monument in the dedications of two
-churches still remaining in Devon, not in his ecclesiastical name, by which
-the rest of the world knew him, but in his birth-name of “Winfrid” by
-which they had remembered him. The two more distant extant dedications
-of Bonchurch, Isle of Wight, and Banbury, Cheshire, on the contrary, in
-their dedications of “St. Boniface” are mere reflections of his realised
-continental greatness back upon his own island.</p>
-
-
-<p>Winfrith, near Lulworth, in Dorset, probably had a third western example
-of the dedication, for although the present church is of Norman structure,
-and with a different dedication (St. Christopher), most likely, as in many
-other cases, an earlier sanctuary existed in Winfrid’s name.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_12" id="Footnote_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> What may be presumed to be another dedication of St. Werburgh
-has since been traced to its place, and may be reckoned as an eighth of
-those in the home kingdom, at its southern frontier. Among the land-marks
-(<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 849) of a place called “Coftun,” is Werburgh’s cross (“in
-Wærburge rode”) Cod. Dip. <span class="smcapuc">CCLXII.</span> This has been found to be Cofton
-Hackett, in that north point of Worcestershire that abuts upon Staffordshire
-and Shropshire.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_13" id="Footnote_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Lib. v.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_14" id="Footnote_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> See Warner p. 228. Collinson’s Som., vol. I. Bath, p. 53.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_15" id="Footnote_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> Thomas, Worc. Cath., 1736, Append. No. 9. p. 6. It might be worth
-while to search for remains of it in plantations thereabout. It is distinct
-from the chapel of St. Blaise, and on a different eminence.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_16" id="Footnote_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> Saturday Rev., Ap. 24, 1875, p. 533.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_17" id="Footnote_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> Reg. Worc. Priory, Camden Soc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_18" id="Footnote_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> Page 105.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_19" id="Footnote_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> 1846. Glaston. No. <span class="smcapuc">LXXXV.</span></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_20" id="Footnote_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> Cod. Dip., No. <span class="smcapuc">XCII.</span></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_21" id="Footnote_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> An account of A.S. Coins, &amp;c. Communicated to the Numismatic
-Society of London, by Jonathan Rashleigh, Esq., 1868.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_22" id="Footnote_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> <i>Wessexonicè</i> “vvrasseling.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_23" id="Footnote_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> No matter about their names. Their ethnical pedigree is distinctly
-blazoned in their portraits.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_24" id="Footnote_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> A remarkable cluster of four or five names, with the form “-hoe,”
-occurs on the coast of North Devon, in that part where we have already
-pointed to the unrecorded Mercian descents upon the Damnonian Britons
-(see before pp. <a href="#Page_15">119-121</a>). This is very faraway from the much more numerous
-assemblages of it, which are in the Anglian parts of England. It has been
-contended that this name-form is a vestige of the Danes, and, on this North
-Devon coast, the Danes might quite as likely have left their mark, as the
-Mercians. But one of them, “Martinhoe,” is formed by the addition of
-“-hoe” to the Christian dedication of the church: not likely, therefore, to
-have been named by a pagan colony. Another place, in East Devon not
-many miles from the Mercian Widworthy-St. Cuthbert already mentioned,
-(<a href="#Page_22">p. 125</a>), called “Pinhoe,” is recorded in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span>
-1001, to have been burnt <i>by</i> the Danes in revenge of a Saxon defeat. Would
-this revenge have fallen upon their own countrymen? Also, close to the
-South Devon dedication of St. Werburgh (<a href="#Page_17">p. 121</a>), at Wembury, before
-mentioned, are two examples of this name-form. One, the well-known
-“Hoe,” of Plymouth; another, the village of “Hooe,” in the promontory
-itself, where Wembury stands. Again, we have seen above that this very
-“regio,” in Kent, which now engages us, was so named “Hogh” so early
-as <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 738. Very early for the Danes. Add to this: contemporary with
-the first appearance of the Danes in Northumbria, at Lindisfarne, there was
-already a place called “Billingahoh,” now “Billing<i>ham</i>,” near Stockton.</p>
-
-
-<p>It is, therefore, evident that “-hoe” was here before the Danes, and
-can be no other than an Anglian peculiarity. It is, therefore, an additional
-evidence, and very strong confirmation, of what has been already said of
-the great Mercian descent upon Devon, that this Anglianism is found
-strewed in the very path of it.</p>
-
-
-<p>It will presently be seen that, besides Simeon of Durham, and other
-early chroniclers, both Somner and Camden took it for granted that “-hoe”
-is only another form, or dialect of “-ham.” It is however not unlikely,
-that, as in many other cases, a second mark of names “-haw” or “-haugh,”
-said to be Danish, has been concurrent with and undistinguished from this.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_25" id="Footnote_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Cod. Dip., No. <span class="smcapuc">LXXXV</span>.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_26" id="Footnote_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> 8<i>b</i>.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_27" id="Footnote_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> First mentioned by Beda as “Clofeshoch,” and in K. Alfred’s
-translation “Clofeshooh.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_28" id="Footnote_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> See Cod. Dip. <i>passim</i>, for other varieties of the name.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_29" id="Footnote_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> Two S. Chronicles, Oxford, 1565.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_30" id="Footnote_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> It is to be regretted that editors of ancient texts, have not more
-generally extended their care to the preservation of marginal and other
-adventitious notes, even when they are of comparatively much later date
-than the texts, which of course are their chief care. Such valuable fragments
-are in imminent peril at the present day; for whenever a new
-discovery of ancient books or records is now brought to the notice of the
-most distinguished experts, the very first piece of advice is that they
-shall be “cleaned,” “repaired,” and “skilfully” rebound. See, among
-others, examples in the Historical Manuscripts Commission, <i>passim</i>. Why
-the binding, and even the <i>status quo</i> itself, is a part of the essence of
-such things, as monuments. But manuscripts, with far less excuse, are
-following the churches on the broad way to refaction, as it may be mildly
-called.</p>
-
-
-<p>When the fanciers of books, especially in London, as well as experts
-in manuscripts, make a fortunate acquisition of anything, both fine and
-unique; after the usual notes of admiration, such as “truly marvellous,”
-etc., they go on to say, “but it deserves a better jacket.” And at once
-order it to be stripped of its monumental covering, and scoured of the
-autumnal tints of many ages; its pedigree, contained in ancient shelf-marks,
-and autographs, is discarded; often valuable notarial records of
-events that have for safety, like monuments in churches, been entered on
-the covers and fly-leaves, are lost; and it is finally converted into a monument
-of nineteenth century skill in smooth morocco, “antique style,” &amp;c.
-All that is really wanted, however, is either a box-case, or other apparatus
-for protection. Keep charters or papers nearly as you do Bank of England
-Notes. These are never bound for safe-keeping. On the outsides of these
-unattached bindings, or other provisions for safe-keeping, can be lavished
-whatever munificence, or luxury of modern art, may be thought to be
-a sufficient tribute of admiration to the object contained.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_31" id="Footnote_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> Introd. <span class="smcapuc">LXVIII.</span></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_32" id="Footnote_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> See Strype’s Works <i>passim</i>, where above 100 transactions of
-Heath are referred to, and above 50 of Wotton.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_33" id="Footnote_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> Edn. 1587, p. 196.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_34" id="Footnote_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> 1607, folio.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_35" id="Footnote_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> Oxon, 1659.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_36" id="Footnote_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Cod. Dip., No. <span class="smcapuc">LXXXV.</span></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_37" id="Footnote_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> Rochester, Num. IV.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_38" id="Footnote_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> Chron. of Abingdon.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_39" id="Footnote_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> Cod. D., No. <span class="smcapuc">CXIV.</span></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_40" id="Footnote_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> Chron. Sax. Oxon. 1692.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_41" id="Footnote_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> Bæda H. E., cura Jo. Smith, Cant.
-722, p. 1748.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_42" id="Footnote_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> Concilia, I., 161.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_43" id="Footnote_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> Monumenta Hist. Brit.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_44" id="Footnote_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> Tanner Bibl. Brit., p. 703.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_45" id="Footnote_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> Concilia, 1639, p. 242.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_46" id="Footnote_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> Beda, 1838, p. 200.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_47" id="Footnote_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> Gloss. Ant. Brit., 1733.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_48" id="Footnote_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> Account of Worc. Cath., 1736, p. 120.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_49" id="Footnote_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> A.S.K., I. 225.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_50" id="Footnote_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> Will. Malm., G.P. 1870.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_51" id="Footnote_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> Cod. Dip., 1848.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_52" id="Footnote_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> Saxons in E.,
-1849, I, 191. The <i>name</i>, of Tewkesbury is, however, apparently older
-than even this ancient monastery.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_53" id="Footnote_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> Councils, Vol. <span class="smcapuc">III.</span>, Oxf., 1871,
-p. 122.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_54" id="Footnote_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> Remains, p. 326.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_55" id="Footnote_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> A-B. C., I., 224.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_56" id="Footnote_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> New edition, by Rev. J. Baron, Oxford, 1850.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_57" id="Footnote_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> C.D. <span class="smcapuc">CLXXXV.</span></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_58" id="Footnote_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> “Bercaria” is a synonym for the East Marsh at Cliffe.&mdash;Monasticon
-Angl. V.I., p. 177, No. 52.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_59" id="Footnote_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> Cod. D. <span class="smcapuc">CXXXV.</span></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_60" id="Footnote_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> Cod. D. <span class="smcapuc">CLVII.</span></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_61" id="Footnote_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> See Cleasby and Vigfusson, v. “Skaga.” The northern pagans,
-afterwards such pests of Rochester, must have already landed here.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_62" id="Footnote_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> Cod. D., No. <span class="smcapuc">LII.</span></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_63" id="Footnote_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> For example, Cod. D. No. <span class="smcapuc">CXI.</span>, which grants lands in the Hoo itself,
-viz.: Islingham in Frindsbury, adjoining Cliffe, to Rochester Cathedral.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_64" id="Footnote_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> Geol. Surv. of E. &amp; W., vol. <span class="smcapuc">IV.</span>, London Basin, 1872, pp. 34, 35.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_65" id="Footnote_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> H. of Essex, I., 235.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_66" id="Footnote_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> P. 236.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_67" id="Footnote_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> Mon. Anglic. Lillechurch (alias
-Higham), Nos. <span class="smcapuc">IV.</span> and <span class="smcapuc">V.</span></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_68" id="Footnote_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> Beda, H. E. <span class="smcapuc">III.</span>, 22.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_69" id="Footnote_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> Beda, H. E., <span class="smcapuc">IV.</span>, 12.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_70" id="Footnote_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> Hist. Kent, <span class="smcapuc">I.</span>, p. 528.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_71" id="Footnote_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> See Dr. J. H. Pring, in the Somerset Arch. Soc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_72" id="Footnote_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> Cod. Dip., No. <span class="smcapuc">XXXVIII.</span></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_73" id="Footnote_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> One copy of the A.-S. Chronicle has “Middelseaxe” as early as <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span>
-653, the other four testify this to be miswritten for “Middelengle.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_74" id="Footnote_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> Conc. pp. 291, 313, 314.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_75" id="Footnote_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> A. Sax. Chron.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_76" id="Footnote_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> 6-inch scale.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_77" id="Footnote_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> C.D., No. <span class="smcapuc">CXVI.</span></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_78" id="Footnote_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> Sheet 1.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_79" id="Footnote_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> Hist. of Kent, vol. I., p. 526-7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_80" id="Footnote_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> See also “Willelmus de Cloeville duas partes decime de Acle.” (Mon.
-Angl., vol. I., 169.)</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_81" id="Footnote_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> Cod. Dip. <span class="smcapuc">CXXI.</span></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_82" id="Footnote_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> Hasted (vol. I. p. 531.) quotes a charter of Æthelred, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 1001,
-granting to the Priory of Canterbury “Terram Clofiæ.” That is, apparently,
-regranting to his newly instituted monks, this very piece of land
-which Offa had earlier granted to the secular church. If so, the orthography
-“Clofia,” points to its identity with “Cloveshoe.” The nature of
-the document quoted by Hasted, may be gathered from a contemporary
-one of the same kind, printed in the Monasticon. Vol. I. p. 99. No. V.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_83" id="Footnote_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> Cod. Dip., No. <span class="smcapuc">CCXVII.</span></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_84" id="Footnote_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> C. D., No. <span class="smcapuc">LXXVIII.</span></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_85" id="Footnote_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> There is some difference of this statement among the six texts.
-Some include London, and some do not.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_86" id="Footnote_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> Cod. Dip., No. <span class="smcapuc">MXXXIV.</span></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_87" id="Footnote_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> De Ant. Brit. Eccl., ed. Drake., p. 81.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_88" id="Footnote_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> C.D., vol. I., Int. p. cvii.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_89" id="Footnote_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> Lib. <span class="smcapuc">IV.</span>, ch. 15.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_90" id="Footnote_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> Looking at this again, a fresh and interesting association arises.
-This must have been at or close to “<i>Red</i>bridge,” at the head of the
-Southampton estuary. Beda is telling the story of the two young pagan
-Jutish princes, from the Isle of Wight, being baptised, preparatory to their
-martyrdom, by Cyniberet abbot of Hreutford. Close to Redbridge is
-Nutshalling, the monastery to which the young Winfred, afterwards St.
-Bonifatius, passed from Exeter to the care of the abbot “Wynbert.”
-There can be no doubt that Beda’s monastery of Hrentford is identical
-with the Nutschalling of the biographers of Winfred; and that Beda’s
-“Cyniberet” is the same as their “Wynbert.”</p>
-
-
-<p>If this identification, both of a place and a person, that have both been
-known by different names for above a thousand years, should be justified;
-it will be all the more remarkable, because Beda’s text has been in English
-keeping; whilst that of the biographers of Bonifatius has been chiefly in
-foreign literary custody.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_91" id="Footnote_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> Cod. Dip., No. <span class="smcapuc">CXXXII.</span></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_92" id="Footnote_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> M.H.B., Pref. 77.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_93" id="Footnote_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> Two Chron., Introd., lii.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_94" id="Footnote_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> <a href="#Page_28">P. 28.</a></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_95" id="Footnote_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> Kent has 15 extant St. Martins, Lincoln 14, Norfolk 14, Suffolk 7,
-Essex 4, Middlesex 8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_96" id="Footnote_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> <a href="#Page_45">P. 45.</a></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_97" id="Footnote_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> Cod. Dip., No. <span class="smcapuc">MCCLXXXIX.</span></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_98" id="Footnote_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> These were both in that suburb, still called “Ladymead.” But it
-would be one of the rash things, that are so often committed in these
-matters, to connect this name with the two Lady dedications. In fact
-there is a tolerable alternative. It may have been a mead that belonged to
-one “Godric Ladda,” a witness to an Anglo-Saxon manumission of a
-Bondsman, in Bath Abbey. (Hickes, Dissert., 8 Epist., p. 22).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_99" id="Footnote_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> <a href="#Page_21">P. 124-5.</a></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_100" id="Footnote_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> Mon. Hist. Brit., p. 664.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_101" id="Footnote_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> A.-S. K., I., 229-30.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_102" id="Footnote_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> Flores Hist., 1601. p. 143.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_103" id="Footnote_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> Eng. Com., Proofs, cclxxix.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_104" id="Footnote_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> Ch. H., 1655, II., <span class="smcapuc">VIII.</span>, 21.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_105" id="Footnote_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> The contemporary authoress of the life of St. Willibald, says that
-(about <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 703), it was the custom among the Saxons&mdash;<i>i.e.</i> Willibald’s
-compatriots in Wessex&mdash;for some noble or substantial men, not to erect a
-church upon their estates, but to hold in honour a lofty Holy Cross. This
-seems a strong confirmation of a recent suggestion of Prof. Earle, that the
-English word “Church” is a transliteration, and scarcely that, of the word
-“crux.” It seems to be a more likely word for the churches of Augustine
-and Birinus, than the usual one more distantly derived. Leland in one
-place has “curx” for “crux.” In planting these crosses, these old
-Lords of Manors were sowing the seeds of what are to us parishes.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<div class="adpage">
-
-<h2>ALSO ALREADY PUBLISHED.</h2>
-
-<p class="center"><span class="smcap">A Primæval British Metropolis.</span> With Notes on the Ancient
-Topography of the South-Western Peninsula of Britain. 1877.</p>
-
-<p class="center smaller"><i>Bristol: Thomas Kerslake &amp; Co.</i> (1<i>s.</i>, <i>postage</i> 2<i>d.</i>)</p>
-
-<p class="smaller"><i>Contents</i>: The Pen-Pits and Stourhead. Cair Pensauelcoit. Penselwood. The
-Nennian Catalogue of Cities. Totnais or Talnas, of the Welsh “Bruts.” Æt Peonnum,
-<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 658 and 1016. Pointington Down, near Sherborne. Celtic Hagiography of Somerset.
-Vespasian’s Incursion, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 47. Alauna Sylva. Dolbury and Exeter. Sceorstan, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span>
-1016, &amp;c.</p>
-
-<p class="center"><span class="smcap">The Celt and the Teuton in Exeter.</span> <i>With Plan.</i> <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 927.</p>
-
-<p class="center smaller"><i>Printed in the Archæological Journal (Institute)</i>, <i>Vol.</i> xxx. 1874.</p>
-
-<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Saint Ewen. Bristol and the Welsh Border.</span> Circiter <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 577-926.
-1875.</p>
-
-<p class="center smaller"><i>Bristol: Thomas Kerslake &amp; Co.</i> (1<i>s.</i> <i>Post free</i>.)</p>
-
-<p class="center"><span class="smcap">The Ancient Kingdom of Damnonia.</span> In Remains of the Celtic
-Hagiology.</p>
-
-<p class="center smaller"><i>Printed in the Journal of the British Archæological Association.</i> 1876.
-<i>Vol.</i> xxxiii.</p>
-
-<p class="center"><span class="smcap">What is a Town</span>?</p>
-
-<p class="center smaller"><i>Printed in the Archæological Journal (Institute)</i>, <i>Vol.</i> xxxiv. 1877.</p>
-
-<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Various Papers, Notes</span>, &amp;c.</p>
-
-<hr class="r15" />
-
-<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Sanctus Vedastus = Saint Foster.</span></p>
-
-<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Athelney</span> (Before Alfred.)</p>
-
-<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Antiquarian Legislation.</span></p>
-
-<p class="hanging"><span class="smcap">Catherine Bovey</span>, of Flaxley, Gloucestershire, the “Perverse Widow”
-of Sir Roger de Coverley. With Notes on the Correspondence of
-<span class="smcap">Alexander Pope</span>. (1856.)</p>
-
-<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Property in Old Manuscripts.</span></p>
-
-<hr class="r15" />
-
-<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Perhaps may follow</span>:</p>
-
-<hr class="r15" />
-
-<p class="center">Notes on the Place, “<span class="smcap">Augustine’s Oak</span>,” of Ven. Beda.</p>
-
-<p class="center">Perhaps also:</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">The <span class="smcap">Dedications</span> of the Churches and Chapels in <span class="smcap">Bristol</span> and
-<span class="smcap">Gloucestershire</span>.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-<pre>
-
-
-
-
-
-End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Vestiges of the supremacy of Mercia in
-the south of England during the eighth, by Thomas Kerslake
-
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