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diff --git a/44844-0.txt b/44844-0.txt index 8051d0a..8c58e1d 100644 --- a/44844-0.txt +++ b/44844-0.txt @@ -1,42 +1,4 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Evolution of Culture, by -Augustus Henry Lane-Fox Pitt-Rivers - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The Evolution of Culture - and Other Essays - -Author: Augustus Henry Lane-Fox Pitt-Rivers - -Editor: J. L. Myres - -Release Date: February 8, 2014 [EBook #44844] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE EVOLUTION OF CULTURE *** - - - - -Produced by Henry Flower and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 44844 *** Transcriber's Note @@ -10772,361 +10734,4 @@ Inconsistent punctuation in plates XV and XVI has been retained. 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You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The Evolution of Culture - and Other Essays - -Author: Augustus Henry Lane-Fox Pitt-Rivers - -Editor: J. L. Myres - -Release Date: February 8, 2014 [EBook #44844] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE EVOLUTION OF CULTURE *** - - - - -Produced by Henry Flower and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - -Transcriber's Note - - -Greek text is indicated by ~swung dashes~, and superscript text -by caret signs. - - - - - THE - EVOLUTION OF CULTURE - AND OTHER ESSAYS - - BY THE LATE - LT.-GEN. A. LANE-FOX PITT-RIVERS - D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A. - - EDITED BY J. L. MYRES, M.A. - STUDENT OF CHRIST CHURCH, OXFORD - - WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY - HENRY BALFOUR, M.A. - FELLOW OF EXETER COLLEGE, OXFORD - CURATOR OF THE PITT-RIVERS MUSEUM - - TWENTY-ONE PLATES - - OXFORD - AT THE CLARENDON PRESS - 1906 - - - - - HENRY FROWDE, M.A. - - PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD - - LONDON, EDINBURGH - - NEW YORK AND TORONTO - - - - -PREFACE - - -These Essays, or rather Lectures, contain the first-fruits of the -earliest systematic attempt to apply the theory of Evolution to the -products of human handiwork. In their original form they have long been -difficult to obtain; and they are reprinted now to supply the needs of -candidates for the Oxford Diploma in Anthropology, and of the numerous -visitors to the Pitt-Rivers Museum in Oxford. But they will certainly -appeal to a far wider public also, as a brief and authentic statement -of their author's discoveries. - -The four Essays are reprinted substantially as they were first -delivered and published. But verbal errors and actual misquotations -have been corrected; and allusions to specimens or diagrams exhibited -during the original discourses, but not published, have been replaced -so far as possible by references to similar objects figured in the -Plates. - -The Plates are photographic reproductions of the original -illustrations, with the exception of Plates V, XIII, XVII, XVIII. Of -these, Plate XIII has simply been re-drawn, from a faded original; -Plates XVII and XVIII have been translated, without loss of detail, -from colours to monochrome shading; Plate V has been reconstituted -from illustrations quoted in the text, with the permission of their -publisher, Mr. Murray. Plate XXI is reproduced, by permission of Sir -John Evans, from the paper which it illustrated originally. - -The footnotes demand a word of explanation. The author, as the original -publications show, was not precise in indicating his sources: he -frequently gave, as a quotation, the general sense rather than the -exact words of his authority; and occasionally his memory played him -false. In the reprint, the precise references have been identified, -and are given in full, and obvious errors in the text have been either -amended or corrected in a footnote. The editor desires to acknowledge -much valuable help in the search for references from Miss C. M. Prior, -of Headington. - - - - -CONTENTS - - - PAGE - - PREFACE iii - - INTRODUCTION v - - PRINCIPLES OF CLASSIFICATION (1874) 1 - - ON THE EVOLUTION OF CULTURE (1875) 20 - WITH PLATES I-V, AND XXI - - PRIMITIVE WARFARE. I (1867) 45 - WITH PLATES VI-XI - - PRIMITIVE WARFARE. II (1868) 89 - WITH PLATES XII-XVI - - PRIMITIVE WARFARE. III (1869) 144 - WITH PLATES XVII-XX - - EARLY MODES OF NAVIGATION (1874) 186 - - - - -INTRODUCTION[1] - - -It was about the middle of last century that an officer in Her -Majesty's Army began to apply the lessons which he had learnt in -the course of some of his professional experimental work to studies -pursued by him as a hobby in a far wider field of science. The story -of the famous ethnographical collection of Colonel Lane Fox is well -known, and I need but briefly refer to it. During his investigations, -conducted with a view to ascertaining the best methods whereby the -service firearms might be improved, at a time when the old Tower musket -was being finally discarded, he was forcibly struck by the extremely -gradual changes whereby improvements were effected. He observed that -every noteworthy advancement in the efficiency, not only of the whole -weapon, but also of every individual detail in its structure, was -arrived at as a cumulative result of a succession of very slight -modifications, each of which was but a trifling improvement upon the -one immediately preceding it. Through noticing the unfailing regularity -of this process of gradual _evolution_ in the case of firearms, he -was led to believe that the same principles must probably govern the -development of the other arts, appliances, and ideas of mankind. With -characteristic energy and scientific zeal Colonel Lane Fox began at -once, in the year 1851, to illustrate his views and to put them to -a practical test. He forthwith commenced to make the ethnological -collection with which his name will always be associated, and which -rapidly grew to large proportions under his keen search for material -which should illustrate and perhaps prove his theory of progress by -evolution in the arts of mankind. - -Although as a collector he was omnivorous, since every artefact -product fell strictly within his range of inquiry, his collection, -nevertheless, differed from the greater number of private ethnological -collections, and even public ones of that day, inasmuch as it was built -up _systematically_ with a definite object in view. It is unnecessary -for me to describe in detail the system which he adopted in arranging -his collection. His principles are well known to ethnologists, either -from the collection itself or from his writings, more especially from -the series of lectures which he gave at the Royal United Service -Institution, in the years 1867-9, upon 'Primitive Warfare'; from -his paper read before the Anthropological Institute in 1874 on 'The -Principles of Classification, as adopted in the arrangement of his -Anthropological Collection', which was then exhibited at the Bethnal -Green Museum; from that portion of the _catalogue raisonné_ of his -collection which was published in 1877; and from numerous other -papers dealing with special illustrations of his theory. Suffice it -to say that, in classifying his ethnological material, he adopted -a _principal_ system of groups into which objects of like form or -function from all over the world were associated to form series, each -of which illustrated as completely as possible the varieties under -which a given art, industry, or appliance occurred. Within these main -groups objects belonging to the same region were usually associated -together in _local_ sub-groups. And wherever amongst the implements or -other objects exhibited in a given series there seemed to be suggested -a _sequence of ideas_, shedding light upon the probable stages in -the evolution of this particular class, these objects were specially -brought into juxtaposition. This special grouping to illustrate -sequence was particularly applied to objects from the same region as -being, from their local relationships, calculated better to illustrate -an actual continuity. As far as possible the seemingly more primitive -and generalized forms--those simple types which usually approach most -nearly to _natural_ forms, or whose use is associated with primitive -ideas--were placed at the beginning of each series, and the more -complex and specialized forms were arranged towards the end. - -The primary object of this method of classification by series was -to demonstrate, either actually or hypothetically, the origin, -development, and continuity of the material arts, and to illustrate the -variations whereby the more complex and specialized forms belonging -to the higher conditions of culture have been evolved by successive -slight improvements from the simple, rudimentary, and generalized forms -of a primitive culture. - -The _earlier_ stages in these sequence series were more especially the -object of investigation, the later developments being in the greater -number of cases omitted or merely suggested. It was necessary for -Colonel Lane Fox to restrict the extent of the series, any one of -which, if developed to the full extent, would easily have filled a -good-sized museum. The earlier stages, moreover, were less familiar, -and presented fewer complications. The general principles of his theory -were as adequately demonstrated by the ruder appliances of uncivilized -races as by the more elaborate products of peoples of higher culture; -and, moreover, there was doubtless a great attraction in attacking -that end of the development series which offered a prospect at least -of finality, inasmuch as there was always a chance of discovering -the absolute origin of a given series. Hence the major part of his -collection consisted of specimens procured from savage and barbaric -races, amongst whom the more rudimentary forms of appliances are for -the most part to be found. - -The validity of the general views of Colonel Lane Fox as to evolution -in the material arts of Man was rapidly accepted by a large number of -ethnologists and others, who were convinced by the arguments offered -and the very striking evidence displayed in their support. I have heard -people object to the use of the term 'evolution' in connexion with -the development of human arts. To me the word appears to be eminently -appropriate, and I think it would be exceedingly difficult to find one -which better expresses the succession of extremely minute variations -by means of which progress has been effected. That the successive -individual units of improvement, which when linked together form the -chain of advancement, _are_ exceedingly small is a fact which any one -can prove for himself if he will study _in detail_ the growth of a -modern so-called 'invention'. One reason why we are apt to overlook -the greater number of stages in the growth of still living arts is -that we are not as a rule privileged to watch behind the scenes. Of -the numberless slight modifications, each but a trifling advance upon -the last, it is but comparatively few which ever meet the eye of the -public, which only sees the more important stages; those, that is to -say, which present a sufficiently distinct advance upon that which has -hitherto been in use to warrant their attracting attention, or, shall -we say, having for a time a marketable value. The bulk of the links in -the evolutionary chain disappear almost as soon as they are made, and -are known to few, perhaps none, besides their inventors. Even where the -history of some invention is recorded with the utmost care it is only -the more prominent landmarks which receive notice; the multitude of -trifling variations which have led up to them are not referred to, for, -even if they be known, space forbids such elaborately detailed record. -The smaller variations are, for the most part, utterly forgotten, -their ephemeral existence and their slight individual influence upon -the general progress being unrecorded at the time, and lost sight of -almost at once. The immediately succeeding stage claims for the moment -the attention, and it again in its turn becomes the stepping-stone upon -which the next raises itself, and so on. - -Before proceeding further, let me give as briefly as I can an example -of a development series worked out, in the main, upon the general line -of inquiry inaugurated by Colonel Lane Fox. It is commonly accepted as -a fact, which is borne out by tradition, both ancient and modern, that -certain groups of stringed instruments of music must be referred for -their origin to the bow of the archer. The actual historical record -does not help us to come to a definite conclusion on this point, nor -does the direct testimony of archaeology; but from other sources very -suggestive evidence is forthcoming. A comparative study of the musical -instruments of modern savage and barbaric peoples makes it very clear -to one that the greater portion of the probable chain of sequences -which led from the simple bows to highly specialized instruments of -the harp family may be reconstructed from types still existing in use -among living peoples, most of the well-defined early stages being -represented in Africa at the present day[2]. The native of Damaraland, -who possesses no stringed instrument proper, is in the habit of -temporarily converting his ordinary shooting-bow into a musical -instrument. For this purpose he ties a small thong loopwise round -the bow and bow-string, so as to divide the latter into two vibrating -parts of unequal length. When lightly struck with a small stick the -tense string emits a couple of notes, which satisfy this primitive -musician's humble cravings for purely rhythmic sound. Amongst many -other African tribes we find a slight advance, in the form of special, -rather slightly made bows constructed and used for musical purposes -only. In order to increase the volume of sound, it is frequently the -custom amongst some of the tribes to rest the bow against some hollow, -resonant body, such as an inverted pot or hollow gourd. In many parts -again, we find that the instrument has been further improved by -_attaching_ a gourd to the bow, and thus providing it with a permanent -resonating body. To achieve greater musical results, it would appear -that somewhere in Africa (in the West, I suspect) two or more small -bows were attached to a single gourd. I have, so far, been unable to -trace this particular link in Africa itself, but, curiously enough, -this very form has been obtained from Guiana. It may be thought that I -am applying a breaking strain to the chain of evidence when I endeavour -to work an instrument from South America into an African developmental -series. But, when we recall the fact that evidence of the existence of -_indigenous_ stringed instruments of music in the New World has yet to -be produced, coupled with the certain knowledge that a considerable -number of varieties of musical instruments, stringed and otherwise, -accompanied the enforced migration of African natives during the days -of the slave trade, and were thus established in use and perpetuated -in many parts of the New World, including the north-east regions of -South America, we may, I think, admit, with some confidence, that, in -this particular instance, from Guiana to Guinea is no very far cry, -and that the more than probable African origin of this instrument -from South America gives it a perfect claim to take its place in the -African sequence. I still anticipate that this type of instrument will -be forthcoming from some hinterland region in West Africa. Were _no_ -evidence at all forthcoming of such a form, either in past or present, -we should be almost compelled to infer that such a one had existed, -as this stage in the sequence appears to be necessary to prevent a -break in the continuity of forms leading to what is apparently the -next important stage, represented by a type of instrument common in -West Africa, having five little bows, each carrying its string, all of -which are fixed by their lower ends into a box-like wooden resonator. -This method of attaching the bows to the now improved body of the -instrument necessitates the lower attachment of the strings being -transferred from the bows to the body, so that the bow-like form begins -to disappear. The next improvement, of which there is evidence from -existing types, consists in the substitution of a single, stouter, -curved rod for the five little 'bows', all the five strings being -serially attached to the upper end of the rod, their lower ends to -the body as before. This instrument is somewhat rare now, and it may -well be a source of wonder to us that it has survived at all (unless -it be to assist the ethnologist), since it is an almost aggressively -inefficient form, owing to the row of strings being brought into -two different places at right angles to one another. The structure -of this rude instrument gives it a quaintly composite appearance, -suggesting that it is a banjo at one end and a harp at the other. This -is due to the strings remaining, as in the preceding form, attached -to the resonating body in a line disposed _transversely_, while the -substitution of a single rod for the five 'bows' has necessitated the -disposal of their upper attachments in a _longitudinal_ series as -regards the longer axis of the instrument. Inefficient though it be, -this instrument occupies an important position in the apparent chain -of evolution, leading on as it does through some intermediate types to -a form in which the difficulty as regards the strings is overcome by -attaching their _lower_ ends in a longitudinal series, and so bringing -them into the same plane throughout their length. In this shape the -instrument has assumed a harp-like form--a rude and not very effective -one, it is true, but it is none the less definitely a member of the -harp family. The modern varieties of this type extend across Africa -from west to east, and the harps of ancient Egypt, Assyria, Greece, -and India were assuredly elaborations of this primitive form. The -Indian form, closely resembling that of ancient Egypt, still survives -in Burma, while elsewhere we find a few apparently allied forms. In -all these forms of the harp, from the rudest Central and West African -types to the highly ornate and many-stringed examples of Egypt and -the East, one point is especially noteworthy. This is the invariable -_absence of the fore-pillar_, which in the modern harps of Western -Europe is so important, nay, essential a structural feature. In spite -of the skill and care exercised in the construction of some of the -more elaborate forms, none were fitted with a fore-pillar, the result -being that the frame across which the strings were stretched was -always weak and disposed to yield more or less to the strain caused by -the tension of the strings. This implied that, even when the strings -were not unduly strained, the tightening up of one of them to raise -its pitch necessarily caused a greater or less slackening of all the -other strings, since the free end of the rod or 'neck' would tend -to be drawn slightly towards the body of the instrument under the -increased tension. The mere addition of a simple, strut-like support -between the free end of the 'neck' and the 'body' would have obviated -this difficulty and rendered the instrument relatively efficient and -unyielding to varying tension. And yet, even in Western Europe, this -seemingly obvious and invaluable addition did not appear, as far as I -can ascertain, until about the seventh or eighth century A.D.; and even -then it seems to have been added somewhat half-heartedly, and a very -long time had yet to elapse before the fore-pillar became an integral -part of the framework and was allotted its due proportion in the -general design. - -I have purposely selected this particular series for my illustration, -not because it is something new--indeed, it is already more or less -familiar, and, maybe, has even some merit in its lack of newness, -since, in accordance with a popular dictum, it may urge a greater -claim to be regarded as true--nor because it is specially striking, -but rather for the reason that it illustrates suitably several of -the points upon which I wish briefly to touch. Even in the severely -condensed form in which I have been obliged to present this series of -developments from bow to harp, there is, I think, demonstrated the -practical application of several of the general principles upon which -is based the theory whereby Colonel Lane Fox sought to elucidate the -phenomena of human progress. - -A series of this kind serves, in the first place, to demonstrate -that the absence of historical and archaeological evidence of the -_actual_ continuity in development from simple to complex does not -preclude investigations into the early history of any product of human -ingenuity, nor prevent the formation of a suggestive and plausible -if largely hypothetical series, illustrating the probable chain of -sequences along which some highly specialized form may be traced back -link by link to its rudimentary prototypes, or even to its absolute -origin, which in this particular instance is the ordinary shooting bow -_temporarily_ converted into a musical instrument. Where an actual -chronological series is not forthcoming, a comparative study of -such types as are available, even though they be _modern_ examples, -reveals the fact that, if classified according to their apparent -morphological affinities, these types show a tendency to fall into -line; the gap between the extreme forms--that is, the most simple and -the most advanced--being filled by a succession of intermediate forms, -more or less completely linked together, according to the number of -varieties at our disposal. We are thus, at any rate, in possession of -_a_ sequence series. Is it unreasonable for us to conclude that this -reflects, in great measure, _the_ actual chronological sequence of -variations through which in past times the evolutionary history of the -instrument was effected, from the earliest rudimentary form? - -It is difficult to account, at all, for the existence of many of the -forms, such as I have briefly described, except on the supposition -that they are _survivals_ from more or less _early stages_ in a -series of progressive evolution; and, for myself, I do not believe -that so inefficient and yet so elaborate an instrument, as, to take -an example, the harp of ancient Egypt, Assyria, and India, could have -come into being by any sudden inventive process, by 'spontaneous -generation', as it were, to use a biological term; whereas, the innate -conservatism of the human species, which is most manifest among the -lower and more primitive races (I use the term conservatism, I need -hardly say, in a non-political sense), amply accounts for such forms -having been arrived at, since the rigid adherence to traditional types -is a prevailing characteristic of human culture, and only admits -of improvement by very slight and gradual variations upon existing -forms. The difficulty experienced by man, in a primitive condition of -culture, of emancipating himself from the ideas which have been handed -down to him, except by a very gradual and lengthy process, causes him -to exert somewhat blindly his efforts in the direction of progress, and -often prevents his seeing very obvious improvements, even when they are -seemingly forced upon his notice. For instance, the early Egyptian, -Assyrian, and Greek harps, as I have already stated, were destitute of -a fore-pillar, and this remained the case for centuries, in spite of -their actually existing in an environment of other instruments, such -as the lyre and _trigonon_, which in their rigid, unyielding frames -possessed, and even paraded, the very feature which was so essential -to the harp, to enable it to become a really efficient instrument. The -same juxtaposition of similar types, without mutual influence, may be -seen in modern Africa among ruder forms of these instruments. - -And yet, in spite of instances such as this--where a valuable feature -suggested by one instrument has not been adopted for the improvement -of another, even though the two forms are in constant use side by -side--we must recognize that progress, in the main, is effected by a -process of bringing the experience gained in one direction to bear upon -the results arrived at in another. This process of grafting one idea -upon another, or, as we may call it, the hybridization of ideas and -experience, is a factor in the advancement of culture whose influence -cannot be overestimated. It is, in fact, the main secret of progress. -In the animal world hybridization is liable to produce _sterile_ -offspring; in the world of ideas its results are usually far different. -A fresh stimulus is imparted, which may last through generations -of fruitful descendants. The _rate_ at which progress is effected -increases steadily with the growth of experience, whereby the number of -ideas which may act and react upon one another is augmented. - -It follows, as a corollary, that he who would trace out the -phylogenetic history of any product of human industry will speedily -discover that, if he aims at doing so _in detail_, he must be prepared -for disappointments. The tangle is too involved to be completely -unravelled. The sequence, strictly speaking, is not in the form of -a simple chain, but rather in that of a highly complex _system_ of -chains. The time-honoured simile afforded by a river perhaps supplies -the truest comparison. The course of the _main stream_ of our evolution -series may be fairly clear to us, even as far as to its principal -source; we may even explore and study the general effect produced -by the more important tributaries; but to investigate in detail the -contributions afforded in present and past of the innumerable smaller -streams, brooks, and runlets is clearly beyond any one's power, even -supposing that the greater number had not changed their course at -times, and even, in many cases, run dry. While we readily admit that -important effects have been produced by these numberless tributary -influences, both on the course and on the volume of the river, it is -clear that we must in general be content to follow the main stream. A -careful study of the series of musical instruments, of which I gave but -a scanty outline, reveals very clearly that numberless ideas borrowed -from outside sources have been requisitioned, and have affected the -course of development. In some cases one can see fairly clearly whence -these ideas were derived, and even trace back in part their own -phylogenetic history; but a complete analysis must of necessity remain -beyond our powers and even our hopes. - -It will have been observed that, in the example of a sequence series -which I have given, the early developmental stages are illustrated -entirely by instruments belonging to _modern savage races_. It was a -fundamental principle in the general theory of Colonel Lane Fox that in -the arts and customs of the still living savage and barbaric peoples -there are reflected to a considerable extent the various strata of -human culture in the past, and that it is possible to reconstruct in -some degree the life and industries of Man in prehistoric times by a -study of existing races in corresponding stages of civilization. His -insistence upon the importance of bringing together and comparing the -archaeological and ethnological material, in order that each might -serve to throw light upon the other, has proved of value to both -sciences. Himself a brilliant and far-seeing archaeologist as well as -ethnologist, he was eminently capable of forming a conclusion upon this -point, and he urged this view very strongly. - -The Earth, as we know, is peopled with races of the most heterogeneous -description, races in all stages of culture. Colonel Lane Fox argued -that, making due allowance for possible instances of degradation from -a higher condition, this heterogeneity could readily be explained by -assuming that, while the progress of some races has received relatively -little check, the culture development of other races has been retarded -to a greater or less extent, and that we may see represented conditions -of at least partially arrested development. In other words, he -considered that in the various manifestations of culture among the less -civilized peoples were to be seen more or less direct _survivals_ from -the earlier stages or strata of human evolution; vestiges of ancient -conditions which have fallen out at different points and have been left -behind in the general march of progress. - -Taken together, the various living races of Man seem almost to form a -kind of living genealogical tree, as it were, and it is as an epiphyte -upon this tree that the comparative ethnologist largely thrives; while -to the archaeologist it may also prove a tree of knowledge the fruit of -which may be eaten with benefit rather than risk. - -This certainly seems to be a legitimate assumption in a general way; -but there are numerous factors which should be borne in mind when we -endeavour to elucidate the past by means of the present. If the various -gradations of culture exhibited by the condition of living races--the -savage, the semi-civilized or barbaric, and the civilized races--could -be regarded as accurately typifying the successive stages through -which the higher forms of culture have been evolved in the course of -the ages; if, in fact, the different modern races of mankind might -be accepted as so many sections of the human race whose intellectual -development has been arrested or retarded at various definite stages -in the general progression, then we should have, to all intents and -purposes, our genealogical tree in a very perfect state, and by its -means we could reconstruct the past, and study with ease the steady -growth of culture and handicrafts from the earliest simple germs, -reflecting the mental condition of primaeval man, up to the highest -manifestations of the most cultured races. - -These ideal conditions are, however, far from being realized. -Intellectual progress has not advanced along a single line, but, in its -development, it has branched off in various directions, in accordance -with varying environment; and the tracing of lines of connexion -between different forms of culture, as is the case with the physical -variations, is a matter of intricate complexity. Migrations, with the -attendant climatic changes, change of food, and, in fact, of general -environment, to say nothing of the crossing of different stocks, -transmission of ideas from one people to another, and other factors, -all tend to increase the tangle. - -Although in certain instances savage tribes or races show obvious signs -of having _degenerated_ to some extent from conditions of a higher -culturedom, this cannot be regarded as the general rule, and we must -always bear in mind the seemingly paradoxical truth that degradation -in the culture of the lower races is often, if not usually, the direct -result of contact with peoples in a far higher state of civilization. - -There can, I think, be little doubt that Colonel Lane Fox was well -justified in urging the view that most savage races are in large -measure strictly _primitive_, survivals from early conditions, the -development of their ideas having from various causes remained -practically stationary during a very considerable period of time. In -the lower, though not degenerate, races signs of this are not wanting, -and while few, possibly none, can be said to be absolutely in a -condition of arrested development, their normal progress is at a slow, -in most cases at a _very_ slow, rate. - -Perhaps the best example of a truly primitive race existing in recent -times, of which we have any knowledge, was afforded by the native -inhabitants of Tasmania. This race was still existing fifty years ago, -and a few pure-blooded survivors remained as late as about the year -1870, when the race became extinct, the benign civilizing influence -of enlightened Europeans having wiped this extremely interesting -people off the face of the earth. The Australians, whom Colonel Lane -Fox referred to as being 'the lowest amongst the existing races of -the world of whom we have any accurate knowledge', are very far in -advance of the Tasmanians, whose lowly state of culture conformed -thoroughly with the characteristics of a truly primitive race, a -survival not only from the Stone Age in general, but from almost the -earliest beginnings of the Stone Age. The difference between the -culture of the Tasmanians and that of the Australians was far greater -than that which exists between man of the 'River Drift' period and -his Neolithic successors. The objects of everyday use were but slight -modifications of forms suggested by Nature, involving the exercise of -merely the simplest mental processes. The stone implements were of -the rudest manufacture, far inferior in workmanship to those made by -Palaeolithic man; they were never ground or polished, never even fitted -with handles, but were merely grasped in the hand. The _varieties_ of -implements were very _few in number_, each, no doubt, serving a number -of purposes, the function varying with the requirements of the moment. -They had no bows or other appliances for accelerating the flight of -missiles, no pottery, no permanent dwellings; nor is there any evidence -of a previous knowledge of such products of higher culture. They -seem to represent a race which was isolated very early from contact -with higher races; in fact, before they had developed more than the -merest rudiments of culture--a race continuing to live under the most -primitive conditions, from which they were never destined to emerge. - -Between the Tasmanians, representing in their very low culture the one -extreme, and the most civilized peoples at the other extreme, lie races -exhibiting in a general way intermediate conditions of advancement or -retardation. If we are justified, as I think we are, in regarding the -various grades of culture, observable among the more lowly of the still -existing races of man, as representing to a considerable extent those -vanished cultures which in their succession formed the different stages -by which civilization emerged gradually from a low state, it surely -becomes a very important duty for us to study with energy these living -illustrations of early human history, in order that the archaeological -record may be supplemented and rendered more complete. The material -for this study is vanishing so fast with the spread of civilization -that opportunities lost now will never be regained, and already even -it is practically impossible to find native tribes which are wholly -uncontaminated with the products, good or bad, of higher cultures. - -The arts of living races help to elucidate what is obscure in those -of prehistoric times by the process of reasoning from the known -to the unknown. It is the work of the zoologist which enables the -palaeontologist to reconstruct the forms of extinct animals from such -fragmentary remains as have been preserved, and it is largely from the -results of a comparative study of living forms and their habitats that -he is able, in his descriptions, to equip the reconstructed types of a -past fauna with environments suited to their structure, and to render -more complete the picture of their mode of life. - -In like manner, the work of the ethnologist can throw light upon the -researches of the archaeologist; through it, broken sequences may be -repaired, at least suggestively, and the interpretation of the true -nature and use of objects of antiquity may frequently be rendered -more sure. Colonel Lane Fox strongly advocated the application of the -reasoning methods of biology to the study of the origin, phylogeny, and -etionomics of the arts of mankind, and his own collection demonstrated -that the products of human intelligence can conveniently be classified -into families, genera, species, and varieties, and must be so grouped -if their affinities and development are to be investigated. - -It must not be supposed--although some people, through misapprehension -of his methods, jumped at this erroneous conclusion--that he -was unaware of the danger of possibly mistaking mere accidental -resemblances for morphological affinities, and that he assumed that -_because_ two objects, perhaps from widely separated regions, appeared -more or less identical in form, and possibly in use, they were -necessarily to be considered as members of one phylogenetic group. -On the contrary, in the grouping of his specimens according to their -form and function, he was anxious to assist as far as possible in -throwing light upon the question of the monogenesis or polygenesis of -certain arts and appliances, and to discover whether they are exotic -or indigenous in the regions in which they are now found, and, in -fact, to distinguish between mere analogies and true homologies. If -we accept the theory of the monogenesis of the human race, as most of -us undoubtedly do, we must be prepared to admit that there prevails a -condition of unity in the tendencies of the human mind to respond in a -similar manner to similar stimuli. Like conditions beget like results; -and thus instances of independent invention of similar objects are -liable to arise. For this very reason, however, the arts and customs -belonging to even widely separated peoples may, though apparently -unrelated, help to elucidate some of the points in each other's history -which remain obscure through lack of the evidence required to establish -_local_ continuity. - -I think, moreover, that it will generally be allowed that cases of -'independent invention' of similar forms should be considered to have -established their claim to be regarded as such only after exhaustive -inquiry has been made into the possibilities of the resemblances being -due to actual relationship. There is the alternative method of assuming -that, because two like objects are widely separated geographically, and -because a line of connexion is not immediately obvious, therefore the -resemblance existing between them is fortuitous, or merely the natural -result of similar forms having been produced to meet similar needs. -Premature conclusions in matters of this kind, though temptingly easy -to form, are not in the true scientific spirit, and act as a check -upon careful research, which, by investigating the case in its various -possible aspects, is able either to prove or disprove what otherwise -would be merely a hasty assumption. The association of similar forms -into the same series has therefore a double significance. On the -one hand, the sequence of related forms is brought out, and their -geographical distribution illustrated, throwing light, not only upon -the evolution of types, but also upon the interchange of ideas by -transference from one people to another, and even upon the migration -of races. On the other hand, instances in which two or more peoples -have arrived independently at similar results are brought prominently -forward, not merely as interesting coincidences, but also as evidence -pointing to the phylogenetic unity of the human species, as exemplified -by the tendency of human intelligence to evolve independently identical -ideas where the conditions are themselves identical. Polygenesis in -his inventions may probably be regarded as testimony in favour of the -monogenesis of Man. - -I have endeavoured in this review to dwell upon some of the main -principles laid down by Colonel Lane Fox as a result of his special -researches in the field of Ethnology, and my object has been twofold. -First, to bear witness to the very great importance of his contribution -to the scientific study of the arts of mankind and the development -of culture in general, and to remind students of Anthropology of the -debt which we owe to him, not only for the results of his very able -investigations, but also for the stimulus which he imparted to research -in some of the branches of this comprehensive science. Secondly, my -object has been to reply to some criticisms offered in regard to points -in the system of classification adopted in arranging his ethnographical -collection. And, since such criticisms as have reached me have appeared -to me to be founded mainly upon misinterpretation of this system, I -have thought that I could meet them best by some sort of restatement of -the principles involved. - -It would be unreasonable to expect that his work should hold good -in all details. The early illustrations of his theories were to -be regarded as tentative rather than dogmatic, and in later life -he recognized that many modifications in matters of detail were -rendered necessary by new facts which had since come to light. The -crystallization of solid facts out of a matrix which is necessarily -partially volatile is a process requiring time. These minor errors and -the fact of our not agreeing with all his details in no way invalidate -the general principles which he urged, and we need but cast a cursory -glance over recent ethnological literature to see how widely accepted -these general principles are, and how they have formed the bases -of, and furnished the inspiration for, a vast mass of research by -ethnologists of all nations. - - HENRY BALFOUR. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] Extracted from Mr. Henry Balfour's address to the Anthropological -Section of the British Association at Cambridge in 1904. - -[2] _The Natural History of the Musical Bow_, by H. Balfour: Clarendon -Press, Oxford, 1899. - - - - -PRINCIPLES OF CLASSIFICATION - -(1874)[3] - - -I gladly avail myself of the opportunity that has been afforded me of -explaining the principles of classification that I have adopted in the -arrangement of my collection, in the hopes that, by offering them to -the consideration of anthropologists, their soundness may be put to the -test, and that they may elicit criticism on the part of those who have -devoted their attention to the subject of primitive culture. - -The collection is divided into four parts. The first has reference -to physical anthropology, and consists of a small collection of -typical skulls and hair of races. This part of the collection, as it -relates to a subject that has received a large amount of attention -from anthropologists, and has been frequently treated by abler hands -than mine, I do not propose to enter into. The remainder of the -collection is devoted to objects illustrating the development of -prehistoric and savage culture, and consists of--Part II. The weapons -of existing savages. Part III. Miscellaneous arts of modern savages, -including pottery and substitutes for pottery; modes of navigation, -clothing, textile fabrics, and weaving; personal ornament; realistic -art; conventionalized art; ornamentation; tools; household furniture; -musical instruments; idols and religious emblems; specimens of the -written character of races; horse furniture; money and substitutes for -money; fire-arms; sundry smaller classes of objects, such as mirrors, -spoons, combs, games, and a collection of implements of modern savages, -arranged to illustrate the mode of hafting stone implements. Part IV -refers to the prehistoric series, and consists of specimens of natural -forms simulating artificial forms, for comparison with artificial -forms; a collection of modern forgeries for comparison with genuine -prehistoric implements; palaeolithic implements; neolithic implements; -implements of bronze, iron, and bone. - -The collection does not contain any considerable number of unique -specimens, and has been collected during upwards of twenty years, not -for the purpose of surprising any one, either by the beauty or value -of the objects exhibited, but solely with a view to instruction. For -this purpose ordinary and typical specimens, rather than rare objects, -have been selected and arranged in sequence, so as to trace, as far as -practicable, the succession of ideas by which the minds of men in a -primitive condition of culture have progressed from the simple to the -complex, and from the homogeneous to the heterogeneous. - -Many ethnological museums exist in this country and elsewhere, and -therefore, in claiming to have accomplished a useful purpose in forming -this collection, I am bound to endeavour to show that it performs some -function that is not performed by the majority of the other museums -that are to be found. I propose, therefore, to consider, in the first -place, what the defect of an ethnological museum usually is. - -The classification of natural history specimens has long been a -recognized necessity in the arrangement of every museum which professes -to impart useful information, but ethnological specimens have not -generally been thought capable of anything more than a geographical -arrangement. This arises mainly from sociology not having until -recently been recognized as a science, if indeed it can be said to be -so regarded by the public generally at the present time. Travellers, as -a rule, have not yet embraced the idea, and consequently the specimens -in our museums, not having been systematically collected, cannot be -scientifically arranged. They consist of miscellaneous objects brought -home as reminiscences of travel, or of such as have been most easily -procured by sailors at the seaports. Unlike natural history specimens, -which have for years past been selected with a view to variety, -affinity, and sequence, these ethnological _curiosities_, as they have -been termed, have been chosen without any regard to their history or -psychology, and, although they would be none the less valuable for -having been collected without influence from the bias of preconceived -theories, yet, not being supposed capable of any scientific -interpretation, they have not been obtained in sufficient number or -variety to render classification possible. - -This does not apply with the same force to collections of prehistoric -objects, which during the last ten or fifteen years have received -better treatment. It is to the arts and implements of modern savages -that my remarks chiefly relate. - -Since the year 1852 I have endeavoured to supply this want by selecting -from amongst the commoner class of objects which have been brought to -this country those which appeared to show connexion of form. Whenever -missing links have been found they have been added to the collection, -and the result has been to establish, however imperfectly, sequence in -several series. - -The primary arrangement has been by form--that is to say, that the -spears, bows, clubs, and other objects above mentioned, have each -been placed by themselves in distinct classes. Within each there is a -sub-class for special localities, and in each of these sub-classes, or -wherever a connexion of ideas can be traced, the specimens have been -arranged according to their affinities, the simpler on the left and the -successive improvements in line to the right of them. This arrangement -has been varied to suit the form of the room, or of the screens, or the -number of specimens, but in all cases the object kept in view has been, -as far as possible, to trace the succession of ideas. - -This is the distinctive difference between my collection and most -others which I have seen, in which the primary arrangement has been -geographical, that is to say, all the arts of the same tribe or -nation have been placed together in one class, and within this there -may perhaps have been in some cases a sub-class for special arts or -special forms. Both systems have their advantages and disadvantages. -By a geographical or racial arrangement the general culture of each -distinct race is made the prominent feature of the collection, and it -is therefore more strictly _ethnological_, whereas in the arrangement -which I have adopted, the development of specific ideas and their -transmission from one people to another, or from one locality to -another, is made more apparent, and it is therefore of greater -_sociological_ value. Different points of interest are brought to -light by each, and, in my judgement, a great National Anthropological -Collection, should we ever possess such a desideratum, can never be -considered complete until it embraces two series, arranged upon these -two distinct systems. - -Following the orthodox scientific principle of reasoning from the known -to the unknown, I have commenced my descriptive catalogue with the -specimens of the arts of existing savages, and have employed them, as -far as possible, to illustrate the relics of primaeval men, none of -which, except those constructed of the more imperishable materials, -such as flint and stone, have survived to our time. All the implements -of primaeval man that were of decomposable materials have disappeared, -and can be replaced only in imagination by studying those of his -nearest congener, the modern savage. - -This being the system adopted, one of the first points to which I -desire to invite your attention is the question, to what extent the -modern savage truly represents primaeval man, or rather to what extent -may we take the arts of modern savages to represent those of the first -progenitors of our species? - -In order to do this it is necessary to view the question in its -psychological aspects. This I shall touch upon as lightly as possible, -avoiding all technicalities, which in a cursory view of the matter, -might tend to confuse, and confining myself to those parts of the -subject which appear to have a direct bearing on evolution. - -It is a matter of common observation that animals act by instinct, that -is to say, that in the construction of their habitations and other -arrangements for providing for their wants, they act intuitively, and -apparently without the intervention of reason; and that the things -which they construct, though often of a more or less complex character, -are usually of a fixed type; that they are repeated by nearly all -animals of the same kind with but little variety; and that within the -limited space of time during which we are able to observe them, they do -not appear to be susceptible of progress, although evidence has been -adduced to show that animals, even in a wild state, do change their -habits to a certain extent with the change of external conditions. - -On the other hand, we recognize in many animals the operation of a -reasoning mind. In their efforts to escape, or when conditions of a -novel character are presented to them, they act in a manner that shows -clear evidence of intelligence, although they show this to a very -limited extent as compared with man. We also know that habits acquired -by animals during domestication, or taught them by the exercise -of their reasoning faculties, become instinctive in them, and are -inherited in their offspring, as in the familiar case of the pointer -dog. We also know that under domestication animals lose the instincts -acquired in a wild state. - -In the human mind we recognize the presence of all these phenomena, -only in a different degree. We are conscious of an intellectual mind -capable of reasoning upon unfamiliar occurrences, and of an automaton -mind capable of acting intuitively in certain matters without effort -of the will or consciousness. And we know that habits acquired by the -exercise of conscious reason, by constant habit, become automatic, -and then they no longer require the exercise of conscious reason to -direct the actions, as they did at first; as, for example, the habit -of walking upright, which the child learns with pain and labour, but -in time performs without conscious effort of the mind. Or the habit -of reading and writing, the learning of which requires a strong and -continuous effort of the intellect, but which in time becomes so -completely automatic that it becomes possible to read a whole page -aloud whilst the intellectual mind is conscious of being engaged in -other things. - -We perceive clearly that this automatic action of the brain is -dependent on frequent repetition by the intellectual brain, as in -the familiar case of learning by heart; and also that the transfer -of the action from the intellectual to the automaton brain--if -indeed there are separate portions of the brain allotted to these -separate functions, as appears probable--is a gradual and not a sudden -process, and that there are intermediate stages in which an action -may be performed partly by direction of the intellect and partly -automatically. This is shown in the case of a person who, wishing to -make an effective speech at a public meeting, reasons out his address -carefully, and then learns it partially by heart. When the time comes -to address the assembly, the speech having been partly referred to the -automaton brain, the intellect is relieved from action, and, being -unoccupied, is apt to wander and engage itself in other matters that -are passing at the time; but the automaton brain, being insufficiently -prepared to bear the whole responsibility, is unable to continue, and -the intellectual brain, having already started on a journey elsewhere, -is unable to return quick enough to take up the thread of the -discourse. The result is that the would-be orator breaks down pitiably -in the middle of his speech, owing to his having learnt his lesson too -well for one function of his mind, and not well enough for the other. -The same is seen in many business transactions, which, from frequent -repetition, become what is called a second nature, and in the conduct -of which the conscious intellect is partly freed from the control of -the actions. - -We see also that both automatic and intellectual activity are inherited -in different degrees by different persons. Thus it is a matter of -common observation that there are some persons who are able to acquire -with great facility the power of conversing upon simple subjects in -many different languages, whilst upon more complex subjects, requiring -intellectual effort, they never acquire the power of conversing in any -language. Thus, also, it is frequently seen that some children show -a remarkable aptitude for learning in their youth. It is said to be -a pleasure to educate them; everything speedily becomes automatic in -them; great hopes are entertained of their future prospects; but they -frequently become a grievous disappointment to their parents, who have -built castles in the air upon the strength of their apparent precocity, -whereas an acute observer might have seen that they had never from the -first showed signs of great intellectual capacity. On the other hand, -we hear of dunces who are the despair of their tutors, who can with -difficulty be taught to read and write and spell, but in after years -become philosophers and scientists, all which might have been foretold -from the first if the system of education had been such as to call -forth the intellectual powers. - -It is not merely that some inherit automatic capacity whilst in others -the capacity is intellectual. There is, without doubt, in both cases -an hereditary capacity for special things. Thus, whilst some acquire -a knowledge of music with facility, others can never be made to -appreciate a note of music, and so with respect to other arts. - -How then are we to account for this innate indifference in the -capacity of individuals, unless by supposing it to be proportioned -to the length of time during which, or the degree of intensity with -which, the ancestors of the individuals have had their minds occupied -in the particular branch of culture for which capacity is shown? -Unfortunately the difficulty of tracing the channel of hereditary -transmission stands in the way of obtaining any certainty on this -point, although the labours of our Vice-President, Mr. Galton, have -already thrown much light on this interesting subject. But on this -assumption, it is easy to account for the more perfect action of -instinct in the lower animals than in men, when it is considered -that the minds of their progenitors must have been confined to the -experience of those particular things for which instinct is shown, far -longer than is the case with man; and this brings us to the point which -has an important bearing upon the question before us, viz. that every -action which is now performed by instinct, has at some former period in -the history of the species been the result of conscious experience. - -But, in adopting this theory, it is not necessary to assume that the -ideas themselves have been communicated by hereditary transmission. -The doctrine of innate ideas, exploded by Locke, I believe, can never -again establish itself. What is inherited is no doubt a certain -organization of the nervous system, which, by repeated use through -many generations, aided by natural selection, has become exquisitely -adapted to the recognition of experience of a particular kind, and -which, by the constant renovation that is going on within the body, -has grown in harmony with those experiences, so that, when the spring -is touched, as it were, the machinery is at once set in motion; but, -until the necessary external conditions are presented to the mind, -there can be no consciousness of them in the mind. The mind creates -nothing apart from experience; its function is limited to building with -the materials presented to it through the medium of the senses. The -broader the basis of experience, the more lofty the superstructure that -can be raised upon it. Or, to use the words of Mr. Herbert Spencer[4], -'the supposition that the inner cohesions are adjusted to the outer -persistencies by accumulated experience of these outer persistencies, -is in harmony with all our actual knowledge of mental phenomena. Though -in so far as reflex actions and instincts are concerned, the experience -hypothesis seems insufficient; yet, its seeming insufficiency occurs -only where the evidence is beyond our reach. Nay, even here, such few -facts as we can get, point to the conclusion that automatic physical -connexions result from the registration of experiences continued for -numberless generations.' And further on he says: 'In the progress of -life at large, as in the progress of the individual, the adjustment of -inner tendencies to outer persistencies must begin with the simple and -advance to the complex, seeing that, both within and without, complex -relations, being made up of simple ones, cannot be established before -simple ones have been established.' - -From the foregoing considerations it follows that, in studying the -evidence of intellectual progress, the phenomena which we may expect -to observe are--firstly, a continuous succession of ideas; secondly, -that the complexity of the ideas will be in an increasing ratio in -proportion to the time; and thirdly, that the tendency to automatic -action upon any given set of ideas will be in proportion to the length -of time during which the ancestors of the individual have exercised -their minds in those particular ideas. Hence it follows, as a corollary -to this, that at the present time the tendency to automatic action -will be greater in the lower animals than in the higher, because the -minds of their progenitors have been exercised in the simple ideas, for -which instinct is shown, for a greater length of time than those of the -higher animals, amongst whom the simpler ideas have, at a comparatively -recent period in the history of the race, been replaced, or otherwise -modified, by ideas of a more complex character, which latter have not -yet had time to become instinctive. And this is in accordance with what -is practically observed in nature. - -Now, in applying these principles to the study of progress in man, we -must expect to find that the phenomena observed will be in proportion -to the spaces of time we have to deal with in treating of man as -compared with animals in general. - -Assuming this psychological standard of humanity to have been at the -level at which we find the highest of the lower animals that exist at -the present time, we may suppose primaeval man to have been so far -acquainted with the use of tools as to be able to employ a stone for -the purpose of cracking the shells of nuts, but incapable of trimming -the stone into any form that would answer his purpose better than that -into which it had been shaped by rolling in a river bed or upon the -seashore. - -By the repeated use of stones for this and similar purposes, it would -be found that, as Sir John Lubbock has pointed out, they sometimes -split in the hand, and that the sharp edges of the fractured portions -were more serviceable than the stones before fracture. By constant -repetition of the same occurrence, there would grow up in the mind of -the creature an association of ideas between the fracture of the stone -and the saving of labour effected by the fractured portion, and also a -sequence of ideas by which it would be perceived that the fracture of -the stone was a necessary preliminary to the other, and ultimately, by -still continued repetition, the creature would be led to perform the -motions which had been found effectual in cracking the stone before -applying it to the purposes for which it was to be used. So also in -using the various natural forms of the branches of trees which fell -into his hands, it would be found that particular forms were of use -for particular purposes; and by constant repetition there would arise -an association of ideas between those forms and the purposes for which -they were useful, and he would begin to select them for such purposes; -and in proportion to the length of time during which this association -of ideas continued to exist in the minds of successive generations of -the creatures which we may now begin to call men, would be the tendency -on the part of the offspring to continue to select and use these -particular forms, more or less instinctively--not, indeed, with that -unvarying instinct which in animals arises from the perfect adaptation -of the internal organism to external condition, but with that modified -instinct which assumes the form of a _persistent conservatism_. - -'The savage,' says Mr. Tylor, 'is firmly, obstinately conservative. -No man appeals with more unhesitating confidence to the great -precedent-makers of the past; the wisdom of his ancestors can control -against the most obvious evidence of his own opinions and actions.' - -In a similar manner mankind would be led to the conception of many -other ideas, but of the majority of them no record would be preserved; -it is only where the ideas have been associated with material forms -that any record of them would be kept in prehistoric times; and this -brings us to what I conceive to be the object of an anthropological -collection--to trace out, by means of the only evidence available, the -sequence of ideas by which mankind has advanced from the condition of -the lower animals to that in which we find him at the present time, and -by this means to provide really reliable materials for a philosophy of -progress. We may not be able to find in these objects any associations -that may lead us to form an estimate of the highest aspirations of -the mind at any period of its development, but their importance to -anthropologists consists in their value as evidence. Affording us -as they do the only available evidence of man in his most primitive -condition, they are well worthy of our attention, in order that by -studying their grammar, we may be able to conjugate their forms. - -Yet, although our data are thus limited to the material arts of -mankind, only a small portion of those of prehistoric races are -available for our purpose. As already said, only those tools and -implements which were constructed of durable materials have remained; -the rest have perished, and we have only the implements of existing -savages by which to judge of them. The question, therefore, is, to what -extent they may be taken as the representatives of the implements of -prehistoric men, seeing that in point of time they are contemporaneous -with the arts of the most civilized races, and not with those of -prehistoric races. - -Scattered over the world in various localities are savage races -showing various degrees of culture, some higher and some lower than -others, many of which have now been greatly influenced by contact with -civilized races, but of the majority of which we have more or less -detailed records, dating from the time of their first discovery by -Europeans, when their arts may be regarded as indigenous, or, at any -rate, free from any admixture with the arts of civilized races. - -If these savage races have been degraded from a higher condition of -culture, then, seeing that sequence of ideas is necessary to the -existence of any ideas whatever, we must inevitably find traces in -their arts of those higher arts from which they descended. But if, on -the other hand, they have risen from a lower state, and their present -savage condition arises from their having advanced less rapidly than -those races which are now above them in the social scale, then what are -the conditions which we must expect to find prevailing amongst them? - -We shall find, firstly, that the forms of their implements, instead of -showing evidence of having been derived from higher and more complex -forms, will, in proportion to the low state of their civilization, show -evidence of being derived from natural forms, such as might have been -employed by man before he had learnt the art of modifying them to his -uses; and secondly, we shall find that the persistency of the forms is -proportioned to the low state of their culture. - -Now this is found to be the case with nearly every race of savages of -whose condition we have any knowledge. Lowest amongst the existing -races of the world of whom we have any accurate knowledge are the -Australians. All their weapons assimilate to the forms of nature; all -their wooden weapons are constructed on the grain of the wood, and -consequently their curves are the curves of the branches out of which -they were constructed. In every instance in which I have attempted to -arrange my collection in sequence, so as to trace the higher forms -from natural forms, the weapons of the Australians have found their -place lowest in the scale, because they assimilate most closely to the -natural forms. - -Of this many examples may be given. I will not now again enter into the -history of the boomerang, to which I have already drawn the attention -of the Society on former occasions. Those who wish to see the subject -treated in greater detail will find it discussed in my catalogue of -the collection, in which are also given the authorities for many facts -that are mentioned here, and which the limits of time and space do -not enable me to quote at length. Suffice to say that the whole of -the Australian weapons can be traced by their connecting links to the -simple stick, such as might have been used by an ape or an elephant -before mankind appeared upon this earth, and I have arranged them so as -to show this connexion on the screens. Here also we are able to trace -the development of the idea of a shield to cover the body, which in -its simplest form is a simple parrying-stick held in the centre, and -which expands gradually into an oval shield. It is also shown upon the -screens how the simple waddy, or club with a lozenge-shaped head, by a -gradual development of one side, grew into a kind of wooden hatchet, -which ultimately became converted into a hatchet-boomerang. - -The whole of the Australian weapons, without exception, are of this -simple character, and in proof of the persistency with which this -nation has continued to employ the same forms, no further evidence -is necessary than the fact that they are the same, with but slight -variations, over the whole continent. The slight differences between -them, as Mr. Oldfield has pointed out, are so minute as scarcely to -be perceptible to a European, but sufficient to enable a native to -determine at a glance from what locality any specimen that may be shown -him has been obtained. - -But although all the connecting forms between the forms of nature -and the more advanced forms are found amongst the _existing_ weapons -of these savages, we are not to assume from this that the whole of -the progress observed has been effected in modern times. The whole -sequence of ideas connecting these weapons (which are now constructed -in a manner to show that the art of producing them is partly -automatic) was reasoned out by such processes of the mind as stood for -reason, at various former periods in the history of the race, each -successive improvement constituting a link in the chain of progressive -development. Each link has left its representatives, which, with -certain modifications, have survived to the present time; and it is by -the means of these _survivals_, and not by the links themselves, that -we are able to trace out the sequence that has been spoken of. - -This is the hypothesis put forward, and which I profess to justify by -the facts accumulated in this collection. - -Every form marks its own place in sequence by its relative complexity -or affinity to other allied forms, in the same manner that every word -in the science of language has a place assigned to it in the order of -development or phonetic decay. - -If there is such a thing as a science of language, and none can doubt -it, who shall affirm that there is no such thing as a science of the -arts? Language, it is true, embraces a wider sphere, and includes the -arts; but, on the other hand, it is liable to sources of uncertainty -for the purposes of science, from which the arts are free. Language -is impalpable, invisible to the eye, except through the medium of a -written character, which may or may not accurately express the sounds, -and subject to acoustic changes in the collection of the materials, -which are a perpetual cause of error and misclassification. - -In tracing the development of the material arts, on the other hand, -we have, in the earliest periods, the support of collateral evidence -afforded by the fauna with which they are associated and by geological -sequence, all which is wanting in the science of language. - -Why, then, has language hitherto received more scientific treatment -than the arts? Merely on account of the greater facility with which the -data are collected. Whilst words take seconds to record, hours and days -may be spent in the accurate delineation of form. Words cost nothing, -are packed in folios, transmitted by post, and stored on the shelves -of every private library. A million classified words may be carried in -the coat pocket without inconvenience, whilst a hundredth part of that -number of material objects require a museum to contain them, and are -accessible only to a few. This is the reason why the arts have never -been subjected to those classifications which form the groundwork of a -science. - -Then, again, in approaching prehistoric times, or in studying modern -savages who represent prehistoric man, language loses its persistency, -or fails us altogether. Although, in an advanced stage of civilization, -especially when it has been committed to writing, it affords the -surest test of culture, this is certainly not the case with the -lowest savages, amongst whom language changes so rapidly that even -neighbouring tribes cannot understand one another. And if this is the -case in respect to language, still more strongly does it apply to all -ideas that are communicated by word of mouth. In endeavouring to trace -back prehistoric culture to its root forms, we find that in proportion -as the value of language and of the ideas conveyed by language -diminishes, that of ideas embodied in material forms increases in -stability and permanence. Whilst in the earliest phases of humanity the -names for things change with every generation if not more frequently, -the things themselves are handed down unchanged from father to son and -from tribe to tribe, and many of them have continued to our own time, -faithful records of the condition of the people by whom they were -fabricated. - -Of the antiquity of savages we at present know little or nothing; -but when archaeologists have exhausted the antiquities of civilized -countries, a wide and interesting field of research will be open to -them in the study of the antiquities of savages, which are doubtless to -be discovered in their surface and drift deposits; and if the stability -of their form has been such as we have reason to believe, we shall then -be able to arrive at something like certainty in respect to the degree -of slowness or rapidity, as well as the order, in which they have been -developed. - -Leaving now the Australians, and turning to other existing races in -a higher, though still in a low, stage of civilization, such as, for -example, the Fijians, who at the time of their discovery were still in -the stone age, we find, on examining the forms of their implements, -that we are in a higher stratum of culture, the characteristics of -which correspond exactly to what might have been expected to be found -on the principle of gradual evolution. The forms of their tools and -weapons present the same connexions of form between themselves as -amongst those of the Australians, but they are of a more complex -type, and are no longer directly traceable to the natural forms of -the limbs of trees, &c. The links of connexion between weapons of the -same kind are as close as before, but in their varieties they present -forms so singular as scarcely to make it possible to infer that they -were designed for the purposes of use. They appear rather to have -varied through the instrumentality of some law of succession similar -to that by which species of animals have been evolved. In many cases, -indeed, the sequence of ideas has led to the use of forms that are -absolutely unserviceable as weapons and tools, and human selection, -corresponding to natural selection, appears to have retained for use -only such forms as could be employed, whilst the others have been -consigned to state purposes or applied to symbolic uses. In many cases -we find that their clubs have been converted into the forms of animals' -heads, and in all such cases (and there are several in the collection) -we see, by grouping a sufficient number of like forms together, that -those which are in the shape of animals' heads have not been designed -for the purpose of representing animals' heads, but their forms have -simply been evolved during the numerous variations which the weapon -has undergone in the process of development, and when the idea of an -animal's head suggested itself, it has merely been necessary to add an -eye, or a line for the mouth, in order to give them the resemblance in -question. Examples of this may be seen in the collection of specimens -from Africa, New Caledonia, New Zealand, and Solomon Isles. - -In ornamentation, the stability of form is very remarkable. Particular -forms of ornamentation fix themselves on a tribe or nation, and are -repeated over and over again with but little variation of detail, as, -for example, in the case of the coil and broken coil ornaments amongst -the New Zealanders and the inhabitants of New Guinea, which were -probably derived from Assam, or the representation of the head of an -albatross amongst the Indians of the north-west coast of North America, -or that of a human head amongst the inhabitants of New Ireland. - -In the transformations of this latter ornament, which I took occasion -to bring to the notice of the meeting of the Anthropological Department -of the British Association at Brighton in 1872[5], and which are -represented in Plate IV, we see a remarkable example of degradation of -form, produced by gradual changes, caused by these people in copying -from one another until the original design is lost. The representation -of a human figure is here seen to lose gradually its limbs and body, -then the sides of the face, leaving only the nose and ears, and -ultimately the nose only, which finally expands at the base, and is -converted into the representation of a half moon. In this sequence we -have an exact parallel to the transformations observed upon ancient -British coins by Mr. Evans[6], by which a coin of Philip of Macedon, -representing a chariot and horses, becomes converted by a succession -of similar changes into the representation of a single horse, and -ultimately into fragments of a horse. Other examples of similar -transformations from other countries are also shown. - -Amongst other advantages of the arrangement by form, is the facility it -affords for tracing the distribution of like forms and arts, by which -means we can determine the connexion that has existed in former times -between distant countries, either by the spread of race, or culture, or -by means of commerce. Thus I have been able to trace the distribution -of the bow over a large area, with evidence of its having spread from a -common centre. In the Asiatic islands and the Pacific, the line of its -southern boundary is very clearly defined, marking off as non-bow-using -races the whole of the inhabitants of Australia except Cape York, -Tasmania, and formerly New Zealand and New Caledonia. Above this line -the use of the bow spread from the Asiatic isles, and its transmission -to the Papuan and Polynesian isles is due to the Malays, the Malay -word for it--viz. 'panna'--being used over the whole of the region in -question with but slight variations. - -In the southern hemisphere, where suitable materials for the -construction of it are abundant, the bow is of the form of the arcus, -or simple arch; but in the frigid regions to the north, there are large -tracts in Europe, Asia, and America which are either totally destitute -of trees, or covered with coniferous forests, yielding few if any -woods that have sufficient spring for the construction of a bow, and -there is reason to believe, from the traces of forests discovered at -low levels beneath the soil in various places, that this inhospitable -region extended more to the southward in ancient prehistoric times. -In such a region it is unlikely that the invention of the bow should -have originated, and when the knowledge of it was communicated from the -south, it would be necessary to employ some other elastic material to -combine with the stiff pinewood, and give it the necessary elasticity; -hence the composite bow, which is the bow of the northern hemisphere, -and which consists of a combination of wood and sinew, or wood and -bone. In its varieties I have traced this bow over the whole of the -northern hemisphere, including Lapland, Siberia, and the northern -part of North America. It is the bow of the ancient Persians and -Scythians. The northern people carried it into India and into China, -and also eastward into America, where its distribution is traced in two -channels, one extending along the region inhabited by the Esquimaux -into Greenland, and the other along the west coast as far south as -California; and throughout the region mentioned, its varieties show it -to have sprung from a common prototype. - -Here also I may select, from amongst other illustrations of the same -kind that are to be found, a single example of the manner in which the -implements of modern savages may be made to explain the construction of -those of races of antiquity, described upon their monuments. Quivers -for arrows do not admit of much variety by which to trace improvement, -and for this reason they must have continued unchanged in form much -longer than contrivances which were susceptible of development; but -the combination of quiver and bow case in one, may be traced over the -whole of the region of the composite bow, the sinews of which made -it necessary that it should be kept dry. Mr. Rawlinson, in his _Five -Great Monarchies of the Ancient Eastern World_ (London, 1864, vol. -ii. p. 57), gives an illustration of an Assyrian quiver taken from -ancient sculptures at Khorsabad. 'It had an ornamental rod attached to -it, which projected beyond the arrows and terminated in a pomegranate -blossom or other similar carving. To this rod were attached the rings -which received the strap by which it was suspended to the shoulders.' -The learned author adds: 'It is uncertain whether the material of the -quivers was wood or metal.' The conventional mode of representing -these objects and the imperfect command which the Assyrians had over -the hard stone of the sculptures, give to the majority of the objects -represented, the appearance of having been constructed of some hard -material, as is clearly seen in the case of the hair and drapery; but, -on turning to the quivers now used by the Indians of California, we at -once see that the material of the quiver is explained by the form and -position of the above-mentioned rod, which is fastened on the outside -of it for the purpose of keeping the _limp_ skin bag that contains the -arrows stiff and straight, and thereby enabling the bowman to draw out -his arrows with the necessary rapidity. And this enables us clearly to -understand why, as stated by Mr. Rawlinson, not a single example of -a quiver was found in the Assyrian excavations. In the Californian, -as in the Assyrian quivers, the rod extends beyond the quiver, and is -probably intended to guard the arrows from injury. - -It is unnecessary in this place to add to the number of examples. The -object of this paper, as already stated, is to explain the principles -of classification. For the evidence on which these principles are -based I must refer you to the catalogue. Whether these principles of -classification are correct or not is a matter of less consequence than -the arrangement of the facts, by which every person is enabled to form -his own idea of the manner in which progress has been evolved in early -times. - -Human ideas, as represented by the various products of human industry, -are capable of classification into genera, species, and varieties, in -the same manner as the products of the vegetable and animal kingdoms, -and in their development from the homogeneous to the heterogeneous they -obey the same laws. If, therefore, we can obtain a sufficient number -of objects to represent the succession of ideas, it will be found that -they are capable of being arranged in museums upon a similar plan. - -The resemblance between the arts of modern savages and those of -primaeval man may be compared to that existing between recent and -extinct species of animals. As we find amongst existing animals and -plants, species akin to what geology teaches us were primitive species, -and as among existing species we find the representatives of successive -stages of geological species, so amongst the arts of existing savages -we find forms which, being adapted to a low condition of culture, have -survived from the earliest times, and also the representatives of -many successive stages through which development has taken place in -times past. As amongst existing animals and plants, these survivals -from different ages give us an outline picture of a succession of -gradually improving species, but do not represent the true sequence by -which improvement has been effected, so, amongst the arts of existing -people in all stages of civilization, we are able to trace a succession -of ideas from the simple to the complex, but not the true order of -development by which those more complex arrangements have been brought -about. As amongst existing species of animals, innumerable links are -wanting to complete the continuity of structure, so amongst the arts -of existing peoples there are great gaps which can only be filled -by prehistoric arts. What the palaeontologist does for zoology, the -prehistorian does for anthropology. What the study of zoology does -towards explaining the structures of extinct species, the study of -existing savages does towards enabling us to realize the condition of -primaeval man. To continue the simile further, the propagation of new -ideas may be said to correspond to the propagation of species. New -ideas are produced by the correlation of previously existing ideas in -the same manner as new individuals in a breed are produced by the union -of previously existing individuals. And in the same manner as we find -that the crossing of animals makes it extremely difficult to trace -the channel of hereditary transmission of qualities in a breed, so the -crossing of ideas in this manner makes it extremely difficult to trace -the sequence of ideas, although we may be certain that sequence does -exist as much in one case as in the other. - -Continuing still further the simile, we find that, as in the breeding -of animals, when the divergence of races has gone so far as to -constitute what is called distinct species, they cannot interbreed, -so when the development of ideas has run in distinct channels far -enough to create a hiatus, no intercommunication can take place. Two -men of very different culture may travel in the same coach together, -and, though speaking the same language, may find themselves unable -to communicate except upon commonplace topics in which the simple -ideas are common to both. Or two nations in very different stages of -civilization may be brought side by side, as is the case in many of our -colonies, but there can be no amalgamation between them. Nothing but -the vices and imperfections of the superior culture can coalesce with -the inferior culture without break of sequence. - -Progress is like a game of dominoes--like fits on to like. In neither -case can we tell beforehand what will be the ultimate figure produced -by the adhesions; all we know is that the fundamental rule of the game -is _sequence_. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[3] A Paper read at a Special Meeting of the Anthropological Institute -of Great Britain and Ireland on July 1, 1874, on the occasion of the -opening of the Anthropological Collection to the public: and published -in the _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, iv (1875), pp. -293-308. - -[4] _The Principles of Psychology_ (London, 1881), i.^3 pp. 424-6. - -[5] Address to the Department of Anthropology--Report of the British -Association, 1872 (London, 1873), p. 168. - -[6] _The Coins of the Ancient Britons_, by John Evans, F.R.S. (1864), -pp. 24-32. - - - - -ON THE EVOLUTION OF CULTURE - -(1875)[7] - - -If we accept the definition of the term science as 'organized common -sense', we necessarily reject the idea of it as a 'great medicine' -applicable only to particular subjects and inapplicable to others; -and we assume that all those things which call forth the exercise -of our common sense are capable of being scientifically dealt with, -according as the knowledge which we pretend to have about them is based -on evidence in the first place, and in the sequel is applied to the -determination of what, for want of a better word, we call general laws. - -But in using this term 'law', we do not employ it in the sense of a -human law, as a regulating or governing principle of anything, but -merely as deduction from observed phenomena. We use it in the sense of -a result, rather than a cause of what we observe, or at most we employ -it to express the operation of proximate causes; and of the ultimate -causes for the phenomena of nature we know nothing at all. - -Further, in this development of the principle of common sense it has -been said that the inductive sciences pass through three phases, which -have been termed the empirical, the classificatory, and the theoretical. - -Of these, the first or empirical stage may be defined as representing -that particular phase of unorganized common sense in which our -knowledge is simply a record of the results of ordinary experience, -such as might be acquired by any savage or uneducated person in his -dealings with external nature. - -But as this condition of knowledge might perhaps be denied the claim to -be considered scientific, it might be better perhaps to extend the term -so as to embrace all that can be included under a practical knowledge -of the subjects treated, in which these subjects are studied for their -own sakes, or on account of their practical uses to man, and not with -a view to generalizing upon them. - -In this way it may be said that agriculture represents the empirical -or practical stage of botany; mining, that of geology; hunting and the -domestication of animals, that of zoology; the trade of the butcher, -that of anatomy; navigation by means of the stars, that of astronomy. - -Passing now over the boundary line which separates what are generally -recognized as the physical sciences from the science of culture, in -which the subjects treated are emanations from the human mind, we find -that these also have their corresponding phases of development. - -Commencing first with the science of language, which has been the -earliest and perhaps the most important branch of human culture the -study of which has been scientifically treated as yet, we find that -Professor Max Müller, in the series of lectures delivered in this -Institution in 1861-3,[8] has shown that the science of language -has its corresponding empirical or practical stage, in which it is -studied only for its own sake, or for its utility as a means of -intercommunication; not as a means of generalizing upon language as -a whole, but merely for the purpose of understanding the particular -languages which we wish to make use of in our intercourse with others. - -In like manner passing from language to the particular department -of culture which, for the reasons to be explained hereafter, I -shall make the subject of this discourse, viz. the material arts, I -shall endeavour to show that there exists also in relation to them -a practical or empirical stage, which is the stage that we are now -in with respect to them, in which we may include the whole of the -constructive arts of mankind, from the simple flint knife to the most -complex machine of modern times, when viewed from the standpoint of -the mechanic or the artificer, not as subjects for generalization, but -merely from an utilitarian point of view. - -There are many persons no doubt who regard utility, not as a primary -stage, but as the final and highest result of science. But the highest -achievements of science, even the highest practical achievements, would -never have been reached by the mere utilitarian. There is a force -within us by which we are moved in the direction of acquiring knowledge -for its own sake and for the sake of truth, regardless of any material -advantage to be derived from such knowledge. Sooner or later such -knowledge is sure to bear practical fruits, even though we may not live -to realize them. - -It is in this spirit that men of science have advanced to the -second or classificatory stage, in which, with a view to higher -generalization, the subjects studied are grouped together according to -their affinities, and specific points of resemblance are taken as the -representatives of each class. - -These classes are at first grouped round independent centres; but such -an arrangement of them, having no existence in reality, is purely -subjective and can only be transitional. The margins of the classes so -formed represent only the margins of our knowledge or our ignorance, as -the case may be. - -By degrees, as the classes become extended, sub-classes are formed, and -they are seen to arrange themselves in the form of branches radiating -from a central stem. By still further observation, the stems of the -several classes are seen to tend towards each other, and we are led to -trace them to a point of union. - -Thus from the classificatory or comparative we pass gradually into the -third stage, which I have spoken of as the theoretical, but which may -perhaps be more clearly defined as the evolutionary. By the use of this -term 'evolutionary' we make it apparent that our third stage is but a -development of the second, evolution being merely the necessary and -inevitable result of the extension of classification, implying greater -unity and broader generalizations. - -These three stages then, the empirical or practical, the classificatory -or comparative, and the evolutionary, are applicable to the development -of all the inductive sciences. - -But it has been held by some that a broad line of demarcation must -be drawn between the physical sciences properly so called, such as -zoology, botany, and geology, which deal with external nature, and -those sciences which have been termed historic, which deal with the -works of man. - -This question has been ably treated by Professor Max Müller in the -series of lectures to which I have referred, a course of lectures -which must be regarded as a starting-point and basis of instruction for -all who follow after him in the same path. - -But in claiming for the science of language, and for language only, -a place amongst the physical sciences, he has made admissions to -opponents which, in my humble judgement, ought not to be made, and -which are inconsistent with that more extended view of the subject by -which I contend that, if language, then all that comes under the head -of culture must be included amongst the physical sciences. Thus, for -example, we find him admitting this passage as a sound and reasonable -argument on the part of those who deny the claim of language to be -included amongst the physical sciences: 'Physical science,' he says, -'deals with the work of God, historical science with the works of man.' - -Now if in dealing with what are here termed the historical sciences, -we were to take the subjects of such sciences, as for example the arts -or language, implements or words, and were to regard them as entities -to be studied apart from their relation to mind, and were to endeavour -to deduce from them the laws by which they are related to each other, -it is evident that we should be dealing with a matter which could not -be correlated with the physical sciences; but such a course would be -absurd. It would be as absurd to speak of a boomerang as being derived -by inheritance from a waddy, as to speak of a word in Italian being -derived by inheritance from a corresponding word in Latin; these words -and these implements are but the outward signs or symbols of particular -ideas in the mind; and the sequence, if any, which we observe to -connect them together, is but the outward sign of the succession of -ideas in the brain. It is the mind that we study by means of these -symbols. - -But of the particular molecular changes or other processes which -accompany the evolution of ideas in the mind, we know no more than -we do of the particular molecular changes and other processes which -accompany the evolution of life in nature, or the changes in chemistry. - -If then we are to understand the expression 'the work of God' as -implying the direct action of ultimate causes, it is evident that -we are not in a position either to affirm or to deny or to make any -statement whatever respecting such ultimate causes, which may operate -either as directly or as indirectly in the one case as the other. We -know nothing about them, and therefore to invoke ultimate causes as a -reason for distinguishing between the sciences is to take up a position -which cannot be scientifically maintained. - -With equal if not greater truth we may combat the assertion that the -science of culture is historical, whilst nature, on the other hand, as -dealt with by the physical sciences, is incapable of progress. However -valid this objection might have appeared during the empirical and -comparative stages of the physical sciences, it cannot be maintained, -since the researches of Darwin and others have fairly landed them in -their evolutionary phase. The principles of variation and natural -selection have established a bond of union between the physical and -culture sciences which can never be broken. History is but another -term for evolution. There are histories and histories, as any one may -determine who has read Green's _Short History of the English People_, -and compared it with the kind of matter which passed for history in -his school days. But our position with regard to culture has always -been one which has forced on our comprehension the reality of progress, -whilst with respect to the slow progress of external nature, it has -been concealed from us, owing to the brief span of human existence and -our imperfect records of the past. The distinction, therefore, between -the sciences, as historical and non-historical, is but a subjective -delusion, and not an objective reality; and herein, I believe, lies the -secret of most of those errors that we have to contend with. - -But the point in which I venture more particularly to differ from the -conclusions of the learned author of the _Science of Language_ is the -line which he has drawn between language and the other branches of -culture by including language amongst the physical sciences whilst he -excludes the rest. 'If language,' he says, 'be the work of man in the -same sense in which a statue, a temple, a poem, or a law, are properly -called works of man, the science of language would have to be classed -as an historic science'; and again he says, 'It is the object of these -lectures to prove that language is not a work of human art in the same -sense as painting, or building, or writing, or printing.' - -In dealing with this question it is material, as regards the relative -claims of language and the arts to be studied as physical sciences, -to distinguish between the general and the particular. If it is said -that language as a whole is not a work of human design, the same may -with equal truth be said of the arts as a whole. A man who constructs -a building, a tool, or a weapon, can no more be said to have devised -a scheme of arts, than the introducer of a new word can be said to -have invented a language; but each particular word bears the impress -of human design as clearly as a weapon or a coin. A word may be said -to be a tool for the communication of thought, just as a weapon is an -implement of war. - -But, says Professor Müller, 'art, science, philosophy, religion, all -have a history; language or any other production of nature admits -only of growth.' But unless it can be shown that words are entities -having the power of generating and producing other words, which arts, -tools, or weapons, do not possess, the word growth can only be applied -figuratively to language as it is to the arts, and in that case growth -and history are synonymous terms. But this is absurd. Words, as I said -before, are the outward signs of ideas in the mind, and this is also -the case with tools or weapons. Words are ideas expressed by sounds, -whilst tools are ideas expressed by hands; and unless it can be shown -that there are distinct processes in the mind for language and for the -arts they must be classed together. - -But it is said, 'language has the property of progressing gradually -and irresistibly, and the changes in it are completely beyond the -control of the free will of man.' This, however, can only be accepted -relatively. We know that in certain phases of savage life the use of -particular words may be tabooed in the same manner that the use of -particular implements or weapons may be tabooed; but it would be quite -as hopeless for any individual to attempt to change the entire course -of the constructive arts as to change the form of a language; the -action of the individual man is limited in both cases to the production -of particular words or particular implements, which take their place -like bricks in a building. - -Man is not the designer in the sense of an architect, but he is the -constructor in the sense of a brickmaker or a bricklayer. - -But the difficulty of tracing fleeting words to their sources operates -to a great extent in effacing the action of the individual in language. -Words become public property before they are incorporated in a -language. It would be difficult to establish a system of patents for -new words. Here again we see that the line drawn between language and -the arts is a subjective delusion, not an objective reality. It is not -true that words do not originate with individual men, but merely that -we do not perceive it. - -Modifications of words, like modifications in the forms of the -arts, result from the succession of ideas or other causes affecting -particular minds. They obtain acceptance through natural selection by -the survival of the fittest. - -The chance which a new word or a new implement has of surviving depends -on the number of words or implements to be superseded, on their -relative importance to the art or the language, and the persistency -with which these superseded words or implements are retained. The truth -of this is seen in the fact that vocabularies change far more rapidly -than grammatical forms; because the same grammatical terminations are -employed with a large number of different words, and they are therefore -a more constant necessity of speech. - -Hence early and barbaric languages may be connected by their -grammatical forms long after their vocabularies have entirely changed. -The same truth is seen in the fact admitted by philologists, that in -small communities new words and modifications of words gain more ready -acceptance than in large communities; because the struggle of the new -words for existence is less in small than in large communities, and the -dialects therefore change more rapidly. And the same causes influence -the transformations which take place in the arts. Objects in common -use change more slowly than those which are but little employed; the -difference is merely one of degree and not of kind. - -In dealing with the arts, each separate contrivance occupies a larger -share of our attention, to the exclusion of any comprehensive survey -of them as a whole. The arts present themselves to our mental vision -on a larger scale, and we view them analytically; we are as it were in -the brickmaker's yard seeing each brick turned out of hand, whereas in -dealing with language we see only the finished building; the details -are lost. We view language synthetically. The arts may be said to -present themselves to us as a sea beach in detached fragments; language -in the form of a compact sandstone. The empiric or the utilitarian may -deny that there is any resemblance between them; but the geologist -knows that the mode of deposition has been the same in both cases, and -he classes the whole as rocks. - -Then again there are facilities for collecting and arranging the data -for the study of language which do not exist in the case of the arts. -Whilst words take seconds to record, hours and days may be spent in -the accurate delineation of form. Words cost nothing, may be packed -in folios, transmitted by post, and stored on the shelves of every -private library. Ten thousand classified words may be carried in -the coat pocket without inconvenience, whilst a tenth part of that -number of material objects require a museum to contain them, and are -accessible only to a few: this is the reason why the arts have never -been subjected to those classifications which form the groundwork of a -science. - -But when we say that words and implements are both tools employed -for the expression of thought, it is important to bear in view one -difference between them, which has a practical bearing on the relative -value of the two studies as a means of tracing the evolution of culture -in prehistoric times and amongst savages. The word is the tool of the -ear, the implement the tool of the eye; and for this reason language is -the science of historic times, whilst the arts constitute the subject -of science to be studied in relation to prehistoric times. - -Every new tool or weapon formed by the hand of man retains the same -form as long as it continues to exist; it may be handed from man to -man, from tribe to tribe, from father to son, from one generation -to another; or, buried in the soil, it may under special conditions -continue for untold ages without change of form, until in our time it -may be discovered and employed as evidence of the condition of the arts -at the time it was fabricated. Very different, however, is the history -of words. Each word coined by the exercise of the inventive faculty of -man to express an idea is liable to change as it passes from mouth to -ear. Its continued identity is dependent solely on memory, and it is -subject to phonetic and acoustic changes from which the forms of the -arts are exempt. - -When by the invention of writing each word receives its equivalent in -forms that are appreciable to the sense of sight, it gains stability, -which places it on a footing of equality with the arts, and enables us -to trace with certainty the changes it has undergone; and therefore -in historic times language is the surest test of social contact that -we can have. But in prehistoric times, before it had acquired this -permanence through the invention of writing, the forms of language -were, to use Mr. Sayce's expression, in a constant state of flux. - -The truth of this is seen in the immense number of dialects and -languages employed by savages at the present time. Thus amongst the -one hundred islands occupied by the Melanesian race, the Bishop of -Wellington tells us, and his statement is confirmed by the late -lamented Bishop Patteson, that there are no less than two hundred -languages, differing so much that the tribes can have but very little -interchange of thought; and similar accounts are given of rapid changes -of language in Cambodia, Siberia, Central Africa, North, Central, and -South America. - -The greater stability of the material arts as compared with the -fluctuations in the language of a people in a state of primaeval -savagery, is well shown by a consideration of the weapons of the -Australians, and the names by which they are known in the several parts -of that continent. These people, from the simplicity of their arts, -afford us the only living examples of what we may presume to have been -the characteristics of a primitive people. Their weapons are the same -throughout the continent; the shield, the throwing-stick, the spear, -the boomerang, and their other weapons differ only in being thicker, -broader, flatter, or longer, in different localities; but whether -seen on the east or the west coast, each of these classes of weapons -is easily recognized by its form and uses. On the other hand, amongst -the innumerable languages and dialects spoken by these people, it -would appear that almost every tribe has a different name for the same -weapon. The narrow parrying-shield, which consists of a piece of wood -with a place for the hand in the centre, in South Australia goes by -the name of 'heileman', in other parts it is known under the name of -'mulabakka', in Victoria it is 'turnmung', and on the west coast we -have 'murukanye' and 'tamarang' for the same implement very slightly -modified in size and form. Referring to the comparative table of -Australian languages compiled by the Rev. George Taplin, in the first -number of the _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_ (i, 1872, pp. -84-8), we find the throwing-stick, which on the Murray River is known -by the name of 'yova', on the Lower Darling is 'yarrum', in New South -Wales it is 'wommurrur', in Victoria 'karrick', on Lake Alexandrina -'taralye', amongst the Adelaide tribes of South Australia it is -'midla', in other parts of South Australia it is called 'ngeweangko', -and in King George's Sound 'miro'. - -From these considerations we arrive at the conclusion that in the -earliest stages of culture the arts are far more stable than language: -whilst the arts are subject only, or chiefly, to those changes which -result from growth, language, in addition to those which result from -growth, is also affected by changes arising from phonetic decay. - -The importance therefore of studying the grammar, so to speak, of the -arts becomes apparent, as it is by this means alone that we can trace -out the origin and evolution of culture in the earliest times. - -The task before us is to follow by means of them the succession of -ideas by which the mind of man has developed, from the simple to the -complex, and from the homogeneous to the heterogeneous; to work out -step by step, by the use of such symbols as the arts afford, that -law of contiguity by which the mind has passed from simple cohesion -of states of consciousness to the association of ideas, and so on to -broader generalizations. - -This development has to be considered under the two heads of culture -and constitution, that is to say, that we have to consider not only the -succession of ideas in the mind resulting from experience, but also the -development by inheritance of the internal organism of the mind itself, -or, to use the words of Mr. Herbert Spencer, 'In the progress of life -at large, as in the progress of the individual, the adjustment of -inner tendencies to outer persistencies must begin with the simple and -advance to the complex, seeing that, both within and without, complex -relations, being made up of simple ones, cannot be established before -simple ones have been established' (_Princ. of Psych._, i^3, p. 426). - -We find no difficulty in assenting to the general proposition that -culture has been a work of progress. Our difficulty lies in realizing -the slow stages of its early development, owing to the complexities -both of our mental constitution and of the contemporaneous culture -from which experience is drawn, or, again to use Mr. Spencer's more -expressive words, of our 'inner tendencies', and 'outer persistencies'; -we are apt to regard as intuitive, if not congenital, many simple -ideas which in early culture can only have been worked out through the -exercise of experience and reason during a long course of ages. - -We see this error of our own minds constantly displayed in the -education of children. The ideas in a child's mind, like those of -mankind at large, are necessarily built up in sequence. The instructor -makes use of some word, the meaning of which is clearly understood -by him, but which does not fall into the sequence of the child's -reasoning; the conception associated with it in the child's mind must, -however, necessarily conform to such sequence. Hence a confusion of -ideas, which is often attributed to the stupidity of the child, but -which is in reality due to the inexperience of the instructor; as, -for instance, in the case exemplified by Pip, in Dickens' _Great -Expectations_, who, having imbibed the precept that he was to 'walk in -the same all the days of his life', was led by his sequence of ideas to -infer therefrom that he was invariably to walk to school by the same -path, and on no account go round by the pastrycook's. - -And so in studying savages and early races whose mental development -corresponds in some degree to that of children, we have to guard -against this automorphism, as Mr. Spencer terms it; that is to say, the -tendency to estimate the capacity of others by our own, which appears -almost completely to incapacitate some people from dealing with the -subject. - -The question of the free will of man enters largely into this study. I -shall not be expected to say much upon a subject which has so lately -occupied the attention of the public, having been discussed by some of -our ablest scientists; but I cannot avoid quoting, in reference to this -point, a passage from Dr. Carpenter's _Mental Physiology_, who in this -controversy is certainly entitled to be regarded as the champion of -free will; and therefore by quoting him we run no risk of overstating -the case against free will. 'Our mental activity,' he says (p. 25), is -'entirely spontaneous or automatic, being determined by our congenital -nervous organism.... It may be stated as a fundamental principle that -the will can never originate any form of mental activity....' But -it has the power, he continues, of selecting any one out of several -objects that present themselves either simultaneously or successively -before the mental vision, and of so limiting and intensifying the -impression which that particular object makes upon the consciousness, -that all others shall be for the time non-existent to it. - -The truth of this, in so far as regards the limitation of the will, -cannot fail to force itself upon the student of culture. It is, -I venture to think, by classifying and arranging in evolutionary -order the actual facts of the manifestations of mind, as seen in the -development of the arts, institutions, and languages of mankind, no -less than by comparative anatomy, and far more than by metaphysical -speculation, that we shall arrive at a solution of the question, -to what extent the mental Ego has been, to use Professor Huxley's -expression, a conscious spectator of what has passed. - -I propose, therefore, with your permission, to give a few examples, -by means of diagrams, of material evolution derived from the earliest -phases of culture. In language and in all ideas communicated by word -of mouth there is a hiatus between the limits of our knowledge and the -origin of culture which can never be bridged over, but we may hold in -our hand the first tool ever created by the hand of man. - -It has been said that the use of speech is the distinctive quality of -man. But how can we know that? We are literally surrounded by brute -language. We can imitate their calls, and we find that animals will -respond to our imitations of them. But who has ever seen any of the -lower animals construct a tool and use it. - -The conception of man, not as a tool-_using_ but as a tool-_making_ -animal, is clear, defined, and unassailable; probably if we could -trace language to its sources, we should be able to draw the same line -between natural sounds employed as a medium of communication, and the -created word. Thus the arts which we can study may perhaps be taken to -illustrate the origin of language, which we cannot study in this phase. - -The ape employs both sticks and stones as missiles and as hammers to -crack the shells of nuts. But we have no evidence that he ever selects -special forms for special uses. The arts therefore afford us a clearly -defined starting-point for the commencement of culture. - -To go in search of a particular form of stick or stone in order to -apply it to a particular use would require greater effort of the will -in fixing attention continuously on the matter in hand than is found to -exist amongst the lower animals except in cases of instinct, which term -I understand to mean an inherited congenital nervous organism which -adapts the mind to the ready reception of experience of a particular -kind. But this instinct does not exist in the case in question; there -is no tool-making instinct: our tool has to be evolved through reason -and experience, without the aid of any special organism for the purpose. - -The process we have to assume therefore is that, in using stones as -hammers, they would occasionally split. In using certain stratified -rocks this would occur frequently, and so force itself on the attention -of the creature. The creature going on hammering, it would force itself -on his notice that the sharp fractured end was doing better work than -before. It would be perceived that there were hard things and soft -things, that the hard things split the stone, and the soft things were -cut by it; and so there would grow up in the mind an association of -ideas between striking hard things and splitting, and striking soft -things and cutting, and also a sequence by which it would be perceived -that the fracture of the stone was a necessary preliminary to the -other; and in the course of many generations, during which the internal -organism of the mind grew in harmony with this experience, the creature -would be led to perform the motions which had been found effectual in -splitting the stone before applying it to the purposes for which it was -to be used. - -Thus we arrive at a state of the arts in which we may suppose man to -be able to construct a tool by means of a single blow. By constantly -striking in the same direction, flakes would be produced; and by still -further repeating the same motions, it would at last be found that by -means of many blows a stone could be chipped to an edge or a point so -as to form a very efficient tool. - -But this continued chipping of the stone in order to produce a tool, -implies a considerable mental advance upon the effort of mind necessary -to construct a tool with one blow. - -It implies continued attention directed by the will to the -accomplishment of an object already conceived in the mind, and its -subsequent application to another object which must also have been -conceived in the mind before the tool was begun. - -Now we know from all experience, and from all evolution which we can -trace with certainty, that progress moves on in an accelerating ratio, -and that the earlier processes take longer than the later ones. - -[Illustration: PLATE XII. - -_Diagram 1._] - -But the implements of the drift, which are the earliest relics of human -workmanship as yet recognized, are most of them multi-flaked tools, -such as the implements figured on Plate XII, Nos. 1-10, requiring a -considerable time to construct, and the use of innumerable blows in -order to trim to a point at one end. - -It appears therefore evident that in the natural course of events -the drift period must have been preceded by an earlier period of -considerable extent characterized by the use of single-flaked tools. -And we may therefore consider it probable that should any evidences of -man be hereafter discovered in miocene beds, they will be associated -with such large rude flakes as those now exhibited, which require a -feebler effort of attention and of reason to construct. - -If we examine the forms of the flint implements of the drift, we -find that out of many intermediate shapes we may recognize three in -particular, which have been minutely described by Mr. Evans in his -valuable work on the stone implements of Britain[9]: (1) a side-tool, -consisting of a flint chipped to an edge on one side and having the -natural rounded outside of the flint left on the other side, where it -appears to have been held in the hand; (2) a tongue-shaped implement -chipped to a point at one end, and having the rounded surface for the -hand at the big end; and (3) an oval or almond-shaped tool, which is -often chipped to an edge all round. - -We have no evidence to show which of these kind of tools was the -earliest; but that they were employed for different uses there can be -little reason to doubt. But have we any evidence to throw light on the -way in which these several forms originated in the minds of men in the -very low condition of mental development which we may suppose to have -existed at the time? - -About eight years ago, whilst examining the ancient British camps on -the South Downs, I chanced to discover in the camp of Cissbury, near -Worthing, a large flint factory of the neolithic age. There were some -sixty or more pits from which flints had been obtained from the chalk, -and these pits were full of the débris of the flint-workers. The -factory was of the neolithic age, the most characteristic tool of which -is the flint celt, a form which differs but slightly from the oval -or almond-shaped palaeolithic form, but the cutting edge of which is -more decidedly at the broad end. The débris, some six hundred or more -specimens of which were collected, consisted chiefly of these celts in -various stages of manufacture. - -If any one will attempt to make a flint celt, as I have done sometimes -(and Mr. Evans, from whom I learnt that art, has done frequently), he -will find that it is difficult to command the fracture of the flint -with certainty; every now and then a large piece will come off, or a -flaw will be discovered which spoils the symmetry of the tool, and it -has to be thrown away. In arranging and classifying the remains of this -flint factory, I found that all the palaeolithic forms were represented -by one or other of these unfinished celts, so much so as to make it -doubtful whether some of them may not actually have been used like them. - -A celt finished at the thin end, and abandoned before the cutting edge -was completed, represented a tongue-shaped palaeolithic implement; a -celt finished only on one side represented a palaeolithic side-tool; -and a celt rudely chipped out, and abandoned before receiving its -finishing strokes, represented almost exactly an oval palaeolithic -tool, only differing from it in being somewhat rougher, and showing -evidence of unfinish. - -Taking a lesson then from this flint-worker's shop of the later -neolithic age, we see how the earlier palaeolithic forms originated. -They were not designed outright, as the nineteenth-century man would -have designed them for special uses, but arose from a selection of -varieties produced accidentally in the process of manufacture. The -forms were also suggested by those of the nodules out of which they -were made. We see, by examining the outside surfaces that were left on -some of them, how a long thin nodule produced a long thin celt, a broad -thick nodule a broad thick celt, and so forth. Indeed, so completely -does the fabricator appear to have been controlled by the necessities -of his art, that in tracing these successive forms one is almost -tempted to ask whether the principle of causation lay mostly in the -flint or in the flint-worker, so fully do they bear out the statement -of Dr. Carpenter and the other physiologists, that nothing originates -in the free will of man. - -[Illustration: PLATE I.] - -[Illustration: PLATE II.] - -On these two diagrams (Plates I and II) I have shown how, from the same -form of palaeolithic implement already described, the more complex -forms of the spear and axe-blade of the subsequent periods were -developed. The point developed into a spear, and the broad end into an -axe-blade. You will see by reference to Plate I that the oval tool of -the drift suggested the smaller leaf-shaped spear-head of the early -neolithic age. This, by a gradual straightening of the sides, became -the lozenge-shaped form, which latter developed into the barbed form, -and this last into the triangular form, which consists of barbs without -a tang. - -On the other hand, this same oval tool of the drift (Plate II), when -used as an axe-blade with the broad end, became the celt of the -neolithic period, chipped only at first and subsequently polished. This -gave rise to the copper celt of the same form having convex surfaces, -which grew into the bronze celt with flat sides. Then the bronze celt -was furnished with a stop to prevent its being pressed too far into -the handle by the blow. Others were furnished with projecting flanges -to prevent them from swerving by the blow when hafted on a bent stick. -Others had both stops and flanges. By degrees the flanges were bent -over the stops and over the handle, and then the central portion above -the stops, being no longer required, became thinner, and ultimately -disappeared, the flanges closed on each other, and by this means the -weapon grew into the socket celt. On this socket celt you will see that -there is sometimes a semicircular ornamentation on each side. This -semicircular ornament, as I pointed out in a paper on primitive warfare -read some time ago, is a vestige of the overlapping flange of the -earlier forms out of which it grew, which, like the rings on our brass -cannon, are survivals of parts formerly serving for special uses (pp. -182-3 below). - -In the vertical columns I have given, in the order of their -occurrence, the successive periods of prehistoric time, viz. the early -palaeolithic, late palaeolithic, early neolithic, late neolithic, -early bronze, late bronze and iron periods, beneath which I have placed -lines for two distinct phases of modern savage culture, viz. the -Australian and the American Indian. A cross beneath each form denotes -the periods in which they occur, and a vertical bar denotes that they -are of rare or doubtful occurrence; so that the sequence of development -may be seen at a glance, and it is only a glance that I ask you to take -at these diagrams on the present occasion. I have checked them with Mr. -Evans' work and also with Sir William Wilde's Catalogue,[10] and I do -not think that any of the statements made in them will be challenged; -but as these forms were not developed for the purpose of filling in the -spaces in rectangular diagrams, such diagrams only imperfectly convey -an idea of the evolution which has taken place, and must be regarded -only as provisional and liable to be improved. - -In tracing the evolution of prehistoric implements, we are of course -limited to such as were constructed of imperishable materials. No doubt -our prehistoric ancestors used also implements of wood, but they have -long since disappeared; and if we wish to form an idea of what they -were, we must turn to those of his nearest congener, the modern savage. - -In speaking of savages, the question of progression versus degeneration -is probably familiar to most of those present, through the writings of -Sir John Lubbock and Mr. E. B. Tylor. To the several weighty arguments -in favour of progression given by those writers I will add this one -derived from the sequence of ideas. - -If the Australians, for example, were the degenerate descendants of -people in a higher phase of culture, then, as all existing ideas are -made up of previous ideas, we must inevitably find amongst their arts -traces of the forms of earlier and higher arts, as is the case amongst -some of the savages of South America who early came in contact with -Peruvian civilization; but the reverse of this is the case: all the -forms of the Australian weapons are derived from those of nature. - -In the same way that we saw that the forms of the palaeolithic flint -implements were suggested by accidental fractures in the workshop, so -the several forms of the Australian wooden implements were suggested -by the various forms of the stems and branches out of which they were -made. These savages, having only flint tools to work with, cannot -saw out their weapons to any form they please; they can only trim -the sticks into a serviceable shape. All their weapons are therefore -constructed on the grain of the wood, and their forms and uses have -arisen from a selection of the natural curves of the sticks. - -[Illustration: PLATE III.] - -I have arranged, on Plate III, drawings of nearly all the weapons used -by the Australians, placing them together according to their affinities -in such a manner as to show hypothetically their derivation from a -single form. As all the forms given on this diagram are drawings of -weapons in use at the present time, and there are many intermediate -forms not given here, I have not arranged them in horizontal lines, -as in the previous diagrams, to show their place in time, but have -arranged them as radiating from a central point. We know nothing of -the antiquities of savage countries as yet, and therefore cannot trace -their evolution in time. The development has therefore been shown by -means of survivals of early forms existing at the present time. - -In the centre I have placed the simple cylindrical stick, as being -the simplest form. By a gradual development of one end I have traced -upwards the formation of a sharp ridge and its transition into a -kind of mushroom form. To the right upwards I have traced the same -development of the mushroom head, the projecting ridge of which -is constantly liable to fractures by blows; and as savages always -systematize accidental fractures so as to produce symmetry, scollops -have been cut out of the ridge in different places for this purpose, -which had the effect of concentrating the force of the blow on the -projections. These were further developed; one of the pilei of the -mushroom head was made larger than the others, and this suggested the -form of a bird's head, so that it was only necessary to add a line for -the mouth and a couple of eyes to complete the resemblance. To the -right we see that the plain stick held in the centre gave the first -idea of a defensive weapon, and was used to parry off the darts of the -assailant; an aperture was then made in the stick for the hand, and -the face of it became broader, developing into a shield, the narrow -ends, however, being still retained for parrying. Below I have shown -that the long stick simply pointed at one end became a lance; a row -of sharp flints were gummed on to one side to produce a cutting edge, -and these were then imitated in wood, and by pointing them obliquely -they were converted into barbs. To the right another kind of barb was -produced by binding on a piece of sharp-pointed wood. Between this -and the shields we see that the first idea of the throwing-stick, -employed to project these lances, was simply constructed like the -barbed point of the lance itself. The gradual expansion of the stick -arose from its being employed like a battledore, to fence off the -enemy's lances. To the left below I have shown the gradual development -of a peculiar curved weapon, called the 'malga', formed from a stem -and the branch projecting from it at different angles. The part where -the continuation of the stem was cut off was trimmed to a kind of -ridge; this ridge developed, and suggested the crest of a bird's head; -ultimately the eyes were added, in the same manner as in the club -on the opposite side of the diagram. To the left we see the plain -round stick first flattened, then curved. Savages are in the habit -of throwing all their weapons at their adversaries and at animals. -In throwing a flat curved stick it rotates of its own accord, and as -the axis of rotation continues parallel to itself, the thin edge is -presented to the resistance of the air in front; this increases the -range, and its peculiar flight must have forced itself on the attention -of the savage as the result of experience: but he has never had the -slightest knowledge of the laws of its flight. The different curves -of the boomerang are the natural curves of the sticks, and like all -the Australian weapons, they are made on the grain of the wood. Some -are thicker than others; some will fly in the curves peculiar to that -weapon, and others will not: scarcely two are alike. - -To the left above, we see the mushroom-headed 'waddy', with its -projecting ridge flattened, then curved; one side becomes more -developed than the other, and this being thrown develops into the waddy -boomerang, the ridge of the earlier forms being still represented by a -mark on the flat head of the weapon; an intermediate link connects it -with the true boomerang. - -Many other examples might be given to illustrate the continuity which -exists in the development of all savage weapons; but I only ask you -to glance at the sequence shown in this diagram and the preceding ones -in order to convince you of the truth of the statement which I made -at the commencement of this discourse, that although, owing to the -complexity of modern contrivances and the larger steps by which we -mount the ladder of progress in the material arts, their continuity -may be lost sight of, when we come to classify the arts of savages and -prehistoric men, the term 'growth' is fully as applicable to them as to -the development of the forms of speech, and that there are no grounds, -upon the score of continuity, history, or the action of free will, to -separate these studies generically as distinct classes of science. - -But in dealing with evolution we have to speak not only of growth, -but, as in all other natural sciences, of the principle of decay. By -decay I do not mean the decay of the materials of the arts, but the -decomposition of the mental ideas which produced them. - -As complex ideas are built up of simple ones, so there is also a -further process by which they become disintegrated, and the parts go to -form parts of other ideas. - -This decay in the arts corresponds to what is called phonetic decay -in language; and in both cases it arises either from incapacity, the -desire to save trouble, or the necessity of abbreviating when ideas -originally evolved for one purpose come to form parts of other ideas to -which they are merely accessory and subordinate, as in the well-known -dialectic changes of speech. Every sound in language had originally a -distinct meaning of its own; gradually these sounds or roots came to -form parts of words in which the original meanings of the sounds were -lost. - -I will now endeavour to draw a parallel to this in the arts, by means -of what may be termed realistic degeneration. - -I will not say much as to the place of realism in culture. The -archaeological world has lately been somewhat startled by the -discovery of well-executed designs of elephants and other animals in -the French caves in association with the rude stone implements of the -palaeolithic age, and by the more recent discovery of Mariette Bey, -that the earliest Egyptian sculptures of the third dynasty are the most -truthful representations of the human form that are to be found in -that country. I see nothing surprising in this, when we consider the -power that is developed in many children of eight or nine years old of -making drawings of animals and other objects, which, when allowance is -made for the feeble hand of childhood, are often as truthful as those -of the cave-period men, at a time when their minds have acquired but -little power of reasoning or generalizing, or even of taking care of -themselves; all which goes to prove that this power of imitation, which -is a very different thing from ideal art, is one of the most early -developed faculties of the mind of man. - -When the power of imitation had once been developed, it would -naturally be made use of as a means of intercommunication; thus the -drawing of a stag would be made to convey information to people at -a distance that there was a herd of deer in the neighbourhood to be -hunted; and as the object of the drawing was no longer to depict -truthfully the peculiarities of the beast, but merely to convey -information, the amount of labour expended upon it would be the -least that could be employed for the required purpose. All written -characters have originated in this way; and no one now requires to be -told how pictographic representations developed into hieroglyphic and -subsequently into phonetic characters. - -But realistic degeneration would equally take place in all cases in -which pictorial representations came to be employed for other purposes -than those for which they were originally designed, as in the case of -ornamental designs. - -[Illustration: PLATE XXI. - -EVOLUTION OF TYPES ON ANCIENT BRITISH COINS.] - -So also a coin receives upon its surface the image of a king or a god -as a stamp of authority. When from any cause the object of the original -design is lost, the object of the stamp being no longer to convey a -likeness, but being merely used as a test of genuineness, or perhaps -amongst an unlettered people to denote its value, the tendency to -realistic degeneration would be proportioned to the difficulties of -execution; no further labour would be expended on it than was necessary -for the object to be attained. Here I must again remind you of the -interesting discourse delivered in this Institution on May 14, 1875, -by Mr. Evans, on the evolution of British coins.[11] His examples are -figured in his _Coins of the Ancient Britons_, pp. 24-32. With his -permission I have introduced some of his diagrams (Plate XXI). You will -remember how the coin of Philip of Macedon having been introduced into -Britain, the head on the obverse gradually disappeared, leaving only -the wreath as a band across the coin, which was ultimately converted -into a cross; and how on the reverse, the chariot and two horses -dwindled into a single horse, the chariot disappeared, leaving only -the wheels, the driver became elevated, not elevated after the manner -unfortunately but too common amongst London drivers, but elevated -after the manner of the Spiritualists, except that you see he had the -precaution to take on a pair of wings, differing also both from the -London driver and the Spiritualists, inasmuch as instead of having lost -his head he has lost his body, and nothing but the head remains; the -body of the horse then gradually disappears, leaving only four lines to -denote the legs. - -I will now show you an exact parallel to these transformations in a -collection of designs, supposed to be tribal marks, which are drawn -upon the paddle blades of the New Irelanders, a race of Papuan savages -inhabiting an island on the north-east coast of New Guinea. - -Having noticed one or two allied varieties of design in specimens that -came into my possession, I determined to collect all that I could -find as they came to this country. In the course of several years I -succeeded in obtaining the series represented upon Plate IV. - -[Illustration: PLATE IV. - -ORNAMENTATION OF NEW IRELAND PADDLES, SHOWING THE TRANSITION OF FORM.] - -The first figure you will see clearly represents the head of a Papuan: -the hair or wig is stuffed out, and the ears elongated by means of -an ear ornament, after the manner of these people; the eyes are -represented by two black dots, and the red line of the nose spreads -over the forehead. This is the most realistic figure of the series. In -the second figure the face is somewhat conventionalized: the line of -the nose passes in a coil round the eyes; there is a lozenge pattern -on the forehead, representing probably a tattoo mark; the body is -represented sitting in full. In the third figure the man is represented -sitting sideways, simply by lopping off an arm and a leg on one side. -In the fourth figure the legs have disappeared. In the fifth figure -the whole body has disappeared. In the sixth figure the nose has -expanded at the base, and the sides of the face are made to conform -to the line of the nose; the elongated ears are there, but the ear -ornament is gone: the nose in this figure is becoming the principal -feature. In the seventh figure nothing but the nose is left: the sides -of the face and mouth are gone; the ears are drawn along the side of -the nose; the head is gone, but the lozenge pattern on the forehead -still remains; the coil round the eyes has also disappeared, and is -replaced by a kind of leaf form, suggested by the upper lobe of the -ear in the previous figures; the eyes are brought down into the nose. -In the eighth figure the ears are drawn at right angles to the nose. -In the ninth figure the nose has expanded at the base; all the rest is -the same as in the last figure. In the tenth figure the lozenge pattern -and the ears have disappeared, and a vestige of them only remains, in -the form of five points; the base of the nose is still further expanded -into a half moon. In the last figure, nothing but a half moon remains. -No one who compared this figure with the first of the series, without -the explanation afforded by the intermediate links, would believe that -it represented the nose of a human face. Unfortunately we do not know -as yet the exact meaning of these designs, but when further information -is obtained about them it will throw considerable light on similar -transformations in prehistoric times. - -My next and last illustration is taken from the relics of Troy, -recently brought to light by Dr. Schliemann.[12] In the valuable -work lately published by him he gives illustrations of a number of -earthenware vases and other objects, called by him idols, having on -them the representation of what he conceives to be the face of an owl, -and which he believes to represent Athena, the tutelary goddess of -Troy, called by Homer 'Glaukopis Athene', which signifies, according -to him, 'with the face of an owl.' Professor Max Müller has given his -opinion that the word 'glaukopis' cannot possibly be taken to mean -owl-faced, but can only mean large- or bright-eyed. On this point -I will venture no opinion, but accepting Professor Müller's high -authority for the usually received interpretation of it being correct, -I shall in no way weaken the evidence in favour of Dr. Schliemann's -discovery of the true site of Troy if I succeed in proving that, -according to the true principle of realistic degeneration, this figure -does not represent an owl but a human face. - -[Illustration: PLATE V. - -REALISTIC DEGENERATION. - -ILLUSTRATED BY REPRESENTATIONS OF THE HUMAN FACE, FOUND BY DR. -SCHLIEMANN AT TROY. - -[_The numerals in brackets give_--(1) _the number of the figure in -Schliemann's_ Troy and its Remains, (2) _the depth at which the figure -was found, in metres_.]] - -The figures on Plate V are all taken from Dr. Schliemann's -representations, and as the depth of each is given it will be seen -that the different varieties of face occur in all the different strata -excavated by him except the highest, and therefore no argument as to -antiquity can be based upon the depth at which they were found. The two -first figures, it will be seen, are clearly intended to represent a -human face, all the features being preserved. In the two next figures -(3, 4) the mouth has disappeared, but the fact of the principal feature -being still a nose and not a beak, is shown by the breadth of the base -and also by the representation of the breasts. In the two succeeding -figures (5, 6) the nose is narrowed at the base, which gives it the -appearance of a beak, but the fact of its being still a human form -is still shown by the breasts. Had the idea of an owl been developed -through realistic degeneration in these last figures, it would have -retained this form, but in the two succeeding figures (7, 8) it will be -seen that the nose goes on diminishing. - -In the remaining figures, some of which are (12-16) of solid stone, -not earthenware, and are believed by Dr. Schliemann to be gods, it is -clearly shown by the rude scratches representing the eyebrows, and -their want of symmetry, that this degeneration of form is the result of -haste. - -What then are these solid stone objects? I cannot for a moment doubt, -from their resemblance to the vases, from the marks denoting the -junction of the cover with the vase, and from the representations of -handles, that they are votive urns of some kind, similar to those -Egyptian stone models of urns represented in the two figures above. -Urns of this kind were used by the Egyptians to contain the viscera of -the mummies; but with the cheaper form of burial, in which the viscera -were retained in the body, stone models of urns, of which these figures -are drawings from originals in the British Museum, were deposited in -the graves as vestiges of the earlier and more expensive process; these -objects therefore cannot be idols, but votive urns. The fact of human -remains having been found in some of the human-headed urns, and the -hasty scratches on the stone models, show that they are merely models -appertaining to the conventionalized survival of some earlier or more -elaborate system of urn burial. - -We see from these facts that both growth and decay, the two component -elements of evolution, are represented in the study of the material -arts. - -My object in this discourse has been not, as I fear it may have -appeared to you from the brief time at my disposal and my imperfect -treatment of the subject, to extol the material arts as being -intrinsically of more interest or importance than other branches -of culture, but to affirm the principle that it is by studying the -psychology of the material arts alone that we can trace human culture -to its germs. - -The theory of degradation is supported only by the study of those -branches of culture of which the early history is lost. - -The tree is the type of all evolution: all trees are seedlings, -but they differ in their mode of growth. Some, like the beech and -oak, throw their branches upwards, and these are typical of the -development of the material arts; others, like the straight-stemmed -pine, throw off their branches downwards, and these are typical of the -development of some other branches of culture. It is quite true, as -stated by mythologists, that the history of myths is one of continued -degeneration in so far as they can be traced, and that the element -of decay enters far more into their composition than that of growth. -But the whole accessible history of these myths represents drooping -branches from the upward-growing stem of free thought out of which they -sprang. What is the space of time which separates us from the Vedas, as -compared with the whole upward growth of humanity before and since! - -There are huge gaps in our knowledge of the history of the human race, -and it has been the pleasure of mankind in all ages to people these -gaps with jugglers and bogies; but surely, if slowly, science will open -up these desert places, and prove to us that, so far as the finite mind -of man can reach, there is nothing but unbroken continuity to be seen -in the present and in the past. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[7] A Lecture delivered at the Royal Institution of Great Britain on -Friday, May 28, 1875, and published in _Proc. Roy. Inst._, vol. vii. -pp. 496-520, Pl. i-iv. - -[8] _Lectures on the Science of Language_ (London, 1861), i, Lecture 1. - -[9] John Evans, _The Ancient Stone Implements, Weapons, and Ornaments -of Great Britain_ (London, 1872^1), 1897^2, p. 641. - -[10] Sir W. Wilde, _Catalogue of the Antiquities of the Museum of the -Royal Irish Academy_ (Dublin, 1863). - -[11] John Evans, 'On the Coinage of the Ancient Britons and Natural -Selection,' _Journal of the Royal Institution_, vii. p. 476 ff.; with a -Plate, which is reproduced, by permission, in Plate XXI. - -[12] For illustrations, see _Troy and its Remains_, by Dr. Henry -Schliemann (Murray, 1875). The figures may be taken in the following -order: No. 185, No. 74, No. 132, No. 13, No. 173, No. 207, No. 12, No. -11, No. 133, No. 141, No. 165. [Plate V has been compiled from the -references here given.] - - - - -PRIMITIVE WARFARE[13] - - -I - -Although it is more in accordance with the purposes for which this -establishment has been organized, that the Lecture-room should be -devoted chiefly to subjects of practical utility connected with the -improvement of our military system and the progress of the mechanical -appliances, the organization, and general efficiency of our Army and -Navy, than to the efforts of abstract science, yet the fact of your -possessing in the three large apartments that are devoted to your -armoury, one of the best assortments of semi-civilized and savage -weapons that are to be found in this country, or, perhaps, in any -part of the world, is sufficient to prove that it is not foreign to -the objects of the Institution that the science of war should be -ethnographically and archaeologically, as well as practically, treated. - -The requirements of our advancing age demand that every vein of -knowledge should be opened out, and, in order to make good our title -to so interesting a collection of objects as that comprised in what -may very properly be called our ethnographical military department, it -should be shown that, whether or not the subject may be considered to -fall within the ordinary functions of the Society, our Museum is made -available for the purposes of science. - -The age in which we live is not more remarkable for its rapid onward -movement than for its intelligent retrospect of the past. It is -reconstructive as well as progressive. The light which is kindled by -the practical discoveries of modern science, throws back its rays, -and enables us to distinguish objects of interest, which have been -unnoticed in the gloom of bygone ages, or passed over with contempt. - -Men observe only those things which their occupations or their -education enable them to understand and appreciate. When a savage is -introduced on board the deck of a European vessel, he notices only -those objects with the uses of which he is familiar--the sewing of a -coat, a chain, or a cable, at once rivets his attention, but he passes -by the steam-engine without observation, and if a work of art is forced -upon his notice, he is unable to say whether it represents a man, a -ship, or a kangaroo![14] So in past ages the flint implements of the -drift, the parents of all our modern implements, whether for war or -handicraft, must have been carted away in hundreds, unobserved, and in -ignorance that these inconspicuous objects would one day be the means -of upsetting the received chronology of our species. - -Whilst, therefore, we devote our energies chiefly to progress, and -fix our attention upon the present and future of war, it cannot fail -to interest those who are actively engaged in the duties of their -profession, if we occasionally take a glance backward and see what -recent discoveries have done towards elucidating its origin and early -history. - -It might, perhaps, assist a right understanding of the principles on -which the weapons and implements of savages deserve to be studied, if -I were to notice some of those great questions respecting the origin -of our species, and man's place in nature, which the investigations -of science have been the means of raising in our day. I need hardly -say that the rude implements, which I am about to describe, are of -little practical interest in themselves, as models for instruction or -imitation. We have no need of bows and arrows in the existing state -of war, and if we did require them, the appliances of modern times -would enable us to construct them in far greater perfection than could -be acquired by any lessons from savages. These weapons are valuable -only, in the absence of other evidence, from the light they throw -on prehistoric times, and on those great questions to which I have -alluded, and from their enabling us to trace out the origin of many of -those customs which have been handed down to us by past generations. - -As, however, the discussion of these interesting subjects would lead -me into matters that are hardly suited to the Lecture-room of this -Institution, I must pass over the consideration of them with a few -brief remarks. - -In so doing, I may appear to postulate some opinions upon points -that are still the subject of animated controversy in the scientific -world. But it would require a far broader field of investigation than -is here afforded me, in order to treat these inquiries successfully, -and to adduce all the evidence that would be necessary to support the -hypotheses put forward; and I am anxious to devote no greater space to -these preliminary remarks than is necessary to point out some of the -main features of interest that are involved in the particular study -which forms the subject of my lecture. - -We are apt to speak of the creation of the universe as a thing of -the past, and to suppose that the world, with all the varied life -upon it, previous to man's appearance, having been created for his -especial happiness and supremacy, was afterwards left to his control -and government. But this view of the subject belongs to an age in which -the laws of nature in their all-sufficiency and completeness were but -little studied and appreciated. Modern science finds no evidence of -any such abandonment of the universe to man's jurisdiction. The more -comprehensively the subject is viewed, the more restricted appear to be -those limits over which the free will of mankind is permitted to range, -and the more evident it becomes, that in his social advancement, his -laws, arts, and wars, he moves on under the influence and development -of those same laws which have been in force from the very first dawn -of creation. The lower the archaeologist searches in the crust of the -earth for the relics of human art, the more faint become the traces of -that broad gulf, which in our times appears to separate man from the -brute creation. In all the numerous and varied offsprings of the human -intellect, in the arts, and even in speech, the more we investigate and -trace them back, the more clearly they appear to point to a condition -of the human race in which they had no existence whatever. The great -law of nature, 'natura non facit saltum,' was not broken by the -introduction of man upon the earth. He appears to have been produced in -the fullness of time, as the work of creation required a more perfect -tool, and to have ameliorated his condition, only as the work to be -performed became more complicated and varied, just as in the hands of -man, the rougher tool is employed for felling, and the finer tool for -finishing and polishing. - -By this view we come to look upon even the most barbarous state of -man's existence, as a condition, not so much of degradation, as of -arrested or retarded progress, and to see that, notwithstanding many -halts and relapses, and a very varied rate of movement in the different -races, the march of the human intellect has been always onward. - -As, in the lower creation, we find no individuals that are capable of -self-improvement, though some appear, by their imitative faculties, -to contain within them the germs of an improving element, so the -aboriginal man, closely resembling the brutes, may have passed through -many generations before he began to show even the first symptoms -of mental cultivation, or the rudiments of the simplest arts; and -even then his progress may have been, at first, so slow, that it is -not without an effort of imagination that the civilized races of -our day can realize, by means of the implements which he has left -us, the minute gradations which appear to mark the stages of his -advancement. This appears to be the view taken by Sir Charles Lyell in -his _Antiquity of Man_, when, in comparing the flint implements found -in the higher and lower-level gravels of the valley of the Somme, he -arrives at the conclusion 'that the state of the arts in those early -times remained stationary for almost indefinite periods'. 'We see,' -he says, 'in our own time, that the rate of progress in the arts and -sciences proceeds in a geometrical ratio as knowledge increases, -and so, when we carry back our retrospect into the past, we must -be prepared to find the signs of retardation augmenting in a like -geometrical ratio; so that the progress of a thousand years at a remote -period, may correspond to that of a century in modern times, and in -ages still more remote man would more and more resemble the brutes in -that attribute which causes one generation exactly to imitate, in all -its ways, the generation which preceded it' (4th ed. 1873, p. 421). - -In order to understand the relationship which the savage tribes of -our own time bear to the races of antiquity, it is necessary to keep -in view that, neither in historic nor prehistoric times is there any -evidence that civilization has been equally or universally distributed; -on the contrary, it appears always to have been partial, and confined -to particular races, whose function it has been, by means of war and -conquest, to spread the arts amongst surrounding nations, or to -exterminate those whose low state of mental culture rendered them -incapable of receiving it. - -Assuming the whole of the human species to have sprung originally -from one stock, an hypothesis which, although disputed, appears to me -by all existing evidence and analogy of known facts, to be the most -reasonable assumption, the several races appear to have branched off at -various and remote periods, many of them, perhaps, previously to the -present geographical arrangement of land and water, and to have located -themselves in the several regions in which they are now found, in a -state which probably differs but little from that in which they existed -at the time of their separation from the parent stem. - -Each race, after separation, shows evidence of arrested growth; and, -finally, the intellect of the nation fossilizes and becomes stationary -for an indefinite period, or until destroyed by being brought again in -contact with the leading races in an advanced stage of civilization, -precisely in the same way that the individuals composing these races, -after propagating their species, stagnate, and ultimately decay, or, in -a low state of savagery, are often destroyed by their own offspring. - -Taking a comprehensive view of the development of civilization, it may -be compared to the growth of those plants whose vigour displays itself -chiefly in the propagation of their leading shoots, which, overtopping -the older and feebler branches, cause them to be everywhere replaced by -a fresh growth of verdure. The vegetable kingdom thus furnishes us with -the grand type of progress; continuity and bifurcation are principles -of universal application, uniting the lowest with the highest created -thing. - -The analogy of tree growth has been frequently employed in relation -to natural phenomena, and it may very well be taken to explain the -distribution of the human race, and the progress and expansion of the -arts. It forms the key to the Darwinian theory of natural selection, -which is essentially monogenistic in its application to the origin of -the human race. - -Thus the existing races of mankind may be taken to represent the -budding twigs and foliage, each in accordance with the relative -superiority of its civilization, appertaining to branches higher and -higher placed, upon the great stem of life. - -So little is as yet known of the early history of any but our own -family of nations, that in the existing state of knowledge, the -attempt to classify and place them on their proper branches, must be -attended with much difficulty, and great liability to error. However, -by arranging the existing races according to their civilization, a -tolerably correct judgement may perhaps be formed as to the value of -this system of classification, if we distribute them with those of -antiquity in some two or three broad divisions. The Caucasian races -of modern Europe, for example, may be said to bear to their ancestors -of the historical period the same relationship that geologists have -shown the existing mammalia of our forests to bear to the mammalia -of the tertiary geological period. The semi-civilized Chinese and -Hindoos, in like manner, may be classed with the races of ancient -Assyria, Egypt, and other nations immediately prior to the first dawn -of history, the civilization of which nations they still so greatly -resemble, and appear to have retained, in a state of retarded progress -from those ages to our own. A third division may perhaps be made of the -Malay, Tartar, and African negro nations, which, though now in an age -of iron, may, by the state of their arts, and more especially by the -form of their implements, be taken as the best representatives of the -prehistoric bronze period of Europe, towards which they appear to hold -the same relationship that the fish and reptiles of our seas bear to -those of the secondary geological period. In a fourth division may be -included the still more barbarous races of our times, the Australian, -Bushman, and hunting races of America, whose analogy to those of the -stone age of Europe may be typified by that of the mollusca of recent -species to the mollusca of the primary geological period. - -In all these existing races, we find that the slowness of their -progression and incapacity for improvement is proportioned to the low -state of their civilization, thereby leading to the supposition that -they may have retained their arts with but slight modification from the -time of their branching from the parent stem, and may thus be taken -as the living representatives of our common ancestors in the various -successive stages of their advancement. - -Many examples of this immobility on the part of savages and -semi-civilized races may be given. - -[Illustration: PLATE VI.] - -Throughout the entire continent of Australia the weapons and implements -are alike, and of the simplest form, and the people are of the lowest -grade. The spear, the waddy, and the boomerang, with some stone -hatchets, are their only weapons; but amongst these it has been noticed -that, like the implements of the drift, there are minute differences, -scarcely apparent to Europeans, but which enable a native to determine -at a glance to what tribe a weapon belongs.[15] This, whilst it -proves a tendency to vary their forms, shows at the same time either -an incapacity, or, what answers the same purpose, a retarding power -or prejudice, which prevents their effecting more than the smallest -appreciable degree of change. In the island of Tahiti, Captain Cook -was unable to make the natives (a superior race to the Australians) -appreciate the uses of metal, until he had caused his armourer to -construct an iron adze (Plate VI, fig. 1 _a_)[16] of precisely the -same form as their own adzes of basalt (Fig. 1 _b_). After that, metal -tools came into general use amongst them, though their old forms are -in a great measure preserved to this day. When, during the American -War, the English endeavoured to utilize the Indians by arming them, -they were compelled to construct for them tomahawks after their own -pattern, having a pipe in the handle (Fig. 2). When the Purus Indians -of South America receive a knife from Europeans they break off the -handle, and fashion the knife according to their own ideas, placing the -blade between two pieces of wood, and binding it round tight with a -sinew.[17] The natives of Samoa now use iron adzes, constructed after -the exact pattern of their ancient stone ones.[18] The Fiji Islanders, -though they have now the means of obtaining good blades and chisels -from Sheffield, and axes from America, prefer plane irons to any other -form of implement, because they are able to fix them by lashing them -on to their handles in the same fashion as the ancient stone adzes of -their own manufacture, which they resemble.[19] The Andaman Islanders -use the European metal that falls into their hands, only to grind it -down into spear- and arrow-heads of the same form as their stone ones. -The same applies to the whole of the Aborigines of North and South -America, which have stood by, for nearly three centuries, passive -spectators of the arts of Europeans, without attempting to copy them. -Crawfurd, in his _History of the Indian Archipelago_,[20] comments -on the obstinate adherence of the Javanese to ancient customs, in -accounting for the kris having been retained by them long after the -causes which produced that peculiar weapon had ceased to operate. -Tylor, in his account of the Anahuac, observes upon the preservation -of old types amongst the present inhabitants of Mexico, which have -remained almost unchanged from generation to generation, enabling -the historian to distinguish clearly those which are of Aztec from -those which are of Spanish origin.[21] Herodotus describes the spears -carried by the Ethiopians in the army of Xerxes as being armed with the -sharpened horn of the antelope.[22] Consul Petherick found still in -use by the Djibba negroes, more than two thousand years after, these -identical spears, armed with the straightened and sharpened horn of the -antelope, and their other weapons also resembled in character those -described by Herodotus, although they had passed from the stone weapons -then used, into an age of metal.[23] The Scythian bow (Plate VI, fig. -3) is the bow still used by the whole of the Tartar races (Fig. 4). -The celt of the Tartar, and the celt and sword of the Negro (Fig. 5) -are still the celt and sword of the European bronze period (Fig. 6), -and this resemblance is not confined to the general outline of the -weapons, but extends to the style and patterns of ornamentation. The -same identity of form exists between the 'manillas' (Fig. 7) used as a -medium of exchange in the Eboe country of West Africa and the so-called -penannular rings or ring money (Fig. 8) of gold and bronze which are -found in Ireland, and which, with some modifications, belong also to -Germany and the Swiss Lakes. The corrugated iron blade of the Kaffir -assegai, a section of which is shown in Fig. 9, and which is used also -in Central and West Africa, is identical with those found in the Saxon -graves (Fig. 10), and is intended to give a spiral motion to these -missiles. Chevalier Folard observes that the Gauls were remarkable for -the tenacity with which they clung to their ancient customs, while the -Romans, their conquerors, are mentioned by all historians as peculiar -in their time for the facility with which they adopted the customs of -others, and developed their own.[24] In modern Europe, the Gipsies have -also been noticed as being distinguished from the Europeans in all -the various localities in which they are found, for their remarkable -adherence to especial arts, savouring of an extinct civilization. -Amongst the Chinese and Hindoos, the conservatism which has caused them -to remain for ages in nearly the same condition is too well known to -require comment. It will, however, be remembered (in illustration of -the fact that customs of minor importance often survive great political -changes, and serve to keep up the continuity that would otherwise be -broken), that after the Manchu Tartars had conquered and established -themselves in the Chinese territory, they were nearly driven again -from the country, on account of their forcing upon the subject people -the custom of wearing pigtails, after the fashion of their conquerors; -showing how difficult it is to ingraft, upon an alien race, customs -that are not indigenous. - -These, and many other notices of a similar character that are to -be found in the pages of travel, establish it as a maxim, that the -existing races, in their respective stages of progression, may be -taken as the bona fide representatives of the races of antiquity; -and, marvellous as it may appear to us in these days of rapid -progress, their habits and arts, even to the form of their rudest -weapons, have continued in many cases, with but slight modifications, -unchanged throughout countless ages, and from periods long prior to -the commencement of history. They thus afford us living illustrations -of the social customs, the forms of government, laws, and warlike -practices, which belonged to the ancient races from which they remotely -sprang, whose implements, resembling, with but little difference, -their own, are now found low down in the soil, in situations, and -under circumstances in which, alone, they would convey but little -evidence to the antiquary, but which, when the investigations of the -antiquary are interpreted by those of the ethnologist, are teeming with -interesting revelations respecting the past history of our race; and -which, in the hands of the anthropologist, in whose science that of -antiquity and ethnology are combined with physiology and geology, are -no doubt destined to throw a flood of light, if not eventually, in a -great measure, to clear up the mystery, which now hangs over everything -connected with the origin of mankind. - -That such a combination of the sciences should have been brought about -so opportunely in our days, appears to me to be one of those many -indications of an overruling power directing in the aggregate the minds -of men, which must, at all times, strike even the most superficial -observer of nature; for there can be little doubt that in a few years -all the most barbarous races will have disappeared from the earth, or -will have ceased to preserve their native arts. - -The law which consigns to destruction all savage races when brought -in contact with a civilization much higher than their own, is now -operating with unrelenting fury in every part of the world. Of the -aborigines of Tasmania, not a single individual remains; those of New -Zealand are fast disappearing. The Australian savage dies out before -the advancing European. North and South America, and the Polynesian -Islands, all tell the same tale. Wherever the generous influences of -Christianity have set foot, there they have been accompanied by the -scourge. Innumerable and often unseen causes combine in effecting the -same purpose; diseases which are but little felt by Europeans, act as -plagues when introduced into uncivilized communities, and cause them -to fall before their ravages, like wheat before the sickle; and the -vices of civilization, taking a firmer hold of the savages than its -virtues, aid and abet in the same work. The labours of the missionary, -if they have produced no other benefit, have been useful in teaching -us the great truth, that notwithstanding the philanthropic efforts -of the intruding race, the law of nature must be vindicated. The -savage is morally and mentally an unfit instrument for the spread of -civilization, except when, like the higher mammalia, he is reduced to -a state of slavery; his occupation is gone, and his place is required -for an improved race. Allowing for the rapidly increasing ratio in -which progress advances, it is not too much to assume, that in half a -century from the present time, savage life will have ceased to have a -single true representative on the face of the globe, and the evidence -which it has been the means of handing down to our generation will have -perished with it. - -When we find that the condition of the aboriginal man must have -been one of such complete inanity as to render him incapable of -spontaneously initiating even the most rudimentary arts, it follows -as a matter of course that in the earliest stages of his career, he -must, like children of our own day, have been subject to compulsory -instruction. And in looking to nature for the sources from which such -early instruction must have been derived, we need not, I think, be long -in coming to the conclusion, that the school of our first parent must -be sought for in his struggles for mastery with the brute creation, -and that, consequently, his first lessons must have been directed to -attaining proficiency in the art of war. - -Hence it follows that it is to the lower animals that we must look -for the origin of all those branches of primitive warfare which it is -the object of this lecture to trace out. Nor indeed shall we fail to -find abundant evidence that there is hardly a single branch of human -industry which may not reasonably be attributed to the same source. - -The province of war extends downward through the animal kingdom, -showing unmistakable evidence of its existence in forms, offensive -and defensive, differing but little from those of the human era, -through the unnumbered ages of the geological periods, long prior to -man's advent; proving, beyond the possibility of doubt, that from the -remotest age in which we find evidence of organized beings, war has -been ordained to an important function in the creative process. - -Judging by results, which I apprehend is the only true method of -investigating the phenomena of life, three primary instincts appear -to have been implanted in nearly all the higher animals[25]: -alimentiveness, for the sustenance of life; amativeness, for the -propagation of species; and combativeness, for the protection of -species, and the propagation by natural selection of the most energetic -breeds; on which latter subject much important information has been -given to the world by Mr. Darwin, in his celebrated work on the origin -of species. - -Much might, I believe, be said on the connexion which subsists between -these functions, all of which are, in some form or other, necessary to -a healthy condition. Suffice, however, to observe, that as regards the -dawn of an Utopia, in which some men who think themselves practical -appear to indulge; whether we study the subject by observing the -uses to which animals apply the various and ingeniously constructed -weapons with which Providence has armed them, or whether we view it in -relation to the prodigious armaments of all the most civilized nations -of Europe, we find no more evidence in nature, of a state of society -in which wars shall cease, than we do of a state of existence in which -we shall support life without food, or propagate our species by other -means than those which nature has appointed. - -The universality of the warlike element is shown in the fact, that the -classifications of the weapons of men and animals are identical, and -may be treated under the same heads. - -Many constructive arts are brought to greater perfection in animals -by the development of faculties, especially adapting them to the -peculiar implements with which nature has furnished them, than can be -attained by man, and especially by the aboriginal man, whose particular -attribute appears, by all analogy of savage life, to have been an -increase of that imitative faculty which, in the lower creation, is -found only in a modified degree in apes. - -The lower creation would thus furnish man not only with the first -element of instruction, but with examples for the improvement of the -work commenced, or, to use the words of Pope:-- - - From the creatures thy instructions take, - Thy arts of building from the bee receive; - Learn from the mole to plough, the worm to weave; - Learn from the little nautilus to sail, - Spread the thin oars, and catch the driving gale; - Here, too, all forms of social reason find, - And hence let reason late instruct mankind.[26] - -In the art of war, as we shall see, he would not only derive his first -instruction from the beasts, but he would improve his means of offence -and defence from time to time by lessons derived from the same source. - -It therefore appears desirable that, before entering upon that branch -of the subject which relates to the _progress_ and _development_ of -the art of war, I should point out briefly the analogies which exist -between the weapons, tactics, and stratagems of savages and those of -the lower creation, and show to what extent man appears to have availed -himself of the weapons of animals for his own defence. - -In so doing the subject may be classified as follows:-- - -_Classification of the Weapons of Animals and Savages._ - - Defensive. Offensive. Stratagems. - Hides. Piercing. Flight. - Solid plates. Striking. Concealment. - Jointed plates. Serrated. Tactics. - Scales. Poisoned. Columns. - Missiles. Leaders. - Outposts. - Artificial defences. - War cries. - -Firstly, with respect to the combative principle itself. The identity -of this instinct in men and animals may be seen in the widely-spread -custom of baiting animals against each other, a practice which is not -derived from any one source, but is indigenous in the countries in -which it prevails, and arises from the inherent sympathy which exists -between men and animals in the exercise of this particular function. - -In the island of Tahiti, long before the first European vessel was seen -off their shores, the inhabitants were accustomed to train and fight -cocks, which were fed with great care, and kept upon finely-carved -perches.[27] Cock-fighting also prevails amongst the Malays, Celebes, -and Balinese. The Javanese fight their cocks like the Mahommedans -of Hindustan, without spurs; the Malays, Bugis, and Macassars with -artificial spurs shaped like a scythe.[28] It also prevails in Central -Africa, Central America, and Peru. The Sumatrans fight their cocks for -vast sums; a man has been known to stake his wife and children, son, -mother, or sister on the issue of a battle, and when a dispute occurs, -the owners decide the question by an appeal to the sword. In like -manner Adrastus, the son of Midas, King of Phrygia, is said to have -killed his brother in consequence of a quarrel which took place between -them in regard to a battle of quails. - -When Themistocles led the Greeks out against the Persians, happening -to see two cocks fight, he showed them as an example to his soldiers. -Cock-fighting was afterwards exhibited annually in presence of the -whole people, and the crowing of a cock was ever after regarded as a -presage of victory.[29] - -The Javanese also fight hogs and rams together. The buffalo and -tiger are matched against each other. In Butan the combat is between -two bulls. Combats of elephants took place for the amusement of the -early Indian kings. The Chinese and Javanese fight quails, crickets, -and fish. The Romans fought cocks, quails, and partridges, also the -rhinoceros. In Stamboul two rams are employed for fighting. The -Russians fight geese, and the betting runs very high upon them.[30] -We find horses, elephants, and oxen standing side by side with man in -hostile array, and dogs were used by the Gauls for the same purpose. -Amongst the ancients, the horse, the wolf, and the cock were offered on -the altar of Mars for their warlike qualities. - -Who can doubt with these examples before us, that an instinct so widely -disseminated and so identical in men and animals, must have been -ordained for special objects? - -The causes which give rise to the exercise of the function, vary with -the advance of civilization. We have now ceased to take delight in the -mere exhibition of brute combats, but the profession of war is still -held in as much esteem as at any previous period in the history of -mankind, and we bestow the highest honours of the State upon successful -combatants. - -This, however, leads to another subject, viz. the causes of war amongst -primitive races, which is deserving of separate treatment. - - -_Defensive Weapons._ - -We may pass briefly over the defensive weapons of animals and savages, -not by any means from the analogy being less perfect in this class of -weapons, but rather because the similarity is too obvious to make it -necessary that much stress should be laid on their resemblance. - -_Hides._ The thick hides of pachydermatous animals correspond to the -quilted armour of ancient and semi-civilized races. Some animals, like -the rhinoceros and hippopotamus, are entirely armed in this way; others -have their defences on the most vulnerable part, as the mane of the -lion, and the shoulder pad of the boar.[31] The skin of the tiger is of -so tough and yielding a nature, as to resist the horn of the buffalo -when driven with full force against its sides.[32] The condor of Peru -has such a thick coating of feathers, that eight or ten bullets may -strike without piercing it.[33] - -[Illustration: PLATE VII.] - -According to Thucydides, the Locrians and Acarnanians, being professed -thieves and robbers, were the first to clothe themselves in armour.[34] -But as a general rule it may be said, that the opinions of ancient -writers upon the origin of the customs with which they were familiar, -are of little value in our days. There is, however, evidence to show -that the use of defensive armour is not usual amongst savages in the -lowest stages of culture. It is not employed, properly speaking, by -the Australians, the Bushmen, the Fuegians, or in the Fiji or Sandwich -Islands. But in other parts of the world, soon after men began to -clothe themselves in the skins of beasts, they appear to have used the -thicker hides of animals for purposes of defence. When the Esquimaux -apprehends hostility, he takes off his ordinary shirt, and puts on -a deer's skin, tanned in such a manner as to render it thick for -defence, and over this he again draws his ordinary shirt, which is -also of deer-skin, but thinner in substance. The Esquimaux also use -armour of eider drake's skin.[35] The Abipones and Indians of the Grand -Chako arm themselves with a cuirass, greaves, and helmet, composed -of the thick hide of the tapir, but they no longer use it against the -musketry of the Europeans.[36] The Yucanas also use shields of the same -material. The war-dress of a Patagonian chief from the Museum of the -Institution is exhibited (Plate VII, figs. 11, 12); it is composed of -seven thicknesses of hide, probably of the horse, upon the body, and -three on the sleeves. The chiefs of the Musgu negroes of Central Africa -use for defence a strong doublet of the same kind, made of buffalo's -hide with the hair inside.[37] The Kayans of Borneo use hide for -their war-dress, as shown by a specimen belonging to the Institution -(Fig. 13). The skin of the bear and panther is most esteemed for this -purpose.[38] The inhabitants of Pulo Nias, an island off the western -coast of Sumatra, use for armour a 'baju' made of leather. In some -parts of Egypt a breastplate was made of the back of the crocodile -(Fig. 14). In the island of Cayenne, in 1519, the inhabitants used a -breastplate of buffalo's hide.[39] The Lesghi of Tartary wore armour -of hog's skin.[40] The Indians of Chili, in the seventeenth century, -wore corselets, back and breast plates, gauntlets, and helmets of -leather, so hardened, that it is described by Ovalle as being equal -to metal.[41] According to Strabo (p. 306), the German Rhoxolani wore -helmets, and breastplates of bull's hide, though the Germans generally -placed little reliance in defensive armour. The Ethiopians used the -skins of cranes and ostriches for their armour.[42] - -[Illustration: PLATE VIII.] - -We learn from Herodotus that it was from the Libyans the Greeks derived -the apparel and aegis of Minerva, as represented upon her images, but -instead of a pectoral of scale armour, that of the Libyans was merely -of skin.[43] According to Smith's _Dict. of Gr. and Roman Antiquities_ -(s.v. _lorica_), the Greek 'thorax', called ~stadios~, from its standing -erect by its own stiffness, was originally of leather, before it was -constructed of metal. In Meyrick's _Ancient Armour_, there is the -figure of a suit, supposed formerly to have belonged to the Rajah of -Guzerat (Plate VIII, fig. 15). The body part of this suit is composed -of four pieces of rhinoceros hide, showing that, in all probability, -this was the material originally employed for that particular class of -armour, which is now produced of the same form in metal, a specimen of -which, from the Museum of the Institution, taken from the Sikhs, is now -exhibited (Fig. 16). - -[Illustration: PLATE IX.] - -In more advanced communities, as skins began to be replaced by woven -materials, quilted armour supplied the place of hides. In those parts -of the Polynesian Islands in which armour is used, owing probably -to the absence of suitable skins, woven armour appears to have been -employed in a comparatively low state of society. Specimens of this -class of armour from the Museum of the Institution are exhibited; they -are from the Kingsmill Islands, Pleasant Island, and the Sandwich -Islands. A helmet from the latter place (Pl. VIII, fig. 17) much -resembles the Grecian in form, while the under tippet, from Pleasant -Island (Pl. VII, fig. 18), may be compared to the pectoral of the -Egyptians (Fig. 19, _a_ and _b_), which, as well as the head-dress (Pl. -VIII, fig. 20), was of a thickly quilted material. The Egyptians wore -this pectoral up to the time of Xerxes, who employed their sailors, -armed in this way, during his expedition into Greece. Herodotus says -that the Indians of Asia wore a thorax of rush matting.[44] In 1514, -Magellan[45] found tunics of quilted cotton, called 'laudes', in -use by the Muslims of Guzerat and the Deccan. An Indian helmet of -this description from my collection (Fig. 21) is exhibited; in form -it resembles the Egyptian, and an Ethiopian one (Fig. 22), composed -of beads of the same form, brought from Central Africa by Consul -Petherick, is exhibited. Fig. 23 shows that the same form, in India, -was subsequently produced in metal. A suit of quilted armour formerly -belonging to Koer Singh, and lately presented to the Institution by Sir -Vincent Eyre, is also exhibited (Plate VII, fig. 24). The body armour -and helmet found upon Tippoo Sahib at his death, which are now in the -Museum of the Institution (Plate IX, fig. 25, _a_, _b_, and _c_), were -thickly quilted. Upon the breast, this armour consists of two sheets -of parchment, and nine thicknesses of padding composed of cocoons of -the _Saturnia mylitta_, stuffed with the wool of the _Eriodendron -anfractuosum, D.C._, neatly sewn together, as represented in fig. 25 -_b_.[46] The Aztecs and Peruvians also guarded themselves with a wadded -cotton doublet.[47] Quilted armour or thick linen corselets were used -by the Persians, Phoenicians, Chalybes, Assyrians, Lusitanians, and -Scythians, by the Greeks, and occasionally by the Romans.[48] By the -Persians it was used much later; and in Africa to this day, quilted -armour, of precisely the same description, is used both for men and -horses by the Bornouese of Central Africa, and is described by Denham -and Clapperton[49] (Plate VIII, fig. 26). Plate VII, fig. 27, is a suit -of armour in the Institution, from the Navigator Islands, composed of -coco-nut fibre coarsely netted. Fig. 28 is part of a Chinese jacket of -sky-blue cotton, quilted with enclosed plates of iron; it is precisely -similar to the 'brigandine jacket' used in Europe in the sixteenth -century, which was composed of 'small plates of iron quilted within -some stuff', and 'covered generally with sky-blue cloth'.[50] This -class of armour may be regarded as a link connecting the quilted with -the scale armour, to be described hereafter. - -As a material for shields, the hides of animals were employed even more -universally, and up to a later stage of civilization. In North America -the majority of the wild tribes use shields of the thickest parts of -the hides of the buffalo.[51] In the New Hebrides the skin of the -alligator is used for this purpose, as appears by a specimen belonging -to the Institution. In Africa the Fans of the Gaboon employ the hide of -the elephant for their large, rectangular shields.[52] The Wadi, the -Wagogo, and the Abyssinians in East Africa, have shields of buffalo's -hide, or some kind of leather, like the Ethiopians of the time of -Herodotus. The ox-hide shields of the Greeks are mentioned in Homer's -_Iliad_; that of Ajax was composed of seven hides with a coating of -brass on the outside. The spear of Hector is described as piercing six -of the hides and the brass coating, remaining fixed in the seventh -hide.[53] The Kaffirs, Bechuanas, Basutos, and others in South Africa, -use the hide of the ox.[54] The Kelgeres, Kelowi, and Tawarek, of -Central Africa, employ the hide of the Leucoryx antelope.[55] Shields -of the rhinoceros hide, from Nubia, and of the ox, from Fernando Po, -are exhibited. In Asia the Biluchi carry shields of the rhinoceros -horn, and the same material is also used in East Africa. A specimen -from Zanzibar is in the Institution. In the greater part of India the -shields are made of rhinoceros and buffalo's hide, boiled in oil, until -they sometimes become transparent, and are proof against the edge of a -sabre.[56] - -In a higher state of civilization, as the facilities for constructing -shields of improved materials increased, the skins of animals were -still used to cover the outside. Thus the negroes of the Gold Coast -made their shields of osier covered with leather.[57] That of the -Kanembu of Central Africa is of wood covered with leather,[58] and very -much resembles in form that of the Egyptians, which, as we learn from -Meyrick and others, was also covered with leather, having the hair on -the outside like the shields of the Greeks.[59] The Roman 'scutum' was -of wood covered with linen and sheepskin. According to the author of -_Horae Ferales_, the Saxon shield was of wood covered with leather; the -same applies to the Scotch target, and leather was used as a covering -for shields as late as the time of Henry VIII. - -_Head Crests._ The origin of the hairy crests of our helmets is clearly -traceable to the custom of wearing for head-dresses the heads and hair -of animals. The Asiatic Ethiopians used as a head-covering, the skin -of a horse's head, stripped from the carcase together with the ears -and mane, and so contrived, that the mane served for a crest, while -the ears appeared erect upon the head (Hdt. vii. 70). In the coins -representing Hercules, he appears wearing a lion's skin upon the head. -These skins were worn in such a manner that the teeth appeared grinning -at the enemy over the head of the wearer (as represented in Plate -VIII, fig. 29, which is taken from a bronze in the Blacas collection), -a custom which seems also to have prevailed in Mexico.[60] Similar -head-dresses are worn by the soldiers on Trajan's Column. The horns -worn on the heads of some of the North American Indians (Fig. 30), and -in some parts of Africa[61], are no doubt derived from this practice -of wearing on the head the skins of animals with their appendages. -The helmet of Pyrrhus, King of Epirus, was surmounted by two goat's -horns. Horns were afterwards represented in brass, on the helmets of -the Thracians (Fig. 31), the Belgic Gauls, and others. Fig. 32 is an -ancient British helmet of bronze lately found in the Thames, surmounted -by straight horns of the same material.[62] Horned helmets are figured -on the ancient vases. Fig. 33 is a Greek helmet having horns of brass, -and traces of the same custom may still be observed in heraldry.[63] - -The practice of wearing head-dresses of feathers, to distinguish the -chiefs from the rank and file, is universal in all parts of the world, -and in nearly every stage of civilization. Amongst the North American -Indians the feathers are cut in a particular manner to denote the rank -of the wearer, precisely in the same manner that the long feathers -of our general officers distinguish them from those wearing shorter -feathers in subordinate ranks. This custom, Mr. Schoolcraft observes, -when describing the head-dresses of the American Indians, may very -probably be derived from the feathered creation, in which the males, in -most of the cock, turkey, and pheasant tribes, are crowned with bright -crests and ornaments of feathers.[64] - -_Solid Plates._ It has often struck me as remarkable that the shells of -the tortoise and turtle, which are so widely distributed and so easily -captured, and which would appear to furnish shields ready made to the -hand of man, should seldom, if ever, in so far as I have been able -to learn, be used by savages for that purpose. This may, however, be -accounted for by the fact that _broad_ shields of that particular form, -though common in more advanced civilizations, are never found in the -hands of savages, at least in those localities in which the turtle, or -large tortoise, is available. - -It will be seen subsequently, in tracing the history of the shield, -that in the rudest condition of savage life, this weapon of defence has -a history of its own; that both in Africa and Australia it is derived -by successive stages from the stick or club, and that the broad shield -does not appear to have been developed until after mankind had acquired -sufficient constructive skill to have been able to form shields of -lighter and more suitable materials than is afforded by the shell of -the turtle. It is, however, evident that in later times the analogy -was not lost sight of, as the word 'testudo' is a name given by the -Romans to several engines of war having shields attached to them, and -especially to that particular formation of the legionary troops, in -which they approached a fortified building with their shields joined -together, and overlapping, like the scaly shell of the imbricated -turtle, which is a native of the Mediterranean and Asiatic seas. - -_Jointed Plates._ In speaking of the jointed plates, so common to all -the crustacea, it is sufficient to notice that this class of defence in -the animal kingdom, may be regarded as the prototype of that peculiar -form of armour which was used by the Romans, and to which the French, -at the commencement of the seventeenth century, gave the name of -'écrevisse', from its resemblance to the shell of a lobster. The fluted -armour, common in Persia, and in the middle ages of Europe, is also -constructed in exact imitation of the corrugated shell defences of a -large class of the Mollusca. - -_Scale Armour._ That scale armour derived its origin from the scales of -animals, there can be little doubt. It has been stated on the authority -of Arrian (_Tact._ 13. 14), that the Greeks distinguished scale armour -by the term ~lepidôtos~, expressive of its resemblance to the scales of -fish; whilst the jointed armour, composed of long flexible bands, like -the armour of the Roman soldier, and the 'écrevisse' of the middle -ages, was called ~pholidôtos~ from its resemblance to the scales of -serpents. The brute origin of scale armour is well illustrated by the -breastplate of the Bugo Dyaks, a specimen of which, from the Museum -of the Institution, is represented in Plate IX, fig. 34. The process -of its construction was described in a notice attached to a specimen -of this armour in the Exhibition of 1862. The scales of the Pangolin -are collected by the Bugis as they are thrown off by the animal, and -are stitched on to bark with small threads of cane, so as to overlap -each other in the same manner that they are arranged on the skin of -the animal. When the front piece is completely covered with scales, a -hole is cut in the bark for the head of the wearer. The specimen now -exhibited appears, however, to be composed of the entire skin of the -animal. Captain Grant, in his _Walk across Africa_, mentions that the -scales of the armadillo are in like manner collected by the negroes of -East Africa, and worn in a belt 'three inches across', as a charm.[65] - -It is reasonable to suppose that the use of scale armour, in most -countries, originated in this manner by sewing on to the quilted armour -before described, fragments of any hard material calculated to give -it additional strength. Plate VIII, fig. 35, is a piece of bark from -Tahiti, studded with pieces of coco-nut stitched on. The Sarmatians and -Quadi are described by Ammianus Marcellinus as being protected by a -'lorica', composed of pieces of horn, planed and polished, and fastened -like feathers upon a linen shirt.[66] Pausanias also, who is confirmed -by Tacitus, says that the Sarmatians had large herds of horses, that -they collected the hoofs, and after preparing them for the purpose, -sewed them together, with the nerves and sinews of the same animal, -so as to overlap each other like the surface of a fir cone, and he -adds, that the 'lorica' thus formed was not inferior to that of the -Greeks either in strength or elegance. The Emperor Domitian had, after -this model, a cuirass of boar's hoofs stitched together.[67] Fig. 36 -represents a fragment of scale armour made of horn, found at Pompeii. -A very similar piece of armour (Fig. 37), from some part of Asia, said -to be from Japan, but the actual locality of which is not known, is -figured in Meyrick's _Ancient Armour_, pl. iii. 1. It is made of the -hoofs of some animal, stitched and fastened so as to hold together -without the aid of a linen corselet. An ancient stone figure[68] -(Plate IX, fig. 38), having an inscription in a character cognate to -the Greek, but in an unknown language, and covered with armour of this -description, is represented in the third volume of the _Journal of the -Archaeological Association_. The Kayans, inhabiting the eastern coast -of Borneo, form a kind of armour composed of little shells placed one -overlapping the other, like scales, and having a large mother-of-pearl -shell at the end. This last portion of the armour is shown in the -figure of the Kayan war-dress already referred to (Plate VII, fig. 13). -Plate VIII, fig. 39, is a back- and breast-piece of armour from the -Sandwich Islands, composed of seals' teeth, set like scales, and united -with string. - -Similar scales would afterwards be constructed in bronze and iron. -It was thus employed by the Egyptians (Plate IX, fig. 40), two scales -of which are shown in Fig. 41; also by the Persians, Assyrians, -Philistines, Dacians, and most ancient nations. - -The armour of Goliath is believed to have been of scales, from the -fact of the word 'kaskassim', used in the text of 1 Sam. xvii, -being the same employed in Leviticus and Ezekiel, to express the -scales of fish.[69] Amongst the Romans, scale armour was regarded as -characteristic of barbarians, but they appear to have adopted it in the -time of the Emperors. A suit of Japanese armour in my collection shows -four distinct systems of defence, the back and breast being of solid -plates, the sleeves and leggings composed of small pieces of iron, -stitched on to cloth, and united with chain, whilst other portions are -quilted with enclosed pieces of iron (Fig. 42, _a_ and _b_). Fig. 43, -_a_ and _b_, is a suit of Chinese armour, in the Museum, having large -iron scales on the inside (Fig. 44). This system was also employed in -Europe. Fig. 45 is the inner side of a suit of 'jazerine' armour of the -fifteenth or sixteenth century, in my collection. Fig. 46 represents -a similar suit in the Museum of the Institution, probably of the same -date, having large scales of iron on the outside. A last vestige of -scale armour may be seen in the dress of the Albanians, which, like the -Scotch and ancient Irish kilt, and that formerly worn by the Maltese -peasantry, is a relic of costume of the Greek and Roman age. In the -Albanian jacket the scales are still represented in gold embroidery.[70] - - -_Offensive Weapons of Men and Animals._ - -[Illustration: PLATE X.] - -_Piercing Weapons._ The Gnu of South Africa, when pressed, will attack -men, bending its head downwards, so as to pierce with the point of -its horn.[71] The same applies to many of the antelope tribe. The -rhinoceros destroys the elephant with the thrust of its horn, ripping -up the belly (Plate X, fig. 47). The horn rests on a strong arch formed -by the nasal bones; those of the African rhinoceros, two in number, -are fixed to the nose by a strong apparatus of muscles and tendons, -so that they are loose when the animal is in a quiescent state, but -become firm and immovable when he is enraged, showing in an especial -manner that this apparatus is destined for warlike purposes.[72] It -is capable of piercing the ribs of a horse, passing through saddle, -padding, and all.[73] Mr. Atkinson, in his Siberian travels, speaks of -the tusk of the wild boar, which in those parts is long, and as sharp -as a knife, and he describes the death of a horse which was killed -by a single stroke from this animal, delivered in the chest.[74] The -buffalo charges at full speed with its horn down.[75] The bittern, with -its beak, aims always at the eye.[76] The walrus (Fig. 48) attacks -fiercely with its pointed tusks, and will attempt to pierce the side -of a boat with them.[77] The needle-fish of the Amazons is armed -with a long pointed lance.[78] The same applies to the sword-fish of -the Mediterranean and Atlantic (Fig. 49), which, notwithstanding its -food is mostly vegetable, attacks the whale with its spear-point on -all occasions of meeting. There is an instance on record, of a man, -whilst bathing in the Severn near Worcester, having been killed by the -sword-fish. - -The weapon of the sword-fish is used as a spear-head by the wild tribes -of Cambodia, and some idea may be formed of its efficiency for this -purpose, and of the confidence with which it is used, by the following -account of an attack on a rhinoceros with this weapon, by Mons. -Mouhot.[79] He says:-- - -'The manner in which the rhinoceros is hunted by the Laotians is -curious, on account of its simplicity and the skill they display.... -They had bamboos, with iron blades, something between a bayonet and a -poignard. The weapon of the chief was the horn of a sword-fish, long, -sharp, strong, supple, and not likely to break. Thus armed, we set -off into the thickest part of the forest, with all the windings of -which our leader was familiar, and could tell with tolerable certainty -where we should find our expected prey. After penetrating nearly two -miles into the forest, we suddenly heard the crackling of branches, and -rustling of the dry leaves. The chief went on in advance, signing to us -to keep a little way behind, but to have our arms in readiness. Soon -our leader uttered a shrill cry, as a token that the animal was near; -he then commenced striking against each other two bamboo canes, and the -men set up wild yells to provoke the animal to quit his retreat. - -'A few minutes only elapsed before he rushed towards us, furious at -having been disturbed. He was a rhinoceros of the largest size, and -opened a most enormous mouth. Without any sign of fear, but on the -contrary of great exultation, as though sure of his prey, the intrepid -hunter advanced, lance in hand, and then stood still, waiting for the -creature's assault. I must say I trembled for him, and loaded my gun -with two balls; but when the rhinoceros came within reach, and opened -his immense jaws to seize his enemy[80], the hunter thrust his lance -into him to a depth of some feet, and calmly retired to where we were -posted.' After the animal was dead, the chief withdrew his sword-fish -blade, and presented it to Mons. Mouhot. - -The narwhal has a still more formidable weapon of the same kind (Pl. -X, fig. 50). It attacks the whale, and occasionally the bottoms of -ships, a specimen of the effect of which attack, from the Museum of -the Institution, is represented in Fig. 51. The Esquimaux, who, in -the accounts which they give of their own customs, profess to derive -much experience from the habits of the animals amongst which they -live, use the narwhal's tusk for the points of their spears. Fig. -52 represents a 'nuguit' from Greenland, of the form mentioned by -Cranz[81]; it is armed with the point of the narwhal's tusk. Fig. 53, -from my collection, has the shaft also of narwhal's tusk; it is armed -with a metal blade, but it is introduced here in order to show the -association which existed in the mind of the constructor between his -weapon and the animal from which the shaft is derived, and for the -capture of which it is chiefly used. The wooden shaft, it will be seen, -is constructed in the form of the fish, and the ivory fore-shaft is -inserted in the snout in the exact position of that of the fish itself. -At Kotzebue Sound, Captain Beechey[82] found the natives armed with -lances composed of a walrus tooth fixed to the end of a wooden staff -(Fig. 54). They also employ the walrus tooth for the points of their -tomahawks (Fig. 55). The horns of the antelope are used as lance-points -by the Djibba negroes of Central Africa, as already mentioned (p. 52), -and in Nubia also by the Shillooks and Dinkas.[83] The antelope's -horn is also used in South Africa for the same purpose.[84] The argus -pheasant of India[85], the wing-wader of Australia[86], and the plover -of Central Africa[87], have spurs on their wings, with which they -fight; the cock and turkey have spurs on their feet, used expressly -for offence. The white crane of America has been known to drive its -beak deep into the bowels of a hunter.[88] The Indians of Virginia, in -1606, are described as having arrows armed with the spurs of the turkey -and beaks of birds.[89] In the Christy collection there is an arrow, -supposed to be from South America, which is armed with the natural -point of the deer's horn (Fig. 56). The war-club of the Iroquois, -called GA-NE-U´-GA-O-DUS-HA, or 'deer-horn war-club', was armed with -a point of the deer's horn (Fig. 57), about 4 inches in length; since -communication with Europeans, a metal point has been substituted -(Fig. 58). It appears highly probable that the 'martel-de-fer' of the -fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, which is also used in India and -Persia, may have been derived, as its form indicates, from a horn -weapon of this kind. Horn points suitable for arming such weapons have -been found both in England and Ireland, two specimens of which are -in my collection.[90] The weapon of the sting-ray, from the method of -using it by the animal itself, should more properly be classed with -serrated weapons, but it is a weapon in general use amongst savages for -spear or arrow points (Fig. 59), for which it has the particular merit -of breaking off in the wound. It causes a frightful wound, and being -sharply serrated, as well as pointed, there is no means of cutting -it out. It is used in this way by the inhabitants of Gambier Island, -Samoa[91], Otaheite[92], the Fiji Islands[93], Pellew Islands[94], and -many of the Low Islands. Amongst the savages of tropical South America, -the blade of the ray, probably the _Trygon histrix_, is used for -arrow-points.[95] - -In the _Balistes capriscus_ (Fig. 60 _a_), a rare British fish, the -anterior dorsal is preceded by a strong erectile spine, which is -used for piercing other fishes from beneath. Its base is expanded -and perforated, and a bolt from the supporting plate passes freely -through it. When this spine is raised, a hollow at the back receives a -prominence from the next bony ray, which fixes the spine in an erect -position, as the hammer of a gun-lock acts at full-cock, and the spine -cannot be forced down till this prominence is withdrawn, as by pulling -the trigger. This mechanism may be compared to the fixing and unfixing -of a bayonet; when the spine is unfixed and bent down, it is received -into a groove on the supporting plate, and offers no impediment to the -progress of the fish through the water. These fishes are also found in -a fossil state, and, to use the words of Professor Owen, from whose -work this description of the _Balistes_ is borrowed, exemplify in a -remarkable manner the efficacy, beauty, and variety of the ancient -armoury of that order.[96] The stickleback is armed in a similar -manner, and is exceedingly pugnacious. The _Cottus diceraus, Pall._ -(Fig. 60 _b_), has a multi-barbed horn on its back, exactly resembling -the spears of the Esquimaux, South American, and Australian savages. -The _Naseus fronticornis, Lac._ (Fig. 60 _c_), has also a spear-formed -weapon. The Yellow-bellied Acanthurus is armed with a spine of -considerable length upon its tail. - -The Australians of King George's Sound use the pointed fin of the -roach to arm their spears[97]; the inhabitants of New Guinea also arm -their arrows with the offensive horn of the saw-fish, and with the -claw of the cassowary. The sword of the Limulus, or king-crab, is an -offensive weapon; its habits do not appear to be well understood, but -its weapon is used in some of the Malay islands for arrow-points (Fig. -61). The natives of San Salvador, when discovered by Columbus, used -lances pointed with the teeth of fish.[98] The spine of the Diodon is -also used for arrow-points (Fig. 62). Amongst other piercing weapons -suggested by the horns of animals may be noticed the Indian 'kandjar' -composed of one side of the horn of the buffalo, having the natural -form and point (Fig. 63). In later times a metal dagger, with ivory -handle, was constructed in the same country (Fig. 64), after the exact -model of the one of horn, the handle having one side flat, in imitation -of the half-split horn, though of course that peculiar form was no -longer necessitated by the material then used. The same form of weapon -was afterwards used with a metal handle (Fig. 65). The sharp horns of -the 'sasin', or common antelope, often steel pointed, are still used -as offensive weapons in India (Figs. 66, 67, 68). Several examples -of these are in the Museum of the Institution. Three stages of this -weapon are exhibited, the first having the natural point, the second a -metal point, and the third a weapon of nearly the same form composed -entirely of metal. The Fakirs and Dervishes, not being permitted by -their profession to carry arms, use the pointed horn of the antelope -for this purpose. Fig. 69 is a specimen from my collection; from its -resemblance to the Dervishes' crutch of Western Asia, I presume it -can be none other than the one referred to in the _Journal of the -Archaeological Association_, from which I obtained this information -respecting the Dervishes' weapon.[99] Mankind would also early derive -instruction from the sharp thorns of trees, with which he must come -in contact in his rambles through the forests; the African mimosa, the -Gledischia, the American aloe, and the spines of certain palms, would -afford him practical experience of their efficacy as piercing weapons, -and accordingly we find them often used by savages in barbing their -arrows.[100] - -_Striking Weapons._ Many animals defend themselves by blows delivered -with their wings or legs; the giraffe kicks like a horse as well as -strikes sideways with its blunt horns; the camel strikes with its -fore legs and kicks with its hind legs; the elephant strikes with its -proboscis and tramples with its feet; eagles, swans, and other birds -strike with their wings; the swan is said to do so with sufficient -force to break a man's leg; the cassowary strikes forward with its -feet; the tiger strikes a fatal blow with its paw; the whale strikes -with its tail, and rams with such force, that the American whaler -_Essex_ is said to have been sunk by that animal.[101] There is no -known example of mankind in so low a state as to be unacquainted -with the use of artificial weapons. The practice of boxing with the -fist, however, is by no means confined to the British Isles as some -people seem to suppose, for besides the Romans, Lusitanians[102], and -others mentioned in classical history, it prevailed certainly in the -Polynesian islands[103] and in Central Africa.[104] - -_Serrated Weapons._ This class of weapons in animals corresponds to the -cutting weapons of men. Amongst the most barbarous races, however, as -amongst animals, no example of a cutting weapon is found[105]: although -the Polynesian islanders make very good knives of the split and -sharpened edges of bamboo, and the Esquimaux, also, use the split tusk -of the walrus as a knife, these cannot be regarded, nor, indeed, are -they used, as edged weapons. These, strictly speaking, are confined to -the metal age, and their place, in the earliest stages of civilization, -is supplied by weapons with serrated, or saw-like edges. - -[Illustration: PLATE XI.] - -Perhaps the nearest approach in the animal kingdom to an edged weapon -is the fore-arm of the mantis, a kind of cricket, used by the Chinese -and others in the East for their amusement. Their combats have been -compared to that of two soldiers fighting with sabres. They cut and -parry with their fore-arms, and, sometimes, a single stroke with these -is sufficient to decapitate, or cut in two the body of an antagonist. -But on closer inspection, these fore-arms are found to be set with a -row of strong and sharp spines, similar to those of all other animals -that are provided with this class of weapon. The snout of the saw-fish -is another example of the serrated weapon. Its mode of attacking the -whale is by jumping up high in the air, and falling on the animal, not -with the point, but with the sides of its formidable weapon, both edges -of which are armed with a row of sharp horns, set like teeth, by means -of which it rasps a severe cut in the flesh of the whale. The design -in this case is precisely analogous to that of the Australian savage, -who throws his similarly constructed spear so as to strike, not with -the bone point, but with its more formidable edges, which are thick set -with a row of sharp-pointed pieces of obsidian, or rock-crystal. The -saw-fish is amongst the most widely distributed of fishes, belonging -to the arctic, antarctic, and tropical seas. It may, therefore, very -possibly have served as a model in many of the numerous localities in -which this character of weapon is found in the hands of savages. The -snout itself is used as a weapon by the inhabitants of New Guinea, the -base being cut and bound round so as to form a handle. Plate XI, fig. -70, is a specimen from the Museum of the Institution. The weapon of -the sting-ray, though used by savages for spear-points, more properly -belongs to this class, as the mode of its employment by the animal -itself consists in twisting its long, slender tail round the object of -attack, and cutting the surface with its serrated edge.[106] The teeth -of all animals, including those of man himself, also furnish examples -of serrated weapons. - -When we find models of this class of weapon so widely distributed -in the lower creation, it is not surprising that the first efforts -of mankind in the construction of trenchant implements, should so -universally consist of teeth or flint flakes, arranged along the edges -of staves or clubs, in exact imitation of the examples which he finds -ready to his hand, in the mouths of the animals which he captures, -and on which he is dependent for his food. Several specimens of -implements, edged in this manner with sharks' teeth, from the Museum -of the Institution, are represented in Plate XI, figs. 71, 72, 73, -74. They are found chiefly in the Marquesas, in Tahiti, Depeyster's -Island, Byron's Isles, the Kingsmill Group, Radak Island[107], and -the Sandwich Islands[108], also in New Zealand (Fig. 75). They are of -various shapes, and are used for various cutting purposes, as knives, -swords, and glaives. Two distinct methods of fastening the teeth to -the wood prevail in the Polynesian Islands; firstly, by inserting them -in a groove cut in the sides of the stick or weapon; and secondly, by -arranging the teeth in a row, along the sides of the stick, between -two small strips of wood on either side of the teeth, lashed on to the -staff, in all cases, with small strings, composed of plant fibre. The -points of the teeth are usually arranged in two opposite directions on -the same staff, so that a severe cut may be given either in thrusting -or withdrawing the weapon.[109] - -A similarly constructed implement, also edged with sharks' teeth, -was found by Captain Graah on the east coast of Greenland, and is -mentioned in Dr. King's paper on the industrial arts of the Esquimaux, -in the _Journal of the Ethnological Society_.[110] The teeth in this -implement were secured by small nails, or pegs of bone; it was also -used formerly on the West Coast. A precisely similar implement (Fig. -76), but showing an advance in art by being set with a row of chips of -meteoric iron, was found amongst the Esquimaux of Davis Strait, and is -now in the department of meteorolites in the British Museum. Others, -of the same nature, from Greenland, are in the Christy collection -(Fig. 77). The 'pacho' of the South Sea Islands appears to have been a -sort of club, armed on the inner side with sharks' teeth, set in the -same manner.[111] The Tapoyers, of Brazil, used a kind of club, which -was broad at the end, and set with teeth and bones, sharpened at the -point.[112] - -Hernandez gives an account of the construction of the Mexican -'maquahuilt' or Aztec war-club, which was armed on both sides with a -row of obsidian flakes, stuck into holes, and fastened with a kind -of gum (Fig. 78).[113] Herrera, the Spanish historian, also mentions -these as swords of wood, having a groove in the fore part, in which -the flints were strongly fixed with bitumen and thread.[114] In 1530, -according to the Spanish historians, Copan was defended by 30,000 men, -armed with these weapons, amongst others[115]; and similar weapons -have been represented in the sculptures of Yucatan.[116] They are -also represented in Lord Kingsborough's important work on Mexican -antiquities, from which the accompanying representations are taken -(Figs. 78, 79, 80). One of these swords, having six pieces of obsidian -on each side of the blade, is to be seen in a Museum in Mexico. - -In the burial mounds of Western North America, Mr. Lewis Morgan, the -historian of the Iroquois,[117] mentions that rows of flint flakes have -been found lying, side by side, in order, and suggesting the idea that -they must have been fastened into sticks in the same manner as those of -Mexico and Yucatan. - -Throughout the entire continent of Australia the natives arm their -spears with small sharp pieces of obsidian, or crystal, and recently of -glass, arranged in rows along the sides near the point, and fastened -with a cement of their own preparation, thereby producing a weapon -which, though thinner in the shaft, is precisely similar in character -to those already described (Figs. 81 and 82). Turning again to the -northern hemisphere, we find in the Museum of Professor Nilsson, at -Lund, in Sweden, a smooth, sharp-pointed piece of bone, found in that -country, about six inches long, grooved on each side to the depth of -about a quarter of an inch, into each of which grooves a row of fine, -sharp-edged, and slightly-curved flints were inserted, and fixed with -cement. The instrument thus armed was fastened to the end of a shaft -of wood, and might either have been thrown by the hand or projected -from a bow (Fig. 83). Another precisely similar implement (Fig. 84) is -represented in the illustrated Catalogue of the Museum at Copenhagen, -showing that in both these countries this system of constructing -trenchant implements was employed. In Ireland, although there is no -actual evidence of flints having been set in this manner, yet from the -numerous examples of this class of weapon that are found elsewhere, and -the frequent occurrence of flint implements of a form that would well -adapt them to such a purpose, the author of the Catalogue of the Royal -Irish Academy expresses his opinion that the same arrangement may very -possibly have existed in that country, and that the wood in which they -were inserted may, like that which, as I have already said, is supposed -to have held the flints found in the graves of the Iroquois, have -perished by decay. - -_Poisoned Weapons._ It is unnecessary to enter here into a detailed -account of the use of poison by man and animals. Its use by man as a -weapon of offence is chiefly confined to those tropical regions in -which poisonous herbs and reptiles are most abundant. It is used by the -Negroes, Bushmen, and Hottentots of Africa; in the Indian Archipelago, -New Hebrides, and New Caledonia. It appears formerly to have been used -in the South Seas. It is employed in Bootan; in Assam; by the Stiens -of Cambodia; and formerly by the Moors of Mogadore. The Parthians and -Scythians used it in ancient times; and it appears always to have been -regarded by ancient writers as the especial attribute of barbarism. -The Italian bravoes of modern Europe also used it. In America it is -employed by the Darian Indians, in Guiana, Brazil, Peru, Paraguay, and -on the Orinoco. The composition of the poison varies in the different -races, the Bushmen and Hottentots using the venomous secretions of -serpents and caterpillars,[118] whilst most other nations of the world -employ the poisonous herbs of the different countries they inhabit, -showing that in all probability this must have been one of those arts -which, though of very early origin, arose spontaneously and separately -in the various quarters of the globe, after the human family had -separated. This subject, however, is deserving of a separate treatment, -and will be alluded to elsewhere. - -In drawing a parallel between the weapons of men and animals used -in the application of poison for offensive purposes, two points of -similitude deserve attention. - -Firstly, the poison gland of many serpents is situated on the upper -jaw, behind and below the eyes. A long excretory duct extends from -this gland to the outer surface of the upper jaw, and opens above -and before the poison teeth, by which means the poison flows along -the sheath into the upper opening of the tooth in such a manner as -to secure its insertion into the wound. The hollow interior of the -bones with which the South American and other Indians arm the poisoned -arrows secures the same object (Fig. 85); it contains the poisonous -liquid, and provides a channel for its insertion into the wound. In -the bravo's dagger of Italy, a specimen of which from my collection -is shown in Fig. 86, a similar provision for the insertion of the -poison is effected by means of a groove on either side of the blade, -communicating with two rows of small holes, into which the poison -flows, and is retained in that part of the blade which enters the -wound. Nearly similar blades, with holes, have been found in Ireland, -of which a specimen is in the Academy's Museum, and they have been -compared with others of the same kind from India, but I am not aware -that there is any evidence to show that they were used for poison. Some -of the Indian daggers, however, are constructed in close analogy with -the poison apparatus of the serpent's tooth, having an enclosed tube -running down the middle of the blade, communicating with a reservoir -for poison in the handle, and having lateral openings in the blade -for the diffusion of the poison in the wound. Similar holes, but -without any enclosed tube, and having only a groove on the surface -of the blade to communicate with the holes, are found in some of the -Scotch dirks, and in several forms of _couteau de chasse_, in which -they appear to have been used merely with a view of letting air into -the wound, and accelerating death (Figs. 87 _a_ and _b_). The Scotch -dirk, here represented, has a groove running from the handle along -the back of the blade to within three and a half inches of the point. -In the bottom of this groove ten holes are pierced, which communicate -with other lateral holes at right angles, opening on to the sides of -the blade. Daggers are still made at Sheffield for the South American -market, with a small hole drilled through the blade, near the point, to -contain the poison; and in my collection there is an iron arrow-point -(Fig. 88), evidently formed of the point of one of these daggers, -having the hole near the point. - -It often happens that forms which, in the early history of an art, -have served some specific object, are in later times applied to other -uses, and are ultimately retained only in the forms of ornamentation. -This seems to have been the case with the pierced work upon the blades -of weapons which, intended originally for poison, was afterwards used -as air-holes, and ultimately for ornament only, as appears by a plug -bayonet of the commencement of the eighteenth century in the Tower -Armoury, No. 390 of the official Catalogue, for a drawing of which, as -well as that of the Scotch dirk, I am indebted to Captain A. Tupper, a -member of the Council of this Institution. - -The second point of analogy to which I would draw attention is that of -the multi-barbed arrows of most savages to the multi-barbed stings of -insects, especially that of the bee (Fig. 89), which is so constructed -that it cannot usually be withdrawn, but breaks off with its poisonous -appendage into the wound. An exact parallel to this is found in -the poisoned arrows of savages of various races, which, as already -mentioned, are frequently armed with the point of the sting-ray, for -the express purpose of breaking in the wound. In the arrows of the -Bushmen, the shaft is often partly cut through, so as to break when it -comes in contact with a bone, and the barb is constructed to remain in -the wound when the arrow is withdrawn (Fig. 90). The same applies to -the barbed arrows used with the Malay blowpipe (Fig. 91), and those -of the wild tribes of Assam (Fig. 92), which are also poisoned. The -arrow-points of the Shoshones of North America (Fig. 93), said to -be poisoned, are tied on, purposely, with gut in such a manner as to -remain when the arrow is withdrawn. The arrows of the Macoushie tribe -of Guiana (Fig. 94) are made with a small barbed and poisoned head, -which is inserted in a socket in the shaft, in which it fits loosely, -so as to detach in the wound. This weapon appears to form the link -between the poisoned arrow and the fishing arrow or harpoon, which is -widely distributed, and which I propose to describe on a subsequent -occasion. Mr. Latham, of Wilkinson's, Pall Mall, has been kind -enough to describe to me a Venetian dagger of glass, formerly in his -possession; it had a tube in the centre for the poison, and the blade -was constructed with three edges. By a sharp wrench from the assassin, -the blade was broken off, and remained in the wound. - -It has also been supposed that from their peculiar construction most of -the triangular and concave-based arrow-heads of flint that are found in -this country, and in Ireland, were constructed for a similar purpose -(Fig. 95). - -The serrated edges of weapons, like those of the bee and the sting-ray, -when used as arrow-points, were likewise instrumental in retaining the -poison and introducing it into the wound, and this form was copied with -a similar object in some of the Florentine daggers above mentioned, a -portion of the blade of one of which, taken from Meyrick's _Ancient -Arms and Armour_, is shown in Fig. 96.[119] - -Although the use of poison would in these days be scouted by all -civilized nations as an instrument of war, we find it still applied to -useful purposes in the destruction of the larger animals. The operation -of whaling, which is attended with so much danger and difficulty, has -of late been greatly facilitated by the use of a mixture of strychnine -and 'woorali', the well-known poison of the Indians of South America. -An ounce of this mixture, attached to a small explosive shell fired -from a carbine, has been found to destroy a whale in less than eighteen -minutes, without risk to the whaler.[120] - -When we consider how impotent a creature the aboriginal and -uninstructed man must have been, when contending with the large and -powerful animals with which he was surrounded, we cannot too much -admire that provision of nature which appears to have directed his -attention, during the very earliest stages of his existence, to the -acquirement of the subtile art of poisoning. In the forests of Guiana -there are tribes, such as the Otomacs, apparently weaponless, but -which, by simply poisoning the thumb-nail with 'curare' or 'woorali', -at once become formidable antagonists.[121] Poison is available for -hunting as well as for warlike purposes: the South American Indians -eat the monkeys killed by this means, merely cutting out the part -struck,[122] and the wild tribes of the Malay peninsula do not even -trouble themselves to cut out the part before eating.[123] The Bushmen, -and the Stiens of Cambodia, use their poisoned weapons chiefly against -wild beasts and elephants. - -Thus we see that the most noxious of herbs and the most repulsive of -reptiles have been the means ordained to instruct mankind in what, -during the first ages of his existence, must have been the most -useful of arts. We cannot now determine how far this agent may have -been influential in exterminating those huge animals, the _Elephas -primigenius_ and _Rhinoceros tichorhinus_, with the remains of which -the earliest races of man have been so frequently associated, and -which, in those primaeval days, before he began to turn his hand to -the destruction of his own species, must have constituted his most -formidable enemies. - -_Missiles._ Amongst the offensive weapons of animals, the use of -missiles cannot be altogether excluded, although the examples of -their use by the lower creation are extremely rare. Some species of -cuttle-fish have the power of ejecting water with a good aim.[124] -The Toxotes, or archer-fish, obtains its name from its faculty of -projecting drops of water at insects some three or four feet from -the surface of the water; which it seldom fails to bring down. The -llama has a habit of ejecting its saliva, but I am not aware of the -object of this singular practice. I only know from experience that its -manners are offensive, and that it has the power of spitting with a -good aim and for some distance. The porcupine has the power of throwing -its quills, and is said to do so with effect, although it is not now -believed to dart them with any hostile intention. The Polar bear is -described in Captain Hall's recent publication as an animal capable of -capturing the walrus by missile force.[125] It is said that the bear -will take advantage of an overhanging cliff, under which its prey is -seen asleep upon the ice, to throw down, with its paws, large stones, -and with such good aim as to hit the walrus on the head, after which, -running down to the place where the animal lays stunned, it will take -the stone to beat out its brains. That animals are instinctively -acquainted with the force of gravitation is evident by their avoiding -precipices that would endanger them, and it certainly requires a slight -(but at the same time most important) advance upon this knowledge, -to avail themselves of large stones for such purposes as are here -attributed to the bear; but as the story only rests on the authority of -the Esquimaux, it must, I think--although they certainly are careful -observers of the habits of animals--be rejected, until confirmed by -the direct testimony of white men. It has even been doubted whether -the alleged habit of monkeys, in throwing coco-nuts at their pursuers, -has not arisen from the mistake of the hunter in supposing that fruit -accidentally detached from their stalks by the gambols of these animals -in the trees, may have been intended as missiles; but it appears now -to be clearly established that monkeys have the intelligence, not only -to throw stones, but even to use them in breaking the shells of nuts. -Major Denham, in his account of his travels in Central Africa, near -Lake Tshad, says: 'The monkeys, or as the Arabs say, men enchanted, -"Beny Adam meshood," were so numerous, that I saw upwards of 150 -assembled in one place in the evening. They did not at all appear -inclined to give up their ground, but perched on the top of a bank, -some 20 feet high, made a terrible noise, and rather gently than -otherwise, pelted us as we approached within a certain distance.' This, -I think, is clear evidence of a combined pelting on the part of these -untutored animals. - -The monkey thus furnishes us with the only example of the use of -any external substance for offensive purposes, by any member of the -animal kingdom. All others, except, perhaps, the missile fishes above -described, use, for offence and defence, the weapons with which nature -has furnished them, and which are integral parts of their persons. It -is this which so essentially distinguishes man from the lower creation. -Man is the tool-using animal. We have no knowledge of man, in any state -of existence, who is not so; nor have we (with the exception of the -ape, the link indirectly connecting him with the lower creation, in the -same manner that the savage connects the civilized with the aboriginal -man, both being branches from the same stem) any knowledge of animals -that employ tools or weapons. Herein lies the point of separation, -which, in so far as the material universe is concerned, marks the -dawn of a new dispensation. Hitherto Providence operates directly -on the work to be performed, by means of the living, animated tool. -Henceforth, it operates indirectly on the progress and development of -creation, first, through the agency of the instinctively tool-using -savage, and by degrees, of the intelligent and reasoning man. - - -DESCRIPTION OF PLATES VI-XI - -[_Revised and abridged from the 'Description' appended to the original -text. The roman numeral refers to the Plate on which the figure is -printed._] - - 1. _a._ Adze of iron, constructed by Captain Cook's armourer for - the use of the natives of Tahiti, _b._ Adze of stone, Tahitian, - used as model in making the above. Meyrick (Skelton), _Engraved - Illustrations of Ancient Arms and Armour_ (1830), vol. ii. pl. - cxlix. - - PLATE VI. - - 2. _a._ Pipe-handled Tomahawk, of European manufacture, constructed - for the use of North American Indians. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.) - Meyrick (Skelton), l. c., vol. ii. pl. cxlix. _b._ Pipe and - Tomahawk of pipe-stone, used by the Dacotas of N. America. - Schoolcraft, _Information concerning the History, &c., of the - Indian Tribes of the United States_, vol. ii. pl. lxix. - - VI. - - 3. Maeotian, or Scythian Bow, from a vase-painting. Hamilton, - _Etruscan Antiquities_, vol. iv. pl. cxvi; Meyrick, _Critical - Enquiry into Ancient Armour_ (1824) vol. i. pl. ii. 14; Rawlinson, - _Herodotus_ (1862), vol. iii. pp. 3, 35. - - VI. - - 4. Bow of the Tartar tribes on the borders of Persia. (Mus. R. U. - S. Inst.) Meyrick (Skelton), l. c., vol. ii. pl. cxliv. - - VI. - - 5. Iron Sword (_minus_ the wooden handle) and War-Axe of native - manufacture, constructed by the Fans of the Gaboon country, West - Africa. (Author's Collection; similar spec. in Mus. R. U. S. - Inst.) The patterns of ornamentation are taken partly from the Fan - War-Axe, and partly from iron knives brought from Central Africa by - Mr. Petherick. (Author's Coll.) - - VI. - - 6. Leaf-shaped Bronze Sword (_minus_ the handle), from Ireland - (Author's Coll.); and a Bronze Celt (Mainz Mus.), Lindenschmit, - _Die Alterthümer unserer heidnischen Vorzeit_ (1864 ff.). The - patterns of ornamentation are taken partly from Lindenschmit, - l. c., pl. iii.; partly from Irish bronze-work in Sir W. Wilde, - _Catalogue of the Museum of the Royal Irish Academy_ (1863), - Bronze, pp. 389-90. - - VI. - - 7. 'Manilla,' or ring-money of copper and iron, used in the Eboe - country, W. Africa. (Author's Coll.) In 1836, a ship laden with a - quantity of these 'manillas', made in Birmingham, after the pattern - in use in Africa (the spec. here figured forming part of the - cargo), was wrecked on the coast of co. Cork. By this means their - exact resemblance to the gold and bronze 'penannular rings' found - in Ireland (Fig. 8) attracted the attention of Mr. Sainthill, of - Cork, by whom the subject was communicated to the _Ulster Journal - of Archaeology_, No. 19 (July, 1857). - - VI. - - 8. 'Penannular Ring,' found in Ireland. Wilde, l. c., Bronze, - p. 570, Gold, p. 53. Similar forms are found in England and on - the Continent. Lindenschmit, pl. iv; Keller, _Lake Dwellings of - Switzerland_ (tr. Lee, 1866), pl. lii _a_, fig. 9. - - VI. - - 9. Kaffir Assegai-head of iron, of native manufacture, with section - of blade. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.) - - VI. - - 10. Saxon Spear-head of iron, having the same section as fig. 9; - from a Saxon grave. Neville, _Saxon Obsequies_ (London, 1852), pl. - xxxv; Akerman, _Saxon Pagandom_ (London, 1855), Introd., p. x. - - VI. - - 11. War-dress of a Patagonian Chief, composed of seven thicknesses - of hide on the body part, and three on the sleeves. (Mus. R. U. S. - Inst.) - - VII. - - 12. Section of the above, upon the breast, showing how the seven - thicknesses are united at the top. - - VII. - - 13. Kayan Cuirass of untanned hide, with the hair outside; and - Helmet of cane wickerwork. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.; pres. by Capt. D. - Bethune, R.N.) - - VII. - - 14. Egyptian Breast-plate, made of a crocodile's back. Meyrick - (Skelton), l. c., vol. ii. pl. cxlviii. - - VII. - - 15. Suit of Armour, supposed to have formerly belonged to the Rajah - of Guzerat. The four breast- and back-pieces are of rhinoceros - hide, having an inscription upon them, beginning with an invocation - to Ali. The remaining portions are of black velvet, ornamented with - brass studs, and padded. Meyrick (Skelton), l. c., vol. ii. pl. - cxli. - - VIII. - - 16. Four Plates of steel (Sikh), of similar form to those of - rhinoceros hide in fig. 15, ornamented with patterns of inlaid - gold. They are fastened with straps over a coat of chain-armour, - and are called in Persian 'char aineh,' i.e. 'the four mirrors.' - (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.) - - VIII. - - 17. Helmet of basket-work, from the Sandwich Islands, resembling - the Grecian in form. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.; presented by H. Shelley, - Esq.) - - VIII. - - 18. Suit of Armour of coco-nut fibre, from Pleasant Island, in - the Pacific. It is probable that the under tippet, which is now - attached to the back- and breast-piece at the top, may originally - have been intended to be worn round the loins, like a kilt. (Mus. - R. U. S. Inst.) - - VII. - - 19. _a._ Quilted Pectoral of the Egyptians. Meyrick, l. c., vol. - i. pl. i. _b._ shows the manner in which it was worn. Rawlinson, - _Herodotus_ (1862), vol. iv. p. 47, No. iii. 3 (but this figure is - Kheta, not Egyptian.--ED.). - - VII. - - 20. Quilted Head-dress of the Egyptian soldiers. Meyrick, l. c., - vol. i. pl. i. - - VIII. - - 21. Quilted Helmet of nearly the same form as fig. 20, from India. - (Author's Coll.) - - VIII. - - 22. Head-dress of nearly the same form as figs. 20, 21, from the - Nouaer tribe of Negroes, inhabiting both banks of the Nile from - 8° to 10° N. latitude; brought to England by Mr. Petherick. It - resembles the Egyptian very closely, and is composed of cylindrical - white beads of European manufacture, fastened together with a kind - of string. (Author's Coll.) - - VIII. - - 23. Helmet of the same form as fig. 21, composed of united mail - and plate, formerly belonging to the Body-guard of the Moguls. - (Author's Coll.) - - VIII. - - 24. Suit of Quilted Armour, taken in action from Koer Singh, the - famous Rajpoot Chief, of Jugdespore in Behar, on August 12, 1857, - by Major Vincent Eyre, commanding the field force that relieved - Arrah. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.; presented by the captor.) - - VII. - - 25. _a._ Suit of Quilted Armour, found upon the body of Tippoo - Sahib at his death, in the breach of Seringapatam. (Mus. R. U. S. - Inst.) - - IX. - - _b._ Portion of one of the nine thicknesses of quilting, of the - above, showing construction (see p. 62): reduced to 1/6. - - IX. - - _c._ Helmet of the above suit. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.) - - IX. - - 26. Quilted Armour of the Bornouese Cavalry. Denham and Clapperton, - _Travels in Northern and Central Africa_ (1826), p. 328 (Denham). - - VIII. - - 27. Suit of Armour from the Navigator Islands, composed of coco-nut - fibre, coarsely netted. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.; presented by Sir W. - Burnett, M.D.) Similar armour is used in the Kingsmill Group. - - VII. - - 28. Part of a Chinese 'Brigandine Jacket' of cotton, quilted, with - enclosed plates of metal. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.) - - VII. - - 29. Head-dress of Hercules wearing the Lion's Skin, from a Bronze - in the Blacas Collection. (British Museum.) - - VIII. - - 30. Head-dress of a North American Chief. Schoolcraft, l. c., vol. - iii. p. 68. pl. x. 2. - - VIII. - - 31. Thracian Helmet of brass [?], with horns of the same. Meyrick, - l. c., vol. i. pl. iii. - - VIII. - - 32. Ancient British Helmet of bronze, with straight horns of the - same, found in the Thames. (British Museum.) - - VIII. - - 33. Greek Helmet, having horns of brass [?]. Meyrick, l. c., vol. - i. pl. iv. - - VIII. - - 34. Back-plate and Breast-plate of the Bugo Dyaks, armed with the - scales of the Pangolin. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.) - - IX. - - 35. Piece of Bark from Tahiti, studded with pieces of coco-nut - shell. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.) - - VIII. - - 36. Fragment of Scale-Armour of horn found at Pompeii. [_Pictorial - Gallery of Arts_, vol. i. figs. 10, 61.] - - VIII. - - 37. Piece of Scale-Armour, made of the hoofs of some animal, from - some part of Asia; said to be from Japan. Meyrick, l. c., vol. i. - pl. iii. - - VIII. - - 38. An ancient Stone Figure in Scale Armour. Cuming, _Journ. - Archaeol. Assoc._, vol. iii. p. 31. - - IX. - - 39. Back-piece and Breast-piece of Armour from the Sandwich - Islands, composed of seals' teeth. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.; pres. by - H. Shelley, Esq.) - - VIII. - - 40. Egyptian Suit of Scale-Armour. Rawlinson, _Herodotus_ (1862), - vol. ii. p. 65, fig. iii; Wilkinson (Birch), _Manners and Customs - of the Ancient Egyptians_ (1878), fig. 53 _a_. - - IX. - - 41. Two Scales of Egyptian Armour, enlarged. Rawlinson, l. c., fig. - iv. - - IX. - - 42. Japanese Armour, composed of chain, plate, and enclosed quilted - plates. (_a_) Left arm; (_b_) Greaves. (Author's Coll.) - - IX. - - 43. _a._ Chinese Suit of Armour, of cotton, having iron scales - attached to the inside, _b._ Iron Helmet of the same suit (Mus. R. - U. S. Inst.; presented by Capt. Sir E. Belcher. R.N.) - - IX. - - 44. A portion of the iron scales attached to the inner side of the - above suit. - - IX. - - 45. Breast-piece of 'Jazerine' Armour of iron scales, xv-xvi cent.; - inner side. (Author's Coll.) Cf. Grose, _Treatise on Ancient - Armour_ (London, 1786), p. 15, 'Jazerant': cf. pl. xxxiii. 3; - Meyrick. vol. ii. pl. lvi. - - IX. - - 46. 'Brigandine' composed of large iron scales on the outside, - probably of the same date as the above; left by the Venetians in - the armoury of Candia on the surrender of the island to the Turks - in 1715. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.; presented by Lt.-Col. Patrick - Campbell, R.A.) - - IX. - - 47. Horn of the Rhinoceros. (Author's Coll.) - - X. - - 48. Skull and Tusks of the Walrus. (Author's Coll.) - - X. - - 49. Weapon of the Sword-Fish; scale 1/2 inch to a foot. (Author's - Coll.) - - X. - - 50. Spear of the Narwhal; scale 1/2 inch to a foot. (Author's Coll.) - - X. - - 51. Section, showing part of the timber of the ship _Fame_, where - it was pierced by the narwhal in the South Seas, through 2-1/2-inch - oak. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.; presented by Lt. A. T. Tulloch, R.A.) - - X. - - 52. Esquimaux Spear, from Greenland, armed with the spear of the - narwhal. 1/50. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.) - - X. - - 53. Esquimaux Spear in the form of a fish, having fore-shaft - composed of a narwhal-tusk, inserted so as to represent the tusk of - the animal; scale 1/2 inch to a foot. (Author's Coll.) - - X. - - 54. Esquimaux Lance, pointed with a walrus-tooth. 1/20. (Mus. R. U. - S. Inst.) - - X. - - 55. Esquimaux Tomahawk or Pickaxe, headed with a walrus-tooth. - 1/20. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.) - - X. - - 56. Arrow-head, probably from South America, headed with the point - of a deer's horn. (British Museum, Christy Collection.) - - X. - - 57. War-club of the Iroquois, called _Ga-ne-ú-ga-o-dus-ha_ or - 'Deer-horn War-Club.' Lewis Morgan, _League of the Iroquois_ - (Rochester, N.Y., 1851), p. 363. - - X. - - 58. Club of the North American Indians, with a point of iron. 1/20. - (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.; presented by T. Hoblyn, Esq.) - - X. - - 59. Arrow, from S. America, armed with the weapon of the ray, - probably _Trygon hystrix_. 1/2. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.) - - X. - - 60. _a._ Spine of _Balistes capriscus, Cuv._, erect. Yarrell, - _British Fishes_ (2nd ed., London, 1841), vol. ii, p. 472. _b._ - Horn of _Cottus diceraus, Pall_. Cuvier, _Animal Kingdom_ (1827), - s. v. _c._ Horn of _Naseus fronticornis, Lac._ Cuvier, l. c. - - X. - - 61. Spear of the _Limulus_ or 'King Crab.' - - X. - - 62. Arrow, armed with the spine of the _Diodon_. 1/4. (Author's - Coll.) - - X. - - 63. 'Khandjar' or Indian Dagger, composed of the horn of the - buffalo, having the natural form and point. 1/10. (Author's Coll.) - - X. - - 64. 'Khandjar' of the same form, with metal blade and ivory handle. - 1/10. (Author's Coll.) - - X. - - 65. 'Khandjar' of the same form, having both blade and handle of - iron. The handle is ornamented with the figures of a bird and some - small quadruped. 1/10. (Author's Coll.) - - X. - - 66. Dagger formed of the horn of the 'sasin,' or common antelope. - 1/10. (Author's Coll.) - - X. - - 67. Dagger like fig. 66, but with the points armed with metal. 1/10 - (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.) - - X. - - 68. Dagger like figs. 66, 67, but composed entirely of metal, with - a shield for the hand. Similar shields are sometimes attached to - daggers like those in figs. 66, 67. 1/12. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.) - - X. - - 69. Weapon composed of the horn of the antelope; steel-pointed; - supposed to be that used by the Fakirs in India. (Author's Coll.) - - X. - - 70. Sword formed of the serrated blade of the saw-fish from New - Guinea. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.) - - XI. - - 71-74. Weapons from the Pacific, edged with sharks' teeth. The - teeth near the point are placed points forward; the remainder with - the points towards the handle. Two methods of fastening the teeth - are shown: _a._ in grooves; _b._ lashed between two strips of wood. - (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.) - - XI. - - 75. Implement from New Zealand, armed with sharks' teeth. (British - Museum.) - - XI. - - 76. Esquimaux Knife, from Davis Strait, armed with pieces of - meteoric iron, (British Museum.) - - XI. - - 77. Knife, from Greenland, armed with pieces of iron along the - edge. (British Museum, Christy Collection.) - - XI. - - 78-80. Mexican 'Maquahuitl.' Lord Kingsborough, _Antiquities of - Mexico_ (1830-48), vol. i (numerous examples on pl. x-xv: fig. 79 = - No. 1478). - - XI. - - 81-82. Spear and Knife, from Australia, armed with pieces of - obsidian, or rock-crystal. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.) - - XI. - - 83. Arrow-point of bone, armed with a row of sharp flint flakes on - each side. (Museum of Prof. Nilsson, at Lund, in Sweden.) Reduced - to 1/2 from the figure in Wilde, l. c., 'Animal Materials,' p. 254. - - XI. - - 84. Arrow-point like fig. 83. (Copenhagen Museum.) _Illustr. Cat. - of the Copenhagen Museum._ - - XI. - - 85. Arrow-point of hollow bone, from S. America, the hollow of the - bone being filled with poison. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.; Author's Coll.) - - XI. - - 86. Dagger of an Italian Bravo, with grooves and holes to contain - poison; the handle represents a monk in the act of supplication. - (Author's Coll.) - - XI. - - 87 _a._ Scottish Dirk, pierced with holes along the back and sides. - Along the back of the blade runs a groove eight inches long, in - which holes are pierced that communicate with lateral holes on the - side of the blade. (Author's Coll.) - - XI. - - 87 _b._ 'Couteau-de-Chasse,' with two grooves on each side near the - back of the blade, which is pierced through with holes. (Author's - Coll.) - - XI. - - 88. Arrow-head, of iron, with a hole near the point for poison; - from S. America. (Author's Coll.) - - XI. - - 89. Sting of the Bee, serrated or multi-barbed: after F. Huber in - _Jardine's Naturalist's Library_, Entomology vi. _Bees_ (Edinb., - 1840), p. 40. - - XI. - - 90. Point of Bushman's Arrow, barbed with an iron head, which is - constructed to come off in the wound. (Author's Coll.) - - XI. - - 91. Malay Blowpipe-arrow, iron-headed; similarly constructed. 1/4. - (Author's Coll.) - - XI. - - 92. Arrow of the wild tribes of Assam, copper-headed, and similarly - constructed. 1/4. (Author's Coll.) - - XI. - - 93. Arrow-head of the Shoshones of North America, of flint; - constructed to come off in the wound. Schoolcraft, l. c., vol. i. - pp. 212-3, pl. lxxvi. 5. - - XI. - - 94. Arrow-point of the Macoushie Indians of S. America; similarly - constructed. 1/4. (Author's Coll.; pres. by Rev. J. G. Wood.) - - XI. - - 95. Arrow-heads of flint, from the north of Ireland. 1/4. (Author's - Coll.) - - XI. - - 96. Part of the Blade of an Italian Dagger, serrated and pierced. - Full size. Meyrick (Skelton), l. c., vol. ii. pl. cxiii. 14. - - XI. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[13] A Lecture delivered at the Royal United Service Institution, -Friday, June 28, 1867; illustrated by specimens from the Museum of the -Institution: and published in the _Journal of the R. U. S. Inst._ xi -(1867). - -[14] Beechey, _Voyage to the Pacific_ (London, 1831), vol. i. p. 298; -Oldfield, 'Aborigines of Australia,' _Trans. Ethno. Soc._, N. S. -(London, 1865), vol. iii. p. 227. - -[15] Oldfield, 'On the Aborigines of Australia,' _Trans. Ethno. Soc._, -N.S., vol. iii. pp. 261-7. - -[16] Meyrick (Skelton), _Engraved Illustrations of Ancient Arms_, &c. -(1830), vol. ii. pl. cxlix. 11. - -[17] Klemm, _Werkzeuge und Waffen_ (Sondershausen, 1858), p. 159. - -[18] Turner, _Nineteen Years in Polynesia_ (London, 1861), p. 262. - -[19] Williams, _Fiji and the Fijians_ (London, 1858), vol. i. pp. 78-9. - -[20] Crawfurd, _History_ (Edinburgh, 1820), vol. i. p. 224. - -[21] Tylor, _Anahuac_ (London, 1861), p. 70. - -[22] Hdt. vii. 69: Rawlinson, _Herodotus_, vol. iv (2nd ed., 1862, p. -55). - -[23] Petherick, _Egypt, the Soudan, and Central Africa_ (Edinb. and -London, 1861), p. 360. - -[24] Le Sieur de Folard, _Nouvelles Découvertes sur la Guerre_ (Paris, -1724), p. 48. - -[25] In adopting the nomenclature of phrenology, I am not to be -understood as advocating strictly the localization of the faculties -which phrenology prescribes. The mind doubtless consists of a congeries -of faculties, and phrenology affords the best classification of them -that has yet been devised. - -[26] Pope, _Essay on Man_, Epistle iii. 172-80. - -[27] Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_ (London, 1829), vol. i. pp. 302-3. - -[28] Crawfurd, _History of the Indian Archipelago_ (1820), vol. i. pp. -113-4. - -[29] Beckman, _History of Inventions_ (London, 1814), pp. -503-4.--Cock-fighting. - -[30] Stanley, _History of Birds_ (London, 1848), p. 389. - -[31] Darwin, _Origin of Species_ (London, 1859), p. 88. - -[32] Williamson, _Oriental Field Sports_ (London, 1807), p. 94. - -[33] Swainson, _Habits and Instincts of Animals_ (London, 1840), p. 142. - -[34] Thuc. i. 5 (but what Thucydides says is, that they were the last -to discard it.--ED.). - -[35] Beechey, _Voyage to the Pacific_ (London, 1831), vol. i. p. 248. - -[36] Dobrizhoffer, _An Account of the Abipones_ (from the Latin; -London, 1822), vol. i. p. 262; ii. 361. - -[37] Barth, _Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa_ -(London, 1857), vol. iii. p. 198. - -[38] Low, _Sarawak_ (London, 1848), p. 328. - -[39] Pigafetta's _Voyage Round the World_, Pinkerton, vol. ix. p. 349. - -[40] William de Rubruquis, _Travels into Tartary and China in 1253_; -Pinkerton (London, 1811), vol. viii. p. 89. - -[41] _An Historical Relation of the Kingdom of Chile_, by Alonso de -Ovalle, of the Company of Jesus, 1649 (London, 1752), p. 71. - -[42] Herodotus, vii. 70; Meyrick's _Ancient Armour_, vol. i. Introd. p. -iv. - -[43] Herodotus, iv. 189; Meyrick's _Ancient Armour_, vol. i. Introd. p. -iii. - -[44] Herodotus, vii. 65 ~heimata ... apo xylôn pepoiêmena~. - -[45] Duarte Barbosa, _The Coasts of East Africa and Malabar_, -translated from the Spanish, by the Hon. H. E. Stanley (Hakluyt -Society, 1866), p. 55. Since publication, the translator has -ascertained that the authorship of this work should be ascribed to -Magellan. - -[46] The _Saturnia mylitta_ is the caterpillar from which the -Tusseh-silk is obtained; the cocoon is of an oval shape when suspended -upon the tree, and of exceedingly firm texture; it is figured in Sir -Wm. Jardine's _Naturalist's Library_ (Edinb. 1841), _Entomology_, vol. -vii. pl. xiv. 2, pp. 146-53. The _Eriodendron anfractuosum, D.C._, -is an Indian Bombax. The woolly cotton which envelops the seed is -remarkable for its softness, and is much and deservedly esteemed for -making cushions and bedding, owing to its freedom from any tendency to -become lumpy and uneven by getting impacted into hard knots. Various -attempts have been made to fabricate it into cloth, but hitherto -without success, except as a very loose material, fit only for quilting -muffs, for which it is superior to cotton or woollen stuffs, the -looseness of its texture rendering it an excellent non-conductor, -whilst at the same time it is extremely light.--Wight, _Illustrations -of Indian Botany_ (Madras, 1840), vol. i. p. 68; Roxburgh, _Flora -Indica_ (Serampore, 1832), vol. iii. p. 165 (= _Bombax pentandrum_). -Both the caterpillar and the plant are found in the jungle in the -neighbourhood of Seringapatam. For the identification of the vegetable -substance, I am indebted to W. Carruthers, Esq., F.L.S., British Museum. - -[47] Schoolcraft, _Information concerning the History, &c., of the -Indian Tribes of the U. S. A._ (Philadelphia, 1851-9), part iii. p. 69. - -[48] Meyrick, l. c., vol. i. Introduction. - -[49] Denham and Clapperton, _Travels in Northern and Central Africa_ -(London, 1826), p. 328 (Denham). - -[50] See _Critical Enquiry into Ancient Armour_, by Sir Samuel R. -Meyrick, vol. iii. p. 21, and pl. lxviii. - -[51] Bollaert, 'Observations on the Indian Tribes of Texas,' _Journ. -Ethno. Soc._, vol. ii. pp. 262-83. - -[52] Du Chaillu, _Explorations and Adventures in Equatorial Africa_ -(London, 1861), p. 80. - -[53] Homer, _Iliad_, vii. 244-8. - -[54] Casalis, _The Basutos_ (London, 1861), pp. 135-6. - -[55] Barth, l. c., vol. i. p. 355. - -[56] Meyrick (Skelton), l. c, pl. cxli (text). - -[57] Bosman, _Guinea_, Pinkerton (1811), vol. xvi. p. 414. - -[58] Barth, l. c., vol. ii. pp. 410, 526; ii. 116 (plate); Denham and -Clapperton, l. c., p. 166 (Denham). - -[59] Meyrick, l. c., vol. i. Introd. pp. i-ii. - -[60] Meyrick, l. c., vol. i. Introd. p. xxiv. - -[61] At Fernando Po.--Cuming, 'Weapons and Armour of Horn,' _Journal of -Archaeological Association_ (London, 1848), vol. iii. p. 30. - -[62] Fig. 32 is from a rough sketch taken about two years ago, and has -no pretension to accuracy of detail. - -[63] Meyrick, l. c, vol. i. pl. iv. 10. - -[64] Schoolcraft, _Information concerning the History, &c., of the -Indian Tribes of the U. S. A._ (Philadelphia, 1851-9), vol. iii. p. 67. - -[65] Grant, _Walk across Africa_ (London, 1864), p. 47. - -[66] Smith, _Dict. of Gr. and Rom. Antiq._, s. v.; Meyrick, l. c., vol. -i. Introd. p. xiv; Amm. Marc. xvii. 12. 2; Pausanias, i. 21. 6; Tac. -_Hist._ i. 79 (_praeduro corio_). - -[67] Kitto, _Pictorial Bible_ (London, 1838-9), note to 1 Sam. xvii. - -[68] Cuming, _Journal of the Archaeological Association_, vol. iii. p. -31. - -[69] Kitto, _Pictorial Bible_, note to 1 Sam. xvii. - -[70] Skene, 'On the Albanians,' _Journ. Ethno. Soc._, vol. ii. pp. -159-81. - -[71] Casalis, _The Basutos_ (London, 1861), p. 172. - -[72] Maunder, _Treasury of Natural History_ (London, 1862), p. 573. - -[73] Williamson, _Oriental Field Sports_ (London, 1807), p. 46. - -[74] Atkinson, _Oriental and Western Siberia_ (London, 1858), p. 495. - -[75] Williamson, _Oriental Field Sports_ (London, 1807), p. 94. - -[76] Thompson, _Passions of Animals_ (1851), p. 225. The American -hunter avails himself of this peculiarity to entrap the crane by -presenting the barrel of his firelock to the animal; supposing it to be -an eye, the crane immediately strikes at the hole, and fixes its beak -firmly in the muzzle. - -[77] Beechey, _Voyage to the North Pole_ (London, 1843), pp. 93-4. - -[78] Bates, _Naturalist on the Amazons_ (3rd ed. London, 1873), p. 230. - -[79] _Travels in the Central Parts of Indo-China, Siam, Cambodia, and -Laos in 1858-9_, by the late M. Henri Mouhot (London, 1864), vol. ii. -p. 147. - -[80] It is to be observed that this is not the rhinoceros's usual mode -of attack. - -[81] Cranz, _Historie von Grönland_ (2nd ed. Barby and Leipzig, 1770), -p. 196, pl. v. 8. - -[82] Beechey, _Voyage to the North Pole_ (London, 1843), p. 252. - -[83] Cuming, _Journal of the Archaeological Association_, vol. iii. p. -25. - -[84] Ibid., p. 26. - -[85] Swainson, _Habits and Instincts of Animals_ (London, 1840), p. 141. - -[86] Gregory, 'Expedition to the North-west Coast of Australia,' _Royal -Geographical Society's Journal_, vol. xxxii (1862), p. 417. - -[87] Denham and Clapperton, _Travels_ (1826), p. 20 (Denham). - -[88] Hind, _Narrative of the Canadian Exploring Expedition_ (London, -1860), vol. i. p. 316. - -[89] Captain John Smith, _Sixth Voyage to Virginia_ (1606); Pinkerton -(1811), vol. xii. p. 35. - -[90] Cuming, _Journal of the Archaeological Association_, vol. iii. p. -27. - -[91] Turner, _Nineteen Years in Polynesia_ (London, 1861), p. 276. - -[92] Beechey, _Voyage to the Pacific_ (London, 1831), vol. i. p. 143. - -[93] Williams, _Fiji and the Fijians_ (London, 1858), vol. i. p. 57. - -[94] Wilson, _Pellew Islands_ (ed. Keate, London, 1788), pl. v, fig. 1, -p. 310. - -[95] Klemm, _Werkzeuge und Waffen_ (1858), p. 50. - -[96] Owen, _Comp. Anatomy and Physiology of Vertebrates_ (1846), vol. -ii. 1. p. - -[97] Klemm, l. c., p. 31 ('die Schwanzstachel eines Roches,' i.e. 'the -caudal spine of a ray.'--ED.). - -[98] Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_ (London, 1862), vol. i. p. 146. - -[99] Cuming, _Journal of the Archaeological Association_, vol. iii. p. -26. - -[100] The probability of the aboriginal man having derived his first -lessons from this source may be judged of by the accounts given by -travellers of the effects produced by the large thorns of trees in -South Africa, of which there is a good account in Routledge's _Natural -History of Man_, by Rev. J. G. Wood (1868-70), vol. i. p. 235. Large -animals are said to be frequently destroyed, and even to have impaled -themselves, upon the large, strong spines of the thorny Acacia. -Throughout Central Africa a pair of tweezers for extracting thorns is -an indispensable requisite in the equipment of every native. - -[101] Beechey, _Voyage to the Pacific_ (London, 1831), vol. i. pp. 47-8. - -[102] Strabo, p. 155. - -[103] Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_ (London, 1829), vol. i. chap. viii. - -[104] Clapperton, _Travels_, p. 58. - -[105] I exclude from this category all nippers, cross-bills, and -prehensile implements. - -[106] Jardine's _Naturalist's Library_ (Edinb. 1843): _Ichthyology_ -(Hamilton), vol. vi, part 2, p. 335. - -[107] Choris, _Voyage Pictoresque autour du Monde_ (Paris, 1822), -'Isles Radak,' pl. ii. 1 and 4. - -[108] Cook, _Third Voyage_ (London, 1842), vol. ii. p. 251. - -[109] Klemm, l. c., pp. 63-4; Wilkes, _United States Exploring -Expedition_ (Philadelphia, 1845), vol. v. ch. ii. pp. 49, 79. - -[110] King, 'The Industrial Arts of the Esquimaux,' _Journ. Ethno. -Soc._ (1848), vol. i. p. 290. - -[111] Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_, vol. ii. p. 497. - -[112] Nieuhoff, 'Travels in Brazil'; Pinkerton (1813), vol. xiv. p. 874. - -[113] Tylor, _Anahuac_, p. 332, Appendix. - -[114] Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_ (1862), vol. i. pp. 226, 227. - -[115] Lloyd Stephens, _Incidents of Travel in Central America_, p. 59. - -[116] Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_ (1862), vol. i. pp. 226, 227. - -[117] Lewis Morgan, _The League of the Ho-De-No-Sou-Nee or Iroquois_ -(Rochester, N.Y., 1851), p. 359. - -[118] Thunberg, _Travels in Europe, Africa, and Asia_, 1770-9 (3rd ed., -London, 1795), vol. i. p. 156; ii. p. 162; Livingstone, _Missionary -Travels and Researches in South Africa_ (London, 1857), p. 171. - -[119] Meyrick (Skelton), _Ancient Arms and Armour_, vol. ii. pl. cxiii, -fig. 14, cf. fig. 13. - -[120] _Times_ newspaper, Dec. 24, 1866. - -[121] Humboldt, _Aspects of Nature_ (London, 1849), vol. i. pp. 25, -203-4. - -[122] Klemm, l. c., p. 53. - -[123] 'On the Wild Tribes in the Interior of the Malay Peninsula,' by -Père Bourien. _Trans. Ethno. Soc._, N.S., vol. iii (1865), p. 78. - -[124] Darwin, _Journal of Researches into Nat. Hist. and Geology_ -(London, 1845), p. 8. - -[125] Hall, C. F., _Life with the Esquimaux_ (London, 1864), vol. ii. -pp. 329-30. - - - - -PRIMITIVE WARFARE - -II - -ON THE RESEMBLANCE OF THE WEAPONS OF EARLY MAN, THEIR VARIATION, -CONTINUITY, AND DEVELOPMENT OF FORM.[126] - - -_General Remarks._ - -In June, 1867, I had the honour of reading a paper at this Institution, -which has since been published in the _Journal_, the object of which -was to point out the resemblance which exists between the weapons of -savages and early races and the weapons with which nature has furnished -animals for their defence. - -In continuation of the same subject, my present communication will -relate to the resemblance to each other of the weapons of races -sometimes widely separated, and of which the connexion, if it ever -existed, has long since been consigned to obscurity. I shall endeavour -to show, how in these several localities, which are so remote from -one another, the progress of form has been developed upon a similar -plan, and, though to all appearance independently, yet that under like -conditions like results have been produced; and that the weapons and -implements of these races will sometimes be found to bear so close a -resemblance to each other, as often to suggest a community of origin, -where no such common origin can have existed, unless at the very -remotest period. - -We shall thus be brought to the consideration of the great problem of -our day, viz. the origin of mankind, or rather the origin of the human -arts; for the question of man's origin, whether he was himself created -or developed from some prior form, whether since the period of his -first appearance he has by variation separated into distinct races, -or whether the several races of mankind were separately created, are -questions which, however closely allied, do not of necessity form part -of our present subject. It has to deal solely with the origin of the -arts, and more particularly with the art of war, which in the infancy -of society belonged to a condition of life so constant and universal -as to embrace within its sphere all other arts, or at least to be so -intimately connected with them as to require the same treatment; the -tool and the weapon being, as I shall presently show, often identical -in the hands of the primaeval savage. - -These prefatory remarks are necessary because it will be seen that the -general observations I am about to offer on the subject are fully as -applicable to the whole range of the industrial arts of mankind as to -the art of war. My illustrations, however, will be taken exclusively -from weapons of war. - -Is not the world at the present time, and has it not always been, the -scene of a continuous progress? Have not the arts grown up from an -obscure origin, and is not this growth continuing to the present day? - -This is the question which lies at the very threshold of our subject, -and we must endeavour to treat it by the light of evidence alone, apart -from all considerations of a traditional or poetic character. - -I do not propose here to enter into a disquisition upon the functions -of the human mind. But it must I think be admitted, that if man -possessed from the first the same nature that belongs to him at the -present time, he must at the commencement of his career in this world -have been destitute of all creative power. The mind has never been -endowed with any creative faculty. The only powers we possess are those -of digesting, adapting, and applying, by the intellectual faculties, -the experience acquired through the medium of the senses. We come into -the world helpless and speechless, possessing only in common with the -brutes such instincts as are necessary for the bare sustenance of -life under the most facile conditions; all that follows afterwards is -dependent purely on experience. - -Whether we afterwards become barbarous or civilized, whether we follow -a hunting, nomadic, or agricultural life, whether we embrace this -religion or that, or attain proficiency in any of the arts, all this -is dependent purely on the accident of our birth, which places us in a -position to build upon the experience of our ancestors, adding to it -the experience acquired by ourselves. For although it is doubtless true -that the breeds of mankind, like the breeds of our domestic animals, -by continual cultivation during many generations, have improved, and -that by this means races have been produced capable of being educated -to a higher degree than those which have remained uncivilized, this -does not alter the fact that it is by experience alone, conscious or -unconscious, self-imposed or compulsory, and by a process of slow and -laborious induction, that we arrive at the degree of perfection to -which, according to our opportunities and our relative endowments, we -ultimately attain. - -The amount, therefore, which any one individual or any one generation -is capable of adding to the civilization of their age must be -immeasurably small, in comparison with what they derive from it. - -I could not perhaps appeal to an audience more capable of appreciating -the truth of these remarks than to the members of an Institution, the -object of which is to examine into the improvements and so-called -inventions which are from time to time effected in the machinery and -implements of war. - -How often does any proposal or improvement come before this Institution -which after investigating its antecedents is found to possess -originality of design? Is it not a fact that even the most ingenious -and successful inventions turn out on inquiry to be mere adaptations of -contrivances already existing, or that they are produced by applying -to one branch of industry the principles or the contrivances which -have been evolved in another. I think that no one can have constantly -attended the lectures of this or any similar Institution, without -becoming impressed, above all things, with the want of originality -observable amongst men, and with the great calls which, even in this -age of cultivated intellects and abundant materials to work upon, all -inventors are obliged to make upon those who have preceded them. - -Since, then, we ourselves are so entirely creatures of education, and -derive so little from our own unaided resources, it follows that the -first created man, if similarly constituted, having no antecedents from -which to derive instruction, could not, without external aid, have made -any material or rapid advance towards the initiation of the arts. - -So fully has the truth of this been recognized by those who are not -themselves advocates for the theory of development, that in order to -account for the very first stages of human progress they have found -it necessary to assume the hypothesis of supernatural agency: such -we know was the belief of the classical pagan nations, who attributed -the origin of many of the arts to their gods; such we know to be the -tradition of many savage and semi-civilized nations of modern times -that have attained to the first stages of culture. But we have already -disposed of this hypothesis at the commencement of these remarks, by -deciding that our arguments should be based solely upon evidence. We -are, therefore, under the necessity of assuming, in the absence of any -evidence to the contrary, that none but the agencies which help us -now were at the disposal of our first ancestors, and the alternative -to which we must have recourse is that of supposing that the progress -of those days was immeasurably slower than it is at present, and that -vast ages must have elapsed after the first appearance of man before he -began to show even the first indications of a settled advance. - -Yet the complex civilization of our own time has been built on the -foundations that were laid by these aborigines of our species, while -the brute creation may be said to have produced little more than was -necessary to their own wants or those of their immediate offspring. -Man has been the agent employed in a work of continuous progression. -Generation has succeeded generation, and race has succeeded race, each -contributing its quota to the fabrication of the edifice, and then -giving place to other workmen. But the progress of the edifice itself -has never ceased; it has gone on, I maintain (contrary to the opinion -of some writers of our day), always in fulfilment of one vast design. -It is a work of all time. - -To study it comprehensively, we must devote ourselves to the -contemplation of the edifice itself, and set aside the study of mankind -for separate treatment, for it is evident that man has been fashioned, -not as the designer, but simply as the unconscious instrument of its -erection. Each individual has been impelled by what--viewed in this -light--may be regarded as instincts sufficient to stimulate him to -labour, but falling immeasurably short of a comprehensive knowledge of -the great scheme, towards which he is an unconscious contributor. Of -this he knows no more than the earthworm knows it to be its function -to cover the crust of the earth with mould, or the small coral polypus -knows that it is engaged in the erection of a barrier reef. No -comprehensive scheme of progress need be searched for in the pigmy -intellect of man, and if we are ever destined to acquire any knowledge -of the laws which influence the growth of civilization, we must look -for them in an investigation of the phenomenon itself, by studying its -phases and the sequence of its mutations. In short we must apply to the -whole range of human culture, to the arts, whether of peace or war, the -same method which has already been applied with some success to the -history of language. - -It has been shown that the speech of our own day has been the work -of many generations and of innumerable distinct races; its roots are -traceable in the utterances of the untutored savage. No nation ever -consciously invented a grammar, and yet language has been shown to be -capable of being treated as a science of natural growth, having its -laws of mutation and development, never dreamt of by any of the many -myriads of individuals that have unconsciously contributed to the -formation of it. May not all the products of human intellects in the -aggregate be made amenable to the same treatment, and, like language, -be found to be influenced by laws of evolution and progress? - -That these remarks are not merely speculative, that the progress of -civilization has been continuous and connected, while the races which -have been engaged in the formation of it, like individuals, have had -their periods of birth, maturity, and decay, is sufficiently proved by -history. - -In Egypt and in Assyria, we see the remains of ancient and formerly -populous cities, where now the nomadic Arab pitches his tent or wanders -with his flocks, thus showing that relapses of civilization must have -occurred in those particular localities where such phenomena are -observed. But we know also from history that the civilization which -once flourished in those countries did not expire there, but was -transferred thence to other places; that the culture of Assyria and -of Egypt passed into Greece and developed there; that from Greece it -extended to Rome, and in the hands of a new people passed through fresh -phases; that after the destruction of the Roman Empire it lay dormant -for many ages, only to rise again on its original basis, extended -and fertilized by the introduction of fresh blood; that we ourselves -are the inheritors of the same arts, customs, and institutions, -modified and improved; and finally, that civilization, expanding in -all directions, as it continues to move westward, is now in process of -being received back by those ancient countries in which it originated, -in a condition far more varied and diversified than it could ever have -become, had it been confined to a single people or country. - -Passing now from the known to the unknown, we come to the study of -prehistoric times, prepared to find that every fresh discovery helps us -to trace backwards the arts of mankind in unbroken continuity towards -their source. - -Commencing with the Saxon and the Celt, and passing from these to -the lake dwellers, and on to the inhabitants of caves, races whose -successive periods of existence are determined chiefly by the animals -with which their remains are associated, we find that, according -to their antiquity, they appear to have lived in a lower and lower -condition of culture, until in the drift period, coeval with the -extinct mammoth and the woolly haired rhinoceros, we find the earliest -traces of man, scanty and unsatisfactory though they be, yet sufficient -to show that he must have existed in a state so rude, as to have -devised no better implements than flints pointed at one end, and held -in the hand. - -These successive prehistoric stages of civilization have been divided -into the stone, the bronze, and the iron ages of mankind. The evidence -upon which this classification is based, has been so ably set forth -in the works of Sir John Lubbock and others, that I need not refer -to it further than to state that, in my treatment of the origin and -development of the weapons of war, I shall in a great measure follow -the same arrangement. But I shall endeavour to trace the development of -_form_ rather than the _material_ of weapons, and to show by examples -taken from various distinct periods, and especially by illustrations -taken from existing savages, the various agencies which appear to have -operated in causing progression during the earliest ages of mankind. - -Of these, the first to be considered is undoubtedly the utilization and -imitation of natural forms. Nature was the only instructor of primaeval -man. - -In my previous paper, I discussed this subject at some length, giving -many examples in which the weapons of animals have been employed by -man. But besides these weapons derived from animals, primaeval man must -no doubt at first have employed the natural forms of wood and bone, -and of stones either fractured by the frost, or rolled into convenient -forms upon the seashore. - -This principle of the utilization and imitation of natural forms -appears to bear precisely the same relationship to the development of -the arts, that, in the science of language, onomatopoeia has been shown -to bear to the growth and development of articulate speech. In the -attempt to trace language to its origin, onomatopoeia, or the imitation -of the sounds of animals and of nature, appears not only to have been -the chief agent in _initiating_ the growth of language, but it has also -served to enrich it from time to time, so that even to this day, poetry -and eloquence in a great measure depend on the employment of it. But -apart from this, language has had an independent and systematic growth -of its own. - -So, in like manner, men not only drew upon nature for their ideas -in the infancy of the arts, but we continue to copy the forms and -contrivances of nature with advantage to this day. But apart from -this, we must look for an independent origin and growth, in which form -succeeded form in regular continuity. Many a lesson has still to be -learnt from the book of nature, the pages of which are sealed to us -until, by the natural growth of knowledge, we acquire the power of -reading and applying them. Imitation therefore, though an important -element in the initiation of the arts, would not alone be sufficient to -account for the phenomenon of progress. - -The next principle which we shall have to consider, is that of -variation. Amongst all the products of the most primitive races of man, -we find endless variations in the forms of their implements, all of -the most trivial character. A Sheffield manufacturer informed me, that -he had lately received a wooden model of a dagger-blade from Mogadore, -made by an Arab, who desired to have one of steel made exactly like -it. Accordingly my informant, thinking that he had found a convenient -market for the sale of such weapons, constructed some hundreds of -blades of exactly the same pattern. On arriving at their destination, -however, they were found to be unsaleable. Although precisely of the -type in general use about Mogadore, all of which to the European eye -would be considered alike, their uniformity rendered them unsuited -to the requirements of the inhabitants, each of whom piqued himself -upon possessing his own particular pattern, the peculiarity of which -consisted in having some almost imperceptible difference in the curve -or breadth of the blade. - -In the earliest stages of art, men would of necessity be led to the -adoption of such varieties by the constantly differing forms of the -materials in which they worked. The uncertain fractures of flint, the -various curves of the trees out of which they constructed their clubs, -and the different forms of bones, would lead them imperceptibly towards -the adoption of fresh tools. Occasionally some form would be hit upon, -which in the hands of its employer would be found more convenient for -use, and which, by giving the possessor of it some advantage over -his neighbours, would commend itself to general adoption. Thus by a -process, resembling what Mr. Darwin, in his late work, has termed -'unconscious selection', rather than by premeditation or design, -men would be led on to improvement. By degrees some forms would be -found best adapted to one pursuit, and some to another; one would -be used for grubbing up roots, another for breaking shells, another -for breaking heads; modes of procedure, accidentally hit upon in one -class of occupation, would suggest improvements in another, and thus -analogy, coming to the aid of accidental variation, would give an -impulse to progress. Thus would commence that ramification of the -arts, occupations, and sciences which, developing simultaneously and -assisting each other, has borne fruit in the civilization of our own -times. - -I am aware that it will be found extremely difficult to realize a -condition of human existence so low as that which I am supposing, -and that many persons will deny the possibility of mankind having -ever existed in a condition so helpless as to have been incapable of -designing the simple weapons which we find in the hands of savages -at the present day. It is as difficult to place one's self in the -position of a being infinitely one's inferior, as of a being greatly -one's superior in intellect. 'Few persons,' says Professor Max Müller, -'understand children, still fewer antiquity.' Our own experience cannot -save us in estimating the powers of either, for, long before the -period of which we have the earliest recollection, we had ourselves -undergone a course of unconscious education in the arts of a civilized -community; our very first utterances were in a language which was in -itself the complex growth of ages, and the improvement of our natural -faculties, resulting from the continued cultivation of our race, -enhances the difficulty we find in appreciating the condition of our -first parents. - -Another fertile source of variation arises from errors in successive -copies. At a time when men had no measures or other appliances to -assist them in copying correctly, and were guided only by the eye, an -implement would soon be made to assume a very different appearance. Mr. -Evans has shown in his work on the 'Coins of the Ancient Britons' (p. -167) how the head of Medusa, copied originally from a Greek coin, was -made to pass through a series of apparently meaningless hieroglyphics, -in which the original head was quite lost, and was ultimately converted -into a chariot and four. We must not, however, attribute all variation -to this cause, for I quite agree with a remark made by Mr. Rawlinson in -his 'Five Great Monarchies', that such varieties are more frequently -noticed in cases where the contrivance is of home growth, than in those -which are derived from strangers. - -The third point which we shall have to consider in relation to -continuity, is the retarding element. Under this head, incapacity must -at all times, and especially in the infancy of society, have played the -chief part. But as civilization progressed, other agencies would come -in to influence the same result; prejudice, force of habit, principles -of conservatism in which we have been told by Mr. Mill that all the -dull intellects of the world habitually ensconce themselves, a thousand -interests of a retarding tendency, rise up at the same time as those -having a progressive influence, and prevent our advancing by other than -well-measured paces. - -The resultant of these contending forces is continuity. If we could but -put together the missing links; if we could revive contrivances that -have died at their birth, and expose piracies; if we could penetrate -the haze that is so often thrown over continuity by great names, -absorbing to themselves the credit of contrivances that belong to -others, and thereby causing it to appear that progress has advanced -with great strides, where creeping was in reality the order of the day; -we should find that there is not a single work of man's hand which has -not its history of slow and continuous development, capable of being -traced back, like branches of a tree, to its junction with others, -and so on until the roots of all are found to lie in the simplest -contrivances of primaeval man. - -But we must not expect that we shall be able, in the existing state of -knowledge, to trace this continuity from first to last, for the links -that are lost far exceed in number those which remain. The task may -be compared to that of putting together the fragments of a tree that -has been cut up for firewood, and of which the greater part has been -burnt. It is only here and there, after diligent search, that we may -expect to find a few pieces fitting in such a manner as to prove that -they belonged to the same branch. We do not, on that account, abandon -our conviction that the tree once grew, that every large branch was -once a small twig, and that every limb developed by a natural process -into the form in which we find it. The difficulty we have to contend -with is precisely that which the geologist experiences in tracing his -palaeontological sequence. But it is far greater, for natural history -has been long studied, and the materials upon which Mr. Darwin founds -his celebrated hypothesis have been in process of collection for many -generations. But continuity, in relation to the arts, can scarcely -yet be said to be established as a science. The materials for the -science have not yet been even classified, and classification is a -process which must always precede continuity in the study of nature. -Classification defines the margin of our ignorance; continuity results -from the extension of knowledge, by bridging over the distinction -of classes. Travellers, for the most part, have been in the habit -of bringing home, as curiosities, the most remarkable specimens of -weapons and implements, without much regard to their history or the -evidence they convey; and their descriptions of them, as a general -rule, have been extremely meagre. Until quite recently, the curators -of our ethnographical museums have aimed more at the collection of -unique specimens, serving to exhibit well-marked differences of form, -than such as by their resemblance enable us to trace out community -of origin. The arrangement of them has been almost universally bad, -and has been calculated rather to display the several articles to -advantage, on the principle of shop windows, than to facilitate the -deductions of science. The antiquities of savage races, moreover, have -as yet been almost wholly unstudied. - -Notwithstanding these difficulties, we are able to catch glimpses of -evidence, here and there, which, when put together systematically, and -when the vestiges of antiquity are illustrated by the implements of -existing savages, will, I trust, be found sufficient to warrant the -principles for which I contend. - - -_Combination of Tool and Weapon._ - -In the earliest ages of mankind, when all men were warriors, and before -the division of labour, consequent on civilization, had separated -the arts of peace and war into distinct professions, we must expect -to find the same implement frequently employed in the capacity of -both tool and weapon. Even long after the very earliest ages of which -we have any historical or archaeological record, we often find a -combination of tool and weapon in the same forms, especially amongst -those semi-civilized and savage races of our own times, whom we regard -as the representatives of antiquity. The battles of liberty, from the -age of the Jews and Philistines down to the time of the last Hungarian -revolution, have always been fought by the subject people with weapons -made out of the implements of husbandry. We read in the first of -Samuel, chapter xiii, 'Now there was no smith found in all the land of -Israel: for the Philistines said, Lest the Hebrews make them swords -or spears: but all the Israelites went down to the Philistines, to -sharpen every man his share' (the blade of the ploughshare), 'and his -coulter' (a kind of knife), 'and his ax, and his mattock' (a kind of -pickaxe).... 'So it came to pass, in the day of battle, that there was -neither sword nor spear found in the hand of any of the people that -were with Saul and Jonathan.' In the revolts of the German peasantry, -in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the bands of insurgents armed -themselves with threshing flails and scythe blades. In 1794 and 1831, -the Polish peasantry were similarly armed[127]; and it was from such -implements of husbandry that weapons like the military flail, the -bill, and the yataghan, derived their origin. In the recent outbreak -in Jamaica (which, had it not been ably and powerfully put down, would -have led to the destruction of the whole white population) the negroes -armed themselves with weapons of husbandry. In the proclamation of Paul -Bogle, he says: 'Every one of you must leave your house, take your -guns; who don't have guns, take cutlasses.' The cutlasses here referred -to were the implements used for cutting the sugar-cane, sharp on the -concave edge, and are the same which, having been used as weapons by -the negroes in their own country, have continued to be employed by them -ever since. In like manner, we learn from Symes's 'Embassy to Ava in -1795',[128] that the Burmese use the sabre both for warlike purposes, -as well as for cutting bamboos, felling timber, &c.; it is the constant -companion of the inhabitants for all purposes, and they never travel -without it. In Borneo, the peculiar sword-like weapon, called the -'parangilang', is used both as a weapon, and also for felling trees, -and the axe of this country is constructed so that, by turning it on -the helve, it can be used either as a weapon or as a carpenter's axe. -In like manner, the Kaffir axe-blade, by simply altering its position -in the handle, is used either as a weapon, or for tilling the ground. -The North American Indian tomahawk, like the Kaffir axe, is used for -many different purposes; the spear-head of the Kaffir assegai is the -knife that is used for all purposes of manufacture, and Captain Grant -says that the Watusi of East Central Africa make all their baskets with -their spear-heads.[129] The weapons edged with sharks' teeth, to which -I referred in my former paper, are used in the Marquesas and other of -the South Sea Islands, as much for cutting up fish and carcasses as for -warlike purposes.[130] Dr. Klemm, in his valuable work on savage and -early weapons, describes the wooden pick used by the inhabitants of -New Caledonia both as a weapon, and also for tilling the ground,[131] -and he gives reasons for supposing[132] that in Egypt and many other -parts of the world, the form of the plough was originally derived -from that of the hatchet or hoe, used for tilling purposes. The hoe -used in East Central Africa, which also, like the Kaffir axe, serves -as a medium of exchange in lieu of money, evidently derived its form -from that of a spear or arrow head. The spade, formerly used in this -country, and represented in old pictures, which is still used as a -shovel in Ireland, is a pointed spear-like instrument, and the 'loy' -or spade still used in all parts of Ireland is hafted exactly in the -same manner as the bronze celt of prehistoric times. Dr. Klemm (l. c., -p. 119) gives an illustration of an axe used by the Norwegian peasants -both as a tool and weapon. Speke describes the Usoga tribe[133] as -being armed with huge short-handed spears, adapted rather for digging -than for war; and Barth describes the Bornouese troops in Central -Africa digging holes with their spears, and employing them in searching -for water.[134] The Australian 'dowak', a kind of club with a flint -attached, combines the purposes of a tool and weapon. We know from the -short sticks upon which the small arrow-heads of quartz found in the -Peruvian tombs are mounted, that they must have been used as knives as -well as for missile purposes. Professor Nilsson says that flint-barbed -arrow-heads, of precisely the same form, are used by the inhabitants -of Tierra del Fuego as knives,[135] and Mr. Stephens, in his travels -in Central America, shows reason for supposing that the large stone -idols in Copan were carved with similar arrow-points,[136] no other -instrument capable of being used for such a purpose having been found -in the neighbourhood. - -Examples of this class of evidence might be multiplied _ad infinitum_; -but enough has already been said to afford good grounds for believing -that many of the implements of stone and bronze which are found in the -soil, may have been used for a great variety of purposes, and that, -especially in the earliest stages of culture, we must be careful how we -attribute especial purposes to tools and weapons because they appear -to differ from each other slightly in form. This is more especially so -when, as is almost invariably the case, the several distinct types are -found--when a sufficient number of them are collected and arranged--to -pass almost imperceptibly into each other by connecting links; showing -that the differences observable between any two implements of the same -class, when brought together and contrasted, are rather due to the -operation of a law of variation and development in the fabrication of -the tool itself, than to an intention on the part of the constructor -to adapt it to particular purposes, and that its application to -such especial purposes must have followed, rather than itself have -influenced, the development of the tool. - - -_Transition from the Drift to the Celt Type._ - -My first illustration must of necessity be taken from the flint -implements of the drift, the earliest records of human workmanship that -the researches of science have as yet revealed to us. These, to use the -words of Sir Charles Lyell, 'were probably used as weapons both of war -and the chase, to grub roots, cut down trees, or scoop out canoes.'[137] - -I will not attempt during the brief time allotted to me on the present -occasion, any detailed account of the evidence of the antiquity of -these weapons, assuming that the works of Sir Charles Lyell, and Sir -John Lubbock, will have rendered this subject more or less familiar to -most persons at the present day, but I will confine myself to pointing -out the indications of variation and of improvement observable in the -implements themselves. - -I have arranged upon diagram No. 1 (Plate XII) a series of specimens of -the same type from nearly every part of the globe. - -All the figures given in these diagrams are traced from the implements -themselves, and reduced by photography; they may therefore be regarded -as facsimiles, a point of great importance when our subject has to -deal with the minute gradations of difference observable between them. -Figures 1 to 11 are of the drift type. Casts of the originals of some -of them, and specimens of the implements themselves, are also upon the -table for comparison. - -I may here acknowledge the great obligation I am under to Mr. Franks -for the facilities he has afforded me in drawing many of these -specimens in the Christy Collection; to Dr. Watson for a similar -permission in regard to the valuable collection of arms in the India -Museum; and also to Dr. Birch of the British Museum. A large proportion -of my illustrations are taken from the excellent Museum of this -Institution, and others are from my own collection. - -Of the drift specimens which I have selected to illustrate the -diagrams, five are from the gravel beds of St. Acheul, in order that -we might have an opportunity of observing the variation in implements -derived from the same locality, and probably belonging to the same or -nearly the same period--chips in fact from the same workshop. - -It has been usual to classify these drift implements in two divisions; -the spear-head form, and the oval form. Of the first or spear-head -form, figures 2 to 4 are typical examples; of the oval form, figure -8 is the best illustration. I venture, however, to think that a -distinction more clearly embodying a principle of progress may be made -by dividing them differently, and by placing in the first class those -which are either left rough or rounded at one end and pointed at the -other, of which figures 1 to 7 are examples; and in the second class, -such as are chipped to an edge all round, of which figures 8 to 11 are -types. My reason for preferring this classification to one dependent -on outline is this. The first class having the natural outside coating -of the flint or a roughly rounded surface on one side, appears to be -in every way adapted to be held in the hand; whereas the second class, -of which a beautiful specimen in the Christy Collection from St. -Acheul is represented in a front and side view in figure 10, could not -conveniently be used in the hand as a tool or weapon, without injury to -the hand from the sharp edge with which its periphery is surrounded on -all sides. If, therefore, we see reason for supposing that one class of -implements was employed in handles, whilst the other may have been used -in the hand, I think this constitutes a more important distinction, -and one more obviously implying progress, than a classification which -merely involves a modification of outline, which may have resulted from -no more significant cause than a difference in the form of the flint -nodule out of which the implement was made.[138] - -Another important distinction between these drift implements as thus -arranged, arises from the different purposes to which they may have -been put by the fabricators. The first class, figures 1 to 7--it -will be seen by the side view of them--could have been used only as -spears, picks, or daggers, the pointed or small end being employed for -that purpose, whereas the latter class, figures 8 to 11, are equally -available for use as axes with the sharp and broad end. It is quite -possible therefore, that we may see here, in these vestiges of the -first tools of mankind (specimens of all varieties of which are found -in the same beds at St. Acheul), the point of divergence between the -two distinct classes, which must certainly be regarded as the two most -constant and universal weapons of mankind in all ages and countries of -the world, viz. the spear and the axe; the small end developed into the -spear and into all that class of tools for which a point is required; -and from the broad end we obtained the axe and all those tools which -either as chisels, choppers, gouges, or battle-axes, have continued in -use with an endless continuity of development and modification, and -a world-wide history up to the present time. I am aware that in the -St. Acheul implements, as well as in those of similar form from the -laterite beds of Madras, we find occasionally specimens in which the -small end is made broader, as if indicating the gradual development -of an edge on that side, but upon the whole I think the balance of -evidence is in favour of the broad end having originated the axe form. - -Nothing, it will be seen, can be more primitive than these tools, or -more gradual than their development. They are perfectly consistent -with the idea that the fabricators of them were in a condition closely -verging upon that of the brutes. Apes are known to use stones in -cracking the shells of nuts. The advantage to be derived from a pointed -form, when it accidentally fell into the hand, would suggest itself -almost instinctively to any being capable of profiting by experience -and retaining it in the memory. Accidental fractures, producing a sharp -edge, would lead to fractures of design, and thus we may easily suppose -that such implements as are represented in the first few figures of -our diagram must necessarily have resulted from the very earliest -constructive efforts of primaeval man. - -From the very first, a peculiar mode of fabrication appears to have -been adopted, which consisted of chipping off flakes from alternate -sides of the flint, and the facets thus left upon the flint produce -the wavelike edge which you will see in the side views of all the -implements here represented. This method continued to be employed -throughout the entire stone age, in all parts of the universe, and is -characteristic not merely of the drift, but of the cave, pfahlbauten, -and surface periods. - -The numerous intermediate gradations of form, whether between the -oval and the spear-head form, or between the thick and the sharpened -form, have been noticed by Sir Charles Lyell (l. c., p. 164). By -selecting specimens, and arranging them in order from left to right, -I have endeavoured to trace the transition from the drift type to the -almond-shaped celt type, which latter is common to the stone age of -mankind, whether ancient or modern, in all parts of the world. - -Had the discovery of drift implements been confined to one locality -or to one district, it is probable it would have attracted but little -notice. As early as the first year of the present century the attention -of the Society of Antiquaries had been drawn by Mr. Frere to the -existence of these implements, in conjunction with the remains of the -elephant and other extinct animals at Hoxne in Suffolk. An illustration -of the specimens from this locality is given in figure 4. Mr. Frere -described them as 'evidently weapons of war, fabricated and used by a -people who had not the use of metals'. But little or no attention was -paid to the subject until the discovery by M. Boucher de Perthes of -precisely similar implements associated with the same class of remains, -in the drift gravel of St. Acheul, near Amiens, in 1858.[139] Since -then many other discoveries have been made, and still continue to be -made, by Mr. Prestwich, Mr. Evans, Mr. Flower, Mr. Bruce Foote, and -others, not only in this country but also in Asia and Africa, showing, -in so far as the discoveries have hitherto gone, that this drift type, -like the almond celt type, is common to the earliest ages in all -parts of the world, and that everywhere the drift type preceded the -almond-shaped celt type, and is found in beds of earlier formation. - -Figure 5 is a drift-shaped implement from the laterite beds of Madras, -of exactly the same form as those found in England. Figure 6 is an -implement of the same class from the Cape of Good Hope, found fourteen -feet from the surface. In America, implements of the drift type have -not yet been discovered, but stone spear-heads have been found in -Missouri in connexion with the elephant and other extinct animals. -Figure 11 is from a mound of sun-dried bricks at Abou Sharein, in -Southern Babylonia, obtained by Mr. J. E. Taylor, British Consul at -Basrah; it is a chipped flint; in form it is of the drift type, and -its outline is precisely that of some of the Carib celts found in the -West India Islands; it also closely resembles in form others from the -Pacific[140]; its edge was evidently at the broad end. Another of -the same type was found at Mugeyer in Babylonia, and a third closely -resembling the two former was found in a cave in Bethlehem. - -The celt type has not as yet been found in the French caves of the -reindeer period, but it is common in the 'pile dwellings' of the Swiss -lakes. Some of the French cave specimens, however, closely approach -the drift form, and in place of the celt, we have a peculiar kind of -tool trimmed to a cutting edge on one side and having the other round -for holding in the hand. As, however, these do not fall into the -direct line of development, but may be regarded as a branch variety, I -have not figured them in my diagram, but pass at once, though almost -imperceptibly as regards form, from the drift to the surface type. - -Figure 12 formed part of a large find of flint implements, discovered -by myself in the ancient British camp of Cissbury, near Worthing--an -account of this discovery was communicated by me to the Society of -Antiquaries at the commencement of the present year.[141] The period of -these Cissbury implements must be fixed at a very much more modern date -than those of the drift, with which they are associated in my diagram, -having been found in conjunction with the earliest traces of domestic -animals, such as the Bos longifrons, Capra hircus, and Sus; they may, -however, be classed with the stone age, no trace of metal having been -discovered with them, although from 500 to 600 flint implements were -found in the camp. The peculiarity of the Cissbury find, however, -consists in the discovery (in the same pits in which celts of the -type represented in figure 12 were found) of a few flints closely -approaching the drift type, being thick at the broad end, and also of -a large number resembling those found in the French caves, trimmed -to an edge on one side, and adapted to be held in the hand. So that -the Cissbury find, although belonging to what is usually called the -surface period, contains specimens affording every link of connexion -between the drift and the almond-shaped celt type. This discovery must, -I think, be regarded as a step in knowledge of prehistoric antiquity, -and a decided accession to the science of continuity, for Sir John -Lubbock has told us in his preface to the work of Professor Nilsson, -lately published[142], that the Palaeolithic, i. e. the drift types, -'have never yet been met with in association with the characteristics -of a later epoch.' I shall therefore be interested to know whether, -after an examination of the Cissbury specimens, which I have presented -to the Christy Collection, Sir John Lubbock may be induced to alter -his opinion on that point; for I think it is entirely consistent with -all that is known of early races of mankind, that early types should -be retained in use long after the introduction of others that have -been developed from them. However this may be, I think that in casting -the eye from left to right along the upper row of diagram No. 1 (Plate -XII), it will puzzle the acutest observer to determine where the drift -type ends, and that of the celt begins. If it is contended, as I am -aware it will be contended by some, that the typical characteristic -of the celt consists in its being sharp at the broad end, while those -of the drift are blunt at the broad end, I reply that many of the -drift specimens are also sharpened at the broad end, more especially -those represented in figures 9 and 10 from the drift of St. Acheul. -Many specimens from Thetford which I have seen, as, for example, Fig. -17 _b_, from a cast in the collection of the Society of Antiquaries, -presented by Mr. Flower, approach equally closely to the celt type, -as do some of those from the laterite beds of Madras, and though they -are of rare occurrence in all these localities, and are certainly a -variation from the normal type of drift implements, still they are -found in sufficient numbers to serve as links in connecting the forms -of the earliest, with those of the later period. - -I have dealt somewhat at length upon this part of my subject, owing -to the circumstance of its presenting some features of novelty in -the study of flint implements, and being therefore open to criticism -on the part of those who are more favourable to the principles of -classification than of continuity, with all the important concomitants, -of division _versus_ unity, which those principles involve. - -I may now pass briefly over the remaining figures in the diagram. -Figure 13 is a specimen found by Mr. Evans at Spienne, near Mons; its -very close resemblance to figure 12 from Cissbury will be noticed; in -fact the whole of the Spienne specimens resemble very closely those -discovered in Cissbury, except that the Spienne implements of this -class are associated with others of polished flint, which gives them -a more advanced character than those derived from Cissbury, in which -place only one fragment of a polished implement was discovered, and -that in a part of the intrenchment which renders it very doubtful -whether it ought to be associated with the Cissbury find. Figures -15, 16, and 17 are from Denmark, Ireland, and Yorkshire;--this type, -however, is rare in Denmark, most of the flint implements from that -country being of a more advanced character, and having usually a -rectangular cross-section. - -The lower row of the diagram consists of specimens derived, either from -what has been termed the neolithic or polished stone age of Europe, or -from savages who are still in a corresponding stage of progression in -various parts of the world at the present time. - -To the former or neolithic stone age of Europe belong figure 21 from -France, figure 25 from the bed of the Clyde in Scotland, figure 27 from -the Swiss lake-dwellings, figure 29 from the caves in Gibraltar, figure -30 from Sweden, figure 36 from Portugal, figure 37 from the bed of the -Thames, figure 38 from Ireland, figure 39 from Jelabonga, in Russia. -Precisely identical forms are also found in Germany, Italy, and the -Channel Isles. Amongst the specimens derived from the ancient stone age -of other parts of the world, and belonging to an age of civilization -that is now extinct, may be enumerated figure 22 from Peru, figure 40 -from Mexico, figure 24 from Central India, figure 41 from Japan, figure -42 from Mugeyer, in Babylonia. Nearly similar ones, but flattened at -the side, like those common in Denmark, have been obtained from China -and Pegu. Figure 43 is from Algeria, from the collection of Mr. Flower. - -The following are examples of the same class of implements, used by -savages of our own, or of comparatively modern times:--Figures 18 and -19 from Australia; these are generally used in a handle, formed by a -withe twisted round them in the manner still used by blacksmiths in -this country. Sometimes, however, I am informed by an eye-witness, the -Australians use these celts in the hand without any handle at all. -Although polished on the surface, these Australian celts have been -compared by Sir Charles Lyell (l. c., p. 79) to the oval forms of the -drift represented in figure 7. The art of polishing appears to have -preceded the development of form in this country. Figure 20, from New -Zealand, is a specimen in Mr. Evans's collection, of which he has been -so kind as to allow me to take an outline; this form, however, is -extremely rare in New Zealand, the usual shape of the stone celts from -that country being flat-sided, like the specimens from Denmark, already -noticed. Figure 23 is from the Pacific; figure 26, from Pennsylvania; -these were used by the American Indians, previously, and for some time -after the immigration of Europeans. Figures 31 and 32 are Carib celts -from my collection, beautifully polished. Figure 33, from St. Domingo, -is in the Cork Museum. Figure 34, from the Antilles, is in the Christy -Collection; both of these have a human face engraved upon them. Figure -35 is of jade, from New Caledonia, in my own collection. - - -_Hafting._ - -The method of hafting these implements, employed by savages, shows that -they were used for a variety of purposes; in some, the edge is fastened -at right angles to the handle, to be used as an adze, whilst in others -the same tool is fastened with the blade in a line with the handle, -to be used as a chopper or battle-axe. In some it is fastened with a -withe, passed round the stone, as in the specimen from Australia (fig. -44, from this Institution) and some parts of North America; figure 45 -is a stone axe from the Ojibbeway Indians, from my collection. At -other times it is inserted in the side of a stick or club. A specimen -in my collection from Ireland (fig. 46), one of the few that have ever -been found with handles, shows that this was the method employed in -that country.[143] Others are inserted in the end of a bent stick (fig. -47), a mode of hafting common in the Polynesian Islands, in Africa, -Ancient Egypt, Mexico, North America, and New Caledonia; it is employed -by the Kalmucks and others, and was used during the bronze age. Some -of the Australian axes were fastened to their handles by a peculiar -preparation of gum manufactured for that purpose. - -Dr. Klemm, in his 'Werkzeuge und Waffen', supposes the first lessons -in hafting to have been derived from nature, by observing the manner -in which stones are often firmly grasped by the roots of trees growing -round them, and he gives several woodcuts of specimens of Nature's -hafting, which he has collected from various sources; one of these, -extracted from his work (l. c., p. 14), is represented in figure 48. -I have placed upon the table, in illustration of this idea, an iron -mediaeval axe-head (fig. 49), which has furnished itself with a handle -in this manner, whilst buried beneath the surface; it is said to have -been found in Glemham Park, Suffolk, eleven feet from the surface. Even -to this day, when a peasant in Brittany discovers one of these stone -celts upon the ground, he is in the habit of splitting the branch of a -young tree and inserting the celt into the cleft; in the course of a -year or two it becomes firmly fixed, and he then cuts off the branch, -and uses the implement thus hafted by nature as a hammer for driving -nails. In the 'Antiquités Celtiques et Antédiluviennes,' vol. i (Paris, -1847), p. 327, M. Boucher de Perthes mentions the discovery of two -ancient stone hammer-heads, which appeared to have been furnished with -handles by passing the hole over the bough of a tree and allowing it to -fill up the aperture by its natural growth, until it became fixed as a -handle.[144] - -It might be interesting, if space permitted, to follow up the -development of the stone axe-head through its various phases until, -in the latest stages, when bronze had already come into general use -for weapons, we find it furnished with a hole through the middle -for the insertion of the handle. It may, I think, be safely said -that--although nature furnishes numerous examples, in many classes of -rocks, and especially in flints, of stones perforated with holes, and -although they appear to have attracted the notice of the aborigines of -many countries by the peculiar superstitious reverence which is often -found to be attached to such stones when found in the soil--this mode -of fastening stone implements in their handles did not come into use -until late in the stone age, and that even in the bronze age it was but -little employed. - - -_Transition from Oval to Rectangular Forms._ - -Whether the stone celts having a square or rectangular section (such -as are found principally in Denmark, New Zealand, Mexico, and Pegu), -were coeval, or of subsequent development, to those of the almond-shape -type, may be a matter for conjecture; the small flint hatchets found -in the Kitchenmiddens of Denmark appear to approach closely to the -rectangular type. It is certain, that in the Swiss Lakes both forms -are found fully developed, and it may be mentioned, as an instance of -the constant tendency to variation that is everywhere observable in -the weapons of the early races of mankind, that of the whole of the -celts found at Nussdorf, in the Lake of Constance, though all might be -traced to the same normal type as regards their general outline, no two -were alike; and Dr. Keller gives sections, showing every conceivable -gradation from the square and rectangular to the oval and circular -section[145]. It may, however, be affirmed, that convex forms, as a -general rule, preceded those having a rectangular or concave surface; -it is so in the forms of nature; the habitations of animals are -almost invariably convex. Dr. Livingstone mentions[146] that he found -it impossible even to teach the natives of South Africa to build a -square hut; when left to themselves for a few minutes, they invariably -reverted to the circle. All the earliest habitations of prehistoric -times are found to be circular or oval; even the sophisticated infant -of modern civilization, when he plays with his bricks, will invariably -build them in a circular form, until otherwise instructed. - - -_Development of Spear and Arrow-head Forms._ - -We must now turn to the development of the second great class of -weapons--the spear and arrow. These may be classed together, the -arrow being merely the diminutive of the spear; and it may be taken -as a general rule, applicable to all the arts of prehistoric times, -that when a given form has once been introduced, it will speedily be -repeated in every possible size that can be applied to any of the -various purposes for which such a form is capable of being used. Size, -in the arts of the earliest ages, is no indication of progress. In the -same way it may be said of the development of the animal or vegetable -kingdom, size is no indication of improved organism. - -In the same beds in which the drift-type implements are found, flakes, -either struck off in the formation of such tools, or especially -flaked off from a core in a particular manner, indicating that they -were themselves intended for use as tools, are found in considerable -numbers. No more useful tool could have been used during the stone age -than the plain, untouched flint flake, which, from the sharpness of -the edge, is capable of being used for a variety of purposes. Those, -for example, formed of obsidian are so sharp that it is recorded, -by the Spanish historians, that the Mexicans were in the habit of -shaving themselves with such flakes. As my present subject has to -deal exclusively with war weapons, I will not enter into a detailed -description of these flakes, further than to observe that they are -found, together with the cores from which they were struck off, in -every quarter of the globe in which flint, obsidian, or any other -suitable material has been found, and that everywhere the process of -flaking appears to have been the same. - -Now, the fracture of flint is very uncertain; by constant habit, -the ancient flint-workers appear to have been able to command the -fracture of the flint in a manner that cannot be imitated, even by -the most skilful forgers of those implements in modern times; but, -notwithstanding this, the varieties of the forms of the flakes thus -struck off must have been very considerable, and these varieties must, -from the very first, have suggested some of the different forms of -tools that were made out of them. - -I cannot, perhaps, explain this point better than by exhibiting a -number of flakes, found by myself in the bed of the Bann at Toom, in -Ireland, at the spot where that river flows out of Lough Neagh. This -was a place originally discovered by Mr. Evans, where probably, in -a habitation built upon the river, they formerly manufactured flint -implements; and the bed of the river for the space of a hundred yards -or more is covered with the flakes. It will be seen on examining -these flakes, that some of them came off in a broad leaf-shaped form, -and these, with a very little additional chipping, have been formed -into spear-heads. Others longer and thicker have been chipped into -something like picks, and others thinner and narrower than the two -former, have been used probably as knives; others for scraping skins. -We see from this that certain forms would naturally suggest themselves -through the natural fracture of the flint, and this may to a certain -extent account, though it does not, I think, entirely account, for the -remarkable resemblance of form and unity of development observable in -the spear and arrow heads, derived from localities so remote from each -other as almost to preclude the possibility of their having ever been -derived from a common source. - -[Illustration: PLATE XIII. - -_Diagram 2._ - -DEVELOPMENT OF SPEAR & ARROW-HEAD FORMS.] - -I have arranged in tabular form, on diagram No. 2 (= Plate XIII), -representations of spear and arrow heads from all the different -localities from which I have been able to obtain them in sufficient -number to show fairly the numerous varieties which each country -produces. On the top of the diagram, from left to right, the several -forms are arranged in the order that appears most truly to indicate -progression; but it must not be supposed that this arrangement is -absolutely correct, for the several forms, such for example as the -tang and the triangular form, were most probably derived from a common -centre. The specimens from each locality ought therefore, in order -to display their progression properly, to be arranged in the form of -a tree, branching from a common stem. On the left of the diagram are -written the different periods and localities, from which the specimens -are derived. Commencing with the drift--the oldest of which we have -any knowledge--which is coeval with the elephant and rhinoceros in -Europe, we have the peculiar thick form already described. The examples -of the drift period here shown, from their small size, must evidently -have been used with a shaft, as they are scarcely large enough to have -served as hand tools. None of the lozenge, tang, or triangular forms, -have ever been found in the drift. - -The next line represents specimens from the French caves of the -reindeer period, which are taken from the _Reliquiae Aquitanicae_, -chiefly from Dordogne.[147] It will be seen that in these caves the -first rude indications of the lozenge and tang form are represented, -but no perfect specimens of either class. No example of the triangular -form has been discovered. The leaf-shape form, however, is well -represented. - -In the ancient habitations of the Swiss Lakes, which belong to a later -period, all varieties, except those of the drift type, are represented, -but none of them in their most fully developed form; the tangs, it will -be seen, are long, and the barbs comparatively short; the triangular -form, which I consider to be the latest in the order of development, is -mentioned by Dr. Keller, from whose work these specimens are taken, as -being extremely rare. The comparative rarity of flint implements in the -Lakes may, however, in some measure be accounted for, by the absence of -flint in the district, necessitating the importation of this material -from a distance. - -The specimens from Yorkshire, Ireland, Sweden, Denmark, Italy, and -Germany, may be considered to carry the development of these forms up -to the latest period, viz. the late stone, and early bronze age; for -there can be no doubt from the number of arrow-heads found in these -countries, in connexion with implements of bronze, that they were -used for missile purposes long after the _armes blanches_ had been -constructed of metal. - -In all these localities it will be seen that the various gradations of -form are identical; but as I have been able to collect a much larger -number of arrow-heads from Ireland than elsewhere, the development of -form is more apparent in the specimens selected from that country. - -From the leaf-shape, it will be observed, there is every link of -transition into the perfect lozenge type, and the latter is as a -general rule, both in Ireland and in Yorkshire, much rarer, and more -carefully constructed, than the leaf-shaped type, showing that there is -every probability of the lozenge having been an improved form. - -The tang form is represented, at first, by a few rude chips on each -side of the base of the original flake, narrowing that part in such a -manner as to admit of its being inserted, into a handle or shaft, and -bound round with a sinew. This is superseded by the gradual formation -of barbs on each side, and these barbs are lengthened by degrees, until -they reach to the line of the base of the tang; the tang subsequently -shortens, leaving the barbs with a semicircular aperture between them, -and thus approaching some of the forms represented in the triangular -column. These latter barbed specimens are usually more finished, and -chipped with greater care than the long-tanged ones, which are rougher, -more time-worn, and probably of earlier date. - -The triangular form is seen at first, with a straight base; gradually -a semicircular aperture appears, and this deepens by degrees until, in -some of the more carefully formed specimens, it approaches the form -of a Norman arch. This last variety is especially well represented in -Denmark. - -Sir William Wilde's arrangement, in his _Catalogue of the Royal Irish -Academy_,[148] differs in some respects from this; he considers the -triangular an early form, and he assigns the final perfection of the -art of fabricating flint spear-heads, to the large lozenge-shape form; -grounding his opinion on the circumstance of many of this form, of the -larger size, having been found polished, whilst those of the leaf, -triangular, and tang shape are not usually carried further than the -preliminary process of chipping. But it is evident that these larger -forms may have been used for spears, the lozenge shape being especially -adapted for this purpose, as enabling the owner of it to withdraw it -from the wound, after slaying his adversary; while those of the barbed -and triangular form being lighter, and calculated to stick in the -wound, would be better adapted for arrow-heads: and it is unlikely -that the same amount of labour would be expended on a weapon intended -to be cast from a bow, as upon one designed to be held in the hand. I -consider the polishing of these particular weapons therefore to be no -criterion of age, but merely to indicate that they were used as _armes -d'hast_, and not as missiles. - -It appears highly probable, however, that all the several varieties, -if not developed simultaneously, were used at the same time; for we -find amongst the Persians, the Esquimaux, and many other nations, that -a great variety of arrow-heads are carried in the same quiver, and are -used either indiscriminately or for different purposes[149]. - -In the eighth row from the top, I have arranged a series of similar -forms from America, obtained chiefly from Pennsylvania, but they -are also found in other parts of the continent, and some few of the -illustrations here given (Plate XIII, figs. 131, 132, and 133) are -from Tierra del Fuego. Their forms enable them to be arranged under -precisely the same divisions as those from the continent of Europe, -and in each division the same development is observable. The tang or -barbed form, however, differs sufficiently from the European forms of -the same class to show that they arose independently, and were not -derived from a common source. The tang of the American arrow-heads, it -will be seen, is broader, at least in the later forms, and it appears -to have originated in a notch on the sides of the blade, intended to -hold the sinew with which it is attached to the shaft or handle. This -notch appears to have been constructed lower and lower on the sides -of the blade, until at last it comes down quite into the base of the -flint, and it then closely resembles the European in form; compare, for -example, figures 94 and 136; except that the tang is broader, and has a -lateral projection on each side, so as to render it firmer in the shaft -when bound by the sinew. - -Notches at the side of the blade are extremely rare in Ireland, but -from Sweden Professor Nilsson gives a drawing of an arrow-head, which -I have copied into my diagram (figure 96). It is precisely identical, -in its peculiar form, to one here figured from America (figure 139), -and they both have a concave base, in addition to the side notch; thus -apparently representing a transition form between the tang and the -triangular, which I have never noticed, except in the two specimens -here referred to, and which must be regarded in Europe as extremely -rare. - -To illustrate the mode of fixing these instruments in their shafts, I -have here figured several examples from my collection; two of these -(figures 163 and 164) were derived from the Esquimaux, between Icy Cape -and Point Barrow, the person from whom I purchased them having brought -them himself from that locality. Figures 165, 166, and 167, are from -California. - -Burton says that the Indians between the Mississippi and the Pacific -use the barbed form only for war[150]; and Schoolcraft, in the -_Archives of the Aborigines of America_,[151] gives illustrations of -two methods of fastening, one for war and the other for the chase, the -former being loosely tied on, so as to come off when inserted in the -wound. - -But, in addition to their use as arrow-points, we have reason to -suppose that they were used also as knives. I have represented in -the diagram (figures 168 and 169) two short-handled instruments -from Peru, which are now in the British Museum, into which similar -arrow-points are inserted. These, from the shortness and peculiar -shape of their shafts, could hardly have been used as darts. The only -weapon peculiar to those regions from which such an instrument could -have been projected, is the blow-pipe, and they are entirely different -from the darts used with the blow-pipe either in South America, the -Malay Peninsula, or Ceylon, in which countries the blow-pipe is used. -There is reason to believe, from the manner in which they are placed in -the graves, unaccompanied by any bow or other weapon from which they -could have been projected[152], that they were employed as knives, and -this is confirmed by the fact, already mentioned, of the inhabitants -of Tierra del Fuego using their arrow-points for knives. The great -numbers in which they are found in Ireland, in Yorkshire, and other -localities appertaining to the late stone age, in which places they -form the greater part of the relics collected, and are always the most -highly finished implements discovered--the other stone implements -associated with them being either celts, flint-discs, picks, or rough -or partially worked flakes, that are capable of being wrought into -arrows--the fact that the peculiar modification of form observable at -the base of these implements appears to have been designed rather to -facilitate the attachment of them to their wooden shafts or handles, -than for the special purposes of war; and the frequent marks of use, as -if by rubbing, that are found on the points of many of them, especially -in the specimens from Ireland; all these circumstances favour the -supposition that in Europe, as well as in America, these arrow-head -forms were used for many other purposes besides war and the chase; and -that, like the assegai of the Kaffir, and the many other examples of -tool-weapons already enumerated, we may regard them as having served to -our primaeval ancestors the general purposes of a small tool available -for carving, cutting, and for all those works for which a fine edge and -point was required. On the other hand the celt undoubtedly provided -them with a large tool capable of being applied to all the rougher -purposes, whether peaceful or warlike, for which it was adapted in the -simple arts of an uncivilized people. - -In the ninth row I have arranged, under their respective classes, the -whole of the specimens of flint arrow-heads that are given in Siebold's -atlas of Japanese weapons.[153] It will be seen that they present the -same variety of form as those already described. A similar collection -of flint arrow-heads has lately been added to the British Museum by Mr. -Franks, and described by him. They formed part of a Japanese collection -of curiosities, and are labelled in the Japanese character, showing -that this remote country not only passed through the same stone period -as ourselves, but that, as their culture improved and expanded, they, -like ourselves, have at last begun to make collections of objects to -illustrate the arts of remote antiquity. - - -_Implements composed of Perishable Materials._ - -It is now time that I should say a few words respecting weapons -constructed of more perishable materials; for it is not to be assumed -that, because we find nothing in the drift-gravels but weapons of -flint and stone, the aborigines of that age did not also employ wood -and other materials capable of being more easily worked. If man was -at that time, as he is now, a beast of prey, he must also have become -familiar, in the very first stages of his existence, with the uses of -bone as a material for fabricating into weapons. In the French caves, a -large number of bone implements have been found, and their resemblance, -amounting almost to identity, with those found in Sweden, amongst the -Esquimaux, and the inhabitants of Tierra del Fuego, has been noticed by -Sir John Lubbock, Professor Nilsson, and others. - -But, in dealing with the subject of continuity and development, it is -necessary to confine our remarks to those countries from which we have -had an opportunity of collecting large varieties of the same class of -implement; we must therefore have recourse to the Australian, the New -Zealander, and those nations with which we are more frequently brought -in contact. - - -_Transition from Celt to Paddle, Spear, and Sword Forms._ - -[Illustration: PLATE XIV. - -_Diagram 3._ - -TRANSITION FROM CELT TO PADDLE SPEAR & SWORD FORMS.] - -The almond-shape celt form, as I have already demonstrated, is one so -universally distributed and of such very early origin, that we may -naturally expect to find many of the more complicated forms of savage -implements derived from it. [See diagram No. 3, reproduced in Plate -XIV.] In a paper in the _Ulster Journal of Archaeology_ (Belfast, 1857, -vol. v, pp. 125-27) a writer draws attention to the occurrence in -the bed of the Bann, and elsewhere in the north of Ireland, of stone -clubs, formed much upon the general outline of the celt, but narrowed -at the small end, so as to facilitate their being held in the hand -like a bludgeon. Fig. 50 is copied from the illustration given in the -paper referred to, and fig. 51 is another in my collection, also from -Ireland, of precisely the same form; the original is upon the table, -and it will be seen that it is simply a celt cut at the small end, -so as to adapt it to being held in the hand. Fig. 52 is an implement -in common use among the New Zealanders, called the 'pattoo-pattoo', -of precisely the same shape; it is of jade, and its form, as may be -seen by the thin sharp edge at the top, is evidently derived from that -of the stone celt. Fig. 53 is a remarkably fine specimen, from the -Museum of this Institution; the handle part in this specimen is more -elaborately finished. These weapons are used as clubs to break heads, -and also as missiles, and the fact of their having been derived from -the celt is shown by the manner in which they are used by the New -Zealanders. I am informed by Mr. Dilke, who derived his information -from the natives whilst travelling in New Zealand, that the manner of -striking with these weapons is not usually with the side, but with the -sharp end of the pattoo-pattoo, precisely in the same manner that a -celt would be used if held in the hand. The spot selected for the blow -is usually above the ear, where the skull is weakest. If any further -evidence were wanting to prove the derivation of this weapon from the -stone celt, it is afforded by fig. 54, which is a jade implement lately -added to the British Museum from the Woodhouse Collection. It was, for -some time, believed to have been found in a Greek tomb, but this is now -believed by Mr. Franks to be a mistake; it is, without doubt, a New -Zealand instrument. The straight edge shows unmistakably that the end -was the part employed in using it, while the rounded small end, with a -hole at the extremity, shows that, like the pattoo-pattoo, it was held -in the hand. It is, in fact, precisely identical with the hand celts -from Ireland, above described, and forms a valuable connecting link -between the celt and pattoo-pattoo form. Now it may be regarded as a -law of development, applicable alike to all implements of savage and -early races, that when any form has been produced symmetrically, like -this pattoo-pattoo, the same form will be found either curved to one -side, or divided in half; the variation, no doubt, depending on the -purposes for which it is used. The pattoo-pattoo, having been used at -first, like its prototype the celt, for striking with the end, would -naturally come to be employed for striking upon the side edge.[154] -The other side would therefore be liable to variation, according to -the fancy of the workman. Figs. 55, 56, and 57, are examples of these -implements, in which the edge is retained only on one side and at the -end, the other side being variously cut and ornamented. This weapon -extended to the west coast of America, and there, as in New Zealand, -they are found both of the symmetrical and of the one-sided form. Fig. -58 is one believed to be from Nootka Sound, in my collection. Fig. 59 -is also from Nootka, in the Museum of this Institution. Fig. 60 is an -outline of one from Peru, which is figured in Dr. Klemm's work (l. c., -fig. 46, p. 26), and I am informed that a nearly similar club has been -derived from Brazil. - -The same form as the pattoo-pattoo, in Australia, has been developed -in wood. Fig. 61 is from Nicol Bay, North-West Australia, and is in -the Christy Collection described as a sword. Fig. 62 is of the same -form, also of wood, but of cognate form, from New Guinea. In fig. 63, -which is also from New Guinea, we see the same form developed into a -paddle. In the larger implements of this class we see the same form, -modified in such a manner as to diminish the weight; thus, the convex -sides become either straight or concave. I have arranged upon the walls -a variety of clubs and paddles, from the Polynesian Islands, figs. -64 to 67, all of which must have been derived from a common source. -The New Zealand steering-paddle, fig. 64, it will be seen, is simply -an elongated celt form. Those from the Marquesas (fig. 65), Society -Isles, Fiji, and Solomon Isles, &c., are all allied. In the infancy of -the art of navigation, we may suppose that the implements of war, when -constructed of wood, may have frequently been used as paddles, or those -employed for paddles have been used in the fight, and this may perhaps -account for the circumstance that, throughout these regions, the club, -sword, and paddle pass into each other by imperceptible gradations. -In the Friendly Isles we may notice a still further development of -this form into the long wooden spear, specimens of which, from this -Institution, are exhibited (figs. 68, 69, and 70). - -We must not expect to find all the connecting links in one country or -island. We know that the same race has at different times spread over -a very wide area; that the Polynesians, New Zealanders, and Malays are -all of the same stock, speaking the same or cognate languages. The same -race spread to the shores of America on the one side, and to Madagascar -on the other, carrying with them their arts and implements, and we may, -therefore, naturally expect that the links which are missing in one -locality may be supplied in another. - - -_Development of the Australian Boomerang._ - -We now turn to the Australians, a race which, being in the lowest stage -of cultivation of any with whom we are acquainted, must be regarded as -the best representatives of aboriginal man. - -I have transferred the Australian sword, Plate XIV (diagram 3), fig. -61, to Plate XV (diagram 4), fig. 72, in order that from it we may -be able to trace the development of a weapon supposed by some to be -peculiar to this country, but one which in reality has had a very wide -range in the earliest stages of culture; I allude to the boomerang.[155] - -The Australians, in the manufacture of all their weapons, follow the -natural grain of the wood, and this leads them into the adoption of -every conceivable curve. The straight sword would by this means at -once assume the form of the boomerang, which, it will be seen by the -diagram, is constructed of every shade of curve from the straight line -to the right angle, the curve invariably following the natural grain of -the wood, that is to say, the bend of the piece of a stem or branch out -of which the implement was fabricated. - -All savage nations are in the habit of throwing their weapons at the -enemy. The desire to strike an enemy at a distance, without exposing -one's self within the range of his weapons, is one deeply seated in -human nature, and requires neither explanation nor comment. Even apes, -as I have already noticed, are in the habit of throwing stones. The -North American Indian throws his tomahawk; the Indians of the Grand -Chako, in South America, throw the 'macana', a kind of club. We -learn from the travels of Mr. Blount,[156] in the Levant in 1634, -that at that time the Turks used the mace to throw, as well as for -striking. The Kaffirs throw the knob-kerry, as did also the Fidasians -of Western Africa.[157] The Fiji Islanders are in the habit of throwing -a precisely similar club. The Franks are supposed to have thrown the -'francisca'.[158] The New Zealander throws his 'pattoo-pattoo', and the -Australian throws the 'dowak' and the waddy, as well as his boomerang. -All these weapons spin of their own accord when thrown from the hand. -In practising with the boomerang, it will be found that it does not -require that any special movement of rotation should be imparted to it, -but if thrown with the point first it must inevitably rotate in its -flight. The effect of this rotation, it will hardly be necessary to -remind those acquainted with the laws of projectiles, is to preserve -the axis and plane of rotation parallel to itself, upon the principle -of the gyroscope. By this means the thin edge of the weapon would be -constantly opposed to the atmosphere in front, whilst the flat sides, -if thrown horizontally, would meet the air opposed to it by the action -of gravitation; the effect, of course, would be to increase the range -of the projectile, by facilitating its forward movement, and impeding -its fall to the earth. This much, all curved weapons of the boomerang -form possess as a common property. - -If any large collection of boomerangs from Australia be examined, it -will be seen that they vary not only in their curvature, but also in -their section; some are much thicker than others, some are of the same -breadth throughout, whilst others bulge in the centre; some are heavier -than others, some have an additional curve so as to approach the form -of an S, some have a slight twist laterally, some have an equal section -on both sides, while others are nearly flat on one side and convex on -the other. - -As all these varieties continued to be employed, it would soon be -perceived that peculiar advantages were derived from the use of the -flatter class of weapon, especially such as are flat on the under -side, for by throwing these in such a manner as to catch the air on -the flat side, instead of falling to the ground they would rise in -the air, precisely in the same manner that a kite, (fig. 71), when -the boy runs forward with the string, rises and continues to rise as -long as it is kept up by the action of the air beneath. In like manner -the boomerang, as long as the forward movement imparted to it by the -thrower continues, will continue to rise, and the plane of rotation, -instead of continuing perfectly parallel to its original position, -will be slightly raised by the action of the atmosphere on the forward -side. When the movement of transition ceases, the boomerang will -begin to fall, and its course in falling will be by the line of least -resistance, which is in the direction of the edge that lies obliquely -towards the thrower; it will therefore fall back in the same manner -that a kite, when the string is suddenly broken, is seen to fall -back for a short distance; but as the kite has received no movement -of rotation to cause it to continue in the same plane of descent, -it soon loses its parallelism, and falls in a series of fantastic -curves towards the ground. The boomerang will do the same thing if it -loses its movement of rotation; but as long as this continues, which -it usually does after the forward movement has ceased, it continues -to fall back upon the same inclined plane by which it ascended, and -finally reaches the ground at the feet of the thrower. There are -various ways of throwing the boomerang, but the principles here -enunciated will explain the course of its flight in whatever manner it -may be thrown. - -Now it is evident that this peculiar mode of flight would be of great -advantage to the savage, for as we learn from a paper in _Trans. -Ethnological Society_ (N.S. iii. pp. 264-5), by Mr. Oldfield, who -speaks from experience, the natives usually employ this weapon against -large flocks of ducks or wild-fowl in rivers or marshes; the weapon -after striking or missing the prey would return to the thrower, -instead of being lost in the morass; its use, therefore, would give -to the individual or tribe possessing it a great advantage over their -neighbours in the struggle for life. - -But it is evident that the principles of the flight of the boomerang, -such as I have described it, according to the recognized law of -projectiles, must have been entirely unknown to the savage; he can no -more be said to have _invented_ the boomerang than he can be said to -have _invented_ the art of sustaining life by nourishment. Instinct -prompts him to eat; little better than instinct would enable him to -select from amongst his weapons such as are found most suitable for -obtaining food; and we have already seen how he may have been led to -the adoption of such an instrument as the boomerang, purely through -the laws of accidental variation, guided by the natural grain of the -material in which he worked. - -The boomerang, though used chiefly for game, is used also as a weapon, -and Mr. Oldfield says that it is capable of inflicting a wound several -inches in depth. - -A further movement is effected in the flight of the boomerang by giving -the arms a slight lateral twist, by means of which it is caused to rise -by virtue of its rotation, screwing itself up in the air precisely in -the same manner that a boy's flying top rises to the ceiling. By means -of this addition, the weapon is sometimes made to strike an object in -its fall to the ground, behind the thrower, but the twist is not by -any means invariable, as any one may see by examining a collection of -these weapons. Nor is it essential to ensure a return fall, which I -have frequently ascertained by practising with a boomerang that was -perfectly flat. - -[Illustration: PLATE XV. - -_Diagram 4_ - -AUSTRALIA. - -TRANSITION FROM THE MALGA TO THE BOOMERANG. - -_Diagram 6_ - -INDIAN BOOMERANGS - -_Diagram 5_ - -AUSTRALIA. - -TRANSITION FROM HATCHET TO THE BOOMERANG - -_Diagram 7_ - -AFRICAN BOOMERANGS.] - -[Illustration: PLATE XVI. - -_Diagram 8_ - -AUSTRALIAN THROWING STICKS. - -AUSTRALIAN CLUBS - -AFRICAN CLUBS - -_Diagram 9_ - -AUSTRALIAN SHIELDS. - -_Diagram 10_ - -AFRICAN SHIELDS.] - -In examining Plate XV (diagram 4), it will be seen that the boomerang -passes by imperceptible gradations from the straight sword, fig. 72, -on the one hand, into the 'malga', a kind of pick, fig. 89, used for -war purposes, on the other[159], and this Australian malga closely -resembles a weapon of the same kind from New Caledonia, figs. 90 and -91, which, as already mentioned, is used both as a weapon and for -tilling the ground. In Plate XV (diagram 5), figs. 92 to 100, I have -also arranged the links of connexion between the boomerang and a kind -of hatchet or chopper called the waddy. A slight swell or projection -is seen to grow out of one end of the concave side of the boomerang, -and this develops into the form of a chopper. In those specimens of -this class in which the projection is only slightly developed, as in -figs. 94 and 95, the sides of the implement are flat, and the weapon -is obviously designed for throwing, but in some of those in which -the projection is more fully developed, as in fig. 96, the shaft is -quite round, and the head becomes thick and heavy, so as to render it -totally unsuited to the purposes of a missile. We see, therefore, in -this diagram, the transition, by minute gradations, from a missile to -a hand weapon, or vice versa. The boomerang, the sword, the malga, -and the waddy, are thus seen to be allied in such a manner as to make -it difficult to determine which of the four was the original weapon, -and, if properly arranged to display their development, they should be -distributed in branch lines, starting from a common centre, exactly in -the same manner that I have suggested the various forms of spear and -arrow-heads ought to be arranged in the natural order of progression. -[See, for example, Plate III, and pp. 37-8, above.] - - -_Indian Boomerangs._ - -In Plate XV (diagram 6), figs. 101-5, I have arranged a series of -boomerangs from India. Figures 101 and 102 are specimens of the -'katureea' or boomerang of Goojerat, from the Indian Museum; they -are used by the coolies, according to the ticket in the Museum, 'for -whirling at hares, boars, and other wild animals, and disabling -them'. It is of 'raen' wood, thicker and heavier than the Australian -specimens, and therefore not adapted to rise in the air and return. The -section is equal on both sides, but in other respects it is precisely -identical with the Australian weapon, and appears to have been roughly -chipped into form. Figures 103 and 104 are of an improved form, from -Madras, called the 'collery', also of wood, but having a knob at the -handle end; they are from the Museum of this Institution. Figure 105 -is precisely the same form in steel, from the India Museum. It is -probable that this weapon led to the use of the steel 'chakra' or war -quoit (fig. 106) of which I have given an illustration from the Museum -of this Institution. The principle of its flight is precisely that of -the boomerang, in so far as regards the increase of range and velocity -produced by the rotation preserving the thin edge in the line of its -forward motion. The earliest mention of this instrument is in the -description of the Malabar Coast, by Magellan, about 1512, translated -by Mr. Stanley, for the Hakluyt Society. The author describes amongst -the arms used in the kingdom of Dely, certain wheels called chacarani, -'two fingers broad, sharp outside like knives, and without edge inside, -and the surface of these is of the size of a small plate, and they -carry seven or eight of these each, put on the left arm, and they take -one and put it on the finger of the right hand, and make it spin round -many times, so that they hurl it at their enemies, and if they hit -any one on the arm or neck, it cuts through all, and with these they -carry on much fighting, and are very dexterous.'[160] These weapons -are usually worn on the head, but the circumstance here mentioned of -their being worn on the arm, reminds us very much of the peculiar -weapon worn by the Djibba negroes of Central Africa as a bracelet; this -is represented in figure 107; it is of iron, sharp on the outside and -blunt on the inside, which touches the arm; the edge is usually covered -with a strip of hide to prevent injury to the person. I am not aware -that this weapon of the negroes is ever used as a missile, but the -occurrence of two such singular weapons, similarly carried, is worthy -of notice, more particularly as we have clear evidence of a connexion -between the metal-workers of the whole continent of Africa and the hill -tribes of Central India. - -It is possible that many links of connexion may be supplied when the -subject of continuity comes to be more carefully studied in these -countries. It would appear extremely probable that the small Koorkeree -and Goorkah knife, though now used only for hand fight, may have had -their origin in these missile weapons, which they resemble in form, -especially the large Goorkah knife. It would be interesting to know -if they are ever thrown. I have heard stories of this having been the -case, but no authentic account of such a practice. The Spaniards throw -their long clasp-knives with effect for a considerable distance. - - -_African Boomerangs._ - -Turning to Africa (Plate XV, diagram 7), we find the boomerang well -represented in many parts of that continent. Figure 108 is an ancient -Egyptian boomerang of wood, in the British Museum. It was obtained from -the collection of James Burton, Jr., Esq., which was formed by him in -Egypt, and is described as 'an instrument for fowling, for throwing at, -or knocking down birds, as is continually represented on the walls of -the tombs'. It is of hard but light wood, the section is symmetrical -on both sides, and not flat on one side, like some of the Australian -boomerangs; it is somewhat broader at the ends than in the middle -of the blade. Figures 100, 110, and 111, are taken from Rosellini's -_Egyptian Monuments_,[161] and show how this instrument was used by the -ancient Egyptians. Sir Samuel Baker has described the weapon called the -'trombash', used in those parts of Abyssinia which he traversed.[162] -It is of hard wood, resembling the Australian boomerang, about two feet -in length, and the end turns sharply at an angle of 30°; they throw -this with great dexterity, and inflict severe wounds with the hard -and sharp edge, but, unlike the boomerang, it does not return to the -thrower. Figure 113 is a wooden instrument, in the Christy Collection, -said to be used by the Djibba negroes for throwing at birds. Figure 114 -is the Nubian sword, which in form exactly resembles the boomerang. -They have a great variety of curves, some of them, especially those of -the same form used in Abyssinia, bending nearly in a right angle. I am -not aware that this instrument is ever thrown by the Nubians; they, -however, are in the habit of throwing their curved clubs with great -dexterity. Figure 115 is an iron implement of native workmanship, used -as a missile by the inhabitants of Central Africa; it was brought from -that region by Consul Petherick, at whose sale I purchased it. Like -the majority of the succeeding figures represented in this diagram, it -resembles the Australian boomerang, in being flat on the under side, -that is to say, upon the side which would be undermost, if thrown from -the right hand with the point first; the weight, however, would prevent -such a weapon from rising in the air, or returning to the thrower. -Figure 116 is used by the Mundo tribe of Africa; like the last, it is -flat on the under side; in form it resembles the falchion, represented -in the Egyptian sculptures as being held in the hand by Rameses and -other figures, when slaying their enemies. The small knob on one side -of the blade is used to attach it to the person in carrying it. Figure -117, from Central Africa, is clearly a development of the preceding -figure. Figure 118 is a weapon of the same class, from Kordofan, -obtained near the cataracts of Assouan, Upper Nile, and now in the -Museum of this Institution; though of the same character as the other -missiles, its section is equal on both sides, and therefore it is not -calculated to range far in its flight. Figure 119 is also from the -Museum of this Institution; it is flat on the under side. Figures 120 -and 121 are from illustrations in Denham and Clapperton's _Travels -in Northern and Central Africa_ (Pl. xli. 3, 4), of the missile -instruments, called 'hunga-mungas', used by the negro tribes, south of -Lake Tchad. One of these is of very peculiar form; in the course of the -innumerable variations which this weapon appears to have undergone, the -constructor appears to have hit upon the idea of representing the head -and neck of a stork. Figure 122 is from a sketch, in Barth's _Travels_, -of one of these weapons, belonging to the Marghi, a negro tribe in the -same region; it is called 'danisco', and he says that the specimen here -represented is of particularly regular shape, thereby inferring that -numerous varieties of form are in use among these people. In another -place, he describes the 'goliyo' of the Musgu and the 'njiga' of the -Bagirmi, as weapons of the same class, the name of the latter differing -from the word for spear only in a single letter; he says this weapon is -common to all the pagan, i.e. negro tribes, that he came across.[163] -Figure 123 is from East Central Africa, presented to the Christy -Collection by the Viceroy of Egypt; it is described as a cutting -instrument, from the country of the Dinkas and Shillooks, capable of -being thrown to a great distance. Mr. Petherick met with these tribes -in his travels on the White Nile.[164] Figure 124, from my collection, -is described as a battle-axe of the Dor tribe, between the equator and -the 6th or 7th degree of north latitude. It was brought to England -by Mr. Petherick, who obtained it in his travels in 1858; it is used -also for throwing. Figure 125 is from an illustration in Du Chaillu's -work,[165] of the missile tomahawk, used by the Fans in the Gaboon, in -West Central Africa; he says that the thrower aims at the head, and, -after killing his victim, uses the round edge of the axe to cut off -the head. We see from this, that notwithstanding the innumerable and -apparently meaningless variations which this weapon has undergone, the -different parts of it are sometimes applied to especial uses. Figure -126 is another missile, used by the Neam-Nam tribes, East Central -Africa. Mr. Petherick says, that the Baer tribe carry a different kind -of iron missile from the Neam-Nams. Figures 126 to 129 are different -varieties of Neam-Nam weapons, in which, as they are all derived from -the same people, the gradual transition of form is more perceptible -than in those isolated specimens derived from different tribes. If, -however, we had specimens of all the varieties used by each tribe, we -should without doubt be able to trace the progression of the whole -of them from a common form. As it is, the connexion is sufficiently -obvious when the details are examined, throughout the whole region in -which they are found, extending from Egypt and the Nile in the East, to -the Gaboon on the West Coast. In all, the principle of construction is -the same, the divergent lateral blades serving the purpose of wings, -like the arms of the Australian boomerang, to sustain the weapon in -the air when spun horizontally. The variations are such as might -have resulted from successive copies, little or no improvement being -perceivable in the principle of construction throughout this region, -notwithstanding the innumerable forms through which it must have passed -during its transmission from its original source; the locality of -which we shall probably be unable to determine, until the antiquities -of the country have been more carefully described and studied. As, -however, it is everywhere found in the hands of the negro aborigines of -the country, it must probably have had the same origin as the art of -smelting and fabricating iron, which is everywhere identical throughout -this region, and is, without doubt, of the remotest antiquity, dating -long prior to any historical record of the continent of Africa. - - -_Cateia._ - -The possible employment of the boomerang in Europe has been made the -subject of occasional speculation amongst antiquarian writers. Having -been used in Egypt, and perhaps in Assyria, there is no good reason for -doubting that it may have spread from thence to the north-west. In a -learned paper on the subject in the _Transactions of the Royal Irish -Academy_, vol. xix (1843), § 'Literature,' p. 22, Pl. i, ii, Mr. Samuel -Ferguson endeavours to prove that the 'cateia' mentioned by classical -authors was the boomerang. He quotes several passages, and amongst -them one from Virgil (_Aeneid_ vii. 741), in which mention is made of -a people accustomed to whirl the 'cateia' after the Teutonic manner. -In the _Punica_ of Silius (iii. 327), one of the Libyan tribes which -accompanied Hannibal to Italy is described as being armed with a bent -or crooked 'cateia'. Isidore, Bishop of Seville, a writer of the end of -the sixth and beginning of the seventh century, described the 'cateia' -as 'a species of bat, which, when thrown, flies not far, by reason -of its weight, but where it strikes, it breaks through with extreme -impetus, and if it be thrown with a skilful hand, it returns back again -to him who dismissed it' (_Origines_, xviii. 7. 7). - -Strabo also (pp. 196-7) describes the Belgae of his time, as using -'a wooden weapon of the shape of a grosphus, which they throw out of -hand ... which flies farther than an arrow, and is chiefly used in the -pursuit of game'. - - -_General Conclusions relative to the Boomerang._ - -Those who desire further information relative to its supposed use -in Europe, cannot do better than refer to the paper from which I -have quoted. Meanwhile, enough has been said to show:--(1) that -the boomerang was used in many different countries at a very early -period, and in a very primitive condition of culture, and that it was -everywhere employed chiefly in the pursuit of game; (2) that it was -everywhere constructed of wood, before it was copied in metal; (3) that -in Australia it originated as a variety of the almond- or leaf-shaped -sword, and was suggested by the natural curvature of the material out -of which it was formed; (4) that the subsequent improvements by which -its return flight was ensured, arose from a practical selection of -suitable varieties, and was not the result of design, and (5) that the -form of the boomerang passes by minute gradations into at least three -other classes of weapons in common use by the same people, and may -therefore be regarded as a branch variety of an original normal type -of implement, used by the most primitive races as a general tool or -weapon. - - -_Development of the Club._ - -Amongst other implements used for war, the form of which appears to be -derived from the same common source as those already described, may -be included the Australian club, and the wamera or throwing stick. I -have arranged in Plate XVI, diagram 8, figs. 130 to 137, a series of -Australian clubs, showing a transition from the plain stick, of equal -size throughout, to one having a nearly round knob at one end. Nearly -similar forms to some of these, from Africa, figs. 138 to 140, are also -represented on the same diagram. - - -_Contrivances for Throwing the Spear._ - -Amongst the Australian 'wameras', there are so many varieties, that it -is next to impossible to speculate upon the priority of any particular -form, unless the plain stick, with a projecting peg at one end, may be -regarded as certainly the simplest, and therefore the earlier form. -The 'wamera' is held in the right hand, and the projecting peg at the -end is fitted into a cavity at the end of the spear, which latter is -held in the left hand, in the required direction, until just before the -moment of throwing. The spear is then impelled to its destination by -the wamera, which gives great additional impetus to the arm. Fig. 147 -is a wamera from Nicol Bay, of exactly the same general outline as the -sword already figured from that locality, figs. 61 and 62, except that -one of the faces at the end of which the peg is fastened, is concave, -and the other convex; this specimen is in the Christy Collection. The -wamera assumes a great variety of forms; some, as for example fig. -142, resemble on a small scale the New Zealand paddle, the broad end -being held in the hand, and the peg inserted in the small end; others, -broad and flat, figs. 148 to 150, bulge out in the middle by successive -gradations, until they approach the form of a shield. No reasonable -cause that I am aware of, can be assigned for these different forms; -beyond caprice, and the action of the law of incessant variation, which -is constant in its operation amongst all the works of the aborigines. - -The wamera is found on the north-west[166] and south-west[167] coasts -of Australia, and Major Mitchell describes it in the east and central -parts of the continent.[168] - -That the wamera preceded the bow, appears probable from the fact that -no bow is ever used in Australia, unless occasionally upon the north -coast, where it is derived from the Papuans. The bow is not indigenous -in New Zealand, or in any of those islands of the Pacific which are -peopled by the Polynesian race; it belongs truly to the Papuans, and -where it is used elsewhere in the Pacific Islands as a toy, it may -very probably have been derived from their Papuan neighbours. The -throwing stick is used in New Zealand, in which country Mr. Darwin -describes the practice with them. 'A cap,' he says, 'being fixed at -30 yards distance, they transfixed it with the spear delivered by -the throwing stick, with the rapidity of an arrow from the bow of a -practised archer.'[169] In New Guinea, Captain Cook saw the lance -thrown 60 yards, as he believed, by the throwing stick.[170] I saw -the Australians, now exhibiting on Kennington Common (1868), throw -their spears with the wamera nearly 100 yards extreme range, but as -they practised only for range, I had no opportunity of observing the -accuracy of flight. Mr. Oldfield says that their practice has been much -exaggerated by the European settlers, in order to justify acts on their -part, which would otherwise appear cowardly. He says, that a melon -having been put up at a distance of 30 yards, many natives practised -at it for an hour without hitting it, after which an European, who had -accustomed himself to the use of this weapon, struck it five times -out of six with his spear. Klemm, on the other hand, has collected -several accounts of their dexterity in the use of it; he says, that the -range is 90 yards, and mentions that Captain Phillip received a wound -several inches deep at 30 paces. At 40 paces, he says, the aborigines -are always safe of their mark (l. c., p. 32). A sharp flint is usually -fixed with gum into the handle of the wamera, which they use for -sharpening the points of their spears. - -The throwing stick (fig. 151) is used by the Esquimaux throughout -the regions they inhabit. Frobisher[171] mentions it on the east, -Captain Beechey on the north-west, and Cranz describes its use in -Greenland.[172] Klemm says (l. c., p. 39), that the throwing stick used -in the Aleutian Isles, differs from that of the Greenlander in having a -cavity, to receive the end of the spear, instead of a projecting tang. -The Esquimaux stick generally differs from the Australian in form, -and has usually holes cut to receive the fingers, which by this means -secure a firm grasp of the instrument. The custom of forming holes or -depressions in an implement to receive the fingers was very widely -spread in prehistoric times. I have specimens of stones so indented, -used probably as hammers, from Ireland, Yorkshire, Denmark, and Central -India. In the Christy Collection there is one precisely similar from -the Andaman Isles. - -The only other race that is known to make use of the throwing stick is -the Purus-Purus Indians of South America, inhabiting a tributary of the -Amazon. These people have no bow, and in many other respects resemble -the Australians in their habits. Their throwing stick is called -'palheta'; it has a projection at the end, to fit into the end of the -spear, and is handled exactly in the same manner as the Australian -'wamera'.[173] - -Another kind of spear-thrower, consisting of a loop for the finger and -a thong by which it is fastened to the spear, is used in New Caledonia, -and Tanna, New Hebrides (fig. 152). On ordinary occasions this is -carried by being suspended to an armlet on the left arm, but, when -preparing for war, they fasten it on to the middle of their spears. I -exhibit here, fig. 153, a precisely similar contrivance from Central -Africa, from my collection. Judging by the spiral ferrule, at the end -of the lance to which it is attached, it appears to be derived from -Central or East Central Africa. This mode of increasing the range of -the dart or javelin was well known to the ancients, and was called by -the Greeks ~ankylê~, and by the Romans 'amentum'; it is represented on -the Etruscan vases, and is figured in Smith's _Dictionary of Greek -and Roman Antiquities_, from which the drawing given in fig. 154 is -taken.[174] One of the effects produced by this contrivance was, -doubtless, to give the weapon a rotary motion, and thereby to increase -the accuracy of its flight, upon the same principle as the rifling of a -bullet; but the range and velocity were also increased, by enabling the -thrower, the tip of whose forefinger was passed through the loop of the -'amentum', to press longer upon the spear, and thus impart a greater -velocity to it, in the same manner that the effect of the Australian -wamera may be said to increase the length of the thrower's arm. The -Emperor Napoleon, who, as we all know, has paid great attention to -these weapons of the ancients, caused experiments to be conducted, -under his own personal supervision, at Saint Germain, the result of -which showed that the range of a spear was increased from 20 to 80 -meters by the use of this accessory.[175] - - -_Transition from Club to Shield (Australia)._ - -My next example of variation of form is taken from the Australian -'heileman', or shield. It may, on the first cursory consideration of -the subject, appear fanciful to suppose that so simple a contrivance -as the shield could require to have a history, or that the plain round -target, for example, so common amongst many savage nations, could be -the result of a long course of development. Surely, it may be said, -the shells of tortoises or the thick hides of beasts would, from the -first, have supplied so simple a contrivance. But the researches in -palaeoethnology teach us that such was not the case; man came into the -world naked and defenceless, and it was long before he acquired the -art of defending himself in this manner. His first weapon, as I have -already said, was a stone or a stick, and it is from one or other of -these, that we must trace all subsequent improvements. The stick became -a club, and it is to this alone that many of the earliest races trust -for the defence of their persons. The Dinkas of East Central Africa -have no shields, using the club, and a stick, hooked at both ends (Pl. -XVI, fig. 170), to ward off lances.[176] The Shoua and the Bagirmi -of Central Africa rarely carry shields, and they use a foreign name -for it.[177] The Khonds, hill tribes of Central India, have never -adopted the shield.[178] The inhabitants of Tahiti use no shield.[179] -The Sandwich Islanders use no shield or weapon of defence, employing -the javelin to ward off lances: like the Australians, and, like the -Bushmen, they are very expert in dodging the weapons of their enemies. -In Samoa the club is used for warding off lances, and the warriors -frequently exercise themselves in this practice. The 'kerri' sticks of -the Hottentots are used for warding off stones and assegais.[180] - -The club head formed by the divergent roots of a tree (Pl. XVI, -fig. 155), offers great advantages in enabling the warrior to catch -the arrows in their flight, and this led to the use of the jagged -mace-head form of club, which is here represented from many different -localities. Fig. 155 is from Fiji, fig. 157 from Central Africa, fig. -156 from Australia, fig. 158 from New Guinea, and fig. 159 from the -Friendly Isles. The curved clubs, of which a great variety are found -in the hands of savages in every part of the world, are exceedingly -well adapted to catch and throw off the enemy's arrow. The Australian -'malga', or 'leowel', as it is called by the Australians now in this -country, and already described (pp. 125-6), is used in this manner. - -By degrees, instead of using the club as a general weapon, offensive -and defensive, especial forms would be used for defence, whilst -others would be retained for offensive purposes; but the shield for -some time would continue to be used merely as a parrying instrument. -Such it is in Australia. In its most primitive form, it is merely a -kind of stick with an aperture cut through it in the centre for the -hand. The fore part varies with the shape of the stem out of which it -was made; in some it is round, in others flat. This form appears to -have branched off into two varieties; one developed laterally, and -at last assumed the form of a pointed oval, as represented in Plate -XVI, figs. 165 to 169; these are frequently scored on the front with -grooves to catch the lance points. The other variety appears to have -assumed a pointed form in front, so as to make the spear glance off -to one side, as represented in figs. 160 to 164. The Australians are -exceedingly skilful in parrying with these shields. One of the feats -of the Australians now in this country, consists in parrying cricket -balls thrown with full force by three persons at the same time. The -'heileman' is cut out of the solid tree and, like all their other -weapons, invariably follows the grain of the wood. - -In 1861, Mr. Oldfield, when engaged in collecting specimens of timber -for the International Exhibition, came upon one of these shields, -nearly finished, and abandoned, but only requiring a few strokes to -detach it from the growing tree; and he noticed the immense time and -labour it must have cost the native to construct it, not less than 30 -cubic feet of wood having been removed in digging it out of the tree -with no better tool than a flint fixed to the end of a stick. Trees -of sufficient size for these shields are not found in all parts of -Australia, and in those places where they are wanting, the natives -only obtain them by traffic with other tribes. The same cause may -also account, in some measure, for the varieties of their form, yet, -notwithstanding these numerous varieties, they never leave the normal -type throughout the continent, and you might as well expect to see the -Australian using a firelock of native manufacture, as to find in his -hands the circular flat shield which is common in Africa, America, and -ancient Europe. - - -_Transition from Club to Shield (Africa)._ - -In Africa, the development of the shield appears to have followed -precisely the same course, commencing with the plain stick or club, -Pl. XVI, fig. 170, and passing through the varieties represented in -figs. 171, 172, and 173, which are scarcely distinguishable from the -Australian 'heileman', to the oval shield of the Kaffirs, fig. 174, -and of the Upper Nile, figs. 175 and 176, which are of ox hide, but -show their origin by a stick passing down the centre and grasped in -the hand; with this stick they parry and turn off the lances of the -assailant precisely in the same manner that the Australian employs the -projecting point at the end of his oval shield. Judging by the side -views represented in the Egyptian and Assyrian sculptures, similar -shields were used by the ancients, and we may especially notice the -Assyrian shield, of small dimensions, fig. 178, mentioned by Mr. -Rawlinson as being represented in the Assyrian sculptures, and having -projecting spikes on the fore part, to catch and throw off the enemy's -weapons (_Five Great Monarchies_ (1864), vol. ii. p. 51). - - -_Development of the Shield._ - -All these antique shields have one other feature in common with the -shields of existing aborigines, viz. that they are held by a handle -in the centre. It was only in a more advanced age, when armies began -to fall into serried ranks, that the broad shield was introduced -and held upon the left arm, a mode of carrying it ill adapted to -the requirements of the light-armed combatants. Besides the oval, -the shield took other forms, but appears always to have been narrow -in its earliest developments: fig. 176 from the Upper Nile closely -resembles in outline fig. 177 from the New Hebrides. Livy describes -the shields of the Gauls in the attack of Mount Olympus, B.C. 189, as -being too narrow to defend them against the missiles of the Romans, -and he also describes them as brandishing their shields in a peculiar -manner practised in their original country.[181] This must without -doubt have been connected with the operation of parrying. Sir Walter -Scott describes the Scotch parrying with their shields. Shields in the -form of a figure 8 are met with in various countries; Captain Grant -describes the Unyamwezi as carrying a shield of this form.[182] Fig. -179 from this Institution is from Central Africa, of a very primitive -form. Fig. 180 is of the same shape from New Guinea, and the beautiful -bronze shield, fig. 181[183], of the late Celtic period, in the British -Museum, found in the Thames, appears to be of an allied form. Fig. -182 is an ox-hide shield of the Basutos; it is allied to that of the -Kaffirs, Fig. 174, by having a stick at the back, and the peculiar -wings with which it is furnished connect it with that of the Fans of -the Gaboon, on the West Coast, fig. 183, which latter is of elephant -hide and has no stick at the back. No connexion that I am aware of is -known to have existed between these remote tribes, which are of totally -different races, but the forms of their shields here represented must, -I think, have been derived from a common source. - - -_Concluding Remarks._ - -It would be quite impossible within the space of a single lecture to -produce more than a very small portion indeed of the evidence which is -available in support of my arguments. If the principles which I have -enunciated are sound, they must be applicable to the whole of the arts -of mankind and to all time. If it can be proved that a single art, -contrivance, custom, or institution, sprang into existence in violation -of the law of continuity, and was not the offspring of some prior -growth, it will disprove my theory. If in the whole face of nature -there is undoubted evidence of any especial fiat of creation having -operated capriciously, or in any other manner than by gradual evolution -and development, my principles are false. - -It would be a violation of the law of continuity, for example, if the -principles which I am now advocating, in common with many others at the -present time, opposed as they are to many preconceived notions, were -suddenly to receive a general and widespread acceptance. This also, -like other offsprings of the human mind, must be a work of development, -and it will require time and the labours of many individuals to -establish it as the truth, if truth it be. - -Meanwhile it may be well that I should briefly sum up the several -points which I have endeavoured to prove on the present occasion. - -I have endeavoured to prove in the first place, though I must here -repeat that I have produced only a very small portion of the evidence -on the subject, that all the implements of the stone age are traceable -by variation to a common form, and that form the earliest; that their -improvement spread over a period so long as to witness the extinction -of many wild breeds of animals; that it was so gradual as to require -no effort of genius or of invention; and that it was identical in all -parts of the world. - -I have shown in the second place, that all the weapons of the -Australians which I have described, are traceable by variation to -the same common form, or to forms equally as primitive as those of -the stone age of Europe; that it is perfectly consistent with the -phenomena observed, that these variations may have resulted, or at -least may have in a great measure been promoted by accidental causes, -such as the grain of the wood influencing the shape of the weapon; -that they were not invented or designed for especial purposes, but -that their application to such purposes may have resulted from a -selection of the implements already in hand; and that by this process, -the natives of Australia, during countless ages, may have crept on, -almost unconsciously, from the condition of brutes, to the condition of -incipient culture in which they are now found. - -I have compared these weapons of the Australians with others of the -same form in various parts of the world, showing grounds for believing -that whenever we shall be able to collect a sufficient variety of -specimens to represent the continuous progression of each locality, the -_modus operandi_ will be found to have been everywhere the same. - -Lastly, I have alluded cursorily to the analogy which exists between -the development of the arts and the development of species. It may be -better to postpone any comprehensive generalization on this subject -until a much larger mass of evidence has been collected and arranged. -Sir Charles Lyell has devoted a chapter in his work on the _Antiquity -of Man_ to a comparison of the development of languages and the -development of species. 'We may compare,' he says, 'the persistency of -languages, or the tendency of each generation to adopt without change -the vocabulary of its predecessor, to the force of inheritance in the -organic world, which causes the offspring to resemble its parents. The -inventive power which coins new words or modifies old ones, and adapts -them to new wants and conditions as often as they arise, answers to -the variety-making power in the animal creation.' He also compares -the selection of words and their incorporation into the language of a -people, with the selection of species, resulting in both cases in the -survival of the fittest (4th ed., 1873, p. 503). - -Whilst, however, we dwell upon the analogy which exists between the -phenomena of the organic world and the phenomena of human culture, -we must not omit to notice the points of difference. The force of -inheritance may resemble in its effects the principle of conservatism -in the arts and culture of mankind, but they are totally dissimilar -causes. - -The variety-making power may resemble the inventive power of man; -nothing, however, can be more dissimilar, except as regards results. - -When, therefore, we find that like results are produced through the -instrumentality of totally dissimilar causes, we must attribute the -analogy to some prior and more potent cause, influencing the whole -alike. - -It might be premature to speculate upon the course of reasoning which -this class of study is likely to introduce; this much, however, we may, -I think, safely predict as the result of our investigation, that we -shall meet with no encouragement to deify secondary causes. - -Another subject to which we must necessarily be led by these -investigations, although, as I before said, it does not fall actually -within the scope of my paper, is the question of the unity or plurality -of the human race. - -The ethnologist and the anthropologist who has not studied the -prehistoric archaeology of his own country compares the present -condition of savages with that of the Europeans with whom they are -brought in contact. He notices the vast disparity of intellect between -them. He finds the savage incapable of education and of civilization, -and evidently destined to fall away before the white man whenever the -races meet, and he jumps at the conclusion that races so different in -mental and physical characteristics, must have had a distinct origin, -and be the offspring of separate creations. But the archaeologist -traces back the arts and institutions of his own people and country -until he finds that they once existed in a condition as low or lower -than that of existing savages, having the same arts, and using -precisely the same implements and weapons; and he arrives at the -conclusion that the difference observable between existing races is -one of divergence, and not of origin; that owing to causes worthy of -being carefully studied and investigated, one race has improved, while -another has progressed slowly or remained stationary. - -In this conclusion he is borne out by all analogy of nature, in which -he finds frequent evidences of difference produced by variation, but no -one solitary example of independent creation. Are not all the branches -of a young tree parts of the same organism; and yet one will be seen to -throw up its shoots with a vigorous and rapid growth, whilst another -turns towards the ground and ultimately decays? Not to mention the -variations produced by the breeding of animals, with which we are -all more or less familiar, we see under our own eyes families of men -diverging in this manner. One branch, owing to causes familiar to us in -everyday life, will become highly cultivated, whilst another continues -to live on in a low condition of life, so that in the course of a few -years the disparity, mental and physical, between these two branches, -bearing the same name, will be greater, in proportion to the time of -separation, than that which, in the course of countless ages, has -separated the black from the white man. - -At the present time there is a tendency to rectify these inequalities, -whether in regard to our own or to other races, and there can be little -doubt that in the course of time, all that remains of the various races -of mankind will be brought under the influence of one civilization. But -as this progressive movement is often led by men who have not made the -races of mankind their study, they are perpetually falling into the -error of supposing, that the work of countless ages of divergence, is -to be put to rights by Act of Parliament, and by suddenly applying to -the inferior races of mankind laws and institutions for which they are -about as much fitted as the animals in the Zoological Gardens. - -In conclusion, I have only a few words to say upon the defects of our -ethnographical collections generally. It will be seen that in order to -exhibit the continuity and progression of form, I have been obliged to -collect and put together examples from many different museums; and, -as it is, it will have been noticed that many links of connexion are -evidently wanting. This is owing, in a great measure, to the very short -period during which the arts and customs of primaeval races have been -made the subject of scientific investigation; but it also arises from -the absence of system on the part of travellers and collectors, who in -former times appear to have had but little knowledge of the evidence -which these specimens of the industry of the aborigines are destined -to convey, and who have, therefore, neglected to bring home from the -various regions they visited all the varieties of the several classes -of implements which each country is capable of affording, thinking that -one good example of a tool or weapon might be taken as a sample of all -the rest. - -I am not so presumptuous as to suppose that the particular arrangement, -which I have adopted, may not require frequent modification as our -evidence accumulates; but I trust that I shall at least have made it -apparent to those who have followed the course of my argument, that -without the connecting links which unite one form with another, an -ethnographical collection can be regarded in no other light than a mere -toy-shop of curiosities, and is totally unworthy of science. - -Owing to the wide distribution of our Army and Navy, the members of -which professions are dispersed over every quarter of the globe and -have ample leisure for the pursuit of these interesting studies, this -Institution possesses facilities for forming a really systematic -collection of savage weapons, not perhaps within the power of any -other Institution in the world. The time is fast approaching when -this class of prehistoric evidence will no longer be forthcoming. The -collection is already what, for this country, must be regarded as a -good one, and if I may venture to hope that the remarks I have now the -honour of making will be of service in collecting the materials for the -improvement of it, I trust it may be thought that my labours and your -patience will not have been thrown away. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[126] A Lecture delivered at the Royal United Service Institution on -June 5, 1868, and printed in the _Journal of the R. U. S. Inst._, vol. -xii (1868), pp. 399-439, pl. xvii-xxi (= Plates XII-XVI herewith). - -[127] Klemm, l. c., p. 147. - -[128] Pinkerton (1811), vol. ix. p. 501. - -[129] _Walk across Africa_, p. 78. - -[130] Klemm, l. c., p. 62. - -[131] l. c., p. 78. - -[132] l. c., pp. 123-6. - -[133] Speke, _Journal of the Discovery of the Source of the Nile_ -(London, 1863), p. 460. - -[134] _Barth_, Travels, vol. iii. p. 162. - -[135] Nilsson, _The Primitive Inhabitants of Scandinavia_, edited by -Sir John Lubbock (3rd ed., London, 1868), p. 44. - -[136] Lloyd Stephens, _Incidents of Travel in Central America_ (London, -1854), p. 94. - -[137] Lyell, _Antiquity of Man_ (London, 1873), p. 161. - -[138] I am informed by an eye-witness, that the Australian savages, in -climbing trees, use implements nearly similar to these, to cut notches -for their feet. The implement is held in the hand, without any handle. -Others are used in handles, either fastened with gum, or consisting of -a withe passed round the stone and tied underneath. - -[139] Mr. Frere's first discovery was in 1797 (_Archaeologia_, -xiii. p. 204). (M. Boucher de Perthes began work in 1837 (_De la -Création_, Paris, 1838), and published his _Antiquités Celtiques et -Antédiluviennes_ (vol. i) in 1847. His discoveries were, however, not -verified and accepted by the British observers till 1858-9.--ED.) - -[140] See figures 23 and 32, as well as figure 17 _a_ from Central -India. - -[141] March 5, 1868. _Proc. Soc. Ant. Lond._ 2nd Ser. iv. p. 85: -_Archaeologia_, xlii. - -[142] Nilsson, _The Primitive Inhabitants of Scandinavia_, edited by -Sir John Lubbock (London, 1868), Editor's Introduction, p. xxiv. - -[143] The handle, since its discovery, has been fractured in four -places, and has shrunk a good deal from its original size. - -[144] Cf. Kemble, _Horae Ferales_ (London, 1863), p. 134. - -[145] Keller, _The Lake Dwellings of Switzerland_, transl. by J. E. Lee -(2nd ed. London, 1878), vol. i. pp. 111-3. - -[146] Livingstone, _Missionary Travels and Researches in S. Africa_ -(1857), p. 40. - -[147] Lartet and Christy, _Reliquiae Aquitanicae_ (London, 1865-75, -passim). - -[148] Wilde, _Catalogue of the Antiquities of the Museum of the Royal -Irish Academy_ (Dublin, 1863), vol. i. pp. 19-23. - -[149] After having witnessed the process of fabricating flint -arrow-heads, as re-discovered by Mr. Evans, I am able to understand why -it is that the leaf-shaped form is of more frequent occurrence, and why -this and the long-tanged forms are so often rougher and less finished -than the other forms, the deep barbs and hollow base requiring much -greater skill than the former. - -[150] Burton, _The City of the Saints_ (London, 1861), p. 146. - -[151] Schoolcraft, _Information concerning ... the Indian Tribes of the -U.S.A._ (Philadelphia, 1851-9), vol. i. p. 212. - -[152] In the museum belonging to the Cork College, there is a Peruvian -mummy, with which, amongst other articles, two of these arrow-pointed -knives were found. - -[153] Siebold, _Nippon_ (Leiden, 1832-52), vol. i. pt. ii (Alte -Waffen), Tab. xi. - -[154] Evidence of this transition may be seen by examining any number -of pattoo-pattoos. Some are sharp at the end; others are blunt at the -end, but sharp at the side near the broadest part. - -[155] Since this paper was read to the Royal United Service -Institution, Sir John Lubbock has delivered a remarkably interesting -series of lectures on savages, in the course of which he took exception -to my classification of the Indian, African, and Australian boomerangs, -under the same head; giving as his reason that the Australian boomerang -has a return flight, whilst those of other nations have not that -peculiarity. If it could be shown that the Australian weapon had been -_contrived_ for the purpose of obtaining a return flight, I should -then agree with him in regarding the difference as generic. But the -course of my investigations tends to show that this was probably an -application of the weapon accidentally hit upon by the Australians, and -that it arose from a modification of weight and form, so trivial as -to prevent our regarding it as generically distinct from the others. -I therefore consider the Australian weapon to be a mere variety of -the implement which is common to the three continents. The difference -between us on this point, though one of terms, is nevertheless -important as a question of continuity. I am much gratified, however, -to find my opinions on many other points supported by Sir John's high -authority. - -[156] Henry Blount, _Voyage into the Levant_, 1634 (London, 1671), p. -91. - -[157] Bosman, _Guinea_, Pinkerton (1811), vol. xvi. pp. 505-6. - -[158] Kemble, _Horae Ferales_ (1863), p. 65. - -[159] This weapon is called 'leowel' by the Australians now in this -country (1868). - -[160] Duarte Barbosa, _A Description of the Coasts of East Africa and -Malabar_ (by Magellan), translated by the Hon. H. E. Stanley: Hakluyt -Society, xxxv (1866), pp. 100-1. - -[161] Rosellini, _Monumenti dell' Egitto e della Nubia_ (Pisa, 1834), -Monuments Civiles, pl. cxvii. 3; cxix. 1. - -[162] Baker, _Nile Tributaries of Abyssinia_ (London, 1867), p. 511. - -[163] Barth, l. c., vol. iii. pp. 231, 451, &c., &c. - -[164] Petherick, _Egypt, the Soudan, and Central Africa_ (1861), p. 456. - -[165] Du Chaillu, _Explorations and Adventures in Equatorial Africa_ -(London, 1861), p. 79. - -[166] Gregory's account of his expedition in 1861, _Journal of the -Royal Geographical Society_, vol. xxxii (1862), p. 378. - -[167] Oldfield, 'On the Aborigines of Australia,' _Trans. Ethnol. -Soc._, vol. iii. pp. 261-2. - -[168] _Expedition to the Interior of Eastern Australia_, by Major T. -L. Mitchell, Surveyor-General, _Journal of the Royal Geographical -Society_, vol. ii. pp. 325-6. - -[169] [Darwin, _Journal_.] (But the quotation (from Darwin, _Journal of -Researches_ (London, 1845) pp. 433-4) refers to _Australia_, not New -Zealand.--ED.) - -[170] Cook, _Third Voyage_ (London, 1842), vol. i. p. 273. - -[171] Frobisher, _The Three Voyages of Martin Frobisher_, ed. Collinson -(Hakluyt Society, 1867), p. 283. - -[172] Cranz, _Historie von Grönland_^2 (1770), pp. 195-6, pl. v. 2 _f._ - -[173] Markham, _Tribes of the Valley of the Amazon_.--_Trans. Ethnol. -Soc._, N.S., vol. iii. p. 183. - -[174] Smith, _Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities_ (s. v. Hasta). - -[175] Desor, _Les Palafittes ou Constructions Lacustres du Lac de -Neuchâtel_ (Paris, 1865), p. 87. - -[176] Petherick, _Egypt, the Soudan, and Central Africa_ (1861), p. 391. - -[177] Barth, l. c., vol. iii. p. 450. - -[178] Campbell, _Thirteen Years amongst the Wild Tribes of Khondistan_ -(London, 1864), p. 40. - -[179] Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_ (1829), vol. ii. p. 489. - -[180] Kolb, _Reise an das Capo du Bonne Esperance_ (Nürnberg, 1719), -pp. 477-8. - -[181] Livy, Book xxxviii. ch. 17 and 21. - -[182] Grant, _Walk across Africa_, p. 69. - -[183] Kemble, _Horae Ferales_ (1863), p. 190, pl. xiv. - - - - -PRIMITIVE WARFARE - -III - - ON THE RESEMBLANCES OF THE WEAPONS OF EARLY RACES; THEIR - VARIATIONS, CONTINUITY AND DEVELOPMENT OF FORM: METAL PERIOD.[184] - - -Having in two previous lectures upon 'Primitive Warfare', delivered at -this Institution, spoken of the general principles to be observed in -studying the development of the weapons of savages and early races, -I need not preface the remarks I am about to offer by any detailed -allusion to the generalizations which I have already ventured to make, -but I will proceed at once to lay before you some additional facts -which I have collected in continuation of the same subject. - -This I do the more readily, because I hold strongly to the opinion that -the value of a communication of this kind may, in a great degree, be -measured by the attention which is paid to the accumulation of facts, -and to the comparative brevity and simplicity of that portion of it -which relates to theory. Without general principles, however, we should -have no incentive to collect and systematize our facts, and they are -therefore valuable even where they involve--and in a new field of -study, such as I am now treating, with very scanty materials as yet at -our disposal to assist conjecture, I can hardly hope they should not -involve--a certain amount of error. - -Before entering upon the subject of the origin of metal implements, I -must, however, revert to one part of my former communication, in order -to show that a statement I then made in reference to the geographical -distribution of the boomerang has since had some light thrown upon it -by the researches of one of our most eminent men of science. It will, -perhaps, be remembered by those who did me the honour of reading my -last lecture, which was printed in vol. xii of the _Journal_, that, -in describing the weapons of the Australians, I showed, by means of -numerous illustrations of the varieties of each class of weapon from -that country, that they all passed one into the other by connecting -links, so that where a sufficient number of them are arranged in such -a manner as to exhibit their continuity, it is often impossible to -determine any definite line of separation between them. I also showed -that the form of each weapon was determined by the form of the stem or -branch of the tree out of which it was made, the outline of all these -implements conforming to the grain of the wood; and the inference which -I drew from this was, that it showed a very low state of intellect on -the part of the constructors, the several classes of implements not -having been designed originally for their respective purposes, but -produced accidentally, and then applied during subsequent ages to the -several uses to which in practice they appeared most suited. - -As we have no reason to suppose that the Australian continent was -peopled at a later date than other parts of the world, and as there -is no evidence upon that continent of the people inhabiting it having -ever been in a higher state of civilization than they are at present, -we have grounds for supposing that they must have remained stationary, -or have progressed very slowly, while the inhabitants of other parts -of the globe advanced more rapidly, and that their existing arts -and implements, simple and primitive though they be, nevertheless -represent the highest development of constructive power to which these -people have ever attained. Hence it follows, that if the inhabitants -of any other portions of the globe can be traced to a common origin -with the Australians, viewing the persistency of type observable as a -characteristic of the arts of these people, and of all other people -in a primitive state of culture, we must expect to find some traces -of similar implements in use amongst all such people to whom a common -origin can be assigned. - -In my last lecture I mentioned that there were three countries in -which the boomerang is either still used, or is known to have been -used in ancient times, viz. Australia, the Deccan of India, and Egypt, -and I also showed some grounds for believing that the same weapon, -or something allied to it, may have spread from those countries over -Europe, as it is known to have done over a great part of Northern and -Central Africa. - -Although the comparison of weapons from various parts of the globe -can have no other object than to trace out an original connexion, -I did not venture to build upon the coincidence of this weapon in -these regions, any argument for the common origin of the people by -whom it was used. Nor do I think that I should have been justified -in assuming such origin upon the grounds of the identity of a single -weapon. Such identity may have arisen in three ways:--(1) it may have -arisen independently by the spontaneous development of like weapons -under similar conditions of life; (2) the weapon itself may have been -communicated from some primal source; (3) the races using it may have -been themselves derived from a common origin. Of these, the first -view, viz. the independent origin of the weapon, would perhaps strike -any one at first sight, before having studied the conservatism and -persistency of type which is so especially characteristic of savages, -as the most probable; it appears so exceedingly simple in its form and -uses to our trained and educated minds, that it seems hardly necessary -to account for it in any other way; besides which, there are slight -differences between the Indian and Australian boomerangs, which have -been considered by some to distinguish the two weapons. - -I will not here revert to the arguments which I have used to combat -this opinion. Suffice to say, that I have since been favoured with -much valuable information on the subject by Sir Walter Elliot, who -has frequently accompanied the natives of India in their hunting -expeditions with this weapon. He says that it is formed on the grain -of the wood, like the Australian boomerang, the curve varying with the -bend of the stem; it is whirled horizontally, with the end foremost, -like the Australian practice, and is used by two tribes in the Deccan, -viz. the Kolis of Guzerat and the Marawárs of Madura, but more -especially in its simplest form by the former, who are of the Dravidian -or black race of the Deccan. In a letter to me he says, speaking of -these tribes:--'I have seen both, and, indeed, served ten years in the -latter district (Southern Mahratta), where the crooked stick is used -by all the lower orders every Sunday during the hot season, when all -agricultural labour is at a stand. The villagers turn out in large -numbers, and scour the jungle armed with these sticks. Everything that -rises is knocked over; deer, hares, birds, even the wild hog and the -tiger are occasionally (though rarely, of course) included in the bag. -I have seen a line of upwards of 100 men and boys, and the boomerang -whirling about in such numbers, and with such precision, that even -birds on the wing are brought down. I never met with any regularly -formed specimens, except in the South; those in the North were mere -angular sticks, of very various form, as natural branches occurred; the -favourite form was a rather obtuse angle--nearly a right angle.' Thus, -whether we regard the purposes for which it is used, the material of -which it is constructed, the manner of throwing, or the varieties of -its form, the Indian and Australian boomerang is virtually the same -weapon; and I think those who dispute their identity appear rather to -have had in view the 'collery stick' of Madras and of the Marawárs than -the boomerang of the Kolis. - -We may therefore, I think, fairly consider the causes which may have -led to the adoption of this weapon as sprung from a common source. - -[Illustration: PLATE XVII.] - -Since my last communication to this Institution, Professor Huxley has -given to the world, in a paper read at the meeting of the International -Congress of Prehistoric Archaeology--of which I had the honour to be -general secretary--in August, 1868, his views 'on the distribution of -the races of mankind, as bearing on their antiquity'.[185] The paper -created a considerable sensation in the scientific world, owing to the -boldness of the generalizations contained in it, and, it may be added, -a certain amount of opposition. The accompanying map (Plate XVII) is -taken from one drawn by Professor Huxley himself for the Ethnological -Society, to illustrate this subject (_Journ. Ethno. Soc._ (1870) N. S. -ii. 404-12). - -Basing his distribution of the human race on the principle that the -characters of the hair and complexion are more permanent, and of -greater value as a means of classification, than the bony structure -of man, Professor Huxley traces back the numerous varieties of tribes -and races into what, for the present, may be regarded as four primary -groups. - -Commencing, for the convenience of my present subject, with the -highest, or those which have shown themselves most capable of -development--which, in all probability, is the wrong end of the scale -to begin with, if we regarded them in their natural succession--the -first of these groups is what he terms Xanthochroid type (the -distribution of which is marked [shading] in the map), a people -characterized by yellow hair and fair complexions, with blue eyes, who -form a strong element in the composition of the population of this -country and a great part of Europe, extending from thence through -Scandinavia and Central Europe eastward into Northern India. Next to -these he classes the great Mongoloid race (marked by various shades -of [shading] on the map), with yellow-brown complexions and black -hair and eyes, of which the Kalmucs and Tartars represent the purest -types, occupying the whole of Northern Europe and Asia, from Lapland -to Behring Strait, and down to the southernmost parts of China; -including also the Esquimaux, the Polynesians, and the whole of the -inhabitants of the two continents of America. Thirdly, the Negro race -(marked [shading] and [shading] in the map), long headed, with woolly -hair, which has its head quarters in all that part of Africa south of -the Sahara, but has outlying branches widely detached, and occupying -a broken line of islands extending in a belt, from the Andaman Isles -in the Bay of Bengal, to the peninsula of Malacca, New Guinea, New -Caledonia, and the adjoining isles, and having its southmost limits in -the distant island of Tasmania. Lastly, we come to the Australioid race -(marked [shading]), distinguished by dark chocolate complexions and -black eyes, with long heads and soft wavy hair; these the Professor, -upon physiological grounds, and after intimate acquaintance with these -people in the distant regions in which they are found, traces in -three distinct portions of the globe, viz. Australia, the Deccan of -India, and Egypt; the three identical countries, it will be observed, -in which, unconscious of Professor Huxley's distribution of races, I -had traced the occurrence of the boomerang. I think, therefore, it is -not an unreasonable conjecture, assuming the correctness of Professor -Huxley's premises, that this peculiar weapon may be a relic of the -original Australioid stock, which having been originally an effective -weapon for all purposes amongst the aborigines of this race, and -continuing still to be used as such in Australia, survived in India -and in ancient Egypt merely as an implement for the chase and for -amusement, much in the same way that, in Europe, bows and arrows have -survived amongst children to the present day. - -[Illustration: PLATE XIX.] - -In the remarks which I made (p. 127) upon the varieties of the African -boomerang, I drew attention to the peculiarly curved form of the Nubian -and Abyssinian sword, and I ventured an opinion that its form may have -been originally derived from that of the boomerang, of which weapon a -variety, constructed of wood, is still in use by the inhabitants of -the country; and I see no reason to doubt that the Abyssinian sword -may have been the prototype of those numerous allied forms of iron -weapons, the 'hunga-munga', &c., which throughout Africa are still used -as missiles, and thrown with a rotatory motion like the boomerang. My -conjecture on this subject appears to receive some confirmation from -the very peculiar construction of one of these swords, which has lately -been added to the museum of this Institution, and which is represented -in Plate XIX, figure 1. The angular form of the blade, swelling in the -middle, presents such a close affinity to the Australian boomerang, as -to strike even those who have not been led, by the considerations I -have mentioned, to look for a coincidence in these weapons. I noticed -at the same time the very great resemblance between the rudimentary -shields of the Australians and those of some of the inhabitants of the -valley of the Upper Nile, which may also perhaps be accounted for in -the same way. With a view of further connecting this primitive form -of shield with similar defensive weapons in India, it is worthy of -notice that the hand-shield, having antelopes' horns projecting from -it, a representation of which was given in my first lecture, Plate X, -figs. 66, 67_a_, and 69 (many of which are furnished with a small iron -shield, or guard for the hand, though some are without this accessory), -is used--Sir Walter Elliot now informs me--precisely in the same way -as the Australian and African parrying-shields, viz. by catching the -arrows and darts of the assailant, and parrying them off with the -horns, thus favouring the conjecture that I ventured to put forward, -that the square, oblong, and circular targets are defensive weapons of -comparatively recent origin, being represented in a primitive stage of -culture by a simple parrying-stick, derived originally from the club. -The club is, as a general rule, the only defensive guard employed by -races in the lowest stages of culture. These seem to have been replaced -by parrying-sticks, held in the centre, and subsequently hollowed to -receive the hand, or furnished with hand-guards, forming rudimentary -shields; of which stage in the development of the weapon we are now -able to establish connected traces in the three countries under -consideration. - -If the comparisons which I have made, and the conclusions I have -ventured to draw from them, are found to stand the test of further -investigation, as it appears to me reasonable to hope they will, the -importance of studying the forms and uses of these primitive weapons in -connexion with other sociological and biological phenomena, as a means -of tracing back the early history of mankind, will be well established. -Of this, however, we may feel certain, that if a connexion formerly -existed between the inhabitants of India, Australia, and Egypt, the -evidence of such connexion will not be limited either to the colour -of the hair and skin, or to the resemblance of their weapons, but -will be found in other customs and institutions which they brought -with them from their fatherland. The important generalizations of -Professor Huxley, whether or not they ultimately hold good, have had -the good effect of drawing attention to a comparison of the inhabitants -of these countries; and though it would be foreign to my present -purpose to anticipate the result of these investigations in other -branches not immediately connected with my present subject, I may -mention that officers acquainted with India and Australia have since -pointed out resemblances in the hymeneal and other customs of those -countries, which have not before been noticed, but which, when put -together and compared, making all due allowance for the variations -which are inevitable in the continuous development of all human arts -and institutions, will, I doubt not, tend to give confirmation to the -theory of races which the author of it has so ably advanced. - -Having strayed thus far into the geological and biological aspect of -the question, it is necessary to go a step further in order to apply -the subject more generally to the origin of weapons, and at the same -time to point out some difficulties which stand in the way of accepting -this theory of races--difficulties of which Professor Huxley himself -appears by his paper to be fully sensible. - -The detached portions of the Australioid race are separated from each -other by seas of considerable depth, and the same thing applies to the -Negroid race. The Australians, he points out, though possessing ample -materials for the construction of canoes, have never learnt to make -any that are capable of traversing the great seas which separate them -from their apparent kindred in other lands, and it is unlikely they -should have forgotten the art of navigation if they had once known it. -It is inconceivable, therefore, that they should have migrated from -Australia to the Deccan, and to Egypt, during the existing geographical -arrangement of sea and land, more especially as no trace of such -migration is found upon intervening isles. He points out, however, that -great geographical changes have probably taken place, and that those -changes, in so far as our knowledge of them goes, are of a nature to -account for the phenomena observed. - -The region of the negro race in Africa is separated from Northern -Africa and from Europe by the desert of Sahara, of which there is -geological evidence to show that it was sea at a recent geological -period. The same applies to the Deccan of India, which is separated -from the Himalaya by the great alluvial plains of the Indus and the -Ganges, which, having probably formed a strait before the miocene -epoch, may have divided the black men inhabiting the Deccan from the -Xanthochroid and Mongoloid races to the north. At the same time large -tracts now occupied by the sea may then have been land, uniting or -connecting by a chain of easily accessible islands the regions in which -men of the same colour and physical peculiarities are now found. But it -will be seen by the map that the lines of distribution of two of the -races, the Negroid and the Australioid, cross each other, and this, -according to the theory of migration by land, appears to involve a -succession of submersions and upheavals during the human period, which -it is difficult to account for. - -The distribution of races, according to supposed original distinctions -of colour and complexion, will be seized upon by polygenists as an -argument in their favour; for it will be said that, according to this -theory, the distinctions of race in the earliest times must have been -as great, or greater, than they are at present. - -There are three ways in which it has been attempted to account for -these early distinctions of colour and persistency of type--(1) by -supposing the several races of man to have been separately created -upon distinct continents of land; (2) by assuming that on each -primaeval continent, man was evolved from the anthropoid apes of that -continent;[186] or (3), by supposing that these divisions of race, -remotely and immeasurably distant though they be, nevertheless carry us -only a short way back into the history of man, and that still earlier -ages, if we could penetrate them, would show the races of man united. - -Now, with respect to the first assumption, that of creation, though -we are not, of course, in a position to deny the possibility of it, -I confess it appears to me unwarranted by any of the phenomena of -nature. We have no knowledge of the special creation of any organized -being; and how can we scientifically assume as probable, that, for the -probability of which there is no sort of evidence of a nature that -inductive science would be warranted in building upon? Continuity and -development are seen to be the order of the universe. Man is seen to -be, both mentally and physically, amenable to that law; and on what -grounds can we assume that he was ever an exception to it? I cannot -conceive how those who believe geological changes to have been brought -about by causes which are still in operation in our own day, and who -make great calls upon time in order to reconcile those causes to the -phenomena observed, can, in treating biological phenomena, advocate -belief in so great a break in the observed order of the universe as is -implied by the special creation of man. Still less willing am I, in -the absence of more cogent argument than has ever yet been advanced -in support of it, to assent to hypotheses of the separate development -of races, which appears to me equally at variance with nature. There -can be no doubt that all the existing races of man, whatever their -colour and physical peculiarities, have greater affinity to each other -than any of them have to the apes, or to any other class of animals. -The tendency of progress is from simplicity to complexity, from unity -to diversity, and it would be a complete inversion of the order of -nature that animals so various as the apes should independently -produce animals so much resembling each other as the races of man. -The recognized law that, with certain variations, like begets like, -appears to me to negative this assumption as fully as it would do -the notion, if it were put forward, that because the horse and some -other classes of the mammalia, say the rhinoceros, for instance, have -some affinities in their bony structure, therefore the black horse is -descended from the African rhinoceros, and the white horse from that -of India. Moreover, all the races of mankind interbreed, and I am at a -loss to understand how a circumstance like this, which throughout the -animal kingdom is regarded as a proof of unity of species, should be -discarded in its application to humanity. If, then, it is true that -diversity of colour is as old as the very earliest traces of man, and -there is evidence that the several coloured races were inhabitants of -distinct continents, which have disappeared through geological changes -dispersing and mixing the races, blending the colours and obliterating -the traces of their formerly isolated homes; then to the same causes, -which produced the mixing and the blending, we must also attribute the -original separation. According to the view I hold, we must ask for more -time, and still further geological changes, to bring them together -again in the primaeval cradle of the human race. - -Now, to apply this reasoning to the origin of weapons. The only -vestiges of the primaeval tools of mankind now left to us are those -constructed of stone; others of the more perishable materials have -decayed, and their representatives only have remained in some few -cases as survivals. In my last lecture I showed how uniform in shape -and in development these stone implements are found to be in all parts -of the world, whether derived from the northern or southern continent -of America, from Siberia, Australia, India, Africa, or the surface -soils and river gravels of Europe. This uniformity of shape has been -used as an argument that mankind must have independently designed the -same forms of tools in various parts of the world, and that under -like conditions, like forms will be produced by men, however remotely -separated. I am not prepared to deny the possibility of some of these -forms having had an independent origin; but if the proof of it is to be -based upon the separation of continents, we see how entirely groundless -such an argument is when applied to the earliest ages of humanity. For -if, as has been conjectured, the races of man may have been dispersed -by geographical changes of land and sea, it is obvious they may have -carried with them, from some primal source, the art of manufacturing -stone weapons; the resemblance of which is far more satisfactorily -accounted for by this means[187] than by supposing such singular and -invariable coincidence in design to be the result of independent -discovery. As we contemplate man in his lower and lowest conditions, -we find the imitative faculty stands out more and more prominently by -the absence of those higher qualities which characterize civilized -races; and whatever power of originality for the invention of new arts -may have been possessed by the earliest inhabitants of the globe, its -results appear to have been spread over so vast a lapse of time that it -can scarcely be accounted at all as an element in the mental attributes -of primaeval man. - -I now pass to what has been announced as the subject proper of my -present communication, viz. the origin and development of metal tools. -I use the word _metal_ intentionally, in preference to specifying -bronze, because, although we have good reason for supposing that in -Europe, Egypt, Assyria, and the central parts of America, bronze -preceded iron as a material for weapons, it is not so certain that this -was the case in all parts of Asia; and in Africa we know that iron was -the first metal employed by the negroes. - -Perhaps no subject has given rise to so much difference of opinion -amongst archaeologists as this question of the origin of metal -implements, or has been accompanied with such uncertain results, -owing to the great mass of conflicting evidence to be dealt with, -and the great doubt which rests upon much of it, whether in regard -to the casual mention of the subject in ancient authors, or to the -often ill-directed researches of modern times. It would be hopeless, -in the brief time allotted me on the present occasion, to attempt -to throw fresh light on this intricate subject, even if I possessed -the materials for so doing. All I shall endeavour to do is, to put -together, in as intelligible a form as possible, some of the more -salient points upon which archaeologists are divided, and trace the -continuity observable in passing from the stone to the metal age. - -We have already seen, in speaking of the implements of the stone age, -a gradual improvement in form and fabrication, developing itself in -proportion as the wild animals which were contemporaneous with the -first traces of man in Europe became extinct, partly, no doubt, through -the efforts of man himself in exterminating them, and partly, as -there seems reason to suppose, owing to an alteration of temperature, -rendering the climate unsuited to the constitution and habits of -those animals, which therefore migrated by degrees, and the majority -of which are now found chiefly, though not exclusively, in arctic -regions. Thither they have been accompanied by races of men whose -arts and implements show them to be very nearly in a corresponding -stage of civilization to the early races, the relics of which are -found associated with the same animals in Europe. The simultaneous -migration of races of men in the hunting stage of civilization, with -the animals, the pursuit of which forms the almost sole occupation of -their lives, is well shown in the case of the North American Indians, -whose geographical distribution is now almost identical with that of -the buffalo. This forms a strong point in the arguments of those who -are disposed to attribute all the changes in the world's civilization -to the influx and extermination of antagonistic races. But it must -be remembered that progress advances in an increasing ratio, and the -phenomenon now seen in America and Australia of a highly civilized -race constantly fed by steam-communication from the Old World, driving -before it and rapidly exterminating other races so vastly its inferior -as the Australians and American Indians, is one which could have had no -parallel at the early period of which I am now speaking. We must here -look for a slower process, though doubtless the operating causes may, -to a great extent, have been the same. - -The fabrication of stone implements would of itself lead by degrees -to a knowledge of the metals which are contained in stones. Thus, for -example, I have here a specimen of a stone mace-head from Central -America, figure 2, Plate XIX, composed of a nodule of haematite -partially coated with micaceous iron ore, the particles of which are -distinctly visible on its glittering surface. The weight of this -implement, being nearly double that of a mace-head composed of ordinary -stone, would at once attract the notice of the savage fabricator, and -lead him to investigate the uses of metal. - -But, as a general rule, races engaged exclusively in hunting, who -rarely turn their attention to the ground except to examine a trail -or to search for water, would have little opportunity of profiting by -the mineral wealth of the soil over which they roamed. Witness the -Australians, who have continued for ages in ignorance of the gold and -other mines which are now so attractive to Europeans; or the North and -South American Indians, and the Esquimaux, amongst whom the art of -smelting metal has never been found associated with those races who are -in a purely hunting stage of existence; the wrought metals used by such -races to point their weapons being invariably derived from civilized -sources. - -From hunting wild animals, the savage, in the natural sequence of -progress, would turn his attention to their capture and domestication, -and thus he creeps gradually into the pastoral life; and as the bones -of animals under domestication, through want of exercise and good -living, become smoother and of finer texture, the experienced anatomist -is thereby afforded the means of distinguishing, amongst the vestiges -of antiquity, the remains of domesticated animals from those derived -from the chase, and of observing to what extent the domestication -of animals was contemporaneous with other changes in the social -condition of the people.[188] Still, however, in the pastoral state, -the barbarian is not necessarily brought in contact with metals; and -hence we should expect in many cases to find the traces of domesticated -animals associated with people who are still in the stone age. This was -notably the case amongst the ancient inhabitants of the Swiss lakes, -where the sheep and horse have been found at Moosseedorf, and other -lake habitations which are proved to belong to the stone age, though -not in such abundance as in the settlements belonging to the bronze -age.[189] - -From the pastoral life, the barbarian, hampered by his flocks and -herds, and no longer obliged to wander in search of food, settles down -to a more stationary life, and by degrees takes to agriculture. Then, -for the first time, he digs into the soil, and becomes acquainted -with its mineral treasures. It has been proved by the discovery of -quantities of carbonized grains of wheat, lumped together, in the Swiss -lake-habitations of the stone age, together with the materials for -preparing it for food, that a knowledge of agriculture preceded the -general employment of bronze in that region,[190] whilst in Britain, -and in Denmark also, bronze is almost invariably associated with -evidence of domestication and agriculture. - -The metals first employed would be those that are most attractive. -Copper, in Europe, from the bright colour of its ores, would be noticed -more readily than iron, which is often scarcely distinguishable from -the soil, and requires greater temperature and more skilled labour to -render it available than could be expected of a people emerging out -of the savage state. It is not, therefore, surprising that in Europe, -copper first, and subsequently its alloy, bronze, should have been -employed before iron as a material for weapons. But in those countries -where iron is found upon the surface in an attractive form, and in a -condition to be easily wrought, we must for the same reason suppose -that it would be used instead of copper in the earliest ages of -metallurgy. - -[Illustration: PLATE XVIII. - -DEVELOPMENT OF FORM IN CELTS OF COPPER, BRONZE AND IRON.] - -It is natural to suppose that, in the ordinary course of development, -an age of pure copper must have intervened between the ages of stone -and bronze. But implements of pure copper are comparatively rare, -bronze being the metal almost invariably found following immediately -upon the age of stone.[191] Notwithstanding the comparative rarity of -copper tools, however, there is reason to believe that this metal was -used in a pure state before the discovery of the alloy. According -to Professor Max Müller, copper was the metal spoken of by Hesiod -and Homer as the material generally employed for weapons in their -time.[192] Mr. Rawlinson, in his _Five Ancient Monarchies_, says that -the metallurgy of the early Chaldeans was of a very rude character, -indicating a nation but just emerging from an almost barbaric -simplicity, and that copper often occurs pure.[193] Copper implements, -of a very early form, beaten into shape, occur not unfrequently in -Ireland, as may be seen by specimens represented in Class A, Plate -XVIII. They have also been found in Mecklenburg and in Denmark, and -Klemm[194] says that they occur in Greece, Italy, Spain, Egypt, and -Hindustan. At Maurach, in Switzerland, a copper celt was found in a -lake dwelling, which Dr. Keller, notwithstanding this circumstance, -attributes to the stone age.[195] In the lake dwelling of Peschiera, -on the lake of Garda, several copper implements were discovered,[196] -and in certain localities in Hungary copper implements are said to -be as plentiful as those of bronze.[197] An axe of pure copper was -discovered in Ratho Bog, near Edinburgh, under 20 feet of stratified -sand and clay, and Dr. Wilson mentions that others have been found in -Scotland.[198] Copper implements occur in Peru, to prove that, in the -central parts of America also, the manufacture of bronze was preceded -by the use of copper in a pure state; and in the ancient mines of Lake -Superior we have distinct evidence of a stage of early metallurgy in -which copper was used simply as a malleable stone, and beaten out into -the form of implements without the aid of any alloy or a knowledge of -the process of casting.[199] (See Plate XIX, figures 3, 4, 5, and 6.) -When it is considered that without the admixture of a small portion -of alloy of zinc or tin, copper is very difficult to melt, and can -only be used by a laborious process of beating into form, and also -what a great superiority bronze has over copper as a cutting material, -whilst at the same time the process of fabrication is actually in some -degree facilitated by the addition of tin, it is not surprising that -on the first discovery of the advantages of this mixture, all the old -implements of copper, wherever procurable, should have been taken to -the melting-pot for conversion into bronze, and we should thus be left -with such scanty evidence of the existence of an age of copper. - -Up to this point we meet with no difficulty in supposing that -the use of metal may have been at first adopted by many nations -independently, without intercourse one with another. But when we find -in both hemispheres of the globe a very wide diffusion of weapons of -bronze, consisting of a mixture of the same metals, which, though -varying slightly in its proportions, as we shall afterwards see, -is nevertheless, for the most part, constant in its adherence to a -standard of about nine parts copper to one of tin in all parts of the -world, the question arises whether the knowledge of this mixed metal -could have been arrived at independently in different countries, or -whether it must have been diffused all over the universe from a common -source. It is true that copper and tin materials are sometimes found -in the same locality, as, for instance, in Cornwall, the locality -which, from the remotest time up to the present, has afforded the -most plentiful supply of both metals perhaps in the world. We have -evidence, also, that in ancient copper mines fire was employed by the -miners for softening the metal and detaching it from the matrix,[200] -and it is, therefore, highly probable that the admixture of the two -metals occurring so close together, and a knowledge of the advantages -accruing therefrom, may have been brought about accidentally in the -process of mining.[201] But this connexion of the metals in a state -of nature is not common, and in those countries, such as Denmark and -Scandinavia, where bronze implements occur, and in which neither metal -is found native, it is most improbable that the inhabitants should have -discovered the merits of these particular ingredients, unless they had -derived the knowledge of them from without. - -Hence we find archaeologists as much divided in their opinions upon -what I may call the monogenesis or polygenesis of bronze, as biologists -and anatomists are upon the monogenesis or polygenesis of the human -race. The same question repeats itself again and again in dealing -with the vestiges of the early history of man, and we may therefore -divide the consideration of this question of the origin of bronze under -pretty nearly the same heads to which I have adverted when speaking -of the distribution of races, and of the age of stone (pp. 147-54). -The questions to be considered may be numbered as follows:--(1) that -bronze was spread from a common centre by an intruding and conquering -race, or by the migration of tribes; (2) that the inhabitants of each -separate region in which bronze is known to have been used discovered -the art independently, and made their implements of it; (3) that the -art was discovered, and the implements fabricated, on one spot, and -the implements disseminated from that place by means of commerce; (4) -that the art of making bronze was diffused from a common centre, but -that the implements were constructed in the countries in which they are -found. - -Amongst the advocates for the first hypothesis, viz. introduction by -the intrusion of fresh races, are to be found chiefly the Scandinavian -archaeologists, amongst whom may be especially mentioned Professors -Worsaae, of Copenhagen[202], and Nilsson, of Stockholm. Both metals -are foreign to the soil of Denmark, and must, therefore, have been -imported. In the graves, bronze weapons are in Denmark invariably -found with burials by cremation, while those of the stone age are -by inhumation, the former being recognized, in an early stage of -civilization, as a later process than burial by inhumation. Bronze is -here markedly associated with traces of agriculture, the evidence -of which is wanting in the stone age. The age of bronze, it is -asserted by these antiquaries, was ushered in in Denmark by the -employment of implements showing the highest perfection of art, and -at a later period, when they are associated with weapons of iron, -they are inferior in the quality of their workmanship. The weapons of -bronze have remarkably small handles, denoting a smaller race, and -hypothetically an eastern origin, small handles being to this day the -characteristic of weapons from India. Some of the bronze spear-heads in -Denmark have been found with nails driven into them, a practice which -still exists in India, each nail denoting a victim; and in the Asiatic -islands the custom of boring a hole in the weapon for each victim is -found to the present time.[203] The peculiar ornamentation so often -found on the bronze swords of Denmark, known as the spiral ornament, -is said, though I think erroneously, to be of Phoenician origin. To -these and other arguments for the introduction by intruding races, -Professor Nilsson adds, that in the countries of the north, where -bronze implements are found in greatest abundance, the graves in which -they occur are usually situated in groups, proving that bronze was -introduced, not by isolated individuals, merchants, or travellers, but -by tribes or colonies more or less numerous, occupying especial tracts -of country. - -The theory of race-origin is also not without its adherents in this -country. Dr. Thurnam, who has excavated a large number of barrows in -the south of England, divides them--as, indeed, they have been divided -by former antiquaries--into several classes, amongst which we may -chiefly distinguish two principal types, viz. the long and the round -barrows. The former he attributes to the stone age, containing usually -implements of that material, whilst implements of bronze are almost -invariably found in the round barrows. He also gives it as the result -of his researches, extending over some years of exploration--and Canon -Greenwell, in so far as his experience of long barrows in the north -of England goes, confirms the statement--that the long barrows are -generally associated with dolichocephalic, or long skulls, whilst in -the round barrows brachycephalic, or round skulls, are found, thus -leading to the supposition that the long-headed people of the stone -age who erected the long barrows may have been succeeded by another -race with round heads importing bronze, and burying their dead in -round barrows. But after having heard Dr. Thurnam's last papers -on this subject, read before the Society of Antiquaries and other -societies[204], I confess, although he has no doubt established a -sequence, that he does not appear to me to have determined a clear -line of separation between the two classes of interments; the long -barrows pass by intermediate links into the round ones, and the long -skull, although no doubt it may be considered characteristic of an -earlier period, and therefore connected with an earlier form of -barrow, also passes by gradations into the round skull, the variations -of form being considerable. Then, with respect to the implements, -although the absence of bronze in the long barrows of the earlier -period appears to be determined, yet it is notorious to all those who -have paid attention to the subject--and is not by any means denied -by the learned antiquaries whose names I have mentioned--that the -transition from stone to bronze in this country was gradual, and -extended over a long period, flint weapons being found in nearly all -the barrows of the bronze age in such positions as to show they were -used contemporaneously by the same people; and from discoveries which -have been made both by myself and others[205], there seems good reason -to suppose that flint weapons continued to be used by some of the -inhabitants of this country even during the Roman era. This distinction -of long heads in long barrows, and round heads in round barrows, is -one so easily remembered, that it is liable on this account, perhaps, -to receive greater attention than it really deserves as a criterion -of race. The difficulty of distinguishing in all cases the primary -from the secondary interments in the barrows--it being an established -fact that these barrows were used as places of burial by successive -generations, and even perhaps by successive races, including also -the Anglo-Saxons--the possible distortion of some of the crania by -time and pressure, and the other facts of the case, as I believe I -have correctly stated them, are, I think, sufficient to justify us in -withholding for the present our entire acceptance of the theory of the -introduction of bronze into this country by intruding races, as drawn -from any evidence derived from the graves. - -From amongst those who have advocated the totally independent origin -of bronze, the opinion of Professor Daniel Wilson may be selected, -as affording a most ingenious argument derived from an analysis of -the metals.[206] He quotes some experiments conducted by Dr. George -Pearson, and communicated by him to the Royal Society of London -in 1796, to ascertain the results of various proportions of the -ingredients of tin and copper in bronze. 'Having fused these metals -in various united proportions, commencing with 1 part of tin to 20 -parts of copper, which produced a dark-coloured bronze, he reduced -the proportion gradually to 15 parts of copper to 1 of tin, when the -colour was materially affected, and the red copper hue was no longer -seen, but an alloy of greater strength was produced. The experiments -were continued with 12, 10, 9, 8, and 7 parts of copper to 1 of -tin, and when the last fusion of the metals was tested, increased -hardness and brittleness of the metals became very apparent. The same -characteristics were still more marked on successively reducing the -proportions of copper to 6, 5, 4, and 3; and when alloy was made of 2 -parts of copper to 1 of tin, it was, according to Dr. Pearson's report, -as brittle as glass.' - -From the result of these experiments we see that the best average -proportions, of about 9 parts of copper to 1 of tin, would invariably -show itself by a practical experience in the use of these ingredients, -and it is therefore unnecessary to assume that these particular -proportions, when found in the bronzes of different countries, must -necessarily have been communicated. - -Dr. Wilson then proceeds to give the results of analyses of ancient -bronzes discovered in Europe, America, and elsewhere, contained in the -accompanying tables. And he concludes his observations on the subject -as follows:-- - -'From the varied results which so many independent analyses disclose, -varying, as they do, from 79 to 94 per cent, of copper, or more than -the total amount of the supposed constant ratio of tin, besides the -variations in the nature, as well as the quantity of their ingredients' -(a proportion of lead will be seen in some of the analyses of European -bronzes, the small proportion of iron being probably accidental), 'it -is abundantly obvious that no greater uniformity is traceable than -such as might be expected to result from the experience of isolated -and independent metallurgists, very partially acquainted with the -chemical properties of the standard alloy, and guided for the most -part by practical experience derived from successive results of their -manufacture.' The comparison of the two tables here given, from -Professor Wilson's work, also shows a smaller average amount of tin in -the American bronze (Table I) than in that of ancient Europe (Table II). - - -TABLE I.--ANALYSES OF ANCIENT AMERICAN BRONZES - - --------------------------+---------+-----------------+-------+-----+-----+ - Object. |Locality.| Observer. |Copper.| Tin.|Iron.| - --------------------------+---------+-----------------+-------+-----+-----+ - 1 Chisel from Silver Mines|Cuzco |Humboldt |94.0 |6.0 | | - 2 Chisel " " |Cuzco |Dr. J. H. Gibbon |92.385 |7.615| | - 3 Knife " " |Atacama |J. H. Blake, Esq.|97.870 |2.130| | - 4 Knife | | Ditto |96.0 |4.0 | | - 5 Crowbar |Chili |Dr. T. C. Jackson|92.385 |7.615| | - 6 Knife |Amaro |Dr. H. Croft |95.664 |3.965|0.371| - 7 Perforated Axe | | Ditto |96.0 |4.0 | | - 8 Personal Ornament |Truigilla|T. Ewbank, Esq. |95.440 |4.560| | - 9 Bodkin from Female Grave| | Ditto |96.70 |3.30 | | - --------------------------+---------+-----------------+-------+-----+-----+ - - -TABLE II.--ANALYSES OF ANCIENT EUROPEAN BRONZES - - ----------------+--------------+----------------+-------+-----+-----+----- - Object. | Locality. | Observer. |Copper.|Tin. |Lead.|Iron. - ----------------+--------------+----------------+-------+-----+-----+----- - 1 Lituus |Lincolnshire |Dr. G. Pearson, | 88.0 |12.0 | | - | | F.R.S., Phil. | | | | - | | Trans. | | | | - 2 Anglo-Roman | | Ditto ditto | 86.0 |14.0 | | - Patellae | | | | | | - 3 Spear-Head | | Ditto ditto | 86.0 |14.0 | | - 4 Scabbard |Danish? | Ditto ditto | 90.0 |10.0 | | - 5 Axe-Head |Ireland | Ditto ditto | 91.0 | 9.0 | | - 6 Axe-Palstave |Cumberland | Ditto ditto | 91.0 | 9.0 | | - 7 Axe-Head | | Ditto ditto | 88.0 |12.0 | | - 8 Bronze Vessel|Cambridgeshire|Professor Clark,| 88.0 |12.0 | | - | | M.D. | | | | - 9 Sword |France |Mongez, Mémoires| 87.47 |12.53| | - | | de l'Institut | | | | - 10 Caldron |Berwickshire |G. Wilson, M.D.,| 92.89 | 5.15| 1.78| - | | Prehist. | | | | - | | Ann. Scot. | | | | - 11 Sword |Duddingstone | Ditto ditto | 88.51 | 9.30| 2.30| - 12 Kettle |Berwickshire | Ditto ditto | 88.22 | 5.63| 5.88| - 13 Axe-Head |Mid-Lothian | Ditto ditto | 88.5 |11.12| 0.78| - 14 Caldron |Duddingstone | Ditto ditto | 84.8 | 7.19| 8.53| - 15 Palstave |Fifeshire | Ditto ditto | 81.19 |18.31| 0.75| - 16 Sword |Ireland |Professor Davy, | 88.63 | 8.54| 2.83| - | | Prehist. | | | | - | | Ann. Scot. | | | | - 17 Sword | | Ditto ditto | 83.50 | 5.15| 8.35| 3.0 - 18 Sword |Thames |J. A. Phillips, | 89.69 | 9.58| | 0.33 - | | F.G.S., &c. | | | | - 19 Sword |Ireland | Ditto | 85.62 |10.02| | 0.44 - 20 Celt | | Ditto | 90.68 | 7.43| 1.28| - 21 Axe-Head | | | 90.18 | 9.81| | - 22 Axe-Head | | Ditto | 89.33 | 9.19| | 0.33 - 23 Celt | | Ditto | 83.61 |10.79| 3.20| 0.58 - 24 Celt |King's County,|Dr. Donovan, | 85.23 |13.11| 1.14| - | Ireland | Chem. Gazette | | | | - 25 Drinking-Horn| | | 79.34 |10.87| 9.11| - 26 Bronze Vessel|Ireland |Mr Gibbon, | 88.0 |12.0 | | - | | U.S. Mint | | | | - 27 Wedge | | Ditto | 94.0 | 5.9 | | 0.1 - ----------------+--------------+----------------+-------+-----+-----+----- - -This argument, however, is defective when taken to determine the -question of the origin of bronze in favour of independent discovery, -for we have already seen, in speaking of the stone age,--and I have -endeavoured to show that it is a peculiarity observable in the works of -all savage and barbarous races,--that being devoid of rule or measure, -and having very imperfect means of securing adherence to a uniform -standard, their productions are characterized by incessant variations, -even in cases where the first idea is known to have been derived from -a common source. The variations here shown to exist in the composition -of bronze are no greater than are capable of being accounted for by -the universal prevalence of a law of variation, resulting from many -causes, and amongst others from want of precision, and carelessness, -which is a defect common alike to all tyros in their art, whether -ancient or modern. It is a fault we have many of us to complain of -almost daily in our cooks. A batter pudding is composed of milk, flour, -and eggs, in proper proportions, but a careless cook will constantly -vary her proportions, and will fail in adjusting her quantities to -the total amount; but we must not, on that account, assume that each -cook has invented the art of making batter puddings independently. -So, in like manner, it is quite consistent with the facts observed -even in America, to suppose that the first knowledge of bronze, and of -those many features in the civilization of the Mexicans and Peruvians -which present such striking analogies to the civilization of Egypt, -may have been originally communicated by some casual wanderer or some -shipwrecked castaway from the then centres of Eastern culture (for the -theory of geographical changes is, of course, out of the question when -speaking of the origin of bronze), and that they have varied in their -development on American soil no more than might naturally be expected -from their introduction to an entirely new and partially civilized -race. Such an assumption, though difficult to account for, and wanting -in evidence, is more in accordance with the well-known traditions of -the Mexicans and Peruvians, who attribute their civilization to the -advent of a god; or with that of the natives of Nootka Sound, on the -north-west, who state that an old man entered the bay, in a copper -canoe, with paddles of copper, and that the Nootkans by that means -acquired a knowledge of that metal. - -As illustrations of the modern metal-work of the natives of Nootka -Sound and its neighbourhood, several examples are given in Plate -XIX, figs. 7 to 11. Figures 7 and 8 represent two sides of an iron -dagger in the Museum of the Royal United Service Institution. The -ornamentation on the handle is that of the natives of the country, but -the workmanship of the blade, which is ribbed on one side, appears -to indicate foreign manufacture. Figures 9 and 10 are two sides of a -copper dagger of the same form; this specimen is now in the Belfast -Museum, in which it was deposited in the year 1843 by Mr. A. Thompson, -who brought it from the north-west coast of America, and described it -as having been fabricated by the Flathead Indians; it is undoubtedly -of native workmanship; in both these weapons one side of the blade and -handle is concave, the other convex, a form which appears to denote -that it was originally taken from some similar weapon of bone or cane. -The nearest approach to the form of this weapon in bone, that I am -aware of, is that of the Indian 'kandjar', a figure of which was given -in my first lecture on Primitive Warfare, Plate X, fig. 63. This weapon -has also one concave and one convex side, derived from the natural -curvature of the bone out of which it is made. - -But putting aside American civilization, which, it must be admitted, -does in the existing state of our knowledge present great difficulties -in the way of those who advocate the theory of a common origin for -bronze, and turning our attention to the eastern hemisphere, we find -the evidence on this point more satisfactory. We may observe, in -the first place, that the area over which bronze has been used for -implements appears, in so far as we have at present been able to trace -it, to be continuous, extending over the greater part of Europe, Egypt, -Assyria, and some parts of Siberia, India, and China, from which latter -country some few bronze weapons have lately been added to the British -Museum. Mr. Theobald, of the Geological Survey of India, also mentions -in a paper read to the Bengal Asiatic Society,[207] that bronze axes -are found in the valley of the Irrawaddy, where they are held in such -veneration as rarely to be procurable; and Sir Walter Elliot has -shown me some bronze implements which he found deep beneath the soil -in cutting a canal in the valley of the Ganges. Bronze is wanting in -Africa; in America, with the exception of Peru and Mexico; in the -north of Sweden and Norway, and, I believe, in the greater part of -the northern districts of Russia and Siberia, though with regard to -Russian and Siberian bronzes, our information is still very deficient. -And here I may observe that I speak only of bronze as applied to tools -and weapons; its use for other purposes may have been introduced at -any subsequent period of the world's history; but the presence of a -bronze weapon implies either total ignorance, or at least an imperfect -knowledge of the means of hardening the more useful metal for this -purpose, iron. - -Those who wish for more detailed information as to the evidence upon -which the succession of the stone, bronze, and iron ages has been -determined, would do well to refer to Sir John Lubbock's remarks upon -this subject in _Prehistoric Times_. It may, however, be useful to -enumerate briefly some of the chief points which have been adduced -in support of the opinion that the employment of these materials -corresponds to successive stages in the development of civilization in -Europe. (1) Not only do the Roman writers mention iron as being the -metal used by them in their time, but they also speak of its employment -by the barbarian nations of the north, with whom they came in contact, -and the word 'ferrum', _iron_, was with the Romans synonymous with -sword. (2) Although numerous finds of iron implements of the Roman -period have been discovered in various parts of the world, there has -been no authentic and undoubted instance of a weapon of bronze having -been found associated with them, or with Roman pottery or coins. (3) -Bronze implements are most abundant in Denmark and Ireland, countries -which were never invaded by Roman armies, whilst they are exceedingly -rare in Italy. (4) The ornamentation of the bronze implements is not -Roman, but pre-Roman in character. (5) On the other hand, the numerous -finds of bronze weapons which have been discovered have never been -associated with iron, except in cases where the nature of the iron -implements shows them to have belonged to a period of transition. (6) -The pottery associated with bronze-finds is superior to that found -with stone implements, but inferior to that of the iron age, and the -potter's wheel was unknown during the stone and bronze ages. (7) Silver -is found associated with iron, but rarely if ever with stone or bronze. -(8) No coins or inscriptions of any kind have been found with bronze -implements. (9) In the Swiss lakes, settlements associated with stone -and bronze have been found near each other, as for instance Moosseedorf -and Nidau, 15 miles apart; in the former, bronze is entirely absent; -in the latter, it was used not only for articles of luxury, such as -might denote a more wealthy class, but also for implements of common -use, such as fish-hooks, pins, &c.; it is improbable that so marked -a contrast in the civilization of two settlements so close to each -other should have existed during the same period. (10) The implements -and ornaments of the bronze-finds are more varied in form, showing -an advance in art upon those appertaining to the stone age. (11) The -bronze-finds are marked by an increase in the number of domesticated -animals, and an entire absence of some of the wild animals of the -earlier period, and they are also more clearly associated with traces -of agriculture. (12) In the Danish peat bogs, successive strata are -found overlying each other, denoting changes in the vegetation of the -country; in the lowest and earliest are found the remains of pine -trees, which now are foreign to the soil; above which are strata in -which oak was the prevailing tree, and at the present time the oaks -have been superseded by beeches. These successive strata correspond -in a general way to successive stages in the civilization of the -inhabitants; in the pine-bearing strata, implements of stone are found; -with the oak trees, implements of bronze, and higher up, implements of -iron. It has also been attempted to trace a somewhat similar succession -of periods in the gravels and alluvium of the torrent of Tinière, -in Switzerland; but the evidence in this case is not considered so -satisfactory as in that of the Danish peat bogs. - -In Chaldea, the transition from stone to bronze has been traced by -the relics found in the soil; iron being then used only in small -quantities, and chiefly for ornaments, as amongst the ancient Britons -in the time of Caesar.[208] In Egypt, where both bronze and iron -weapons have been found in the tombs, the transition from bronze to -iron is marked by the colour of the weapons in the paintings, and -dates, according to Sir Gardner Wilkinson, about B.C. 1400. Hesiod -speaks of an age of copper, when the 'black iron did not exist'. Homer -also alludes frequently to copper or bronze implements, and when iron -is mentioned always speaks of it as requiring much time and labour to -fabricate it. Then we have the well-known passage from Lucretius, so -often quoted in reference to this subject, in which the three ages of -stone, bronze, and iron are mentioned;[209] and Strabo mentions the -Lusitanians as being armed partly with copper or bronze weapons.[210] - -Many other quotations might be given from ancient authors to prove that -the existence of a bronze age preceding the use of iron was known to -the ancients, but I will not occupy your time further with this part -of the subject, seeing that others far more competent to deal with -it than myself have failed to derive much information of value from -this source. There is often considerable difficulty in determining -the exact meaning of the writers, when speaking of the material of -which weapons are composed, the same word being sometimes used to -express copper, bronze, and iron. In fact it may, I think, safely be -said that, notwithstanding the large amount of useful information that -may be obtained from the study of the early writers, there is no more -fruitful source of error than the attempt to apply ancient history and -tradition to the elucidation of prehistoric events. Modern science, and -our fuller appreciation of the value of evidence, have thrown far more -light on prehistoric times than ever fell to the lot of the ancients; -and it is for us, therefore, to correct their errors, and not to be -misled by them. - -Professor Max Müller, in the second series of his _Science of -Language_, has, however, drawn some important conclusions on this -subject, from the etymology of words representing metal, of which -it may be useful here to give a brief abstract. Quoting Mr. E. B. -Tylor's work on the Anahuac (p. 140), he says: 'The Mexicans called -their own copper or bronze _tepuztli_, which is said to have meant -originally _hatchet_; the same word is now used for iron, with which -the Mexicans first became acquainted through their intercourse with -the Spaniards. _Tepuztli_ then became a general name for metal, and -when copper had to be distinguished from iron, the former was called -red _tepuztli_, and the latter black _tepuztli_. The conclusion,' -he says, 'which we may draw from this, viz. that Mexican was spoken -before the introduction of iron into Mexico, is one of no great value, -because we know it from other sources'; but applying the same line of -reasoning to Greek, he says, 'here, too, _chalkós_, which at first -meant copper, came afterwards to mean metal in general, and _chalkeús_, -originally a copper-smith, occurs in the Odyssey (ix. 391) in the sense -of a blacksmith, or worker of iron.' What does this prove? It proves -that Greek was spoken before the introduction of iron. The name for -copper is shared in common by Latin and the Teutonic languages, _æs_, -Latin; _aiz_, Gothic; _êr_, old high German; _erz_, modern German; -_âr_, Anglo-Saxon; and the same word is represented in our English -word _ore_. But the words specifically used for iron differ in each -of the principal branches of the Aryan family. At the same time the -words originally representing copper come to be used for metal in -general, and in some cases for iron. In Sanskrit, _ayas_, which is -the same word as _æs_, came to be used for iron, a distinction being -made between dark _ayas_ or iron, and bright _ayas_ or copper. _Æs_ in -Latin, and _aiz_ in Gothic, came to be used for metal in general, but -was never used for iron. _Aiz_, however, according to Grimm, gave rise -to the Gothic word _eisarn_, meaning iron. In old high German _eisarn_ -is changed into _îsarn_, later to _îsan_, and lastly to the modern -_eisen_, while the Anglo-Saxon _îsern_ is converted into _îren_, and -ultimately to _iron_. The learned Professor sums up his researches on -this subject as follows:--'We may conclude,' he says, 'that Sanskrit, -Greek, Latin, and German were spoken before the discovery of iron, that -each nation became acquainted with that most useful of all metals after -the Aryan family was broken up, and that each of the Aryan languages -coined its name for iron from its own resources, and marked it by its -own national stamp, while it brought the names for gold, silver, and -copper from the common treasury of their ancestral home'.[211] - -These remarks point to a very remote period, and to an Aryan origin for -the first knowledge of copper and bronze, but on the other hand much -has been written in favour of a Semitic origin, especially by Professor -Nilsson, who believes that he has discovered traces of that people even -on the coast of Norway.[212] - -The employment of war chariots, which are known to have been used by -the Britons, and vestiges of which have been found in their graves, -implies, it is said, Semitic influence. Much stress is also laid upon -the resemblance of some of the ornaments found on the Danish and other -bronzes to those in use by the Phoenicians; more especially the spiral -ornaments, which Professor Nilsson traces to that source through the -engravings on weapons in the bronze age tumuli. Against this, however, -it may be urged that the spiral ornament has a very wide distribution, -extending over modern Africa, ancient Egypt, Greece, China, New Guinea, -Mexico, and South America, and even to New Zealand and the Asiatic -Isles. In illustration of this I have arranged upon Plate XIX a series -of illustrations of spiral ornament from various countries, showing -how universally it is distributed over the globe. Fig. 12 is from a -New Zealand canoe in my collection; Fig. 13, from a club brought from -New Guinea by the commander of the 'Rattlesnake', in 1849, and now -in my collection; Fig. 14, from China; Fig. 15, from ancient Egypt; -Fig. 16, from Greece; Fig. 17, from a Danish bronze sword; Fig. 18, -from an Irish bronze brooch in my collection; Fig. 19, from the Swiss -lakes, figured in Dr. Keller's work; Fig. 20, an iron ornament in my -collection from Central Africa; Fig. 21, an iron ornament on a club, -from the Bight of Benin, West Africa, in the Christy Collection; Fig. -22, an ornament on a wooden arrow-head, in the Christy Collection, -probably from one of the Melanesian isles; Fig. 23, from Hallstatt; -Fig. 24, a cane arrow-head from the Amazons, South America; Fig. -25, a spindle-whirl from Mexico; Fig. 26, on a bronze shield from -the Caucasus; Fig. 27, an ornament on a bracelet from Hindustan, in -the British Museum; Fig. 28, an ornament carved upon the stones of -New Grange, in Ireland; Fig. 29, from a New Zealand canoe. Compare -the two last figures with Fig. 30, a stone weight in my collection, -lately fished up on the coast of Kent, whilst dredging for whelks; the -ornamentation so closely resembles the New Zealand pattern, and at -the same time that of the stone carvings of the European tumuli, that -considering the circumstance of its discovery, it is purely a matter -for conjecture whether it is to be referred to the antiquities of -this country, or has been dropped overboard by some vessel returning -from our South Pacific colonies. We see from these examples that the -spiral ornament cannot be regarded as belonging exclusively to any one -race; it is a contrivance derived simply from the coil of string, the -source from which, and also from straw plaiting, nearly all barbaric -ornamentation had its origin; it is a proof merely of barbaric origin, -an evidence of continuity from the earliest periods of art. - -Mr. Franks in his remarks at the Paris Meeting of the International -Congress of Prehistoric Archaeology, has summarily disposed of the -question of Phoenician ornamentation, by observing that the Phoenicians -were copyists, taking their style from Egypt, Greece, or Rome, -according to the fashion of the period, and that in point of fact a -Phoenician style of art has never existed (_Compte Rendu, II^{me} -Session_, Paris, 1868, p. 251). - -Amongst those who have upheld the theory of the origin of bronze from -Phoenician sources, may be mentioned Mr. Howorth, in a paper lately -published in the _Transactions of the Ethnological Society_ (1868, -N.S., vol. vi. pp. 73-100); and Sir John Lubbock, though not committing -himself to the same view as regards the origin of bronze, has -nevertheless been at the pains of ably defending the ancient authors -who speak of Phoenician intercourse with Britain from the attacks made -upon them by Sir George Cornewall Lewis (_Prehistoric Times_, 1869, pp. -59-69). - -This being the existing state of our knowledge in regard to the -introduction of bronze, and the variety of opinion on the subject -being, as we have seen, considerable, the task before us will be to -ascertain as far as may be possible, from the implements themselves, -the history of their origin, by examining carefully their construction -in the various regions in which they occur, and by tracing the -geographical distribution of those details of form which show evidence -of connexion; thereby to determine, if possible, the sources from which -they were derived. Whatever degree of veracity we may be disposed to -attribute to early history, we must at least admit that the implements -have this advantage over written testimony of any kind, that they -cannot intentionally mislead us. If we draw wrong inferences from them, -the fault is our own. We shall find the evidence very fragmentary as -yet, but sufficient to prove that it affords a valuable source of -information whenever sufficient materials are collected to enable us -to work out the problem to its legitimate ends. - -On the present occasion I propose to confine my remarks to showing, by -means of the accompanying table (Plate XVIII), the distribution of some -of the commoner varieties of the copper and bronze celt, an instrument -which, like its prototype in stone, appears to have been employed both -as tool and as weapon for all the various purposes to which it was -capable of being turned, and to have been used not merely as a hatchet -and battle-axe, but also to have been sometimes hafted on the end of a -straight handle, to be used as a spud or crowbar, and even perhaps, as -some of the forms appear to indicate, as a spade in tilling the ground. - -The table is arranged upon the same plan as Plate XIII of my last -lecture, and is intended to serve as a continuation of Plate XII of -the same lecture, showing a further development of the same weapon. -The successive developments are arranged, in order, by classes from -left to right; the several localities are separated by horizontal -dotted lines, by means of which are seen the various types prevalent in -each locality, in so far as I have been able to obtain drawings from -published sources; there can be no doubt, however, that the table is -still very imperfect, and that considerable additions may be made to -it hereafter. On the left, in Class A, will be found celts with convex -surfaces, identical in form to those constructed of stone, the relative -antiquity of which is shown by their being almost invariably of pure or -nearly pure copper. It has been suggested that this form may have been -adopted on account of its being more easily produced by beating the -copper, and that its resemblance to the stone celts is not necessarily -a proof of age; but there is no reason why Class B should not be as -easily formed as Class A by this means, and many are so formed, as may -be seen in the table. Moreover, Fig. 3 _a_ is a _bronze_ celt of the -earlier form, taken from _Prehistoric Times_, and as this must have -been cast in a mould, its peculiar shape can only be accounted for -by supposing it to have been constructed in imitation of the stone -celts. In passing from Class B, a gradual development of form may be -traced, commencing with a slight stop or ridge across, and rudimentary -flanges along the side of the shaft of the blade, developing in -size and improving in form, no doubt, as the art of casting bronze -became gradually perfected.[213] These stops and flanges are at first -raised on the surface of the blade, but by degrees the same purpose -is effected by sinking a groove in the blade to receive the handle, -thereby economizing the metal, and producing a more symmetrical form; -the flanges were at the same time bent over, and ultimately cast with -a cavity on each side to receive the handle, and obviate the necessity -for binding on the celt with thongs. This led by degrees to the -ultimate perfection of the weapon, by the introduction of the socket -type, which is associated with weapons of iron, and is sometimes itself -constructed of that metal. - -The order of development here adopted is in the main that followed by -Sir William Wilde, in his _Catalogue of the Museum of the Royal Irish -Academy_, but I have omitted all mention of branch varieties, as they -do not serve my purpose of illustrating the continuity of development, -though they are valuable in showing the connexion between localities. - -Although the course of development appears to have followed the -order here indicated, it is not unlikely the earlier forms may have -continued in use, and may even have continued to be constructed at the -same time as the later forms. The earlier and less complicated types, -being easier of construction, and being equally serviceable for some -purposes, would continue to be made, in the same way that smooth-bores -and rifle-barrels, row-boats, sailing-vessels, and steam-packets, -continue to be used simultaneously in our own time. - -The progress of development of this weapon will be better understood by -a detailed reference to the figures. - - -_Reference to the Figures in Plate XVIII._[214] - -COPPER, BRONZE, AND IRON CELTS. - -CLASS A.--Copper celts from various localities, having convex surfaces, -in form resembling those of stone.--Figs. 1, 2, and 3, from Ireland, -_in my collection_.--Fig. 3 _a_, a bronze celt of the same form, from -Le Puy, France, _Prehistoric Times_, p. 27.--Fig. 4, copper celt -found at Blengow, Mecklenberg-Schwerin Museum; _Horae Ferales_.--Fig. -5, copper celt from the lake dwellings of Sipplingen, Switzerland, -found embedded in a coating of clay (a mould?). See Keller, _The Lake -Dwellings of Switzerland_, (transl. J. E. Lee, 1866), p. 121, Plate -xxix.--Fig. 6, copper celt found in an Etruscan tomb, and now in the -Berlin Museum. See _Catalogue of the Royal Irish Academy_, 'Bronze,' -pp. 367, 395. - -CLASS B.--Copper and bronze celts from various localities, having flat -concave sides, and a rectangular cross section, showing a gradual -enlargement of the cutting edge.--Figs. 7 to 12, copper celts from -Ireland, _in my collection_, showing a gradual enlargement of the -cutting edge.--Figs. 13, 14, 15, ditto, _ditto_, of bronze, the -sides more concave, and the cutting edge more expanded.--Fig. 16, -bronze celt, of similar form, from Denmark (Madsen, _Afbildninger -af Danske Oldsager og Mindesmærker_, Copenhagen, 1872, Heft iii, -Fig. 1).--Fig. 17, copper celt from Steinfurt, in the collection of -Professor Dieffenbach, at Friedberg, Lindenschmit, _Die Alterthümer -unserer heidnischen Vorzeit_ (Mainz, 1864 ff.), Plate 3.--Fig. 18, -ditto of copper, found near Mainz, Museum of Mainz, _Lindenschmit_, -Plate 3.--Fig. 19, the same form of bronze, from near Mainz, -_Lindenschmit_.--Fig. 20, the same form of bronze from Italy, _British -Museum_.[215]--Figs. 21, 22, 23, the same form of copper from Hungary, -_Keller_, p. 219, Plate lxviii.--Figs. 24, 25, 26, similar forms of -bronze, with rectangular holes, from the Island of Thermia, Greek -Archipelago, _British Museum_. - -CLASS C.--Bronze celts of the same outline as Class B, but having a -cross ridge or stop on both faces, to prevent the blade from burying -itself in the handle.--Figs. 27, 28, bronze celts from Ireland, _in my -collection_; this form is common to the British Isles. - -CLASS D.[216]--Bronze celts, having four longitudinal ridges or -flanges, one on each edge, but no cross stop. The flanges are for the -purpose of fixing the blade in a bent handle; they exhibit a gradual -development of the flange, and an expansion of the cutting edge, which -latter takes a semicircular, and in some cases nearly a circular -form.--Figs. 29, 30, from Ireland, _in my collection_, showing front -view and section.--Fig. 31, from Versailles, _in my collection_, with -section.--Fig. 32, from France; with side view; see _Matériaux pour -l'Histoire de l'Homme_.--Fig. 33, from Loyette, Department of Isère, -from _Horae Ferales_, front view.--Fig. 34, from the South of France, -_British Museum_, the blade very circular.--Fig. 35, from Alps [Aps?], -in Ardèche, _British Museum_, the circular form of the blade still -more developed. This form appears peculiar to the neighbourhood of -the Rhone, _Horae Ferales_.--Fig. 36, from France; with side view; -_Matériaux_.--Fig. 37, from Denmark, _British Museum_, of copper; this -form is rarely found in copper; with section.--Fig. 38, from Denmark, -of bronze, from _Madsen_, Heft iii.--Fig. 39, from Denmark, with -semicircular blade, _Madsen_, Heft iii.--Fig. 40, from Hessen, now in -the collection at Hanover, _Lindenschmit_, Heft i, Taf. iii.--Fig. 41, -from near Baltringen, _Lindenschmit_.--Fig. 42, from Neinheiligen, in -Thuringia, _British Museum_; with section.--Fig. 43, from the Terramara -Beds, Castione, Switzerland; with section; _Keller_, Plate lix.--Fig. -44, from Unter Uhldingen; with section; _Keller_, Plate xxix.--Fig. -45, from the Terramara Beds, Castione; with section; _Keller_, Plate -lix.--Fig. 46, from the Terramara Beds, Castione; with section; -_Keller_, Plate lix.--Fig. 47, from Hallstatt, in Austria, von Sacken, -_Das Grabfeld von Hallstatt in Oberösterreich und dessen Alterthümer_ -(Vienna, 1868), Taf. vii; with side view.--Fig. 48, ditto, _ditto_, -found with the body of a child.--Fig. 49, ditto, the shaft of bronze, -and the blade of iron, from Hallstatt.--Fig. 50, the same form in iron, -also from Hallstatt, _in Mr. John Evans' collection_.--Figs. 51 and -52, similar forms, in bronze, from Italy, _British Museum_.--Fig. 53, -the same form, from Telsch, Vilna, Russia, _British Museum_; with two -sections. - -CLASS E.--Bronze celts having both the cross stop and the longitudinal -flanges. In the earliest form, the cross stop and flanges are raised -upon the faces of the blade, as in Class D. In the more improved form, -the upper part of the shaft of the blade is hollowed so as to answer -the same purpose and economize the metal. Figs. 54-8, from Ireland; -Fig. 54, with rudimentary stop and flanges, _in my collection_. Figs. -55 and 56, ditto, with rudimentary stop, the flanges more developed; -_in my collection_. Fig. 57, showing a development of both stop and -flange, ditto, _ditto_. Fig. 58, showing the stop and flange further -developed, and the metal of the upper part of the blade slightly sunk, -ditto, _ditto_. Fig. 59, a further development of the same, the metal -of the upper part of the shaft of the blade reduced to a minimum.--Fig. -60, the same form as Fig. 54, from Denmark, _Madsen_, Heft iii.--Fig. -61, from near Mainz, _Lindenschmit_, Taf. iii.--Fig. 62, from the -Museum at Wiesbaden, _Lindenschmit_, Taf. iii.--Fig. 63, from Altona, -in Courland; this form has some affinity to Class G, but is introduced -here on account of the expansion of the blade.--Figs. 64, 65, and 66, -from Italy, _in the British Museum_, the metal of the shaft slightly -sunk to produce a stop.--Fig. 67, from Fiesole, Italy, the metal part -of the shaft further reduced.--Fig. 68, from Baron von Stackelberg's -collection, _in the British Museum_, also described in Klemm, -_Werkzeuge und Waffen_, p. 103, Fig. 180; said to be from Greece, but -its close resemblance to those from Italy is remarkable. - -CLASS F.--The same form as Class E, but having the flanges bent by -hammering over the stop; the flanges appear to have been cast upright, -as in Class E, and to have been bent over the cleft handle after -hafting; by this means the necessity for binding the blade on with -thongs was obviated. This class forms a transition to the socket -type.--Figs. 69, 70, 71, from Ireland, _in my collection_.--Fig. -72, from the Royal Irish Academy collection, having a loop on the -side. See _Catalogue R. I. A._, 'Bronze,' page 379. The introduction -of the loop appears to be synchronous with the abandonment of the -binding, the overlapping flanges answering that purpose by enclosing -the bent portion of the handle, and requiring only that it should -be fastened by the loop to prevent its falling off the end of the -handle.--Fig. 73, from Denmark, _in my collection_.--Figs. 74, 75, from -Denmark, _Madsen_, Heft iii.--Fig. 76, from the Museum at Hanover, -_Lindenschmit_.--Fig. 77, from the Museum at Munich, _Lindenschmit_, -Taf. iv.--Fig. 78, from Möringen, Switzerland, _Keller_, Plate -xli.--Fig. 79, from Nidau-Steinberg, Switzerland, _Keller_, Plate -xxxv.--Fig. 80, from Hallstatt; _Von Sacken_.--Fig. 81, from Italy, -_British Museum_. - -CLASS G.--The pocket type. The bent portion of the handle in this ease -was retained in its place by pockets cast on each side of the shaft -of the blade; it seems doubtful whether this, or Class F, is to be -regarded as the nearest approach to the socket type. In Class F the -overlapping was produced by hammering the metal; but Class G is a -further advance in the casting process.--Figs. 82 and 83, from Ireland, -_in my collection_; the latter with loop; the pockets or pouches to -receive the points of the bent handle are shown in the sections.--Fig. -84, from France; see _Matériaux pour l'Histoire de l'Homme_.--Fig. 85, -found twelve leagues south of Oviedo, Spain, _in the collection of the -Society of Antiquaries_.--Fig. 86, from Andalusia, Spain, _British -Museum_.--Fig. 87, from Denmark, _Madsen_, Heft iii.--Fig. 88, from the -collection at Munich, _Lindenschmit_.--Fig. 89, from the collection at -Hanover, _Lindenschmit_.--Fig. 89 _a_, an iron celt of the same form, -still in use by the Kalmucs, Siberia, _Prehistoric Times_, p. 26. - -CLASS H.--The socket type. In some of the specimens of Class G, as for -example Figs. 82 and 83, the metal portion of the shaft of the blade -dividing the two pouches is reduced to a minimum. The next step was -to do away with it altogether and enlarge the sides of the pouches so -as to form a single socket. By this means the bent handle no longer -required to be cleft to receive the blade, but was inserted whole into -the socket, producing greater firmness, each blow of the axe serving to -fix it more securely to its handle. The loops, seen only occasionally -on Classes F and G, are almost invariably present in Class H.--Figs. -90, 91, 92, 93, 94. Socket celts of bronze, from Ireland and England, -_in my collection_; the form with square sides is very uncommon in -Ireland; in Fig. 92 a representation of the overlapping flange of -Class F is cast on the surface of the socket.--Fig. 94_a_, a socket -celt of wrought iron with loop, from Merionethshire, _British Museum_; -_Archaeologia Cambrensis_, vol. i, third series, p. 250.--Figs. 95 and -96, the same forms from France. See _Matériaux, &c._ The square-sided -celt is common in the north of France.--Fig. 97, from Alemquez, -Portugal; _Coll. Société des Archit. Portugais_.--Fig. 98, from -Denmark, _in my collection_.--Figs. 99, 100, Denmark, _Madsen_, Heft -i.--Fig. 100 _a_, an iron socket celt, from the moss of Nydam, in -Slesvik, of the iron period; Engelhardt, _Denmark in the Early Iron -Age_ (1866), Pl. xv; believed, from the Roman coins found with it, -to be of the third century A.D.[217]--Fig. 101, from the collection -at Hanover, _Lindenschmit_.--Fig. 102, from the Museum at Mainz, -_Lindenschmit_.--Fig. 103, socket celt of iron, from Golssen, _Klemm_, -Fig. 195.--Fig. 104, socket celt of iron, from Thuringia, _Klemm_, -Fig. 194.--Fig. 105, of bronze, from Unter Uhldingen, Switzerland; -_Keller_, Pl. xxix.--Fig. 106, of iron, found near Marin, Switzerland, -the socket formed by beating over the blade on one side only; the -socket is not quite completed; see _Keller_, Pl. lxxi.--Fig. 107, -the same form of iron, found near Marin; the socket is closed and -completed all round, _Keller_, Pl. lxxi. These specimens in iron may -be regarded as connecting links between Classes F and H. Viewing the -occurrence of iron celts of this form, it appears not impossible -that the introduction of the socket type and the sudden abolition of -the central division may have been suggested by the use of the more -malleable metal, by means of which the fabricator acquired the art of -forming a socket by bending over the metal on one side; the inutility -of the central division would thus become apparent.--Fig. 108, bronze -socket celt with loop, from Hallstatt, _Von Sacken_.--Fig. 109, exactly -the same form in iron, from Hallstatt; a portion of the wooden handle -is still shown in this specimen.--Figs. 110 and 111, bronze socket -celts, from Italy, of a variety peculiar to that country, _British -Museum_.--Fig. 112, socket celt of copper, from Hungary, believed by -the author to be the only known specimen of pure copper; _Keller_, -Pl. lxxviii.--Fig. 113, bronze socket celt, from Hungary, _British -Museum_.--Fig. 114, bronze socket celt, with two loops, from Kertch, -_British Museum_.--Fig. 115, bronze socket celt, from the province of -Viatka, Russia. See _Matériaux, &c._--Fig. 116, bronze socket celt with -two loops, from the Ural, Russia.--Fig. 117, mode of hafting, Classes -A, B, and C.--Fig. 118, mode of hafting, Classes D, E, F, and G.--Fig. -119, mode of hafting, Class H. - -In a paper lately read to the Society of Antiquaries by Dr. -Thurnam,[218] he has drawn attention to the fact that none but celts of -the most primitive type, viz. those belonging to Classes B, C, D, and -the most rudimentary form of Class E, have been found in the British -tumuli. Scarcely a single instance of the more developed palstave or of -the socketed celt has as yet been discovered; the only exceptions being -a bronze socket celt found in a tumulus on Plumpton Plain, near Lewes, -and a diminutive bronze socket celt found in a tumulus at Arras in the -Yorkshire wolds. These Arras barrows are known, however, to belong to -the iron age; having produced, amongst other articles composed of that -metal, the iron tire of the wheel, and trappings of a war chariot. We -learn from this that the discoveries in the tumuli confirm in point -of time the order of development inferred from a consideration of the -implements themselves. - - * * * * * - -From the foregoing detailed description of Plate XVIII we are enabled -to draw the following conclusions, viz.:--(1) That in each of the -divisions of Europe therein represented, traces of the development -of the celt, from its simplest to its most complex form, have been -discovered; the earliest forms being in imitation of those of stone, -and being not unfrequently constructed of pure copper. Where some -of the connecting links are wanting in the table there is reason to -suppose the absence of those links may be the result of imperfect -information, and does not necessarily imply a flaw in the continuity -of development. (2) That, notwithstanding the simultaneous development -which appears to have taken place in different countries, we may -nevertheless observe slight differences in the details of construction, -which are sufficient to give a distinctive character to the celts of -each separate region. Thus, for instance, the celts from Ireland are, -as a general rule, shorter and less elegant in form than those found on -the Continent. Class C, consisting of stop celts without wings, though -common in Great Britain and Ireland, is, so far as I have been able -to ascertain, unknown on the Continent. On the other hand, Class D, -having wings without stops, is rare in Ireland, but common in France, -Denmark, Germany, and Switzerland. The development of this class of -celt into a nearly circular edge, as represented in Figs. 34 and 35, is -peculiar to the south of France, though traces of it are observable in -the celts from Germany, Fig. 40. Class E, having both stop and flange, -is found in a more rudimentary stage in Ireland than elsewhere. The -palstaves of this form, having shoulders on the side of the blade, are -peculiar to Italy and Switzerland, Figs. 66, 67, and 68. Class F, with -overlapping wings, is but slightly developed in Ireland, but is fully -so in Italy, Germany, and at Hallstatt. Class G, the double pocket -variety, has its head quarters in the north-west of France, but is also -known in Ireland, Denmark, Spain, and Germany; it is, in so far as I -have been able to ascertain, unknown in Italy. Class H, the socket -type, varies greatly in different countries; the square form, Figs. 93, -94, 95, 96, 100, and 102, is exceedingly rare in Ireland, but common -in France. The socket celts from Italy, Figs. 110 and 111, are of -peculiar type, and evidently derive their form from the winged palstave -of the same country, Fig. 67. Socket celts of iron have been found at -Hallstatt, and in Switzerland, Denmark, Germany, and North Wales. The -representation of the overlapping wings, cast on the surface of the -socket celt, Figs. 92 and 101, is common in England and Germany, but -exceedingly rare in Ireland. The double-looped socket celt, Figs. 97, -114, and 116, appears to be especially characteristic of the Eastern -provinces of Russia and Siberia, though found occasionally elsewhere. - -In attempting to account for the varieties, which I have described, -in the details of construction, coupled with a general uniformity of -design throughout the entire region of distribution of these weapons, -we may, I think, draw an exact parallel between the development of -bronze celts and the development of the forms of cannon between the -fourteenth and the nineteenth centuries. From Europe to China we know -that the form of cannon has developed upon the same plan. In the same -way that the overlapping wings of the palstave were represented on the -faces of the socket celt, so the rings of metal which bound together -the bars of which the ancient bombard was composed, were represented -on the surface of the cast bronze cannon which superseded it. In -every country the general type of development of cannon has been the -same, but the details of construction have varied in each. Even in -our own time, the introduction of breech-loaders has been synchronous -throughout Europe; but the French and English cannon are not perfectly -identical. Now, the cause of this is sufficiently well known. There -has been constant intercommunication between the several countries -throughout the whole period of the development of this weapon. Each new -improvement as it occurred has been communicated from one country to -another, either by contact in war, or by peaceful intercourse; but each -country has fabricated its own weapons, and has by that means contrived -to give them a national character. - -[Illustration: PLATE XX. - -CELT MOULDS.] - -So in like manner we must assume that the development of the bronze -celt extended over a long period of time; that each new improvement -was communicated from tribe to tribe and from nation to nation; but -that each country manufactured its own implements, and varied in -the construction of them. The proof that this was the case is found -in the circumstance that moulds for casting them have been found in -different countries. Plate XX, Fig. 31, represents a stone mould found -at Ballynahinch, Co. Down, Ireland, and figured in the _Catalogue -of the Royal Irish Academy_; it is adapted for casting celts of the -Class B. Fig. 32 is a stone mould for Class G, found at Montaigu, -near Valoignes, Normandy, and is taken from a cast in the Museum of -the Society of Antiquaries. Fig. 33, a stone mould for Class H, from -Kilkenny, Ireland. Fig. 34, two halves of a bronze mould for Class -E, from Morges, Switzerland, figured in Keller, Plate xxxix. Fig. -35, two halves of a bronze mould for Class H, found in the Forest of -Bricquebec, Normandy, in the Museum of the Society of Antiquaries. -Fig. 36, one-half of a bronze mould for Class H, from England, figured -in the _Catalogue of the Royal Irish Academy_, 'Bronze,' page 393. -In the three last specimens it will be seen that the mode of fitting -the two halves together, so as to prevent the escape of the metal, -is by means of a ridge on one half, fitting into a groove in the -other. It is improbable that a contrivance so identical as this should -have arisen independently in the three countries. Further proof of -connexion is shown by the identity of the ribs in the interior of the -sockets of celts belonging to Class H. Figs. 37 and 38 represent -sections of socket celts from Ireland, the former showing three, the -latter one, longitudinal rib of raised metal running from the bottom -of the socket for some distance up the side of the interior of the -socket. Fig. 39 is the section of a socket celt from Denmark, in my -collection, having one rib of the same kind. It has been suggested -that these ribs represent the interstices between slices of the core, -by means of which the socket was formed in casting; if so, the cores -must have been constructed of some hard material, cut in slices, in -order to facilitate their removal from the socket when formed. Several -objections may, however, be urged against this; in the first place, no -such cores have ever been discovered, which tends to the supposition -that the cores must, in all probability, have been constructed of clay; -in the second place, it will be seen by reference to Fig. 20 that this -celt has only one central rib; if, therefore, the rib was formed by the -metal pressing into the interstices between the slices of the core, it -is evident that the core in this case had only two slices; but it will -be seen that the aperture of the socket expands towards the bottom, and -it would have been impossible, therefore, to extract the core if it -were divided into only two parts. - -The theory of core slices must, therefore, be abandoned, and we are -driven to the conclusion that the ribs must have been intentional, -either to give strength to the celt, which is unlikely from the great -thickness of the metal, or to form channels for the passage of the -metal in casting, or, what is more probable, to serve the purpose -of gripping the portion of the wooden handle which fitted into the -socket, and preventing its shifting with the blows of the weapon. Fig. -39 represents cross ribs at the bottom of the socket of a celt from -Denmark, in my collection. Whatever may have been the purpose for which -the ribs were formed, their identity in the implements of the two -countries serves us as an additional proof of intercourse between them. - -Although moulds for casting celts have not been found in Denmark, there -is evidence to show, from vestiges of scoriae that have been found, -that they were there cast in clay, as indeed they must probably have -been to a great extent in other parts of Europe. - -It would be premature to speculate upon the primary sources of -the bronze civilization of Europe, until we have examined carefully the -distribution of the other weapons belonging to that period. This much -may, however, I think, be said with respect to the geographical region -of bronze celts, that they belong more especially to the north and west -of Europe; they have never been found in any of those countries which -were occupied by the Phoenicians, nor have we any sufficient reason -for believing that they were common in Greece. We have, therefore, no -evidence whatever for supposing that the north of Europe derived the -first idea of these weapons from either of those nations. We certainly -have only negative evidence as yet for affirming that they did not, -but the burden of proof must rest with those who have attributed -them to the Phoenicians. To what extent they were employed in Russia -and Northern Siberia, is a point which we have not as yet sufficient -evidence to determine. I think, however, I am justified in saying that -those hitherto discovered in Siberia are of a late type, belonging -chiefly to the socket variety, and that they are there often associated -with weapons of iron. I trust, however, to have an opportunity of -entering more fully into this subject on a future occasion, when -treating of the weapons of the later bronze and early iron periods of -Europe. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[184] A Lecture delivered at the Royal United Service Institution on -June 18, 1869, and published in the _Journal of the R. U. S. Inst._, -vol. xiii (1869), pp. 509-539, pl. xxxi-xxxiii (= Plates XVII-XX -herewith). - -[185] _Trans. Int. Congr. Preh. Arch. at Norwich_, 1868 (London, 1869), -p. 92 ff. - -[186] _Lectures on Man, his Place in Creation, and in the History of -the Earth_, by Dr. Carl Vogt. Edited by James Hunt, Ph.D. (London, -1864), p. 466 ff. - -[187] The fact mentioned both by the Baron de Bonstetten and Dr. -Keller, of celts of jade and nephrite having been found in Switzerland, -materials which, according to the latest investigations [1869], are not -found in the Alps, but must have been imported from the East, proves -that intercommunication and barter must have been carried on between -distant countries at the time when such weapons were used.--Baron -de Bonstetten, _Recueil d'Antiquités Suisses_ (Berne, 1855), p. 12; -Keller, _The Lake Dwellings of Switzerland_ (1866), pp. 56, 68 (cf. -1878, pp. 72, 195, 205, 215). - -[188] _Prehistoric Times_, by Sir John Lubbock, Bart., F.R.S., London -(1865), p. 147. - -[189] _Prehistoric Times_, by Sir John Lubbock, Bart., F.R.S. (1865), -pp. 142-3; _Results of the Investigation of Animal Remains from -the Lake Dwellings_, by Prof. Rütimeyer; in _The Lake Dwellings of -Switzerland_, by Dr. Ferdinand Keller, translated by J. E. Lee, F.S.A., -F.G.S., 1866, pp. 355-62 (1878, pp. 537-44). - -[190] _Moosseedorf_, Keller, l. c., p. 35; _Robenhausen_, Keller, l. -c., p. 40. - -[191] (The first two sentences of this paragraph have been transposed, -for clearness.--ED.) - -[192] Max Müller, _Science of Language_, second series (London, 1864), -p. 230. - -[193] Rawlinson, _The Five Great Monarchies of the Ancient Eastern -World_ (1864), vol. i. p. 123. - -[194] Klemm, _Werkzeuge und Waffen_ (Sondershausen, 1858), p. 96. - -[195] Keller, l. c., p. 116: (1878, p. 121). - -[196] Keller, l. c., p. 221, pl. lxvii: (1878, p. 362, pl. cxix). - -[197] Keller, l. c., pp. 218, 219, pl. lxviii: (1878, pp. 362-3, pl. -cxx. 1-28). - -[198] Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_ (London, 1862), vol. i. p. 282. - -[199] Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_, vol. i. pp. 231-79; Squier and Davis -in _Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge_, vol. i. pp. 196-203, figs. -81, 82, 84, 87.4, 87.1, from which work the illustrations are taken. - -[200] Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_, vol. i. p. 253. - -[201] Since the above was written, Sir John Lubbock has published in an -Appendix to his second edition of _Prehistoric Times_ (1869), p. 595, -letters from Dr. Percy, and from Messrs. Jenkin and Lefeaux, highly -experienced assayers, expressing their opinions upon the theory of -M. Wibel, that the ancient bronze was obtained, not by the fusion of -copper and tin, but directly from ore containing the two metals. They -are unanimously of opinion that this could not have been the case, none -of the ores containing naturally a mixture of the metals in proper -proportions. Although the opinions of these gentlemen appear decisively -to negative the possibility of ancient bronze having been habitually -produced for commercial purposes in this manner, they do not appear to -me to discredit the supposition that the first imperfect knowledge of -the mixture may have been brought about accidentally in the manner I -have described. - -[202] Worsaae, _The Primeval Antiquities of Denmark_ (London, 1849), -pp. 24, 40-45. - -[203] The custom of making a mark upon the weapon for each victim -slain, is one of very usual occurrence among savage people. - -[204] Thurnam, _Ancient British Barrows_ (1869), pp. 168, 198; -_Archaeologia_, vol. xlii; 'On the Two Principal Forms of Ancient -British and Gaulish Skulls,' _Mem. Anthrop. Soc. Lond._, i. 120 -ff., 459 ff. (1865); iii. 41 ff. (1870); Davis and Thurnam, _Crania -Britannica_ (London, 1865). - -[205] 'On some Flint Implements found associated with Roman Remains in -Oxfordshire and the Isle of Thanet,' by Col. A. Lane Fox, _Journal of -the Ethnological Society_ (1869), N.S., vol. i. p. 1 ff. - -[206] _Prehistoric Man_, by Daniel Wilson, LL.D. (London, 1869), vol. -i. p. 308. - -[207] _Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, 1865, p. 126. - -[208] Rawlinson, _Five Great Monarchies_ (1864), vol. i. p. 120. - -[209] - - Arma antiqua manus, ungues, dentesque fuerunt - Et lapides, et item sylvarum fragmina rami, - Et flamma atque ignis postquam sunt cognita primum - Posterius ferri vis est aerisque reperta, - Et prior aeris erat quam ferri cognitus usus, - Quo facilis magis est natura, et copia maior.--V. 1282. - - -[210] Strabo, b. iii. c. iii. 6, p. 154. - -[211] Max Müller, _Science of Language_, 2nd Series (1864), pp. 229-37. - -[212] Nilsson, _The Primitive Inhabitants of Scandinavia_ (Lubbock, 3rd -ed., 1868), p. 257. - -[213] Sir Richard Colt Hoare found four of these celts in the Wiltshire -barrows, with rudimentary flanges along the side edges of the blade -that had been formed by beating, and similarly formed flanges have -also been noticed upon celts from Ireland, thereby leading to the -supposition that Class B may have been converted into Class D in this -way, before the casting process was applied to the formation of the -flanges.--_The Ancient History of South Wiltshire_ (London, 1812), p. -203, pl. xxi, xxvi, xxviii. 2, xxix. - -[214] (The greatly reduced scale of these figures makes exact -verification of the references impracticable in all cases.--ED.) - -[215] I have been enabled to take drawings of these celts in the -British Museum, through the kind permission of Mr. A. W. Franks. - -[216] The forms included in Classes D, E, F, and G, are commonly known -under the name of _paalstab_ or _palstave_, a word of Scandinavian -origin, said to have designated the weapons employed by some northern -tribes for battering the shields of their enemies. Iron implements like -the Irish _loy_, and called _paalstabs_, are still used in Iceland, -either for digging in the ground or breaking the ice.--_Catalogue of -the Museum of the R. I. Academy_, 'Bronze,' p. 361. - -[217] Lubbock, _Prehistoric Times_ (1869), p. 9. - -[218] Read in 1869, published in _Archaeologia_, xliii. p. 443: for -Plumpton Plain, see _Sussex Arch. Coll._ ii. p. 268: for Arras, _Arch. -Journ._ xviii. p. 156. - - - - -EARLY MODES OF NAVIGATION[219] - -(1874) - - -In the paper which I had the honour of reading to this Institute at -Bethnal Green (pp. 1-19), I spoke of the general principles by which I -was guided in the course of inquiries, of which the present paper forms -a section. I need not, therefore, now refer to them further than to -say that the materials for this paper were collected whilst writing a -note to my _catalogue raisonné_ relating to the case of models of early -forms of ships.[220] - -In inquiries of this nature it is always necessary to guard against the -tendency to form theories in the first instance, and go in search of -evidence to support them afterwards. On the other hand, in dealing with -so vast a subject as Anthropology, including all art, all culture, and -all races of mankind, it is next to impossible to adhere strictly to -the opposite of this, and collect the data first, to the exclusion of -all idea of the purpose they are to be put to in the sequel, because -all is fish that comes into the anthropological basket, and no such -basket could possibly be big enough to contain a millionth part of the -materials necessary for conducting an inquiry on this principle. Some -guide is absolutely necessary to the student in selecting his facts. -The course which I have pursued, in regard to the material arts, is -to endeavour to establish the sequence of ideas. When the links of -connexion are found close together, then the sequence may be considered -to be established. When they occur only at a distance, then they are -brought together with such qualifications as the nature of the case -demands. Other members of this Institute have followed the same course -in relation to other branches of culture, the object being to lay the -foundation of a true anthropological classification, without seeking -either to support a dogma or establish a paradox. This is, I believe, -the requirement of our time, and the necessary preliminary to the -introduction of a science of Anthropology. - -Whilst, however, deprecating the influence of forgone conclusions, -there are certain principles already established by science which we -cannot afford to disregard, even at the outset of inquiries of this -nature. It would be sheer moonshine, in the present state of knowledge, -to study Anthropology on any other basis than the basis of development; -nor must we, in studying development, fail to distinguish between -racial development and the development of culture. The affinity of -certain races for particular phases of culture, owing to the hereditary -transmission of faculties, constitutes an important element of inquiry -to be weighed in the balance with other things, just as the farmer -weighs in the balance of probabilities the nature of the soil in which -his turnips are growing; but when particular branches of culture do run -in the same channel with the distribution of particular races, this -is always a coincidence to be investigated and explained, each by the -light of its own history. It would be just as reasonable to assume with -the ancients, that the knowledge of every art was originally inculcated -by the gods, as to assume that particular arts and particular ideas -arise spontaneously and as a necessary consequence of the possession of -particular pigments beneath the skin. - -Nobody doubts that there must be affinities and interdependencies -between the race and the crop of ideas that is grown upon it; but the -law, _ex nihilo nihil fit_, is as true of ideas as it is of races, and -in the relations between them it is as true and has the same value, -neither more nor less, as the statement that potatoes do spring out -of the ground where no potatoes have been sown. To study culture is, -therefore, to trace the history of its development, as well as the -qualities of the people amongst whom it flourishes. In doing this -it is not sufficient to deal with generalities, as, for example, to -ascertain that one people employ bark canoes, whilst another use -rafts. It is necessary to consider the details of construction, -because it is by means of these details that we are sometimes able -to determine whether the idea has been of home growth or derived from -without. The difficulty is to obtain the necessary details for the -purpose. Travellers do not give them, as a rule, especially modern -travellers. The older books are more valuable, both because they deal -with nations in a more primitive condition, and also because they are -more detailed; books were fewer, and men took more pains with them; now -the traveller writes for a circulating library, and for the unthinking -portion of mankind, who will not be bothered with details. I have been -careful to give the dates to the authors quoted. But we must endeavour -to remedy this evil before it is too late. The _Notes and Queries -on Anthropology_[221], published by the Committee of the British -Association, are drawn up with this object. It is to be hoped that they -will receive attention, but I fear not much, for the reasons already -mentioned; the supply will be equal to the demand. As long as we have a -large Geographical Society and a small Anthropological Society, so long -travellers will bring home accurate geographical details, abundance of -information about the flow of water all over the world, but the flow of -human races and human ideas will receive little attention. With these -preliminary remarks I pass on to the subject of my paper. - - -_Modes of Navigation._ - -Following out the principle adopted in Parts 1 and 2 of my Catalogue, -of employing the constructive arts of existing savages as survivals -to represent successive stages in the development of the same arts in -prehistoric times, it may be advisable, in order to study the history -of each part of a canoe or primitive sailing vessel, to divide the -subject under seven heads, as follows: viz.--(1) Solid trunks or -dug-out canoes, developing into (2) Vessels on which the planks are -laced or sewn together, and these developing into such as are pinned -with plugs of wood, and ultimately nailed with iron or copper; (3) Bark -canoes; (4) Vessels of skins and wicker-work; (5) Rafts, developing -into (6) Outrigger canoes, and ultimately into vessels of broader beam, -to which may be added (7) rudders, sails, and contrivances which gave -rise to parts of a more advanced description of vessel, such as the -_oculus_, _aplustre_, _forecastle_, and _poop_. - - -1. _Solid Trunks and Dug-out Canoes._ - -It requires but little imagination to conceive an idea of the process -by which a wooden support in the water forced itself upon the notice -of mankind. The great floods to which the valleys of many large rivers -are subject, more especially those which have their sources in tropical -regions, sometimes devastate the whole country within miles of their -banks, and by their suddenness frequently overtake and carry down -numbers of both men and animals, together with large quantities of -timber which had grown upon the sides of the valleys. The remembrances -of such deluges are preserved in the traditions of many savage races, -and there can be little doubt that it was by this means that the human -race first learnt to make use of floating timber as a support for the -body. The wide distribution of the word signifying ship--Latin _navis_; -Greek ~naus~; Sanskrit _nau_; Celtic _nao_; Assam _nao_; Port Jackson, -Australia, _nao_--attests the antiquity of the term. In Bible history -the same term has been employed to personify the tradition of the first -shipbuilder, _Noah_. - -It is even said, though with what truth I am not aware, that the -American grey squirrel (_Sciurus migratorius_), which migrates in large -numbers, crossing large rivers, has been known to embark on a piece of -floating timber, and paddle itself across (Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_, -1862, vol. i. p. 147). - -The North American Indians frequently cross rivers by clasping the left -arm and leg round the trunk of a tree, and swimming with the right -(Steinitz, _History of the Ship_, Pl. 2). - -The next stage in the development of the canoe would consist in -pointing the ends, so as to afford less resistance to the water. In -this stage we find it represented on the NW. coast of Australia. -Gregory, in the year 1861, says that his ship was visited on this -coast by two natives, who had paddled off on logs of wood shaped like -canoes, not hollowed, but very buoyant, about 7 feet long, and 1 foot -thick, which they propelled with their hands only, their legs resting -on a little rail made of small sticks driven in on each side. Mr. -T. Baines, also, in a letter quoted by the Rev. J. G. Wood, in his -_Natural History of Man_ (vol. ii. p. 7), speaks of some canoes which -he saw in North Australia as being 'mere logs of wood, capable of -carrying a couple of men'. Others used on the north coast are dug out, -but as these are provided with an outrigger, they have probably been -derived from New Guinea. The canoes used by the Australians on the -rivers consist either of a bundle of rushes bound together and pointed -at the ends, or else they are formed of bark in a very simple manner; -but on the south-east coast, near Cape Howe, Captain Cook, in his first -voyage, found numbers of canoes in use by the natives on the seashore. -These he described as being very like the smaller sort used in New -Zealand, which were hollowed out by means of fire. One of these was of -a size to be carried on the shoulders of four men. - -It has been thought that the use of hollowed canoes may have arisen -from observing the effect of a split reed or bamboo upon the water. The -nautilus is also said to have given the first idea of a ship to man; -and Pliny, Diodorus, and Strabo have stated that large tortoise-shells -were used by primitive races of mankind (Kitto, _Pictorial Bible_). It -has also been supposed that the natural decay of trees may have first -suggested the employment of hollow trees for canoes, but such trees are -not easily removed entire. It is difficult to conceive how so great an -advance in the art of shipbuilding was first introduced, but there can -be no doubt that the agent first employed for this purpose was fire. - -I have noticed when travelling in Bulgaria that the gipsies and others -who roam over that country usually select the foot of a dry tree to -light their cooking fire; the dry wood of the tree, combined with the -sticks collected at the foot of it, makes a good blaze, and the tree -throws forward the heat like a fireplace. Successive parties camping on -the same ground, attracted thither by the vicinity of water, use the -same fireplaces, and the result is that the trees by degrees become -hollowed out for some distance from the foot, the hollow part formed -by the fire serving the purpose of a semi-cylindrical chimney. Such a -tree, torn up by the roots, or cut off below the part excavated by the -fire, would form a very serviceable canoe, the parts not excavated by -the fire being sound and hard. The Andaman islanders use a tree in this -manner as an oven, the fire being kept constantly burning in the hollow -formed by the flames. - -One of the best accounts of the process of digging out a canoe by -means of fire is that described by Kalm, on the Delaware river, in -1747. He says that, when the Indians intend to fell a tree, for want -of proper instruments they employ fire; they set fire to a quantity -of wood at the roots of the tree, and in order that the fire might -not reach further up than they would have it, they fasten some rags -to a pole, dip them in water, and keep continually washing the tree a -little above the fire until the lower part is burnt nearly through; it -is then pulled down. When they intend to hollow a tree for a canoe, -they lay dry branches along the stem of the tree as far as it must be -hollowed out, set them on fire, and replace them by others. While these -parts are burning, they keep pouring water on those parts that are not -to be burnt at the sides and ends. When the interior is sufficiently -burnt out, they take their stone hatchets and shells and scoop out -the burnt wood. These canoes are usually 30 or 40 feet long. In the -account of one of the expeditions sent out by Raleigh in 1584 a similar -description is given of the process adopted by the Indians of Virginia, -except that, instead of sticks, resin is laid on to the parts to be -excavated and set fire to: canoes capable of holding twenty persons -were formed in this manner. - -The Waraus of Guiana employ fire for excavating their canoes; and when -Columbus discovered the Island of Guanahani or San Salvador, in the -West Indies, he found [fire] employed for this purpose by the natives, -who called their boats '_canoe_', a term which has ever since been -employed by Europeans to express this most primitive class of vessel. - -Dr. Mouat says that, in Blair's time, the Andaman islanders excavated -their canoes by the agency of fire; but it is not employed for that -purpose now, the whole operation being performed by hand. Symes, in -1800, speaks of the Burmese war-boats, which were excavated partly by -fire and partly by cutting. Nos. 1276 and 1277 of my collection are -models of these boats. In New Caledonia, Turner, in 1845, says that the -natives felled their trees by means of a slow fire at the foot, taking -three or four days to do it. In excavating a canoe, he says, they -kindle a fire over the part to be burnt out, and keep dropping water -over the sides and ends, so as to confine the fire to the required -spot, the burnt wood being afterwards scraped out with stone tools. -The New Zealanders, and probably the Australians also, employ fire for -this purpose [Cook]. The canoes of the Krumen in West Africa are also -excavated by means of fire. - -A further improvement in the development of the dug-out canoe consists -in bending the sides into the required form after it has been dug out. -This process of fire-bending has already been described on p. 87 of my -_Catalogue_ (Parts i and ii), when speaking of the methods employed by -the Esquimaux and Australians in straightening their wooden spears and -arrow-shafts. The application of this process to canoe-building by the -Ahts of the north-west coast of North America is thus described by Mr. -Wood in his _Natural History of Man_, vol. ii. p. 732. The canoe is -carved out of a solid trunk of cedar (_Thuja gigantea_). It is hollowed -out, not by fire, but by hand, and by means of an adze formed of a -large mussel-shell; the trunk is split lengthwise by wedges. All is -done by the eye. When it is roughly hollowed it is filled with water, -and red-hot stones put in until it boils. This is continued until the -wood is quite soft, and then a number of cross-pieces are driven into -the interior, so as to force the canoe into its proper shape, which -it ever afterwards retains. While the canoe is still soft and pliant, -several slight cross-pieces are inserted, so as to counteract any -tendency towards warping. The outside of the vessel is then hardened -by fire, so as to enable it to resist the attacks of insects, and also -to prevent it cracking when exposed to the sun. The inside is then -painted some bright colour, and the outside is usually black and highly -polished. This is produced by rubbing it with oil after the fire has -done its work. Lastly, a pattern is painted on its bow. There is no -keel to the boat. The red pattern of the painting is obtained by a -preparation of _anato_. For boring holes the Ahts use a drill formed by -a bone of a bird fixed in a wooden handle. - -A precisely similar process to this is employed in the formation of -the Burmese dug-out canoes, and has thus been described to me by Capt. -O'Callaghan, who witnessed the process during the Burmese War in 1852. -A trunk of a tree of suitable length, though much less in diameter -than the intended width of the boat, is cut into the usual form, and -hollowed out. It is then filled with water, and fires are lit, a short -distance from it, along its sides. The water gradually swells the -inside, while the fire contracts the outside, till the width is greatly -increased. The effect thus produced is rendered permanent by thwarts -being placed so as to prevent the canoe from contracting in width as -it dries; the depth of the boat is increased by a plank at each side, -reaching as far as the ends of the hollowed part. Canoes generally -show traces of the fire and water treatment just described, the inner -surface being soft and full of superficial cracks, while the outer is -hard and close. - -It is probable that this mode of bending canoes has been discovered -during the process of cooking, in which red-hot stones are used in many -countries to boil the water in vessels of skin or wood, in which the -meat is cooked. No. 1256 of my collection is a model of an Aht canoe, -painted as here described. No. 1257 is a full-sized canoe from this -region, made out of a single trunk; it is not painted, so that the -grain of the wood can be seen. - -The distribution of the dug-out canoe appears to be almost universal. -It is especially used in southern and equatorial regions. Leaving -Australia, we find it employed with the outrigger, which will be -described hereafter (pp. 218-9), in many parts of the Polynesian and -Asiatic islands, including New Guinea, New Zealand, New Caledonia, -and the Sandwich Islands. It was not used by the natives of Tasmania, -who employed a float consisting of a bundle of bark and rushes, which -will be described in another place (p. 203). Wilkes speaks of it in -Samoa, at Manilla, and the Sooloo Archipelago. De Guignes in 1796 and -De Morga in 1609 saw them in the Philippines, where they are called -_pangues_, some carrying from two to three and others from twelve to -fifteen persons. They are (or were) also used in the Pelew, Nicobar, -and Andaman Isles. In the India Museum there is a model of one from -Assam, used as a mail boat, and called _dâk nao_. In Burmah, Symes, in -1795, describes the war-boats of the Irrawaddy as 80 to 100 feet long, -but seldom exceeding 8 feet in width, and this only by additions to the -sides; carrying fifty to sixty rowers, who use short oars that work -on a spindle, and who row instead of paddling. Captain O'Callaghan, -however, informs me that they sometimes use paddles (Nos. 1276 and -1277). They are made of one piece of the teak tree. The king had -five hundred of these vessels of war. They are easily upset, but the -rowers are taught to avoid being struck on the broadside; they draw -only 3 feet of water. On the Menan, in Siam, Turpin, in 1771, says -that the king's _ballons_ are made of a single tree, and will contain -150 rowers; the two ends are very much elevated, and the rowers sit -cross-legged, by which they lose a great deal of power. The river -vessels in Cochin China are also described as being of the same long, -narrow kind. At Ferhabad, in Persia, Pietro della Valle, in 1614, -describes the canoes as being flat-bottomed, hollow trees, carrying ten -to twelve persons. - -In Africa, Duarte Barbosa, in 1514, saw the Moors at Zuama make use of -boats, _almadias_, hollowed out of a single trunk, to bring clothes and -other merchandise from Angos. Livingstone says the canoes of the Bayeye -of South Africa are hollow trees, made for use and not for speed. -If formed of a crooked stem they become crooked vessels, conforming -to the line of the timber. On the Benuwé, at its junction with the -[Yola], Barth, for the first time in his travels southward, saw what -he describes as rude little shells hollowed out of a single tree; they -measured 25 to 30 feet in length, 1 to 1-1/2 foot in height, and 16 -inches in width; one of them, he says, was quite crooked. On the White -Nile, in Unyoro, Grant says that the largest canoe carried a ton and -a half, and was hollowed out of a trunk. On the Kitangule, west of -Lake Victoria Nyanza, near Karague, he describes the canoes as being -hollowed out of a log of timber 15 feet long and the breadth of an -easy-chair. These kind of canoes are also used by the Makoba east of -Lake Ngami, by the Apingi and Camma, and the Krumen of the West African -coast; of which last, No. 1272 of my collection is a model. - -In South America the Patagonians use no canoes, but in the northern -parts of the continent dug-out canoes are common. One described by -Condamine, in 1743, was from 42 to 44 feet long, and only 3 feet wide. -They are also used in Guiana, and Professor Wilson says that the -dug-out canoe is used throughout the West Indian Archipelago. According -to Bartram, who is quoted by Schoolcraft, the large canoes formed out -of the trunks of cypress trees, which descended the rivers of Florida, -crossed the Gulf, and extended their navigation to the Bahama Isles, -and even as far as Cuba, carrying twenty to thirty warriors. Kalm, in -1747, gives some details respecting their construction on the Delaware -river already referred to (p. 191), and says that the materials chiefly -employed in North America are the red juniper, red cedar, white cedar, -chestnut, white oak, and tulip tree. Canoes of red and white cedar are -the best, because lighter, and they will last as much as twenty years, -whereas the white oak barely lasts above six years. In Canada these -dug-outs were made of the white fir. The process of construction on the -west coast of North America has been already described (p. 192). - -In Europe Pliny mentions the use of canoes hollowed out of a single -tree by the Germans. Amongst the ancient Swiss lake-dwellers at -Robenhausen, associated with objects of the stone age, a dug-out canoe, -or _Einbaum_, made of a single trunk 12 feet long and 2-1/2 wide, was -discovered (Keller, _Lake Dwellings_, Lee^2, p. 45). In Ireland, Sir -William Wilde says that amongst the ancient Irish dug-out canoes were -of three kinds. One was small, trough-shaped, and square at the ends, -having a projection at either end to carry it by; the paddlers sat -flat at the bottom and paddled, there being no rowlocks to the boat. A -second kind was 20 feet in length and 2 in breadth, flat-bottomed, with -round prow and square stern, strengthened by thwarts carved out of the -solid and running across the boat, two near the stem and one near the -stern. The prow was turned up; one of these was discovered in a bog on -the coast of Wexford, 12 feet beneath the surface. The third sort was -sharp at both ends, 21 feet long, 12 inches broad, and 8 inches deep, -and flat-bottomed. These canoes are often found in the neighbourhood -of the crannoges, or ancient lake-habitations of the country, and -were used to communicate with the land; also in the beds of the Boyne -and Bann. Ware says, that dug-out canoes were used in some of the -Irish rivers in his time, and to this day I have seen paddles used on -the Blackwater, in the south of Ireland. Professor Wilson says that -several dug-out canoes have been found in the ancient river-deposits -of the Clyde, and also in the neighbourhood of Falkirk. In one of -those discovered in the Clyde deposits, at a depth of 25 feet from the -surface, a stone almond-shaped celt was found. Others have been found -in the ancient river-deposits of Sussex and elsewhere, in positions -which show that the rivers must probably have formed arms of the sea, -at the time they were sunk. - - -_2. Vessels in which the Planks are Stitched to each Other._ - -All vessels of the dug-out class are necessarily long and narrow, -and very liable to upset; the width being limited by the size of the -tree, extension can only be given to them by increasing their length. -In order to give greater height and width to these boats, planks are -sometimes added at the sides and stitched on to the body of the canoe -by means of strings or cords, composed frequently of the bark or leaves -of the tree of which the body is made. In proportion as these laced-on -gunwales were found to answer the purpose of increasing the stability -of the vessel, their number was increased; two such planks were added -instead of one, and as the joint between the planks was by this -means brought beneath the water line, means were taken to caulk the -seams with leaves, pitch, resin, and other substances. Gradually the -number of side planks increased and the solid hull diminished, until, -ultimately, it dwindled into a bottom-board, or keel, at the bottom of -the boat, serving as a centre-piece on which the sides of the vessel -were built. Still the vessel was without ribs or framework; ledges on -the sides were carved out of the solid substance of each plank, by -means of which they were fastened to the ledges of the adjoining plank, -and the two contiguous ledges served as ribs to strengthen the boat; -finally, a framework of vertical ribs was added to the interior and -fastened to the planks by cords. Ultimately the stitching was replaced -by wooden pins, and the side planks pinned to each other and to the -ribs; and these wooden pins in their turn were supplanted by iron nails. - -In different countries we find representations of the canoe in all -these several stages of development. Of the first stage, in which side -planks were added to the body of the dug-out canoe, to heighten it, -the New Zealand canoe, No. 1259 of my collection, is an example. Capt. -Cook describes this as solid, the largest containing from thirty men -upwards. One measured 70 feet in length, 6 in width, and 4 deep. Each -of the side pieces was formed of an entire plank, about 12 inches wide, -and about 1-1/2 inch thick, laced on to the hollow trunk of the tree by -flaxen cords, and united to the plank on the opposite side by thwarts -across the boat. These canoes have names given to them like European -vessels. - -On the Benuwé, in Central Africa, Barth describes a vessel in this same -early stage of departure from the original dug-out trunk. It consisted -of 'two very large trunks joined together with cordage, just like the -stitching of a shirt, and without pitching, the holes being merely -stuffed with grass. It was not water-tight, but had the advantage,' he -says, 'over the dug-out canoes used on the same river, in not breaking -if it came upon a rock, being, to a certain degree, pliable. It was 35 -feet long, and 26 inches wide in the middle.' No. 1258 of my collection -is a model of one of these. The single plank added to the side of the -Burmese dug-out canoe has been already noticed (p. 193). Although my -informant does not tell me that these side planks are sewn on, I have -no doubt, judging by analogy, that this either is or was formerly the -case. - -The Waraus of Guiana are the chief canoe-builders of this part of South -America, and to them other tribes resort from considerable distances. -Their canoe is hollowed out of a trunk of a tree, and forced into -its proper shape partly by means of fire and partly by wedges, upon -a similar system to that described in speaking of the Ahts of North -America (p. 192) and the Burmese; the largest have the sides made -higher by a narrow plank of soft wood, which is laced upon the gunwale, -and the seam caulked. This canoe is alike at both ends, the stem and -stern being pointed, curved, and rising out of the water; there is no -keel, and it draws but a few inches of water. This appears to be the -most advanced stage to which the built-up canoe has arrived on either -continent of America, with the exception of Tierra del Fuego, where -Commodore Byron, in 1765, saw canoes in the Straits of Magellan made -of planks sewn together with thongs of raw hide; these vessels are -considerably raised at the bow and stern, and the larger ones are 15 -feet in length by 1 yard wide. They have also been described by more -recent travellers. Under what conditions have these miserable Fuegians -been led to the employment of a more complex class of vessel than their -more advanced congeners of the north? - -In order to trace the further development of the canoe in this -direction, we must return to Africa and the South Seas. On the island -of Zanzibar, Barbosa, in 1514, says that the inhabitants of this -island, and also Penda and Manfia, who are Arabs, trade with the -mainland by means of 'small vessels very loosely and badly made, -without decks, and with a single mast; all their planks are sewn -together with cords of reed or matting, and the sails are of palm -mats.' On the river Yeou, near Lake Tchad, in Central Africa, Denham -and Clapperton saw canoes 'formed of planks, rudely shaped with a -small hatchet, and strongly fastened together by cords passed through -holes bored in them, and a wisp of straw between, which the people -say effectually keeps out the water; they have high poops like the -Grecian boats, and would hold twenty or thirty persons.' On the Logon, -south-east of Lake Tchad, Barth says the boats are built 'in the same -manner as those of the Budduma, except that the planks consist of -stronger wood, mostly _Birgem_, and generally of larger size, whilst -those of the Budduma consist of the frailest material, viz. _Fogo_. -In both, the joints of the planks are provided with holes, through -which ropes are passed, overlaid with bands of reed tightly fastened -upon them by smaller ropes, which are again passed through small holes -stuffed with grass.' On the Victoria Nyanza, in East Central Africa, -Grant speaks of 'a canoe of five planks sewn together, and having four -cross-bars or seats. The bow and stern are pointed, standing for a yard -over the water, with a broad central plank from stem to stern, rounded -outside (the vestige of the dug-out trunk), and answering for a keel.' - -Thus far we have found the planks of the vessels spoken of, merely -fastened by cords passed through holes in the planks, and stuffed with -grass or some other material, and the accounts speak of their being -rarely water-tight. Such a mode of constructing canoes might serve well -enough for river navigation, but would be unserviceable for sea craft. -Necessity is the mother of invention, and accordingly we must seek for -a further development of the system of water-tight stitching, amongst -those races in a somewhat similar condition of culture, which inhabit -the islands of the Pacific and the borders of the ocean between it and -the continent of Africa. - -The majority of those vessels now to be described are furnished with -the outrigger; but as the distribution of this contrivance will be -traced subsequently (p. 218 ff.), it will not be necessary to describe -it in speaking of the stitched plank-work. - -In the Friendly Isles Captain Cook, in 1773, says 'the canoes are -built of several pieces sewed together with bandage in so neat a -manner that on the outside it is difficult to see the joints. All the -fastenings are on the inside, and pass through _kants_ or ridges, -which are wrought on the edges and ends of the several boards which -compose the vessel.' At Otaheite he speaks of the same process, -and says that the chief parts are formed separately without either -saw, plane, or other tool. La Perouse gives an illustration of an -outrigger canoe from Easter Island, the sides of which are formed -of drift-wood sewn together in this manner. At Wytoohee, one of the -Paumotu, or Low Archipelago, Wilkes, in 1838, says that the canoes -are formed of strips of cocoa-nut tree sewed together. Speaking of -those of Samoa, he describes the process more fully. 'The planks are -fastened together with _sennit_; the pieces are of no regular size -or shape. On the inside edge of each plank is a ledge or projection, -which serves to attach the sennit, and connect and bind it closely -to the adjoining one. It is surprising,' he says, 'to see the labour -bestowed on uniting so many small pieces together, when large and -good planks might be obtained. Before the pieces are joined, the gum -from the husk of the bread-fruit tree is used to cement them close, -and prevent leakage. These canoes retain their form much more truly -than one would have imagined; I saw few whose original model had -been impaired by service. On the outside the pieces are so closely -fitted as frequently to require close examination before the seams -can be detected. The perfection of workmanship is astonishing to -those who see the tools with which it is effected. They consist now -of nothing more than a piece of iron tied to a stick, and used as an -adze; this, with a gimlet, is all they have, and before they obtained -their iron tools, they used adzes made of hard stone and fish-bone.' -The construction of the Fiji canoe, called _drua_, is described by -Williams in great detail. A keel or bottom board is laid in two or -three pieces, carefully scarfed together. From this the sides are built -up, without ribs, in a number of pieces varying from three to twenty -feet. The edges of these pieces are fastened by ledges, tied together -in the manner already described. A white pitch from the bread-fruit -tree, prepared with an extract from the coco-nut kernel, is spread -uniformly on both edges, and a fine strip of _masi_ laid between. -The binding of sennit with which the boards, or _vanos_, as they are -called, are stitched together is made tighter by small wooden wedges -inserted between the binding and the wood, in opposite directions. -The ribs seen in the interior of these canoes are not used to bring -the planks into shape, but are the last things inserted, and are for -uniting the deck more firmly with the body of the canoe. The carpenters -in Fiji constitute a distinct class, and have chiefs of their own. -The Tongan canoes were inferior to those of Fiji in Captain Cook's -time, but they have since adopted Fiji patterns. The Tongans are -better sailors than the Fijians. Wilkes describes a similar method of -building vessels in the Kingsmill Islands, but with varieties in the -details of construction. 'Each canoe has six or eight timbers in its -construction; they are well modelled, built in frames, and have much -sheer. The boards are cut from the coco-nut tree, from a few inches to -six or eight feet long, and vary from five to seven inches in width. -These are arranged as the planking of a vessel, and very neatly put -together, being sewed with sennit. For the purpose of making them -water-tight they use a slip of pandanus leaf, inserted as our coopers -do in plugging a cask. They have evinced much ingenuity,' he says, 'in -attaching the uprights to the flat timbers.' It is difficult, without -the aid of drawings, to understand exactly the peculiarities of this -variety of construction, but he says they are secured so as to have all -the motion of a double joint, which gives them ease, and comparative -security in a seaway. - -Turning now to the Malay Archipelago, Wallace speaks of a Malay -_prahau_ in which he sailed from Macassar to New Guinea, a distance -of 1,000 miles, and says that similar but smaller vessels had not a -single nail in them. The largest of these, he says, are from Macassar, -and the Bugi countries of the Celebes and Boutong. Smaller ones sail -from Ternate, Pidore, East Ceram, and Garam. The majority of these, -he says, have stitched planks. No. 1268 of my collection is a model -of a vessel employed in those seas. Wallace says that the inhabitants -of Ke Island, west of New Guinea, are the best boat-builders in the -archipelago, and several villages are constantly employed at the work. -The planks here, as in the Polynesian Islands, are all cut out of -the solid wood, with a series of projecting ledges on their edges in -the inside. But here we find an advance upon the Polynesian system, -for the ledges of the planks are pegged to each other with wooden -pegs. The planks, however, are still fastened to the ribs by means of -_rattans_. The principles of construction are the same as in those -of the Polynesian Islands, and the main support of the vessel still -consists in the planks and their ledges, the ribs being a subsequent -addition; for he says that after the first year the rattan-tied ribs -are generally taken out and replaced by new ones, fitted to the planks -and nailed, and the vessel then becomes equal to those of the best -European workmanship. This constitutes a remarkable example of the -persistency with which ancient customs are retained, when we find each -vessel systematically constructed, in the first instance, upon the old -system, and the improvement introduced in after years. I wonder whether -any parallel to this could be found in a British arsenal. The psychical -aspect of the proceeding seems not altogether un-English. - -Extending our researches northward, we find that Dampier, in 1686, -mentions, in the Bashee Islands, the use of vessels in which the planks -are fastened with wooden pins. On the Menan, in Siam, Turpin, in 1771, -speaks of long, narrow boats, in the construction of which neither -nails nor iron are employed, the parts being fastened together with -roots and twigs which withstand the destructive action of the water. -They have the precaution, he says, to insert between the planks a -light, porous wood, which swells by being wet, and prevents the water -from penetrating into the vessel. When they have not this wood, they -rub the chinks, by which the water enters, with clay. In the India -Museum there is a model of a very early form of vessel from Burmah, -described as a trading vessel. The bottom is dug out, and the sides -formed of planks laced together. A large stone is employed for an -anchor. Here we see that an inferior description of craft has survived, -upon the rivers, in the midst of a higher civilization which has -produced a superior class of vessel upon the seas. - -Turning westward, we have the surf-boat of Madras, called _massoola_, -which, on account of its elasticity, is still used on the seashore. -Its parts are stitched together in the manner represented in the -model, No. 1267 of my collection. On the Malabar coast the ships of -the Pardesy, who consisted of Arabs, Persians, and others who have -settled in the kingdom of Malabar, are described by Barbosa in 1514. -They build ships, he says, of 200 tons, which have keels like the -Portuguese, but have no nails. They sew their planks with neat cords, -very well pitched, and the timber very good. Ten or twelve of these -ships, laden with goods, sail every year in February for the Red Sea, -some for Aden and some for Jeddah, the port of Mecca, where they sell -their merchandise to others, who transmit it to Cairo, and thence to -Alexandria. The ships return to Calicut between August and October of -the same year. The earliest description we have of these vessels in -this part of the world, in historic times, is in the account of the -travels of two Mahomedans in the ninth century. In these travels it is -related that there were people in the Gulf of Oman who cross over to -the islands that produce coco-nuts, taking with them their tools, and -make ships out of it. With the bark they make the cordage to sew the -planks together, and of the leaves they make sails; and having thus -completed the vessel, they load it with coco-nuts and set sail. Marco -Polo, at the commencement of the fourteenth century, confirms this, -and says, speaking of the ships at Ormuz, in the Persian Gulf, that -they do not use nails, but wooden pins, and fasten them with threads -made of the Indian nut. These threads endure the force of the water, -and are not easily corrupted thereby. These ships have one mast, one -sail, _and one beam_, and are covered with but one deck. They are not -caulked with pitch, but with the oil and fat of fishes. When they cross -to India they lose many ships, because the sea is very tempestuous, and -they are not strengthened with iron. In the Red Sea, Father Lobo, in -1622, describes the vessels called _gelves_, which, he says, are made -almost entirely of the coco-nut tree. The trunk is sawn into planks, -the planks are sewn together with thread which is spun from the bark, -and the sails are made of the leaves stitched together. They are more -convenient, he says, than other vessels, because they will not split if -thrown upon banks or against rocks. - -We have now arrived in the region which is usually regarded as the -cradle of Western civilization, certainly the land in which Western -culture first began to put forth its strong shoots; and we must expect -to find that the art of shipbuilding advanced in the same ratio as -other trades. But, unlike the Phoenicians, the Egyptians confined their -navigation chiefly to the Nile, and had an abhorrence of Typhon, as -they termed the sea, because it swallowed up the great river, which, -being the chief source of their prosperity, they regarded as a god. - -Here it may be desirable to digress for one moment from the chain of -continuity which we have been following, in order to say a few words -about the most primitive form of vessel used on the Nile, viz. that -mentioned by Isaiah (xviii. 2) as being of Ethiopian origin, the -vessel of bulrushes to which the mother of Moses entrusted her infant -progeny. What the coco-nut tree was to the navigators on the eastern -seas, the papyrus was to the Egyptians, and from it every part of the -vessel--rope, planks, masts, and sails--was constructed. Adverting to -the earliest and simplest of these papyrus vessels, the common use for -a bundle of faggots, for such it was, is not, perhaps, one of those -coincidences which, viewed by the light of modern culture, we should -select as evidence of connexion between distant lands. And yet there -are peculiarities of form which make the bulrush float of the Egyptians -worthy of comparison with those used in the rivers of Australia. - -The Australian float, as represented by a model in the British Museum, -consisted of a bundle of bark and rushes, pointed and elevated at -the ends, and bound round with girdles of the same material. The -only vessel, according to Mr. Calder, used in Tasmania, on the west -coast, is thus described by him in the _Journal of the Anthropological -Institute_, iii. 22. 'It was of considerable size, and something -like a whale-boat, that is, sharp-sterned, but a solid structure, -and the natives, in their aquatic adventures, sat on the top of it. -It was generally made by the buoyant and soft, velvety bark of the -swamp tea-tree (_Melaluca_ sp.), and consisted of a multitude of small -strips bound together.' Professor Wilson says that the Californian -canoe consists of a mere rude float, made of rushes, 'in the form of -a lashed-up hammock.' A woodcut in Sir Gardner Wilkinson's _Ancient -Egypt_, No. 399 of his work, represents three persons making one of -these papyrus floats. It is the _baris_, or Memphite bark, bound -together with papyrus, spoken of by Lucan, and it is of precisely -similar form to those above described, elevated and pointed at the -ends, and the men are in the act of binding it round with girdles. This -is the kind of boat in which Plutarch describes Isis going in search of -the body of Osiris through the fenny country; a bark made of papyrus. -Pliny attributes the origin of shipbuilding to these vessels (vii. 56); -and speaks (vi. 22) of their crossing the sea and visiting the Island -of Taprobane (Ceylon, according to Sir G. Wilkinson); but it seems -probable that he must refer to a more advanced form of vessel than the -mere bulrush float. - -The racial connexion between the Australians and the Egyptians, first -put forward by Professor Huxley, has hardly met with general acceptance -as yet; but, startling as it at first sight appeared, the more we look -into the evidence bearing upon it, the less improbable, to say the -least, it becomes, when viewed by the light of comparative culture. -I have already shown, in another place,[222] how closely some of the -Australian weapons correspond to some of those still used on the Upper -Nile, and the remarkable resemblance here pointed out in a class of -vessels which might well have been used in passing short distances -from island to island of the now submerged fragments of land that are -supposed to have formerly existed in parts of the southern hemisphere, -is, at least, worthy of attention amongst other evidence of the same -kind that may be collected, although I fully admit that it is not of a -character to stand alone. I will not exceed my province by attempting -to defend the theory of the Australioid origin of the Egyptians on -physical grounds, preferring to leave the defence of that theory in the -hands of its author, who is so well able to support his own views; -but I may take this opportunity of commenting on some remarks made by -Professor Owen in his valuable paper, published in the last number of -our _Journal_, on the psychical evidence of connexion between them and -the black races of the southern hemisphere. Adverting to the fresco -painting, in the British Museum, of the ancient Egyptian fowler, who -holds in his hand a stick, which he is in the act of throwing at a -flock of birds, I am inclined to agree with Professor Owen in thinking -there is nothing in its shape to denote that it is a boomerang. Other -figures, however, in Rosellini's _Egyptian Monuments_, show the -resemblance more clearly, and if these are not enough, the specimen -of the weapon itself in the glass case in the Egyptian room of the -British Museum proves the identity of the weapon beyond possibility of -doubt. I have elsewhere stated at length,[223] that having made several -facsimiles of this weapon from careful measurements, so as to obtain -the exact size, form, and weight of the original, for the purpose -of experiment, I found that it possessed all the properties of the -Australian boomerang, rising in the air, and returning in some cases to -within a few paces of the position from which it was thrown. In fact, -it was easier to obtain the return flight from this weapon than from -many varieties of the Australian boomerang, with which I experimented -at the same time. - -But supposing the ancient Egyptian to be 'convicted of the boomerang', -says the learned professor, 'common sense repudiates the notion of the -necessity of inheritance in relation to such operations.' Against this -I would urge, that the application of the general quality of common -sense to the determination of questions of psychical connexion, between -races so far removed from us, as the Australians or the predecessors -of the earliest Egyptian kings, is inconsistent with all that we -know of the phenomena of mental evolution in man, seeing that there -must necessarily be many stages of disparity between them and any -intelligent member of the Anthropological Institute to whose common -sense this appeal was made. - -If the common sense of the nineteenth century does not repudiate the -fact that the steam engine, the electric telegraph, vaccination, free -trade, and a thousand other contrivances for the benefit of our race, -have sprung from special centres, and have been inherited, or otherwise -received, by the highly cultivated races to which they have spread -in modern times, neither would the common sense of the Australian -or prehistoric Egyptian, after its kind, bar the likelihood of such -contrivances as the boomerang, the parrying-shield, or the 'baris' -having been handed from one savage people to another in a similar -manner. Wherever two or three concurrent chains of connexion, whether -of race, language, or the arts, can be traced along the same channel, -such evidence is admissible, and is indeed frequently the only evidence -available in dealing with prehistoric times. - -The peculiar elevated ends of the papyrus floats are almost identical -in form, but not in structure, with those now used in parts of India, -especially on the Ganges; and the word _junk_ is said to be related -to _juncus_, a bulrush. Somewhat similar rafts, but flat, turned up -in front but not behind, and called _tankwa_, are described by Lieut. -Prideaux as being still used on Lake Tsana, in Soudan, and they are -also used by the Shillooks, who make them of a wood as light as cork, -called _ambads_ (_Anemone mirabilis_). A paper by Mr. John Hogg, in -the _Magazine of Natural History_ (1829, ii. p. 324 ff.), to which -my attention has been kindly drawn by Mr. John Jeremiah, contains -some useful information on the subject of Egyptian papyrus vessels. -Denon describes and figures a very primitive float of this sort, -consisting of a bundle of straw or stalks, pointed and turned up in -front, and says that the inhabitants of the Upper Nile go up and down -the river upon it astride, the legs serving for oars; they use also -a short double-bladed paddle. It is worthy of notice that the only -other localities, that I am aware of, in which this double paddle is -used, are the Sooloo Archipelago and among the Esquimaux. Belzoni -also describes the same kind of vessel. Mr. Hogg, in his paper, gives -several illustrations of improved forms of these solid papyrus floats, -derived from a mosaic pavement discovered in the Temple of Fortune at -Praeneste. From these it seems that they were bound round with thongs, -pointed, and turned up and over at both ends. But Bruce, in 1790, -describes more particularly the class of vessel used in Abyssinia in -his time, called _tankwa_, or, as he writes it, _tancoa_, and says -that it corresponds exactly to the description of Pliny (_Nat. Hist._, -xiii. 2, compare v. 9). His description appears possibly to indicate -that there was a separate line of development of hollow vessels derived -from the flat raft. A piece of acacia tree was put in the bottom -to serve as a keel, to which plants were joined, being first sewed -together, then gathered up at the ends and stern, and the ends of -the plant tied fast there. On Lake Tsana they are only turned up in -front: see above. Belzoni describes a similar kind of vessel on Lake -Moeris, which seems clearly to be hollow. The outer shell or hulk was -composed of rough pieces of wood, scarcely joined, and fastened by four -other pieces wrapped together by four more across, which formed the -deck; no tar, no pitch, either inside or out, and the only preventive -against the water coming in was a kind of weed which had settled in the -joints of the wood. The only other locality, that I know of, in which -similar vessels to these are used, is Formosa, a description of which -is given by Mr. J. Thomson (_The Straits of Malacca, Indo-China, and -China_, London, 1875, p. 304), for the sight of which I am indebted -to Mr. W. L. Distant. He says: 'We went ashore in a catamaran, a sort -of raft made of poles of the largest species of bamboo. These poles -are bent by fire, so as to impart a hollow shape to the raft, and are -lashed together with rattan. There is not a nail used in the whole -contrivance.' - -But the boats 'woven of' the papyrus, mentioned by Pliny, certainly -refer to something more complex than the papyrus bundle above -described. Lucan describes them as being sewn with bands of papyrus, -and Herodotus describes them more fully. This passage has been -variously translated by different authors, but the version given by Sir -Gardner Wilkinson is as follows:--'they cut planks measuring about two -cubits, and having arranged them like bricks, they build the boat in -the following manner: they fasten the planks round firm long pegs, and, -after this, stretch over the surface a series of girths, _but without -any ribs_, and the whole is bound _within_ by bands of papyrus.' The -exact meaning of this is obscure; but I would suggest, that as the -'fastening within' clearly shows it was not a solid structure, the -more reasonable interpretation of it is by supposing that the planks, -arranged in brick fashion, were fastened on the inside by cords, in -the manner practised in the South Sea Islands and elsewhere. What the -long pins were is uncertain; but as Sir Gardner Wilkinson says that the -models found in the tombs show that ribs were used at a time probably -subsequent to this, these pins may have been rudimentary ribs of some -kind, and they also may have been 'bound within' to the planks in the -same manner. It seems not unlikely that these boats may have also been -bound round on the outside to give them additional strength, after the -manner of the papyrus floats above described.[224] With this vessel, -which was called _baris_, they used a sort of anchor, consisting of a -stone with a hole in it, similar to one on a Burmese vessel, of which a -model is in the India Museum. - -The larger class of Egyptian vessels were of superior build, the planks -being fastened with wooden pins and nails, and their construction -somewhat similar to those still used on the Nile. - -Returning now to the link of the chain to which we have appended this -digression, and carrying our inquiries further northward into the area -of Western civilization, it is to be expected that we should lose all -trace of this primitive mode of ship-building. The earliest vessels -recorded in classical history were fastened with nails. In Homer's -description of the vessel built by Odysseus, both nails and ribs were -employed, and it had a round or a flat bottom (Smith's _Dict._). No -trace of any earlier form of ship has been discovered in Europe, until -we come to the neighbourhood of the North Sea. Here, in the Nydam Moss, -in Slesvic, in 1863, was discovered a large boat, seventy-seven feet -long, ten feet ten inches broad in the middle, flat at the bottom, but -higher and sharper at both ends, having a prow at both ends, like those -described by Tacitus as having been built by the Suiones, who inhabited -this country and Sweden in ancient times. This vessel, from its -associated remains, has been attributed to the third century A. D. The -bottom consisted of a broad plank, about two feet broad in the middle, -but diminishing in width towards each end. A small keel, eight inches -broad and one deep, was carved on the under side of the plank, which -corresponds to the bottom plank, which, in Africa and the Polynesian -Islands, we have shown to be the vestige of the dug-out trunk. On to -this bottom plank, five side planks, running the whole length of the -vessel, were built, but they differed from those previously described -in overlapping, being clinker-built, and attached to each other, not by -strings or wooden pins, but by large iron bolts. The planks, however, -resembled those of the southern hemisphere, in having clamps or ledges -carved out of the solid on the inside; these ledges were perforated, -and their position corresponded to rows of vertical ribs, to which, -like the vessels at Ke Island, and elsewhere in the Pacific, they -were _tied_ by means of cords passing through corresponding holes in -the ribs. Each rib was carved out of one piece, and, like those of Ke -Island in the Asiatic Archipelago, could easily have been taken out and -replaced by others after the vessel was completed. In short, the vessel -represented the particular stage of development which may be described -as plank-nailed and rib-tied, or which might be characterized as having -removable ribs; differing in this respect from the more advanced system -of modern times, in which the ribs, together with the keel, form a -framework to which the planks are afterwards bent and fastened. - -This mode of fastening the ribs to ledges carved out of the planking, -Mr. Engelhardt, to whom we are indebted for the accurate drawings and -description of this vessel,[225] remarks, is a most surprising fact, -considering that the people who constructed the boat are proved by the -associated remains to have been not only familiar with the use of iron, -but to have been able to produce damascened sword-blades. But this -fact, which, taken by itself, has been justly described as surprising, -analogy leads us to account for, by supposing these particular parts -of the vessel to have been survivals from a universally prevalent -primitive mode of fastening, the nearest southern representative of -which, at the present time, is to be found in the Red Sea and adjoining -oceans. Nor can there be any reason to doubt, I think, that this -mode of constructing vessels may have been used in the intervening -countries, which have been the scene of the rise of Western -civilization since the earliest times, but which have now lost all -trace of the most primitive phases of the art of ship-building. - -Mr. Engelhardt, however, traces a connexion between this ancient -vessel, found in the Nydam Moss, and the Northland boats now used on -the coast of Norway and the Shetland Isles, the peculiar rowlocks of -which, and also the clincher-nails by which the sides are fastened, -correspond very closely to those of the Nydam boat. Here also, and -in Finland and Lapland, we find survivals of a still earlier mode of -ship-building, corresponding to the more primitive plank-stitched -vessels, before described, in so many places in the southern -hemisphere. Regnard, in 1681, describes the Finland boats as being -twelve feet long and three broad. They are made of fir, and fastened -together with the sinew of the reindeer; this makes them, he says, so -light that one man can carry one on his shoulders; others are fastened -together with thread made of hemp, rubbed with glue, and their cords -are of birch bark or the root of the fir. Outhier, in 1736, confirms -this account of the manner in which they are sewn together, and says -that it renders them very flexible, and suitable for passing cataracts, -on account of their lightness, and because they do not break when they -are cast against a rock. The Lapland sledge called _pulea_ is also -described by Regnard as being of the same construction--boat-shaped, -and the parts sewn together with the sinew of the reindeer, without -a single nail. I have not as yet been able to trace this mode of -fastening vessels continuously in Russia; but Bell, in 1719, says that -the long, flat-bottomed barks used on the Volga for carrying salt have -not a single iron nail in their whole fabric; and Atkinson describes -vessels on the Tchoussowaia which are built without nails, but these -are fastened with wooden pins. - - -3. _Bark canoes._ - -The use of bark for canoes might have been suggested by the hollowed -trunk; but, on the other hand, we find this material employed in -Australia, where the hollowed trunk is not in general use. Bark is -employed for a variety of purposes, such as clothing, materials for -huts, and so forth. Some of the Australian shields are constructed of -the bark of trees. The simplest form of canoe in Australia consists, -as already mentioned (p. 203), of a mere bundle of reeds and bark -pointed at the ends. It is possible that the use of large pieces of -bark in this manner may have suggested the employment of the bark -alone. Belzoni mentions crossing to the island of Elephantine, on -the Nile, in a ferry-boat which was made of branches of palm trees, -fastened together with cords, and covered on the outside with a mat -pitched all over. The solid papyrus boats represented on the pavement -at Praeneste, before mentioned, have evidently some other substance on -the outside of them; and Bruce imagines that the junks of the Red Sea -were of papyrus, covered with leather.[226] The outer covering would -prevent the water from soaking into the bundle of sticks, and thus -rendering it less buoyant. Bark, if used in the same manner, would -serve a like purpose, and thus suggest its use for canoe-building. -Otherwise I am unable to conceive any way in which bark canoes can have -originated, except by imitation of the dug-out canoe. - -For crossing rivers, the Australian savage simply goes to the nearest -stringy-bark tree, chops a circle round the tree at the foot, and -another seven or eight feet higher, makes a longitudinal cut on each -side, and strips off bark enough by this means to make two canoes. If -he is only going to cross the river by himself, he simply ties the bark -together at the ends, paddles across, and abandons the piece of bark -on the other side, knowing that he can easily provide another. If it -is to carry another besides himself, he stops up the tied ends with -clay; but if it is to be permanently employed, he sews up the ends more -carefully, and keeps it in shape by cross-pieces, thereby producing a -vessel which closely resembles the bark canoe of North America (Wood, -_Nat. Hist. of Man_, ii. 103). I have not been able to trace the use of -the bark canoe further north than Australia on this side of the world, -probably owing to its being ill adapted for sea navigation; nor do I -find representatives of it in any part of Europe or Africa, although -bark is extensively used, in the Polynesian Islands and elsewhere, for -other purposes. - -It is the two continents of America which must be regarded as the home -of the bark canoe. - -The Fuegian canoe has been described by Wilkes, Pritchard, and others. -It is sewn with shreds of whalebone, sealskin, and twigs, and supported -by a number of stretchers lashed to the gunwale; the joints are stopped -with rushes, and, without, smeared with resin. In Guiana the canoe -is made of the bark of the purple-heart tree, stripped off and tied -together at the ends. The ends are stopped with clay, as with the -Australians. This mode of caulking is not very effectual, however, and -the water is sure to come in sooner or later. - -The nature of the material does not admit of much variety in the -construction; suffice it to say that it is in general use in North -America, up to the Esquimaux frontier. Its value in these regions -consists in the facility with which it is taken out of the water and -carried over the numerous rapids that prevail in the North American -rivers. The Algonquins were famous for the construction of them. Some -carry only two people, but the _canot de maître_ was thirty-six feet in -length, and required fourteen paddlers. Kalm, in 1747, gives a detailed -account of the construction of them on the Hudson river, and Lahontan, -in 1684, gives an equally detailed description of those used in Canada. -The bark is peeled off the tree by means of hot water. They are very -fragile, and every day some hole in the bottom has to be stopped with -gum. - -Mr. T. G. B. Lloyd, in an excellent paper descriptive of the Beothucs -of Newfoundland, published in _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._ (vol. iv. pp. -26-8), has described the remarkable bark canoe of these people. Its -form is different from any other canoe of this or any other region -that I have heard of, the line of the gunwale rising in the middle, as -well as at the ends, and the vessel being V-shaped in section, with a -straight wooden keel at the bottom. Its form is so singular, that the -only idea of continuity which I can set up for it is, that it must -have been copied from some European child's paper boat, capable, by -a single additional fold, of being converted into a cocked hat; the -central pyramidal portion of the paper boat having given the form to -the pyramidal sides of the Beothuc vessel. If this be rejected, then -its history has yet to be told, for no native tribe ever employed such -a peculiar form unless by inheritance. - -Nos. 1248 and 1249 of my collection are South American bark canoes; -Nos. 1250 to 1252 are bark canoes from North America. - - -4. _Canoes of Wicker and Skin._ - -As we approach the Arctic regions, the dug-out and bark canoes are -replaced by canoes of skin and wicker. As we have already seen, in the -case of the bow, and other arts of savages, vegetable materials supply -the wants of man in southern and equatorial regions, whilst animal -materials supply their place in the north. - -The origin of skin coverings has been already suggested when speaking -of bark canoes. The accidental dropping of a skin bottle into the -water might suggest the use of such vessels as a means of recovering -the harpoon, which, as I have already shown elsewhere, was almost -universally used for fishing in the earliest stages of culture. The -Esquimaux lives with the harpoon and its attached bladder almost -continually by his side. The Esquimaux _kayak_, Nos. 1253 and 1254 of -my collection, in which he traverses the ocean, although admirable in -its workmanship, and, like all the works of the Esquimaux, ingenious -in construction, is in principle nothing more than a large, pointed -bladder, similar to that which is lashed to the harpoon at its side; -the man in this case occupying the opening which, in the bladder, is -filled by the wooden pin that serves for a cork. - -This is, I believe, a very primitive form of vessel, although there -can be no doubt that many links in the history of its development have -been lost. Unlike the dug-out canoe, such a fragile contrivance as the -wicker canoe perishes quickly, and no direct evidence of its ancestry -can be traced at the present time. It is only by means of survivals -that we can build up the past history of its development; and these -are, for the most part, wanting. - -The skin of an animal, flayed off the body with but one incision, -served, as I have elsewhere shown, a variety of purposes: from it -the bellows was derived, the bagpipes, water-vessels, and pouches of -various kinds; and, filled with air, it served the purpose of a float. -Steinitz, in his _History of the Ship_, gives an illustration of an -inflated ox skin, which in India is used to cross rivers; the owner -riding upon the back of the animal and paddling with his hands, as if -it had been a living ox. - -In the Assyrian sculptures there are numerous illustrations -representing men floating upon skins of this kind, which they clasp -with the left hand, like the tree trunks, already mentioned, that are -used by the American Indians, and swim with the right. Layard says this -manner of crossing rivers is still practised in Mesopotamia. He also -describes the raft, composed of a number of such floats, made of the -skins of sheep flayed off with as few incisions as possible; a square -framework of poplar beams is placed over a number of these, and tied -together with osier and other twigs. The mouths of the sheep-skins -are placed upwards, so that they can be opened and refilled by the -raft-men. On these rafts the merchandise is floated down the river to -Baghdad; the materials are then disposed of and the skins packed on -mules, to return for another voyage. On the Nile similar rafts are -used, the skins being supplanted by earthen pots, which, like the skins -on the Euphrates, serve only a temporary purpose, and after the voyage -down the river are disposed of in the bazaars. - -This mode of floating upon skins I should conjecture to be of northern -origin, and to be practised chiefly by nomadic races; but we find it -employed on the Morbeya, in Morocco, by the Moors, who no doubt had it -from the East. It is thus described by Lempriere, in 1789. A raft is -formed of eight sheep-skins filled with air, and tied together with -small cords; a few slender poles are laid over them, to which they -are fastened, and that is the only means used at Buluane to convey -travellers, with their baggage, over the river. As soon as the raft is -loaded, a man strips, jumps into the water, and swims with one hand, -whilst he pulls the raft after him with the other; another swims and -pushes behind. This reminds us of the custom of the Gran Chaco Indians -of South America, who, in crossing rivers, use a square boat or tub of -bull's hide, called _pelota_. It is attached by a rope to the tail of -a horse, which swims in front; or the rope is taken in the mouth of an -expert swimmer. - -I have not traced the distribution of these rafts of inflated skins as -continuously as, I have no doubt, they might be traced amongst nomadic -and pastoral races, moving with their flocks and herds, the skins of -which would be employed in this way; nor have I been able to trace -the connexion which, I have no doubt, existed between the inflated -skin and the open 'curragh' of wicker covered with skins. Where one is -found, the other is often found with it. Herodotus describes the boats -used by the people who came down the river to Babylon, and says they -are constructed in Armenia, and in the parts above Assyria, thereby -connecting them with the north. 'The ribs of these vessels,' he says, -'are formed of willow boughs and branches, and covered externally with -skin. They are round, like a shield, there being no distinction between -head and stern. They line the bottom with reeds and straw, and taking -on board merchandise, chiefly palm wine, float down the stream. The -boats have two oars, one to each man: one pulls and the other pushes. -They are of different dimensions, some having a single ass on board -and others several. On their arrival at Babylon the boatmen dispose of -their goods, and offer for sale the ribs and straw; _they then load -the asses with the skins_, and return with them to Armenia, where they -construct new boats'--just as is now done with the inflated skins of -the rafts at Baghdad. - -In the Pictorial Bible an illustration is given from the Sassanian -sculptures at Takht-i-Bostan of several of these round vessels, -probably of wicker, covered with skins. In one of these the principal -figure carries a composite bow, which, as I have elsewhere shown, is of -northern origin. Mr. Layard discovered in Nimroud a sculpture in which -one of these boats is represented. It is round, like those described -by Herodotus; back and stern alike; carrying two people, one of whom -pulls and the other pushes; and in the same sculpture are represented -men swimming on the inflated sheep-skins. He says that these same -round vessels are still used at Baghdad, built of boughs and timber -covered with skins, over which bitumen is smeared to render it more -water-tight. [Hamilton] also speaks of the same vessels (of reeds -and bitumen) on the Euphrates, at the commencement of the eighteenth -century. - -On the Cavery, in Mysore, Buchanan, in 1800, describes ferry-boats -that are called _donies_, which are circular baskets covered with -leather; but whether these vessels, like the composite bow used in the -same region, can be traced to a northern origin I have not the means -of determining, nor have I as yet sufficient materials to enable me -to ascertain whether such vessels are employed in the north of Asia -at the present time. What the inflated skin is to these circular -vessels, the _kayak_ is to the _baidar_ of the Esquimaux. Throughout -the whole region occupied by this race, these two kinds of vessels are -used, differing only in minute varieties of detail in the different -localities. According to Dr. King, whose valuable paper, 'On the -Industrial Arts of the Esquimaux,' was published in the first volume of -the _Journal of the Ethnological Society_ (1848), the varieties of the -_kayak_ in the different localities consist merely in the elevation and -shape of the rim of the hole in which the man sits. In Prince William -Sound, on the NW. coast, the _kayak_ is frequently built with two or -three holes to contain two or three men. The bow has two beaks, one of -which turns up, according to Captain Cook, like the head of a violin, -as represented in No. 1254 of my collection. This is also used in the -Aleutian Isles. The meaning of this double beak I have not been able to -ascertain. The _baidar_ used on this coast has also a double beak, as -represented in No. 1255 of my collection. - -In the British Museum there is a _kayak_ with a single opening, from -Behring Straits, which differs but little from another in the same -museum from Greenland; the _kayak_ of Greenland has a knob of ivory at -each end to protect the sharp point. The _baidar_ is used at Ochotsk -and Kamtschatka, on the Asiatic coast, and all along the northern coast -of America, eastward from Behring Strait. Models of both _baidar_ and -_kayak_ are in the British Museum, from Kotzebue Sound. In Frobisher -Strait, Frobisher, in 1577, says the boats are of two kinds of leather -stretched on frames, the greater sort open, and carrying sixteen or -twenty people (the _baidar_), and the lesser, to carry one man, covered -over, except in one place where the man sits (the _kayak_). In Hudson's -Straits and Greenland, where the larger vessels are called _oomiak_, -they are flat-sided and flat-bottomed, about three feet high, and -nearly square at the bow and stern, whereas this sort on the north-west -coast is sometimes pointed at bow and stern. Kerguelen, in 1767, -mentions both kinds in Greenland; and Kalm, in 1747, speaks of both, -though not from personal observation, on the coast of Labrador. The -Esquimaux canoe has been known to have drifted from Greenland across -the north of Scotland, and has been picked up, with the man still alive -in it, on the coast of Aberdeen (Wilson). - -In Britain the _coracle_ of osier, covered with skin, is mentioned -by Caesar, and in Britain, Gaul, and Italy by Lucan (A.D. 39-65). In -Scotland, Bellenden, in the sixteenth century, speaks of the _currock_ -of wands, covered with bulls' hide, as being in use in the sixteenth -century, and its representative is still used in the west of Ireland. -Sir William Wilde says that, under the name of _curragh_, it is still -made of leather, stretched over a wooden frame, on the Boyne, and in -Arran, on the west coast, of light timber, covered with painted canvas, -which has superseded the use of leather. I have seen these vessels at -Dingle, on the south-west coast, where they go by the name of _nevog_; -they are there 23 feet in length by 4 in width, and 1 ft. 9 inches -deep, made of laths, and covered with painted canvas; they are used, -from Valentia, along the west coast as far as Galway. In the south -they are larger than in the north, where they are called _curraghs_, -and a single man can carry one on his back, as the ancient Briton did -his _coracle_. Their continuance is caused by their cheapness, costing -only £6 when new. Here also they were, until recently, constructed of -leather. They have a small triangular sail, and, like the most ancient -forms of vessels, they are guided, when sailing, by means of oars, one -on each side. - - -5. _Rafts._ - -The trunks of trees, united by mutual attraction, as they floated down -the stream, would suggest the idea of a raft. The women of Australia -use rafts made of layers of reeds, from which they dive to obtain -mussel-shells. In New Guinea the catamaran, or small raft formed of -three planks lashed together with rattan, is the commonest vessel used. -Others are larger, containing ten or twelve persons, and consist of -three logs lashed together in five places, the centre log being the -longest, and projecting at both ends. - -This is exactly like the catamaran used on the coast of Madras, a -model of one of which is in the Indian Museum; they are also used on -the Ganges, and in the Asiatic isles. At Manilla they are known by -the name of _saraboas_; but the perfection of raft navigation is on -the coast of Peru. Ulloa, in 1735, describes the _balzas_ used on the -Guayaquil, in Ecuador, and on the coast as far south as Paita. They are -called by the Indians of the Guayaquil _jungadas_, and by the Darien -Indians _puero_. They are made of a wood so light that a boy can easily -carry a log 1 foot in diameter and 3 or 4 yards long. They are always -made of an odd number of beams, like the New Guinea and Indian rafts, -the longest and thickest in the centre, and the others lashed on each -side. Some are 70 ft. in length and 20 broad. When sailing, they are -guided by a system of planks, called _guaras_, which are shoved down -between the beams in different parts of the raft as they are wanted, -the breadth of the plank being in the direction of the lines of the -timbers. By means of these they are able to sail near the wind, and to -luff up, bear away, and tack at pleasure. When a _guara_ is put down in -the fore part of the raft, it luffs up, and when in the hinder part, it -bears away. This system of steering, he says, the Indians have learnt -empirically, 'their uncultivated minds never having examined into the -_rationale_ of the thing.' - -It was one of these vessels which Bartolomew Ruiz, pilot of the second -expedition for the discovery of Peru, met with; and which so astonished -the sailors, who had never before seen any vessel on the coast of -America provided with a sail. Condamine speaks of the rafts in 1743, -on the Chinchipe, in Peru. They are also used on the coast of Brazil, -where they are also called _jungadas_, from which locality there is -a model of one in the British Museum, and another in the Christy -collection. Professor Wilson thinks it was by means of these vessels, -driven off the coast of America westward, that the Polynesian and Malay -islands were peopled; and this brings us to the consideration of the -peculiar class of vessel which is distributed over a continuous area -in the Pacific and adjoining seas, viz. the outrigger canoe, which, I -shall endeavour to show, was derived from the raft. - - -6. _Outrigger-canoes._ - -The sailing properties of the _balza_, or any other similar raft, must -have been greatly impeded by the resistance offered to the water by the -ends of its numerous beams. In order to diminish the resistance, the -obvious remedy was to use only two beams, placed parallel to each other -at a distance apart, with a platform laid on cross-poles between them. - -Of this kind we find a vessel used by the Tasmanians, and described -by Mr. Bonwick, on the authority of Lieut. Jeffreys. The natives, he -says, would select two good stems of trees and place them parallel to -each other, but a couple of yards apart; cross-pieces of small size -were laid on these, and secured to the trees by scraps of tough bark. -A stronger cross-timber, of greater thickness, was laid across the -centre, and the whole was then covered by wicker-work. Such a float -would be thirty feet long, and would hold from six to ten persons -(Herbert Spencer, _Descriptive Sociology_ (London, 1874), No. 3, Table -V). - -In Fiji, Williams describes a kind of vessel called _ulatoka_, a raised -platform, floating on two logs, which must evidently be a vessel of the -same description as that used in Tasmania. - -From these two logs were derived the double canoe on the one hand, and -the canoe with the outrigger on the other. - -A link between the catamaran and the outrigger canoe is seen in a model -in the India Museum, from Madras. It consists of the usual catamaran, -already described, of three beams lashed together, the longest being -in the centre, across which are attached, their ends extending on one -side, long outrigger poles, to the extremities of which, parallel, and -at some distance from the catamaran, is fastened an outrigger log, of -smaller size and length, pointed at both ends, and boat-shaped, exactly -like those used with the outrigger canoes to be hereafter described. -When the art of hollowing out canoes was introduced, then one canoe -and one log, or two canoes, were employed, as the case might be. This -I consider to be a more natural sequence than to suppose the outrigger -invented as a means of steadying the dug-out canoe. - -The outrigger canoe, and its accompanying double canoe, is used over -the whole of the Polynesian and Asiatic islands--from Easter Island -on the east, to Ceylon and the Andamans on the west. Their varieties -are also, in some cases, continuous; and I will endeavour to trace -the distribution of each, commencing with the canoe with the single -outrigger. - -Towards the eastern and northern extremities of the Polynesian Islands -we find that the canoes have a single outrigger, and that the ends -of the outrigger poles are attached directly to the outrigger log, -instead of being connected with it by upright supports, as is the case -elsewhere. As the outrigger log is on a lower level than the line of -the gunwales of the canoe, across which the other ends of the outrigger -poles are lashed, they are generally curved downwards to meet the -outrigger. - -This is the form described by La Perouse in Easter Island. It is -the same in the drawings of canoes from Marquesas; also in the one, -figured by Wilkes, from Wytoohee or Disappointment Isle, in the Low -Archipelago; and in the one from Tahiti, Society Isles; also in those -of the Sandwich Isles and the Kingsmill Isles; and it reappears again -on the extreme west of the group in Ceylon, No. 1265 of my collection. - -But whilst this peculiarity appears to be constant in the -above-mentioned region, the form of the body of the canoe differs in -each group of islands. In the Marquesas the bow turns up very much, in -the Sandwich Islands only slightly (No. 1264); in Disappointment Isle -there is a projecting part before and behind, by which they step into -it; in Tahiti they have a similar projection over the stern only, which -is used for a similar purpose. - -To the westward of these, in a group extending over the centre of the -region in question, all the outriggers that I have seen described, -either by means of models or drawings, have upright supports on the -upper side, and on these the outrigger poles rest, so as to be on the -level of the line of the gunwales. This is the case in Nuie or Savage -Island; in Samoa (No. 1262); in the Caroline Isles; in Bowditch Island, -one of the Union group; in Tonga and Fiji; in New Guinea; in the -Louisiade Archipelago, and in North Australia. - -Another peculiarity in this central region deserves notice. The ends -of the canoe are covered with a deck extending over about one-third of -its length fore and aft, and on this deck there is a row of upright -pegs, carved out of the same piece as the deck, and running down the -centre of it. Each peg is surmounted by a white _Cypraea ovula_ shell -tied on. The origin and meaning of this custom is unknown, but it was -probably adopted originally as insignia of the rank of the owner. Its -distribution is limited to a group of islands lying between about -the 10th and 20th parallel of south latitude, and 170° and 180° west -longitude. Cook, in 1773, speaks of it in the Friendly Isles; and -Wilkes, in 1838, mentions it in Samoa, Fiji, and Bowditch Island. -The canoes of the Solomon Isles and other islands are, however, also -ornamented with shells in different parts. - -The canoe with the single outrigger is also used in [Garret Dennis -Island], which is described by Dampier in 1686; in the Ladrones, by -Pigafetta, 1519; in the Pelew Islands; in Borneo; in Ceylon; in the -Nicobar and Andaman Islands. - -In Kingsmill and the Caroline Islands, to the north, the outrigger is -somewhat smaller than elsewhere, its length not exceeding one-third of -the length of the canoe. In the adjoining groups of the Kingsmill and -Ladrone Islands we have a variety of this vessel in which the canoe, on -the outrigger side, is nearly flat, having a belly only on the opposite -side. This is described by Wilkes in 1838, and Dampier in 1686. - -The double canoe represents a variety in which both logs of the -double-logged raft have developed into canoes. The two canoes are -placed side by side, at a little distance apart, and transverse spars -are lashed across the gunwales of both; a platform being built upon the -cross spars; No. 1266 of my collection. - -Double canoes of this kind were used in New Zealand formerly, also in -New Caledonia. Mr. Baines mentions it in North Australia, but I am not -aware that it is used in New Guinea. Cook speaks of it in the Friendly -Isles, Wilkes in Fiji. It was formerly used in Samoa, but Wilkes says -it has been discontinued, and the single outrigger only is now used; in -Tahiti; in the Low Archipelago, the inhabitants of which group are very -expert sailors, steering by the stars, and seldom making any material -error; in the Sandwich Isles; also in Ceylon, where it is called a -_paddy boat_; in Burmah and in some of the Indian rivers; at Mosapore, -where it goes by the name of _langardy_; and in Cochin, on the southern -portion of the Malabar coast, where it is employed as a ferry-boat. It -also appears, by a model in the India Museum, that it is used as high -up as Patna, on the Ganges. - -In Fiji we find a connecting link between the double canoe and the -canoe with the single outrigger. Here the outrigger consists of a boat, -similar in construction to the large one to which it is attached, -but smaller, and connected with the platform between them by upright -supports. - -Contrivances for sailing near the wind with the single outrigger canoe -have led to the introduction of several other varieties of this class -of vessel. It is necessary that the outrigger should always be on the -windward side. The outrigger acts as a weight on the windward side, to -prevent the narrow canoe from being blown over on the opposite side. -When it blows very hard, the men run out on to the outrigger, to give -it the additional weight of their bodies. Wilkes says that whenever -the outrigger gets to the leeward side, there is almost invariably an -upset. The outrigger probably is pressed too deeply into the water, -and meeting with too much resistance, breaks the poles. To meet this -difficulty both the canoe and outrigger are, in some parts, made -pointed at both ends. When they wish to tack, instead of luffing and -coming about, they bear away, until the vessel gets on the opposite -quarter, and then, by shifting the sail, they sail away again stern -first. This system is pursued in Fiji, in parts of New Guinea, and -northward, in Kingsmill Islands (Wilkes). - -Another mode of meeting this difficulty consists in having two -outriggers, one on each side. This is employed in the Louisiade -Archipelago (No. 1260), in parts of New Guinea, and to the north, in -the Sooloo Archipelago. Yet another method remains to be described. In -Samoa the canoes are built with bow and stern, and the outrigger is -pointed towards the fore part only. As these vessels can only sail one -way, the outrigger, in tacking, must necessarily be sometimes on the -leeward side; to meet this, they rig out a platform corresponding to -the outrigger platform on the opposite side; this, for distinction's -sake, we may term a _weather platform_. It has no outrigger log, nor -does it touch the water, but when the wind blows so heavily as to -press the outrigger down on the lee side, they run out on the weather -platform, and counterbalance the effect of the wind by their weight. -This contrivance is used in some parts of New Guinea, where, it may -be observed, the varieties of the outrigger canoe are more numerous -than in most of the other islands. It is also used in the Solomon -Isles, where the weather platform is of the same width as the outrigger -platform; and probably in some of the other islands to the north. - -Finally we have, in the Asiatic Archipelago, a contrivance which may -be said to be derived partly from the double outrigger, and partly -from the weather platform last described. In proportion as the simple -dug-out canoe began to be converted into a built-up vessel, and to -acquire greater beam, they began to depend less and less on the -support of the outrigger. The double outrigger necessarily presented -considerable resistance to the water, but the vessel was still too -narrow to sail by itself. A weather platform had, however, been -found sufficient to balance the vessel on one side, and the next -step was to knock off the outrigger log on the other side, thereby -converting the outrigger platform into a weather platform; the two -platforms projecting one on each side of the vessel, on the level of -the gunwales, without touching the water, and thereby acting on the -principle of the balancing-pole of a tight-rope dancer, whilst the -resistance to the water was by this means confined to that of the hull -of the vessel itself. These double weather-platform boats were also -found more convenient in inland waters, in the canals in Manilla, and -elsewhere. - -De Guignes, in 1796, mentions a contrivance of this sort in the -Philippines, but from the account, it is not quite clear whether he -refers to a double weather platform, or a vessel with an outrigger -and a weather platform. He says that the boats at Manilla are very -sharply built, and furnished with yards, which serve as _balances_, -on the windward side of which, when the wind blows hard, the sailors -place themselves to counterpoise the effect of the wind on the sails. -This contrivance does not, however, always ensure safety, for at times -the bamboos which form the balance break, in which case the boat -founders and the crew are lost. Dampier, however, in 1686, clearly -speaks of the double weather platform at Manilla. He says that the -difference between these Manilla boats and those at Guam, in the -Ladrones, is that, whereas at Guam there is a little boat, fastened to -the outriggers, that lies in the water, the beams or bamboos here are -fastened transverse-wise to the outlayers on each side, and touch not -the water like boats, but one, three, or four feet above the water, and -serve for the canoe-men to sit and row and paddle upon. He says, that -when the vessel reels, the ends of the platform dip into the water, -and the vessel rights itself. Still further north, at Rangoon, on the -Irrawaddy, we find the same contrivance described by Symes in 1795. -He says that the boats are long and narrow, sixty feet in length, and -not more than twelve in the widest place; they require a good deal of -ballast, and would have been in constant danger of upsetting, had they -not been provided with outriggers which, composed of thin boards, or -oftener of buoyant bamboos, make a platform that extends horizontally -six or seven feet on the outside of the boat from stem to stern. Thus -secure, he says, the vessel can incline no further than until the -platform touches the surface of the water, when she immediately rights; -on this stage the boatmen ply their oars. - -This constitutes one out of many points of evidence that might be -mentioned, serving to show that the arts and culture of the Burmese, -and of all this part of Asia, have been derived from the Malay -Archipelago more probably than the reverse. - -The outrigger canoe itself has never, I believe, been known on the -Irrawaddy within the memory of man, but, as already seen, it is used in -the Nicobar and Andaman Isles and on the coast to the south. - -These outriggers, or balancing platforms, appear gradually to have -diminished in size as the vessel increased in beam, and there can be -little doubt that the rude stages or balconies outside the gunwales -represented in the models of many of the larger vessels used in these -seas are the last vestiges of the outrigger. No. 1278 of my collection -is an example of this. - - -7. _Rudders, Sails, and other Contrivances._ - -All the various items of evidence which I have collected, and -endeavoured to elucidate by means of survivals, whether in relation to -modes of navigation or other branches of industry, appear to me to tend -towards establishing a gradual development of culture as we advance -northward. Although Buddhism and its concomitant civilization may have -come from the north, there has been an earlier and prehistoric flow of -culture in the opposite direction--northward--from the primaeval and -now submerged cradle of the human family in the southern hemisphere. -This, I venture to think, will establish itself more and more clearly, -in proportion as we divest ourselves of the numerous errors which -have arisen from our acceptance of the Noachian deluge as a universal -catastrophe. - -As human culture developed northward from the equator toward the 40th -parallel of latitude, civilization began to bud out in Egypt, India, -and China, and a great highway of nations was established by means of -ships along the southern margin of the land, from China to the Red Sea. - -Along this ocean highway may be traced many connexions in ship forms -which have survived from the earliest times. The _oculus_, which, -on the sacred boats of the Egyptians, represented the eye of Osiris -guiding the mummy of the departed across the sacred lake, is still seen -eastward--in India and China--converted into an ornamental device, -whilst westward it lived through the period of the Roman and Grecian -_biremes_ and _triremes_, and has survived to this day on the Maltese -rowing-boats and the _xebecque_ of Calabria, or has been converted -into a hawser-hole in modern European craft. The function of the -rudder--which in the primitive vessels of the southern world is still -performed by the paddlers, whilst paddling with their faces to the -prow--was confided, as sails began to be introduced, to the rearmost -oars. In some of the Egyptian sculptures the three hindermost rowers on -each side are seen steering the vessel with their oars. Ultimately one -greatly developed oar on each side of the stern performed this duty; -the _loom_ of which was attached to an upright beam on the deck, as -is still the case in some parts of India. In some of the larger Malay -_prahaus_ there are openings or windows in the stern, considerably -below the deck, by which the steersmen have access to two large -rudders, one on each side; each rudder being the vestige of a side oar. - -Throughout the Polynesian Islands the steering is performed with -either one or two greatly developed paddles. Both in the rudder of the -Egyptian sculptures and in the _gubernaculum_ of the Roman vessels, -we see the transition from the large double oar, one on each side, -to the single oar at the stern. The ship of Ptolemaeus Philopator -had four rudders, each thirty cubits in length (Smith's _Dict._, s. -v. 'Navis'). The Chinese and Japanese rudder is but a modification -of the oar, worked through large holes in the stern of the vessel; -which large holes, in the case of the Japanese, owe their preservation -to the orders of the Tycoon, who caused them to be retained in all -his vessels, in order to prevent his subjects from venturing far to -sea. The _buccina_, or shell trumpet, which is used especially on -board all canoes in the Pacific, from the coast of Peru to Ceylon, is -represented, together with the _gubernaculum_, in the hands of Tritons -in Roman sculptures (Smith's _Dict._, s. v. 'Navis'), and the shell -form of it was preserved in its metallic representatives. - -The sail, in its simplest form, consists of a triangular mat, with -bamboos lashed to the two longer sides. In New Guinea and some of the -other islands, this sail, which is here seen in its simplest form, is -simply put up on deck, with the apex downwards and the broad end up, -and kept up by stays fore and aft. When a separate mast was introduced, -this sail was hauled up by a halyard attached to one of the bamboos, -at the distance of about one-fifth of its length from the broad end, -the apex of the bamboo-edged mat being fastened forward by means of -a tack. By taking away the lower bamboo the sail became the _lateen_ -sail of the Malay pirate _proa_, the singular resemblance of which to -that of the Maltese galley of the eighteenth century (a resemblance -shared by all other parts of the two vessels) may be seen by two models -placed side by side in the Royal United Service Institution. Professor -Wilson observes that the use of the sail appears to be almost unknown -on either continent of America, and the surprise of the Spaniards on -first seeing one used on board a Peruvian _balza_ arose from this known -peculiarity of early American navigation (p. 218). Lahontan, however, -in 1684, says that the Canadian bark canoes, though usually propelled -by paddles, sometimes carried a small sail. He does not, however, say -whether the knowledge of these has been derived from Europeans. Mr. -Lloyd also mentions small sails used with bark canoes in Newfoundland. - -The _crow's-nest_, which in the Egyptian vessels served to contain -a slinger or an archer at the top of the mast, and which is also -represented in the Assyrian sculptures, was still used for the same -purpose in Europe in the fifteenth century, was modified in the -sixteenth century, and became the mast-head so well known to midshipmen -in our own time. The two raised platforms, which in the Egyptian -vessels served to contain the man with the fathoming pole in the fore -part, and the steersman behind, became the _prora_ and the _puppis_ -of the Romans, and the _forecastle_ and _poop_ of modern European -vessels. The _aplustre_, which, in the form of a lotus, ornamented the -stern of the Egyptian war-craft, gave the form to the _aplustre_ of the -Greeks and Romans, and may still be seen on the stern of the Burmese -war-boats at the present time. - - * * * * * - -All these numerous examples serve to show that where civilization has -advanced the forms have been gradually changed; where, on the other -hand, it has not advanced, they have remained unchanged. Sir Gardner -Wilkinson and others have pointed out the striking resemblance between -the boats of the ancient Egyptians and those of modern India. 'The -form of the stern, the principle and construction of the rudder, the -cabins, the square sail, the copper eye on each side of the head, the -line of small squares at the side, like false windows, and the shape -of the oars of boats used on the Ganges, forcibly call to mind,' he -says, 'those of the Nile, represented in the paintings of the Theban -tombs.' We have also seen (p. 214) that the inflated sheep-skin still -serves to transport the Mesopotamian peasant across the Euphrates, as -it did when Nimroud was a thriving city. The skin and wicker tub-shaped -vessels still float down the Euphrates with their cargoes to Baghdad, -are broken up, and the skins carried up the river again on mules, as -they were in the time of Herodotus, upwards of 2,000 years ago. What -is there to prevent our believing that the primitive vessels which we -have been describing in the southern hemisphere, the representatives of -some of which have been discovered in river deposits of the stone age -in Europe, may have been in use in the countries in which they are now -found, as long, and longer--far longer? - -What reason is there to doubt that the rude bark-float of the -Australian, the Tasmanian, and the Ethiopian; the catamaran of the -Papuan; the dug-out of the New Zealander; the built-up canoe of -the Samoan; and the improved ribbed vessel of the Ke islander, are -survivals representing successive stages in the development of the art -of ship-building, not lapses to ruder methods of construction as the -result of degradation; that each stage supplies us with examples of -what was at one time the perfection of the art, inconceivable ages ago? -Some, as we have seen, especially the more primitive kinds, spread -nearly all over the world, whilst others had a more limited area of -distribution. Taken together, they enable us to trace back the history -of ship-building from the time of the earliest Egyptian sculptures to -the commencement of the art. - -Nor does the interest of this inquiry confine itself to the development -of ship-building. As affecting the means of locomotion, it throws light -on the development of other branches of culture in early times. For -even if we set aside exceptional instances in which individual canoes -have been driven away to great distances--such as the case in which -an Esquimaux in his kayak was picked up off the coast of Aberdeen, or -that of a Chinese junk having been wrecked on the north-west coast of -America, which might or might not have produced permanent results--and -confine ourselves to those cases in which the distribution of like -forms of vessels proves that there must probably have been frequent -communication between shore and shore; and if we further assume, as I -propose to do, that the existing means of communication in the Pacific -in a great measure represents the amount of intercourse that took place -across the sea in prehistoric times, that is to say, in times prior to -the earliest Egyptian sculptures, we find no difficulty in accounting, -by this means, for the striking similarity observable in the arts and -ideas of savages in distant lands; for not only have these vessels -been the means of conveying from place to place the material form of -implements, such as celts, stone knives, and so forth, which, being -imperishable, have been handed down to us unchanged, and the forms of -which we know to have spread over large geographic areas; but also each -voyage has conveyed a boat-load of ideas, of which no material record -remains, in the shape of myths, religions, and superstitions, which -have been emptied out upon the seashore, to seek affinity with other -chatter that was indigenous to the place. - -Thus, by means of intercommunication, no less than by spontaneous -development, have been formed those numerous combinations which so -greatly puzzle the student of culture at the present time. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[219] A Paper read at the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain -and Ireland on December 22, 1874, and published in the _Journal_ of -the Institute, vol. iv (1875), pp. 399-435. (N.B.--This paper was -not furnished by the author with either plates or references. The -latter have been supplied, so far as possible, on pp. 229 ff.: for -illustrations, reference should be made to the section on Navigation in -the Pitt-Rivers Museum, Oxford.--ED.) - -[220] (The _Catalogue of the Anthropological Collection lent by Col. -Lane Fox to Bethnal Green Museum_ (London, 1874, parts i and ii) only -contains 'Weapons'; part iii was never issued.--ED.) - -[221] _Notes and Queries on Anthropology, for the Use of Travellers -and Residents in Uncivilized Lands_, drawn up by a Committee appointed -by the British Association for the Advancement of Science (1874); 3rd -edition, 1899, published by the Anthropological Institute, 3 Hanover -Square, W. - -[222] 'Primitive Warfare,' pp. 127-30, 148-51, above. - -[223] Address to the Anthropological Department at the Brighton meeting -of the British Association, 1872. _Report Brit. Assoc._ (London, 1873), -p. 161. - -[224] Since writing this I have seen the illustration in Sir H. -Rawlinson's note to this passage, in which he gives it as his opinion -that this is the meaning and use to be ascribed to these pins; and he -says that this system is still employed in Egypt, where they raise an -extra bulwark above the gunwale. Rawlinson, _Herodotus_ (1862), vol. -ii. p. 132. - -[225] _Denmark in the Early Iron Age_, by Conrad Engelhardt (London, -1866), p. 31. - -[226] 'On Vessels of Papyrus,' by John Hogg, Esq., M.A., F.L.S.; -_Magazine of Nat. Hist._, vol. ii (1829), pp. 324-32: cf. p. 206, above. - - - - -NOTES TO 'EARLY MODES OF NAVIGATION' - - -P. 189. Steinitz, _The Ship: its Origin and Progress_ (London, 1849), -Pl. ii (frontispiece): cf. pp. ix, 4. - - Gregory, 'Expedition to the NW. coast of Australia,' _Roy. Geogr. - Soc. Journal_, xxxii. (1862) p. 376. - -P. 190. Cook, _Voyages_ (ed. London, 1842), vol. i. p. 204. - - Kitto, _Pictorial Bible_, note on 2 Sam. xix. 18. - - Pliny, ix. 10 (cf. vi. 24); Diodorus, iii. 21, 5; Strabo, p. 773; - turtle-shell boats were in actual use among the 'Turtle-eaters' - (_Chelonophagi_) of Carmania and the islands of the Red Sea. - -P. 191. Kalm, _Travels into North America_ (London, 1771), vol. ii. pp. -38-9. - - Raleigh's Expedition; Amadas and Barlawe, _The First Voyage to the - Coasts of America_ (= Pinkerton (1811), vol. xii. p. 567). - - Columbus, _The Journal of Christopher Columbus, &c._; transl. - Markham (Hakluyt Society, 1893), p. 39, mentions dug-out canoes - (cf. pp. 58, 94), but not the use of fire. - - Mouat, _Adventures and Researches among the Andaman Islanders_ - (London, 1863), pp. 315-6; only hand-hollowing in use in his time: - no mention of Blair here: perhaps a verbal communication to the - author. - - Symes, _An Account of an Embassy to the Kingdom of Ava_ in 1795 - (London, 1800), p. 320 (= Pinkerton (1811), vol. ix. p. 500). - - Turner, _Nineteen Years in Polynesia_ (London, 1861), pp. 425-6. - -P. 192. Wood, _Natural History of Man_ (London, 1868-70), vol. ii. p. -732. - -P. 193. Wilkes, _United States Exploring Expedition_ (Philadelphia, -1845), vol. ii. p. 150 (Samoa); vol. v. p. 322 (Manilla); vol. v. p. -353 (Sooloo). - - De Guignes, _Voyages à Peking, Manille, et l'Ile de France_ (Paris, - 1808), vol. iii. p. 402. - - De Morga, _The Philippine Islands_ (1609); transl. by Hon. H. E. - Stanley (Hakluyt Society, 1868), p. 272; two types, (_a_) 'made - of one very large tree'; (_b_) 'also _vireys_ and _barangays_ ... - joined together with wooden bolts.' - - Symes, _An Account of an Embassy to the Kingdom of Ava_ in 1795 - (London, 1800), p. 320 (= Pinkerton (1811), vol. ix. p. 500). - -P. 194. Turpin, _Histoire de Siam_ (Paris, 1771), vol. i. pp. 34-6. - - Pietro della Valle, _Viaggi_ (Brighton, 1843), vol. i. pp. 602-3. - - Duarte Barbosa (Magellan), _A Description of the Coasts of East - Africa and Malabar_ (1514); transl. by Hon. H. E. Stanley (Hakluyt - Society, 1866), p. 9. - - Livingstone, _Missionary Travels and Researches in South Africa_ - (London, 1857), p. 64. - - Barth, _Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa_ - (London, 1857), vol. ii. p. 469; the tributary is the _Faro_; Yola - is the adjacent town. - - Grant, _Walk across Africa_ (London, 1864), p. 304. - - Condamine, M. de la, _Relation abrégée d'un voyage fait dans - l'intérieur de l'Amérique méridionale_ (Paris, 1745), p. 63 (at - Laguna). - -P. 195. Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_ (London, 1862), vol. i. p. 169. - - Bartram, _Travels through N. and S. Carolina, Georgia, &c._ - (London, 1792), p. 225. - - Kalm, _Travels into N. America_ (London, 1771), vol. ii. pp. 240-2. - - Pliny, xvi. 40 _Germaniae praedones singulis arboribus cavatis - navigant, quarum quaedam et triginta homines ferunt._ - - Keller, _Lake Dwellings of Switzerland_ (transl. by J. E. Lee, 2nd - ed., 1878), p. 45, Pl. x. 8. - - Sir W. Wilde, _Catalogue of the Antiquities of the Museum of the - Royal Irish Academy_ (Dublin, 1863), vol. i. pp. 202-4. - - Ware, _The Antiquities and History of Ireland_ (London, 1705), p. - 47. - - Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_ (London, 1862), vol. i. pp. 153, 160. - -P. 197. Cook, _Voyages_ (London, 1842), vol. i. p. 193. - -P. 197. Barth, _Travels_ (London, 1857), vol. ii. p. 469. - - Byron, _An Account of the Voyages undertaken ... for making - Discoveries in the Southern Hemisphere ... by Commodore Byron, - &c._, by John Hawksworth (London, 1773), vol. i. p. 79. - -P. 198. Duarte Barbosa, _A Description_, &c. (Hakluyt Society, 1866), -pp. 14-15. - - Denham and Clapperton, _Travels in Northern and Central Africa_ - (London, 1826), p. 60 (Denham). - - Barth, _Travels_ (London, 1857), vol. iii. p. 293. - - Grant, _Walk across Africa_ (London, 1864), p. 196. - -P. 199. Cook, _Voyages_ (1842), vol. i. p. 425 (Friendly Islands); pp. -95-7 (Otaheite). - - La Perouse, _Voyage autour du monde_ (Paris, 1897), Atlas, No. 61. - - Wilkes, _United States Exploring Expedition_ (Philadelphia, 1845), - vol. i. pp. 331-2 (Wytoohee); vol. ii. p. 157 (Samoa). - -P. 200. Williams, _Fiji and the Fijians_ (London, 1858), vol. i. pp. -71-6. - - Wilkes, l. c., vol. v. p. 52. - - Wallace, _The Malay Archipelago_ (London, 1869), vol. ii. p. 159 - (the long journey); p. 92 (nail-less boats); pp. 183-6 (the Ke - islanders). [The author's text has been amended to conform with the - statements of Wallace.--ED.] - -P. 201. Dampier, _A New Voyage round the World_ (London, 1729), vol. i. -p. 429. - - Turpin, _Histoire de Siam_ (Paris, 1771), vol. i. p. 36. - -P. 202. Duarte Barbosa (Magellan), _A Description_, &c. (Hakluyt, -1866), pp. 147-8. - - Marco Polo, _Travels_, transl. by Sir H. Yule (London, 1903), vol. - i. p. 108. - -P. 203. Lobo, _A Voyage to Abyssinia_ (London, 1735), p. 24. - - Isaiah xviii. 2; see Kitto's _Pictorial Bible_, note on 2 Sam. xix. - 18. - -P. 204. Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_ (1862), vol. i. p. 169. - - Sir Gardner Wilkinson, _The Manners and Customs of Ancient Egypt_, - 3rd ed., 1878, vol. ii. p. 208, No. 403 (No. 399, 1st ed.). - - Lucan, _Pharsalia_, iv. 136 _Conseritur bibula Memphitica cymba - papyro._ - - Plutarch, _de Iride et Osiride_, 18. - - Pliny, vii. 56 _Nave primus in Graeciam ex Aegypto Danaus advenit: - ante ratibus navigabatur, inventis in Mari Rubro inter insulas a - rege Erythra_ (cf. ix. 10, and note on p. 190 above). _Reperiuntur, - qui Mysos et Troianos priores excogitasse, cum transirent adversus - Thracas. Etiam nunc in Britannico Oceano vitiles corio circumsutae - fiunt: in Nilo ex papyro, et scirpo, et arundine._ [The quotation, - as given in _J.A.I._, iv. 414, is inaccurate.--ED.] - - Huxley, _Trans. Int. Congr. Preh. Arch._, Norwich, 1868 (London, - 1869), p. 92; see also p. 147 above. - -P. 205. Owen, _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._, vol. iv. p. 240. - - Rosellini, _Monumenti dell' Egitto e della Nubia_ (Pisa, 1834), - Mon. Civ., Pl. cxix. 1, cxvii. 3 (= Plate XV. 109-11 herewith). - -P. 206. Prideaux; Markham, _A History of the Abyssinian Expedition, -with a chapter ... by Lieut. W. F. Prideaux_ (London, 1869), p. 101. - - Denon, _Voyages dans la Basse et la Haute Égypte_ (London, 1807), - vol. ii. p. 72. - - Belzoni, _Narrative of Operations and Recent Discoveries ... in - Egypt and Nubia_ (London, 1820), p. 62; (holds nine persons). - - Bruce, _Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile_ (London, 1790), - vol. v. p. 6. - -P. 207. Pliny, xiii. 2 refers to wooden boats; v. 2 to wickerwork: -_ibi Aethiopicae conveniunt naves: namque eas plicatiles humeris -transferunt, quoties ad cataractas ventum est_. - - Belzoni, _Narrative of Operations_ (London, 1820), pp. 380-1. - - Pliny, v. 2 (above). Lucan, _Phars._ iv. 136 (above). - - Herodotus, ii. 96. Wilkinson (Birch), 3rd ed., vol. ii. p. 307. - -P. 208. Homer, _Odyssey_, v. 241-261. Smith, _Dict. Gr. and Rom. -Antiq._, s. v. 'Navis.' - - Nydam boat. Engelhardt, _Denmark in the Early Iron Age_ (London, - 1866), pp. 29-39, Pl. i-iv. - - Tacitus, _Germania_, 44. - -P. 210. Regnard, _OEuvres_ (Paris, 1854), vol. i, _Voyage de Laponie_, -pp. 51, 100. - - Outhier, _Journal d'un Voyage au Nord, en 1736 et 1737_ (Paris, - 1744), pp. 60-1. - - Bell, _Travels from St. Petersburg in Russia to diverse parts of - Asia_ (Glasgow, 1763), vol. i. p. 168 ff. - - Atkinson, _Oriental and Western Siberia_ (London, 1858), pp. 14-15. - -P. 211. Belzoni, _Narrative of Operations, &c. ... in Egypt and Nubia_ -(1820), p. 62. - -P. 212. Wilkes, _U. S. Exploring Expedition_ (Philadelphia, 1845), vol. -i. p. 127. [Pritchard.] - - Kalm, _Travels into North America_ (London, 1771), vol. ii. p. 298. - - Lahontan, _New Voyages to North America_ (London, 1735), vol. i. - pp. 26-9. - -P. 213. Lane-Fox (Pitt-Rivers), _Report of the British Association_, -Brighton, 1872 (London, 1873), p. 163. - - Steinitz, _The Ship: its Origin and Progress_ (London, 1849), Pl. - xvi. 6. - -P. 214. Layard, _Nineveh and its Remains_ (7th ed., London, 1848), vol. -ii. pp. 381-2. Cf. Herodotus, i. 194. - - Lempriere, _A Tour from Gibraltar to Tangier_ (London, 1793), p. - 421. - -P. 215. Herodotus, i. 194. - - Kitto, _Pictorial Bible_, note on 2 Sam. xix. 18. Layard, l. c. - - Hamilton (Alexander), _A New Account of the East Indies, 1688-1723_ - (Edinb. 1727), vol. i. p. 88. They are described, even later, by - Sir R. K. Porter, _Travels in Georgia_, &c., 1817-20 (London, - 1821-2), vol. ii. p. 260; and figured in Rawlinson, _Herodotus_ - (1862), vol. i. p. 268, after Chesney, _Expedition for the Survey - of the Euphrates and Tigris_ (London, 1850), vol. ii. - - Buchanan, _A Journey from Madras through the countries of Mysore, - Canara, and Malabar_ (London, 1807), vol. ii. pp. 121, 141, 151, - 163. - -P. 216. Cook, _Voyages_ (London, 1842), vol. ii. pp. 303-4. - - Frobisher, _The Three Voyages of Martin Frobisher_, ed. Collinson - (Hakluyt Society, 1867), p. 384. - - Kerguelen, _Relation d'un voyage dans la mer du Nord_ (Paris, - 1771), pp. 178-9. - - Kalm, _Travels into North America_ (London, 1771), vol. ii. p. 241; - iii. p. 16. - - Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_ (London, 1862), vol. i. p. 148. - -P. 217. Caesar, _de Bello Civili_, i. 54. - - Lucan, _Pharsalia_, iii. 131-5. - - Bellenden, _The History and Chronicles of Scotland_, &c. 1536 - (Edinburgh, 1821), vol. i. p. lix. - - Sir W. Wilde, _Catalogue ... of the Royal Irish Academy_ (Dublin, - 1863), vol. i. p. 204. - - Ulloa, _A Voyage to South America, 1735_ (London, 1807), vol. i. - pp. 182-5. - -P. 218. Bartolomew Ruiz. See Benzoni, _Historia del Mondo Nuovo_ -(Venice, 1572), p. 165 (figure): reproduced in Benzoni (ed. Smyth: -Hakluyt Soc., 1857), p. 243: cf. Winsor, _Narrative and Critical -History of America_ (London, 1886), vol. ii. p. 508 (figure). - - Condamine, M. de la, _Relation abrégée d'un voyage fait dans - l'intérieur de l'Amérique méridionale_ (Paris, 1745), p. 30 (on the - Maranon, not the Chinchipe R.). 'Un exprès que j'avois dépêché de - Tupenda ... avoit franchi tous ces obstacles sur un petit radeau - fait avec deux ou trois pièces de bois, ce qui suffit à un Indien - nud et excellent nageur, comme ils le sont tous.' - - Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_ (London, 1862), vol. i. p. 177. - -P. 219. Bonwick, _Daily Life of the Tasmanians_ (London, 1870), p. 51. - - Williams, _Fiji and the Fijians_ (London, 1858), vol. i. p. 76. - -P. 220. La Perouse, _Voyage autour du monde_ (Paris, 1797), vol. ii. p. -94. - - Wilkes, _U. S. Exploring Expedition_ (Philadelphia, 1845), vol. i. - p. 331. - - Cook, _Voyages_ (London, 1842), vol. i. p. 425. - - Wilkes, l. c, vol. ii. p. 151 (Samoa); iii. pp. 365-6 (Fiji); v. - pp. 11-12 (Bowditch Island). - -P. 221. Dampier, _A New Voyage round the World_ (London, 1729), vol. -i. p. 215 (at Guam in the Ladrones; elsewhere he notes them 'only at -Mindanao' in the Philippines, pp. 298-300). - -P. 221. Pigafetta, _Voyage round the World_ (= Pinkerton (1811), vol. -xi. p. 325). - - Wilkes, _U.S. Explor. Exped._ (Philadelphia, 1845), vol. v. p. 52 - (Kingsmill Is.). - - Dampier, _A New Voyage, &c._ (1729), vol. i. p. 298 (Kingsmill Is., - and Ladrones). - - Baines, quoted in Wood, _Nat. Hist. of Man_ (London, 1868), vol. - ii. p. 8. - - Cook, _Voyages_ (London, 1842), vol. i. p. 425. - - Wilkes, l. c., vol. iii. p. 365 (Fiji); ii. p. 151 (Samoa). - -P. 222. Wilkes, l. c., vol. iii. p. 365 (Fiji); v. p. 52 (Kingsmill). - -P. 223. De Guignes, _Voyages à Peking, Manille, et l'Ile de France_ -(Paris, 1808), vol. iii. p. 402. - - Dampier, _A New Voyage round the World_ (London, 1729), pp. 298-300. - - Symes, _An Account of an Embassy to the Kingdom of Ava_ in 1795 - (London, 1800), p. 223 (= Pinkerton (1811), vol. ix. p. 455). - -P. 226. Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_ (London, 1862), vol. i. p. 175. - - Lahontan, _New Voyage to North America_ (London, 1735), vol. i. p. - 28. - - Lloyd, _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._, vol. iv. p. 28. - -P. 227. Wilkinson (Birch), _Manners and Customs of the Ancient -Egyptians_ (3rd ed., London, 1878), vol. ii. p. 219. - - - - -Oxford: Printed at the Clarendon Press by HORACE HART, M.A. - - - - - * * * * * - - - - -Transcriber's Note - - -Illustrations have been moved next to the text which they illustrate. - - -The following apparent mistakes have been corrected: - -p. xvi "parodoxical" changed to "paradoxical" - -p. 35 "haves hown" changed to "have shown" - -p. 46 "which I I am" changed to "which I am" - -p. 51 "which they resemble." changed to "which they resemble.[19]" - -p. 56 (note) "172-80" changed to "172-80." - -p. 62 (note) "DC." changed to "D.C." - -p. 76 "glaves" changed to "glaives" - -Plate XVI. "AUSTRALIAN SHIELDS" changed to "AUSTRALIAN SHIELDS." - -p. 158 "Pescheira" changed to "Peschiera" - -p. 172 "the Caucasus:" changed to "the Caucasus;" - -p. 186 (note) "The former" changed to "The latter" - -p. 198 "mats'." changed to "mats.'" - -p. 198 "persons'." changed to "persons.'" - -p. 214 "Bagdad" changed to "Baghdad" - - -The following possible mistakes have been left as printed: - -p. 31 use it. - -p. 72 (1846), vol. ii. 1. p. - - -The following are used inconsistently in the text: - -blowpipe and blow-pipe - -Butan and Bootan - -cocoa-nut and coco-nut - -firearms and fire-arms - -gipsies and Gipsies - -pl. and Pl. - -sheepskin and sheep-skin - -shipbuilding and ship-building - -wickerwork and wicker-work - -Inconsistent punctuation in plates XV and XVI has been retained. - - - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Evolution of Culture, by -Augustus Henry Lane-Fox Pitt-Rivers - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE EVOLUTION OF CULTURE *** - -***** This file should be named 44844-8.txt or 44844-8.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/4/8/4/44844/ - -Produced by Henry Flower and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The Evolution of Culture - and Other Essays - -Author: Augustus Henry Lane-Fox Pitt-Rivers - -Editor: J. L. 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You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The Evolution of Culture - and Other Essays - -Author: Augustus Henry Lane-Fox Pitt-Rivers - -Editor: J. L. Myres - -Release Date: February 8, 2014 [EBook #44844] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE EVOLUTION OF CULTURE *** - - - - -Produced by Henry Flower and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - -Transcriber's Note - - -Greek text is indicated by ~swung dashes~, and superscript text -by caret signs. - - - - - THE - EVOLUTION OF CULTURE - AND OTHER ESSAYS - - BY THE LATE - LT.-GEN. A. LANE-FOX PITT-RIVERS - D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A. - - EDITED BY J. L. MYRES, M.A. - STUDENT OF CHRIST CHURCH, OXFORD - - WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY - HENRY BALFOUR, M.A. - FELLOW OF EXETER COLLEGE, OXFORD - CURATOR OF THE PITT-RIVERS MUSEUM - - TWENTY-ONE PLATES - - OXFORD - AT THE CLARENDON PRESS - 1906 - - - - - HENRY FROWDE, M.A. - - PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD - - LONDON, EDINBURGH - - NEW YORK AND TORONTO - - - - -PREFACE - - -These Essays, or rather Lectures, contain the first-fruits of the -earliest systematic attempt to apply the theory of Evolution to the -products of human handiwork. In their original form they have long been -difficult to obtain; and they are reprinted now to supply the needs of -candidates for the Oxford Diploma in Anthropology, and of the numerous -visitors to the Pitt-Rivers Museum in Oxford. But they will certainly -appeal to a far wider public also, as a brief and authentic statement -of their author's discoveries. - -The four Essays are reprinted substantially as they were first -delivered and published. But verbal errors and actual misquotations -have been corrected; and allusions to specimens or diagrams exhibited -during the original discourses, but not published, have been replaced -so far as possible by references to similar objects figured in the -Plates. - -The Plates are photographic reproductions of the original -illustrations, with the exception of Plates V, XIII, XVII, XVIII. Of -these, Plate XIII has simply been re-drawn, from a faded original; -Plates XVII and XVIII have been translated, without loss of detail, -from colours to monochrome shading; Plate V has been reconstituted -from illustrations quoted in the text, with the permission of their -publisher, Mr. Murray. Plate XXI is reproduced, by permission of Sir -John Evans, from the paper which it illustrated originally. - -The footnotes demand a word of explanation. The author, as the original -publications show, was not precise in indicating his sources: he -frequently gave, as a quotation, the general sense rather than the -exact words of his authority; and occasionally his memory played him -false. In the reprint, the precise references have been identified, -and are given in full, and obvious errors in the text have been either -amended or corrected in a footnote. The editor desires to acknowledge -much valuable help in the search for references from Miss C. M. Prior, -of Headington. - - - - -CONTENTS - - - PAGE - - PREFACE iii - - INTRODUCTION v - - PRINCIPLES OF CLASSIFICATION (1874) 1 - - ON THE EVOLUTION OF CULTURE (1875) 20 - WITH PLATES I-V, AND XXI - - PRIMITIVE WARFARE. I (1867) 45 - WITH PLATES VI-XI - - PRIMITIVE WARFARE. II (1868) 89 - WITH PLATES XII-XVI - - PRIMITIVE WARFARE. III (1869) 144 - WITH PLATES XVII-XX - - EARLY MODES OF NAVIGATION (1874) 186 - - - - -INTRODUCTION[1] - - -It was about the middle of last century that an officer in Her -Majesty's Army began to apply the lessons which he had learnt in -the course of some of his professional experimental work to studies -pursued by him as a hobby in a far wider field of science. The story -of the famous ethnographical collection of Colonel Lane Fox is well -known, and I need but briefly refer to it. During his investigations, -conducted with a view to ascertaining the best methods whereby the -service firearms might be improved, at a time when the old Tower musket -was being finally discarded, he was forcibly struck by the extremely -gradual changes whereby improvements were effected. He observed that -every noteworthy advancement in the efficiency, not only of the whole -weapon, but also of every individual detail in its structure, was -arrived at as a cumulative result of a succession of very slight -modifications, each of which was but a trifling improvement upon the -one immediately preceding it. Through noticing the unfailing regularity -of this process of gradual _evolution_ in the case of firearms, he -was led to believe that the same principles must probably govern the -development of the other arts, appliances, and ideas of mankind. With -characteristic energy and scientific zeal Colonel Lane Fox began at -once, in the year 1851, to illustrate his views and to put them to -a practical test. He forthwith commenced to make the ethnological -collection with which his name will always be associated, and which -rapidly grew to large proportions under his keen search for material -which should illustrate and perhaps prove his theory of progress by -evolution in the arts of mankind. - -Although as a collector he was omnivorous, since every artefact -product fell strictly within his range of inquiry, his collection, -nevertheless, differed from the greater number of private ethnological -collections, and even public ones of that day, inasmuch as it was built -up _systematically_ with a definite object in view. It is unnecessary -for me to describe in detail the system which he adopted in arranging -his collection. His principles are well known to ethnologists, either -from the collection itself or from his writings, more especially from -the series of lectures which he gave at the Royal United Service -Institution, in the years 1867-9, upon 'Primitive Warfare'; from -his paper read before the Anthropological Institute in 1874 on 'The -Principles of Classification, as adopted in the arrangement of his -Anthropological Collection', which was then exhibited at the Bethnal -Green Museum; from that portion of the _catalogue raisonne_ of his -collection which was published in 1877; and from numerous other -papers dealing with special illustrations of his theory. Suffice it -to say that, in classifying his ethnological material, he adopted -a _principal_ system of groups into which objects of like form or -function from all over the world were associated to form series, each -of which illustrated as completely as possible the varieties under -which a given art, industry, or appliance occurred. Within these main -groups objects belonging to the same region were usually associated -together in _local_ sub-groups. And wherever amongst the implements or -other objects exhibited in a given series there seemed to be suggested -a _sequence of ideas_, shedding light upon the probable stages in -the evolution of this particular class, these objects were specially -brought into juxtaposition. This special grouping to illustrate -sequence was particularly applied to objects from the same region as -being, from their local relationships, calculated better to illustrate -an actual continuity. As far as possible the seemingly more primitive -and generalized forms--those simple types which usually approach most -nearly to _natural_ forms, or whose use is associated with primitive -ideas--were placed at the beginning of each series, and the more -complex and specialized forms were arranged towards the end. - -The primary object of this method of classification by series was -to demonstrate, either actually or hypothetically, the origin, -development, and continuity of the material arts, and to illustrate the -variations whereby the more complex and specialized forms belonging -to the higher conditions of culture have been evolved by successive -slight improvements from the simple, rudimentary, and generalized forms -of a primitive culture. - -The _earlier_ stages in these sequence series were more especially the -object of investigation, the later developments being in the greater -number of cases omitted or merely suggested. It was necessary for -Colonel Lane Fox to restrict the extent of the series, any one of -which, if developed to the full extent, would easily have filled a -good-sized museum. The earlier stages, moreover, were less familiar, -and presented fewer complications. The general principles of his theory -were as adequately demonstrated by the ruder appliances of uncivilized -races as by the more elaborate products of peoples of higher culture; -and, moreover, there was doubtless a great attraction in attacking -that end of the development series which offered a prospect at least -of finality, inasmuch as there was always a chance of discovering -the absolute origin of a given series. Hence the major part of his -collection consisted of specimens procured from savage and barbaric -races, amongst whom the more rudimentary forms of appliances are for -the most part to be found. - -The validity of the general views of Colonel Lane Fox as to evolution -in the material arts of Man was rapidly accepted by a large number of -ethnologists and others, who were convinced by the arguments offered -and the very striking evidence displayed in their support. I have heard -people object to the use of the term 'evolution' in connexion with -the development of human arts. To me the word appears to be eminently -appropriate, and I think it would be exceedingly difficult to find one -which better expresses the succession of extremely minute variations -by means of which progress has been effected. That the successive -individual units of improvement, which when linked together form the -chain of advancement, _are_ exceedingly small is a fact which any one -can prove for himself if he will study _in detail_ the growth of a -modern so-called 'invention'. One reason why we are apt to overlook -the greater number of stages in the growth of still living arts is -that we are not as a rule privileged to watch behind the scenes. Of -the numberless slight modifications, each but a trifling advance upon -the last, it is but comparatively few which ever meet the eye of the -public, which only sees the more important stages; those, that is to -say, which present a sufficiently distinct advance upon that which has -hitherto been in use to warrant their attracting attention, or, shall -we say, having for a time a marketable value. The bulk of the links in -the evolutionary chain disappear almost as soon as they are made, and -are known to few, perhaps none, besides their inventors. Even where the -history of some invention is recorded with the utmost care it is only -the more prominent landmarks which receive notice; the multitude of -trifling variations which have led up to them are not referred to, for, -even if they be known, space forbids such elaborately detailed record. -The smaller variations are, for the most part, utterly forgotten, -their ephemeral existence and their slight individual influence upon -the general progress being unrecorded at the time, and lost sight of -almost at once. The immediately succeeding stage claims for the moment -the attention, and it again in its turn becomes the stepping-stone upon -which the next raises itself, and so on. - -Before proceeding further, let me give as briefly as I can an example -of a development series worked out, in the main, upon the general line -of inquiry inaugurated by Colonel Lane Fox. It is commonly accepted as -a fact, which is borne out by tradition, both ancient and modern, that -certain groups of stringed instruments of music must be referred for -their origin to the bow of the archer. The actual historical record -does not help us to come to a definite conclusion on this point, nor -does the direct testimony of archaeology; but from other sources very -suggestive evidence is forthcoming. A comparative study of the musical -instruments of modern savage and barbaric peoples makes it very clear -to one that the greater portion of the probable chain of sequences -which led from the simple bows to highly specialized instruments of -the harp family may be reconstructed from types still existing in use -among living peoples, most of the well-defined early stages being -represented in Africa at the present day[2]. The native of Damaraland, -who possesses no stringed instrument proper, is in the habit of -temporarily converting his ordinary shooting-bow into a musical -instrument. For this purpose he ties a small thong loopwise round -the bow and bow-string, so as to divide the latter into two vibrating -parts of unequal length. When lightly struck with a small stick the -tense string emits a couple of notes, which satisfy this primitive -musician's humble cravings for purely rhythmic sound. Amongst many -other African tribes we find a slight advance, in the form of special, -rather slightly made bows constructed and used for musical purposes -only. In order to increase the volume of sound, it is frequently the -custom amongst some of the tribes to rest the bow against some hollow, -resonant body, such as an inverted pot or hollow gourd. In many parts -again, we find that the instrument has been further improved by -_attaching_ a gourd to the bow, and thus providing it with a permanent -resonating body. To achieve greater musical results, it would appear -that somewhere in Africa (in the West, I suspect) two or more small -bows were attached to a single gourd. I have, so far, been unable to -trace this particular link in Africa itself, but, curiously enough, -this very form has been obtained from Guiana. It may be thought that I -am applying a breaking strain to the chain of evidence when I endeavour -to work an instrument from South America into an African developmental -series. But, when we recall the fact that evidence of the existence of -_indigenous_ stringed instruments of music in the New World has yet to -be produced, coupled with the certain knowledge that a considerable -number of varieties of musical instruments, stringed and otherwise, -accompanied the enforced migration of African natives during the days -of the slave trade, and were thus established in use and perpetuated -in many parts of the New World, including the north-east regions of -South America, we may, I think, admit, with some confidence, that, in -this particular instance, from Guiana to Guinea is no very far cry, -and that the more than probable African origin of this instrument -from South America gives it a perfect claim to take its place in the -African sequence. I still anticipate that this type of instrument will -be forthcoming from some hinterland region in West Africa. Were _no_ -evidence at all forthcoming of such a form, either in past or present, -we should be almost compelled to infer that such a one had existed, -as this stage in the sequence appears to be necessary to prevent a -break in the continuity of forms leading to what is apparently the -next important stage, represented by a type of instrument common in -West Africa, having five little bows, each carrying its string, all of -which are fixed by their lower ends into a box-like wooden resonator. -This method of attaching the bows to the now improved body of the -instrument necessitates the lower attachment of the strings being -transferred from the bows to the body, so that the bow-like form begins -to disappear. The next improvement, of which there is evidence from -existing types, consists in the substitution of a single, stouter, -curved rod for the five little 'bows', all the five strings being -serially attached to the upper end of the rod, their lower ends to -the body as before. This instrument is somewhat rare now, and it may -well be a source of wonder to us that it has survived at all (unless -it be to assist the ethnologist), since it is an almost aggressively -inefficient form, owing to the row of strings being brought into -two different places at right angles to one another. The structure -of this rude instrument gives it a quaintly composite appearance, -suggesting that it is a banjo at one end and a harp at the other. This -is due to the strings remaining, as in the preceding form, attached -to the resonating body in a line disposed _transversely_, while the -substitution of a single rod for the five 'bows' has necessitated the -disposal of their upper attachments in a _longitudinal_ series as -regards the longer axis of the instrument. Inefficient though it be, -this instrument occupies an important position in the apparent chain -of evolution, leading on as it does through some intermediate types to -a form in which the difficulty as regards the strings is overcome by -attaching their _lower_ ends in a longitudinal series, and so bringing -them into the same plane throughout their length. In this shape the -instrument has assumed a harp-like form--a rude and not very effective -one, it is true, but it is none the less definitely a member of the -harp family. The modern varieties of this type extend across Africa -from west to east, and the harps of ancient Egypt, Assyria, Greece, -and India were assuredly elaborations of this primitive form. The -Indian form, closely resembling that of ancient Egypt, still survives -in Burma, while elsewhere we find a few apparently allied forms. In -all these forms of the harp, from the rudest Central and West African -types to the highly ornate and many-stringed examples of Egypt and -the East, one point is especially noteworthy. This is the invariable -_absence of the fore-pillar_, which in the modern harps of Western -Europe is so important, nay, essential a structural feature. In spite -of the skill and care exercised in the construction of some of the -more elaborate forms, none were fitted with a fore-pillar, the result -being that the frame across which the strings were stretched was -always weak and disposed to yield more or less to the strain caused by -the tension of the strings. This implied that, even when the strings -were not unduly strained, the tightening up of one of them to raise -its pitch necessarily caused a greater or less slackening of all the -other strings, since the free end of the rod or 'neck' would tend -to be drawn slightly towards the body of the instrument under the -increased tension. The mere addition of a simple, strut-like support -between the free end of the 'neck' and the 'body' would have obviated -this difficulty and rendered the instrument relatively efficient and -unyielding to varying tension. And yet, even in Western Europe, this -seemingly obvious and invaluable addition did not appear, as far as I -can ascertain, until about the seventh or eighth century A.D.; and even -then it seems to have been added somewhat half-heartedly, and a very -long time had yet to elapse before the fore-pillar became an integral -part of the framework and was allotted its due proportion in the -general design. - -I have purposely selected this particular series for my illustration, -not because it is something new--indeed, it is already more or less -familiar, and, maybe, has even some merit in its lack of newness, -since, in accordance with a popular dictum, it may urge a greater -claim to be regarded as true--nor because it is specially striking, -but rather for the reason that it illustrates suitably several of -the points upon which I wish briefly to touch. Even in the severely -condensed form in which I have been obliged to present this series of -developments from bow to harp, there is, I think, demonstrated the -practical application of several of the general principles upon which -is based the theory whereby Colonel Lane Fox sought to elucidate the -phenomena of human progress. - -A series of this kind serves, in the first place, to demonstrate -that the absence of historical and archaeological evidence of the -_actual_ continuity in development from simple to complex does not -preclude investigations into the early history of any product of human -ingenuity, nor prevent the formation of a suggestive and plausible -if largely hypothetical series, illustrating the probable chain of -sequences along which some highly specialized form may be traced back -link by link to its rudimentary prototypes, or even to its absolute -origin, which in this particular instance is the ordinary shooting bow -_temporarily_ converted into a musical instrument. Where an actual -chronological series is not forthcoming, a comparative study of -such types as are available, even though they be _modern_ examples, -reveals the fact that, if classified according to their apparent -morphological affinities, these types show a tendency to fall into -line; the gap between the extreme forms--that is, the most simple and -the most advanced--being filled by a succession of intermediate forms, -more or less completely linked together, according to the number of -varieties at our disposal. We are thus, at any rate, in possession of -_a_ sequence series. Is it unreasonable for us to conclude that this -reflects, in great measure, _the_ actual chronological sequence of -variations through which in past times the evolutionary history of the -instrument was effected, from the earliest rudimentary form? - -It is difficult to account, at all, for the existence of many of the -forms, such as I have briefly described, except on the supposition -that they are _survivals_ from more or less _early stages_ in a -series of progressive evolution; and, for myself, I do not believe -that so inefficient and yet so elaborate an instrument, as, to take -an example, the harp of ancient Egypt, Assyria, and India, could have -come into being by any sudden inventive process, by 'spontaneous -generation', as it were, to use a biological term; whereas, the innate -conservatism of the human species, which is most manifest among the -lower and more primitive races (I use the term conservatism, I need -hardly say, in a non-political sense), amply accounts for such forms -having been arrived at, since the rigid adherence to traditional types -is a prevailing characteristic of human culture, and only admits -of improvement by very slight and gradual variations upon existing -forms. The difficulty experienced by man, in a primitive condition of -culture, of emancipating himself from the ideas which have been handed -down to him, except by a very gradual and lengthy process, causes him -to exert somewhat blindly his efforts in the direction of progress, and -often prevents his seeing very obvious improvements, even when they are -seemingly forced upon his notice. For instance, the early Egyptian, -Assyrian, and Greek harps, as I have already stated, were destitute of -a fore-pillar, and this remained the case for centuries, in spite of -their actually existing in an environment of other instruments, such -as the lyre and _trigonon_, which in their rigid, unyielding frames -possessed, and even paraded, the very feature which was so essential -to the harp, to enable it to become a really efficient instrument. The -same juxtaposition of similar types, without mutual influence, may be -seen in modern Africa among ruder forms of these instruments. - -And yet, in spite of instances such as this--where a valuable feature -suggested by one instrument has not been adopted for the improvement -of another, even though the two forms are in constant use side by -side--we must recognize that progress, in the main, is effected by a -process of bringing the experience gained in one direction to bear upon -the results arrived at in another. This process of grafting one idea -upon another, or, as we may call it, the hybridization of ideas and -experience, is a factor in the advancement of culture whose influence -cannot be overestimated. It is, in fact, the main secret of progress. -In the animal world hybridization is liable to produce _sterile_ -offspring; in the world of ideas its results are usually far different. -A fresh stimulus is imparted, which may last through generations -of fruitful descendants. The _rate_ at which progress is effected -increases steadily with the growth of experience, whereby the number of -ideas which may act and react upon one another is augmented. - -It follows, as a corollary, that he who would trace out the -phylogenetic history of any product of human industry will speedily -discover that, if he aims at doing so _in detail_, he must be prepared -for disappointments. The tangle is too involved to be completely -unravelled. The sequence, strictly speaking, is not in the form of -a simple chain, but rather in that of a highly complex _system_ of -chains. The time-honoured simile afforded by a river perhaps supplies -the truest comparison. The course of the _main stream_ of our evolution -series may be fairly clear to us, even as far as to its principal -source; we may even explore and study the general effect produced -by the more important tributaries; but to investigate in detail the -contributions afforded in present and past of the innumerable smaller -streams, brooks, and runlets is clearly beyond any one's power, even -supposing that the greater number had not changed their course at -times, and even, in many cases, run dry. While we readily admit that -important effects have been produced by these numberless tributary -influences, both on the course and on the volume of the river, it is -clear that we must in general be content to follow the main stream. A -careful study of the series of musical instruments, of which I gave but -a scanty outline, reveals very clearly that numberless ideas borrowed -from outside sources have been requisitioned, and have affected the -course of development. In some cases one can see fairly clearly whence -these ideas were derived, and even trace back in part their own -phylogenetic history; but a complete analysis must of necessity remain -beyond our powers and even our hopes. - -It will have been observed that, in the example of a sequence series -which I have given, the early developmental stages are illustrated -entirely by instruments belonging to _modern savage races_. It was a -fundamental principle in the general theory of Colonel Lane Fox that in -the arts and customs of the still living savage and barbaric peoples -there are reflected to a considerable extent the various strata of -human culture in the past, and that it is possible to reconstruct in -some degree the life and industries of Man in prehistoric times by a -study of existing races in corresponding stages of civilization. His -insistence upon the importance of bringing together and comparing the -archaeological and ethnological material, in order that each might -serve to throw light upon the other, has proved of value to both -sciences. Himself a brilliant and far-seeing archaeologist as well as -ethnologist, he was eminently capable of forming a conclusion upon this -point, and he urged this view very strongly. - -The Earth, as we know, is peopled with races of the most heterogeneous -description, races in all stages of culture. Colonel Lane Fox argued -that, making due allowance for possible instances of degradation from -a higher condition, this heterogeneity could readily be explained by -assuming that, while the progress of some races has received relatively -little check, the culture development of other races has been retarded -to a greater or less extent, and that we may see represented conditions -of at least partially arrested development. In other words, he -considered that in the various manifestations of culture among the less -civilized peoples were to be seen more or less direct _survivals_ from -the earlier stages or strata of human evolution; vestiges of ancient -conditions which have fallen out at different points and have been left -behind in the general march of progress. - -Taken together, the various living races of Man seem almost to form a -kind of living genealogical tree, as it were, and it is as an epiphyte -upon this tree that the comparative ethnologist largely thrives; while -to the archaeologist it may also prove a tree of knowledge the fruit of -which may be eaten with benefit rather than risk. - -This certainly seems to be a legitimate assumption in a general way; -but there are numerous factors which should be borne in mind when we -endeavour to elucidate the past by means of the present. If the various -gradations of culture exhibited by the condition of living races--the -savage, the semi-civilized or barbaric, and the civilized races--could -be regarded as accurately typifying the successive stages through -which the higher forms of culture have been evolved in the course of -the ages; if, in fact, the different modern races of mankind might -be accepted as so many sections of the human race whose intellectual -development has been arrested or retarded at various definite stages -in the general progression, then we should have, to all intents and -purposes, our genealogical tree in a very perfect state, and by its -means we could reconstruct the past, and study with ease the steady -growth of culture and handicrafts from the earliest simple germs, -reflecting the mental condition of primaeval man, up to the highest -manifestations of the most cultured races. - -These ideal conditions are, however, far from being realized. -Intellectual progress has not advanced along a single line, but, in its -development, it has branched off in various directions, in accordance -with varying environment; and the tracing of lines of connexion -between different forms of culture, as is the case with the physical -variations, is a matter of intricate complexity. Migrations, with the -attendant climatic changes, change of food, and, in fact, of general -environment, to say nothing of the crossing of different stocks, -transmission of ideas from one people to another, and other factors, -all tend to increase the tangle. - -Although in certain instances savage tribes or races show obvious signs -of having _degenerated_ to some extent from conditions of a higher -culturedom, this cannot be regarded as the general rule, and we must -always bear in mind the seemingly paradoxical truth that degradation -in the culture of the lower races is often, if not usually, the direct -result of contact with peoples in a far higher state of civilization. - -There can, I think, be little doubt that Colonel Lane Fox was well -justified in urging the view that most savage races are in large -measure strictly _primitive_, survivals from early conditions, the -development of their ideas having from various causes remained -practically stationary during a very considerable period of time. In -the lower, though not degenerate, races signs of this are not wanting, -and while few, possibly none, can be said to be absolutely in a -condition of arrested development, their normal progress is at a slow, -in most cases at a _very_ slow, rate. - -Perhaps the best example of a truly primitive race existing in recent -times, of which we have any knowledge, was afforded by the native -inhabitants of Tasmania. This race was still existing fifty years ago, -and a few pure-blooded survivors remained as late as about the year -1870, when the race became extinct, the benign civilizing influence -of enlightened Europeans having wiped this extremely interesting -people off the face of the earth. The Australians, whom Colonel Lane -Fox referred to as being 'the lowest amongst the existing races of -the world of whom we have any accurate knowledge', are very far in -advance of the Tasmanians, whose lowly state of culture conformed -thoroughly with the characteristics of a truly primitive race, a -survival not only from the Stone Age in general, but from almost the -earliest beginnings of the Stone Age. The difference between the -culture of the Tasmanians and that of the Australians was far greater -than that which exists between man of the 'River Drift' period and -his Neolithic successors. The objects of everyday use were but slight -modifications of forms suggested by Nature, involving the exercise of -merely the simplest mental processes. The stone implements were of -the rudest manufacture, far inferior in workmanship to those made by -Palaeolithic man; they were never ground or polished, never even fitted -with handles, but were merely grasped in the hand. The _varieties_ of -implements were very _few in number_, each, no doubt, serving a number -of purposes, the function varying with the requirements of the moment. -They had no bows or other appliances for accelerating the flight of -missiles, no pottery, no permanent dwellings; nor is there any evidence -of a previous knowledge of such products of higher culture. They -seem to represent a race which was isolated very early from contact -with higher races; in fact, before they had developed more than the -merest rudiments of culture--a race continuing to live under the most -primitive conditions, from which they were never destined to emerge. - -Between the Tasmanians, representing in their very low culture the one -extreme, and the most civilized peoples at the other extreme, lie races -exhibiting in a general way intermediate conditions of advancement or -retardation. If we are justified, as I think we are, in regarding the -various grades of culture, observable among the more lowly of the still -existing races of man, as representing to a considerable extent those -vanished cultures which in their succession formed the different stages -by which civilization emerged gradually from a low state, it surely -becomes a very important duty for us to study with energy these living -illustrations of early human history, in order that the archaeological -record may be supplemented and rendered more complete. The material -for this study is vanishing so fast with the spread of civilization -that opportunities lost now will never be regained, and already even -it is practically impossible to find native tribes which are wholly -uncontaminated with the products, good or bad, of higher cultures. - -The arts of living races help to elucidate what is obscure in those -of prehistoric times by the process of reasoning from the known -to the unknown. It is the work of the zoologist which enables the -palaeontologist to reconstruct the forms of extinct animals from such -fragmentary remains as have been preserved, and it is largely from the -results of a comparative study of living forms and their habitats that -he is able, in his descriptions, to equip the reconstructed types of a -past fauna with environments suited to their structure, and to render -more complete the picture of their mode of life. - -In like manner, the work of the ethnologist can throw light upon the -researches of the archaeologist; through it, broken sequences may be -repaired, at least suggestively, and the interpretation of the true -nature and use of objects of antiquity may frequently be rendered -more sure. Colonel Lane Fox strongly advocated the application of the -reasoning methods of biology to the study of the origin, phylogeny, and -etionomics of the arts of mankind, and his own collection demonstrated -that the products of human intelligence can conveniently be classified -into families, genera, species, and varieties, and must be so grouped -if their affinities and development are to be investigated. - -It must not be supposed--although some people, through misapprehension -of his methods, jumped at this erroneous conclusion--that he -was unaware of the danger of possibly mistaking mere accidental -resemblances for morphological affinities, and that he assumed that -_because_ two objects, perhaps from widely separated regions, appeared -more or less identical in form, and possibly in use, they were -necessarily to be considered as members of one phylogenetic group. -On the contrary, in the grouping of his specimens according to their -form and function, he was anxious to assist as far as possible in -throwing light upon the question of the monogenesis or polygenesis of -certain arts and appliances, and to discover whether they are exotic -or indigenous in the regions in which they are now found, and, in -fact, to distinguish between mere analogies and true homologies. If -we accept the theory of the monogenesis of the human race, as most of -us undoubtedly do, we must be prepared to admit that there prevails a -condition of unity in the tendencies of the human mind to respond in a -similar manner to similar stimuli. Like conditions beget like results; -and thus instances of independent invention of similar objects are -liable to arise. For this very reason, however, the arts and customs -belonging to even widely separated peoples may, though apparently -unrelated, help to elucidate some of the points in each other's history -which remain obscure through lack of the evidence required to establish -_local_ continuity. - -I think, moreover, that it will generally be allowed that cases of -'independent invention' of similar forms should be considered to have -established their claim to be regarded as such only after exhaustive -inquiry has been made into the possibilities of the resemblances being -due to actual relationship. There is the alternative method of assuming -that, because two like objects are widely separated geographically, and -because a line of connexion is not immediately obvious, therefore the -resemblance existing between them is fortuitous, or merely the natural -result of similar forms having been produced to meet similar needs. -Premature conclusions in matters of this kind, though temptingly easy -to form, are not in the true scientific spirit, and act as a check -upon careful research, which, by investigating the case in its various -possible aspects, is able either to prove or disprove what otherwise -would be merely a hasty assumption. The association of similar forms -into the same series has therefore a double significance. On the -one hand, the sequence of related forms is brought out, and their -geographical distribution illustrated, throwing light, not only upon -the evolution of types, but also upon the interchange of ideas by -transference from one people to another, and even upon the migration -of races. On the other hand, instances in which two or more peoples -have arrived independently at similar results are brought prominently -forward, not merely as interesting coincidences, but also as evidence -pointing to the phylogenetic unity of the human species, as exemplified -by the tendency of human intelligence to evolve independently identical -ideas where the conditions are themselves identical. Polygenesis in -his inventions may probably be regarded as testimony in favour of the -monogenesis of Man. - -I have endeavoured in this review to dwell upon some of the main -principles laid down by Colonel Lane Fox as a result of his special -researches in the field of Ethnology, and my object has been twofold. -First, to bear witness to the very great importance of his contribution -to the scientific study of the arts of mankind and the development -of culture in general, and to remind students of Anthropology of the -debt which we owe to him, not only for the results of his very able -investigations, but also for the stimulus which he imparted to research -in some of the branches of this comprehensive science. Secondly, my -object has been to reply to some criticisms offered in regard to points -in the system of classification adopted in arranging his ethnographical -collection. And, since such criticisms as have reached me have appeared -to me to be founded mainly upon misinterpretation of this system, I -have thought that I could meet them best by some sort of restatement of -the principles involved. - -It would be unreasonable to expect that his work should hold good -in all details. The early illustrations of his theories were to -be regarded as tentative rather than dogmatic, and in later life -he recognized that many modifications in matters of detail were -rendered necessary by new facts which had since come to light. The -crystallization of solid facts out of a matrix which is necessarily -partially volatile is a process requiring time. These minor errors and -the fact of our not agreeing with all his details in no way invalidate -the general principles which he urged, and we need but cast a cursory -glance over recent ethnological literature to see how widely accepted -these general principles are, and how they have formed the bases -of, and furnished the inspiration for, a vast mass of research by -ethnologists of all nations. - - HENRY BALFOUR. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] Extracted from Mr. Henry Balfour's address to the Anthropological -Section of the British Association at Cambridge in 1904. - -[2] _The Natural History of the Musical Bow_, by H. Balfour: Clarendon -Press, Oxford, 1899. - - - - -PRINCIPLES OF CLASSIFICATION - -(1874)[3] - - -I gladly avail myself of the opportunity that has been afforded me of -explaining the principles of classification that I have adopted in the -arrangement of my collection, in the hopes that, by offering them to -the consideration of anthropologists, their soundness may be put to the -test, and that they may elicit criticism on the part of those who have -devoted their attention to the subject of primitive culture. - -The collection is divided into four parts. The first has reference -to physical anthropology, and consists of a small collection of -typical skulls and hair of races. This part of the collection, as it -relates to a subject that has received a large amount of attention -from anthropologists, and has been frequently treated by abler hands -than mine, I do not propose to enter into. The remainder of the -collection is devoted to objects illustrating the development of -prehistoric and savage culture, and consists of--Part II. The weapons -of existing savages. Part III. Miscellaneous arts of modern savages, -including pottery and substitutes for pottery; modes of navigation, -clothing, textile fabrics, and weaving; personal ornament; realistic -art; conventionalized art; ornamentation; tools; household furniture; -musical instruments; idols and religious emblems; specimens of the -written character of races; horse furniture; money and substitutes for -money; fire-arms; sundry smaller classes of objects, such as mirrors, -spoons, combs, games, and a collection of implements of modern savages, -arranged to illustrate the mode of hafting stone implements. Part IV -refers to the prehistoric series, and consists of specimens of natural -forms simulating artificial forms, for comparison with artificial -forms; a collection of modern forgeries for comparison with genuine -prehistoric implements; palaeolithic implements; neolithic implements; -implements of bronze, iron, and bone. - -The collection does not contain any considerable number of unique -specimens, and has been collected during upwards of twenty years, not -for the purpose of surprising any one, either by the beauty or value -of the objects exhibited, but solely with a view to instruction. For -this purpose ordinary and typical specimens, rather than rare objects, -have been selected and arranged in sequence, so as to trace, as far as -practicable, the succession of ideas by which the minds of men in a -primitive condition of culture have progressed from the simple to the -complex, and from the homogeneous to the heterogeneous. - -Many ethnological museums exist in this country and elsewhere, and -therefore, in claiming to have accomplished a useful purpose in forming -this collection, I am bound to endeavour to show that it performs some -function that is not performed by the majority of the other museums -that are to be found. I propose, therefore, to consider, in the first -place, what the defect of an ethnological museum usually is. - -The classification of natural history specimens has long been a -recognized necessity in the arrangement of every museum which professes -to impart useful information, but ethnological specimens have not -generally been thought capable of anything more than a geographical -arrangement. This arises mainly from sociology not having until -recently been recognized as a science, if indeed it can be said to be -so regarded by the public generally at the present time. Travellers, as -a rule, have not yet embraced the idea, and consequently the specimens -in our museums, not having been systematically collected, cannot be -scientifically arranged. They consist of miscellaneous objects brought -home as reminiscences of travel, or of such as have been most easily -procured by sailors at the seaports. Unlike natural history specimens, -which have for years past been selected with a view to variety, -affinity, and sequence, these ethnological _curiosities_, as they have -been termed, have been chosen without any regard to their history or -psychology, and, although they would be none the less valuable for -having been collected without influence from the bias of preconceived -theories, yet, not being supposed capable of any scientific -interpretation, they have not been obtained in sufficient number or -variety to render classification possible. - -This does not apply with the same force to collections of prehistoric -objects, which during the last ten or fifteen years have received -better treatment. It is to the arts and implements of modern savages -that my remarks chiefly relate. - -Since the year 1852 I have endeavoured to supply this want by selecting -from amongst the commoner class of objects which have been brought to -this country those which appeared to show connexion of form. Whenever -missing links have been found they have been added to the collection, -and the result has been to establish, however imperfectly, sequence in -several series. - -The primary arrangement has been by form--that is to say, that the -spears, bows, clubs, and other objects above mentioned, have each -been placed by themselves in distinct classes. Within each there is a -sub-class for special localities, and in each of these sub-classes, or -wherever a connexion of ideas can be traced, the specimens have been -arranged according to their affinities, the simpler on the left and the -successive improvements in line to the right of them. This arrangement -has been varied to suit the form of the room, or of the screens, or the -number of specimens, but in all cases the object kept in view has been, -as far as possible, to trace the succession of ideas. - -This is the distinctive difference between my collection and most -others which I have seen, in which the primary arrangement has been -geographical, that is to say, all the arts of the same tribe or -nation have been placed together in one class, and within this there -may perhaps have been in some cases a sub-class for special arts or -special forms. Both systems have their advantages and disadvantages. -By a geographical or racial arrangement the general culture of each -distinct race is made the prominent feature of the collection, and it -is therefore more strictly _ethnological_, whereas in the arrangement -which I have adopted, the development of specific ideas and their -transmission from one people to another, or from one locality to -another, is made more apparent, and it is therefore of greater -_sociological_ value. Different points of interest are brought to -light by each, and, in my judgement, a great National Anthropological -Collection, should we ever possess such a desideratum, can never be -considered complete until it embraces two series, arranged upon these -two distinct systems. - -Following the orthodox scientific principle of reasoning from the known -to the unknown, I have commenced my descriptive catalogue with the -specimens of the arts of existing savages, and have employed them, as -far as possible, to illustrate the relics of primaeval men, none of -which, except those constructed of the more imperishable materials, -such as flint and stone, have survived to our time. All the implements -of primaeval man that were of decomposable materials have disappeared, -and can be replaced only in imagination by studying those of his -nearest congener, the modern savage. - -This being the system adopted, one of the first points to which I -desire to invite your attention is the question, to what extent the -modern savage truly represents primaeval man, or rather to what extent -may we take the arts of modern savages to represent those of the first -progenitors of our species? - -In order to do this it is necessary to view the question in its -psychological aspects. This I shall touch upon as lightly as possible, -avoiding all technicalities, which in a cursory view of the matter, -might tend to confuse, and confining myself to those parts of the -subject which appear to have a direct bearing on evolution. - -It is a matter of common observation that animals act by instinct, that -is to say, that in the construction of their habitations and other -arrangements for providing for their wants, they act intuitively, and -apparently without the intervention of reason; and that the things -which they construct, though often of a more or less complex character, -are usually of a fixed type; that they are repeated by nearly all -animals of the same kind with but little variety; and that within the -limited space of time during which we are able to observe them, they do -not appear to be susceptible of progress, although evidence has been -adduced to show that animals, even in a wild state, do change their -habits to a certain extent with the change of external conditions. - -On the other hand, we recognize in many animals the operation of a -reasoning mind. In their efforts to escape, or when conditions of a -novel character are presented to them, they act in a manner that shows -clear evidence of intelligence, although they show this to a very -limited extent as compared with man. We also know that habits acquired -by animals during domestication, or taught them by the exercise -of their reasoning faculties, become instinctive in them, and are -inherited in their offspring, as in the familiar case of the pointer -dog. We also know that under domestication animals lose the instincts -acquired in a wild state. - -In the human mind we recognize the presence of all these phenomena, -only in a different degree. We are conscious of an intellectual mind -capable of reasoning upon unfamiliar occurrences, and of an automaton -mind capable of acting intuitively in certain matters without effort -of the will or consciousness. And we know that habits acquired by the -exercise of conscious reason, by constant habit, become automatic, -and then they no longer require the exercise of conscious reason to -direct the actions, as they did at first; as, for example, the habit -of walking upright, which the child learns with pain and labour, but -in time performs without conscious effort of the mind. Or the habit -of reading and writing, the learning of which requires a strong and -continuous effort of the intellect, but which in time becomes so -completely automatic that it becomes possible to read a whole page -aloud whilst the intellectual mind is conscious of being engaged in -other things. - -We perceive clearly that this automatic action of the brain is -dependent on frequent repetition by the intellectual brain, as in -the familiar case of learning by heart; and also that the transfer -of the action from the intellectual to the automaton brain--if -indeed there are separate portions of the brain allotted to these -separate functions, as appears probable--is a gradual and not a sudden -process, and that there are intermediate stages in which an action -may be performed partly by direction of the intellect and partly -automatically. This is shown in the case of a person who, wishing to -make an effective speech at a public meeting, reasons out his address -carefully, and then learns it partially by heart. When the time comes -to address the assembly, the speech having been partly referred to the -automaton brain, the intellect is relieved from action, and, being -unoccupied, is apt to wander and engage itself in other matters that -are passing at the time; but the automaton brain, being insufficiently -prepared to bear the whole responsibility, is unable to continue, and -the intellectual brain, having already started on a journey elsewhere, -is unable to return quick enough to take up the thread of the -discourse. The result is that the would-be orator breaks down pitiably -in the middle of his speech, owing to his having learnt his lesson too -well for one function of his mind, and not well enough for the other. -The same is seen in many business transactions, which, from frequent -repetition, become what is called a second nature, and in the conduct -of which the conscious intellect is partly freed from the control of -the actions. - -We see also that both automatic and intellectual activity are inherited -in different degrees by different persons. Thus it is a matter of -common observation that there are some persons who are able to acquire -with great facility the power of conversing upon simple subjects in -many different languages, whilst upon more complex subjects, requiring -intellectual effort, they never acquire the power of conversing in any -language. Thus, also, it is frequently seen that some children show -a remarkable aptitude for learning in their youth. It is said to be -a pleasure to educate them; everything speedily becomes automatic in -them; great hopes are entertained of their future prospects; but they -frequently become a grievous disappointment to their parents, who have -built castles in the air upon the strength of their apparent precocity, -whereas an acute observer might have seen that they had never from the -first showed signs of great intellectual capacity. On the other hand, -we hear of dunces who are the despair of their tutors, who can with -difficulty be taught to read and write and spell, but in after years -become philosophers and scientists, all which might have been foretold -from the first if the system of education had been such as to call -forth the intellectual powers. - -It is not merely that some inherit automatic capacity whilst in others -the capacity is intellectual. There is, without doubt, in both cases -an hereditary capacity for special things. Thus, whilst some acquire -a knowledge of music with facility, others can never be made to -appreciate a note of music, and so with respect to other arts. - -How then are we to account for this innate indifference in the -capacity of individuals, unless by supposing it to be proportioned -to the length of time during which, or the degree of intensity with -which, the ancestors of the individuals have had their minds occupied -in the particular branch of culture for which capacity is shown? -Unfortunately the difficulty of tracing the channel of hereditary -transmission stands in the way of obtaining any certainty on this -point, although the labours of our Vice-President, Mr. Galton, have -already thrown much light on this interesting subject. But on this -assumption, it is easy to account for the more perfect action of -instinct in the lower animals than in men, when it is considered -that the minds of their progenitors must have been confined to the -experience of those particular things for which instinct is shown, far -longer than is the case with man; and this brings us to the point which -has an important bearing upon the question before us, viz. that every -action which is now performed by instinct, has at some former period in -the history of the species been the result of conscious experience. - -But, in adopting this theory, it is not necessary to assume that the -ideas themselves have been communicated by hereditary transmission. -The doctrine of innate ideas, exploded by Locke, I believe, can never -again establish itself. What is inherited is no doubt a certain -organization of the nervous system, which, by repeated use through -many generations, aided by natural selection, has become exquisitely -adapted to the recognition of experience of a particular kind, and -which, by the constant renovation that is going on within the body, -has grown in harmony with those experiences, so that, when the spring -is touched, as it were, the machinery is at once set in motion; but, -until the necessary external conditions are presented to the mind, -there can be no consciousness of them in the mind. The mind creates -nothing apart from experience; its function is limited to building with -the materials presented to it through the medium of the senses. The -broader the basis of experience, the more lofty the superstructure that -can be raised upon it. Or, to use the words of Mr. Herbert Spencer[4], -'the supposition that the inner cohesions are adjusted to the outer -persistencies by accumulated experience of these outer persistencies, -is in harmony with all our actual knowledge of mental phenomena. Though -in so far as reflex actions and instincts are concerned, the experience -hypothesis seems insufficient; yet, its seeming insufficiency occurs -only where the evidence is beyond our reach. Nay, even here, such few -facts as we can get, point to the conclusion that automatic physical -connexions result from the registration of experiences continued for -numberless generations.' And further on he says: 'In the progress of -life at large, as in the progress of the individual, the adjustment of -inner tendencies to outer persistencies must begin with the simple and -advance to the complex, seeing that, both within and without, complex -relations, being made up of simple ones, cannot be established before -simple ones have been established.' - -From the foregoing considerations it follows that, in studying the -evidence of intellectual progress, the phenomena which we may expect -to observe are--firstly, a continuous succession of ideas; secondly, -that the complexity of the ideas will be in an increasing ratio in -proportion to the time; and thirdly, that the tendency to automatic -action upon any given set of ideas will be in proportion to the length -of time during which the ancestors of the individual have exercised -their minds in those particular ideas. Hence it follows, as a corollary -to this, that at the present time the tendency to automatic action -will be greater in the lower animals than in the higher, because the -minds of their progenitors have been exercised in the simple ideas, for -which instinct is shown, for a greater length of time than those of the -higher animals, amongst whom the simpler ideas have, at a comparatively -recent period in the history of the race, been replaced, or otherwise -modified, by ideas of a more complex character, which latter have not -yet had time to become instinctive. And this is in accordance with what -is practically observed in nature. - -Now, in applying these principles to the study of progress in man, we -must expect to find that the phenomena observed will be in proportion -to the spaces of time we have to deal with in treating of man as -compared with animals in general. - -Assuming this psychological standard of humanity to have been at the -level at which we find the highest of the lower animals that exist at -the present time, we may suppose primaeval man to have been so far -acquainted with the use of tools as to be able to employ a stone for -the purpose of cracking the shells of nuts, but incapable of trimming -the stone into any form that would answer his purpose better than that -into which it had been shaped by rolling in a river bed or upon the -seashore. - -By the repeated use of stones for this and similar purposes, it would -be found that, as Sir John Lubbock has pointed out, they sometimes -split in the hand, and that the sharp edges of the fractured portions -were more serviceable than the stones before fracture. By constant -repetition of the same occurrence, there would grow up in the mind of -the creature an association of ideas between the fracture of the stone -and the saving of labour effected by the fractured portion, and also a -sequence of ideas by which it would be perceived that the fracture of -the stone was a necessary preliminary to the other, and ultimately, by -still continued repetition, the creature would be led to perform the -motions which had been found effectual in cracking the stone before -applying it to the purposes for which it was to be used. So also in -using the various natural forms of the branches of trees which fell -into his hands, it would be found that particular forms were of use -for particular purposes; and by constant repetition there would arise -an association of ideas between those forms and the purposes for which -they were useful, and he would begin to select them for such purposes; -and in proportion to the length of time during which this association -of ideas continued to exist in the minds of successive generations of -the creatures which we may now begin to call men, would be the tendency -on the part of the offspring to continue to select and use these -particular forms, more or less instinctively--not, indeed, with that -unvarying instinct which in animals arises from the perfect adaptation -of the internal organism to external condition, but with that modified -instinct which assumes the form of a _persistent conservatism_. - -'The savage,' says Mr. Tylor, 'is firmly, obstinately conservative. -No man appeals with more unhesitating confidence to the great -precedent-makers of the past; the wisdom of his ancestors can control -against the most obvious evidence of his own opinions and actions.' - -In a similar manner mankind would be led to the conception of many -other ideas, but of the majority of them no record would be preserved; -it is only where the ideas have been associated with material forms -that any record of them would be kept in prehistoric times; and this -brings us to what I conceive to be the object of an anthropological -collection--to trace out, by means of the only evidence available, the -sequence of ideas by which mankind has advanced from the condition of -the lower animals to that in which we find him at the present time, and -by this means to provide really reliable materials for a philosophy of -progress. We may not be able to find in these objects any associations -that may lead us to form an estimate of the highest aspirations of -the mind at any period of its development, but their importance to -anthropologists consists in their value as evidence. Affording us -as they do the only available evidence of man in his most primitive -condition, they are well worthy of our attention, in order that by -studying their grammar, we may be able to conjugate their forms. - -Yet, although our data are thus limited to the material arts of -mankind, only a small portion of those of prehistoric races are -available for our purpose. As already said, only those tools and -implements which were constructed of durable materials have remained; -the rest have perished, and we have only the implements of existing -savages by which to judge of them. The question, therefore, is, to what -extent they may be taken as the representatives of the implements of -prehistoric men, seeing that in point of time they are contemporaneous -with the arts of the most civilized races, and not with those of -prehistoric races. - -Scattered over the world in various localities are savage races -showing various degrees of culture, some higher and some lower than -others, many of which have now been greatly influenced by contact with -civilized races, but of the majority of which we have more or less -detailed records, dating from the time of their first discovery by -Europeans, when their arts may be regarded as indigenous, or, at any -rate, free from any admixture with the arts of civilized races. - -If these savage races have been degraded from a higher condition of -culture, then, seeing that sequence of ideas is necessary to the -existence of any ideas whatever, we must inevitably find traces in -their arts of those higher arts from which they descended. But if, on -the other hand, they have risen from a lower state, and their present -savage condition arises from their having advanced less rapidly than -those races which are now above them in the social scale, then what are -the conditions which we must expect to find prevailing amongst them? - -We shall find, firstly, that the forms of their implements, instead of -showing evidence of having been derived from higher and more complex -forms, will, in proportion to the low state of their civilization, show -evidence of being derived from natural forms, such as might have been -employed by man before he had learnt the art of modifying them to his -uses; and secondly, we shall find that the persistency of the forms is -proportioned to the low state of their culture. - -Now this is found to be the case with nearly every race of savages of -whose condition we have any knowledge. Lowest amongst the existing -races of the world of whom we have any accurate knowledge are the -Australians. All their weapons assimilate to the forms of nature; all -their wooden weapons are constructed on the grain of the wood, and -consequently their curves are the curves of the branches out of which -they were constructed. In every instance in which I have attempted to -arrange my collection in sequence, so as to trace the higher forms -from natural forms, the weapons of the Australians have found their -place lowest in the scale, because they assimilate most closely to the -natural forms. - -Of this many examples may be given. I will not now again enter into the -history of the boomerang, to which I have already drawn the attention -of the Society on former occasions. Those who wish to see the subject -treated in greater detail will find it discussed in my catalogue of -the collection, in which are also given the authorities for many facts -that are mentioned here, and which the limits of time and space do -not enable me to quote at length. Suffice to say that the whole of -the Australian weapons can be traced by their connecting links to the -simple stick, such as might have been used by an ape or an elephant -before mankind appeared upon this earth, and I have arranged them so as -to show this connexion on the screens. Here also we are able to trace -the development of the idea of a shield to cover the body, which in -its simplest form is a simple parrying-stick held in the centre, and -which expands gradually into an oval shield. It is also shown upon the -screens how the simple waddy, or club with a lozenge-shaped head, by a -gradual development of one side, grew into a kind of wooden hatchet, -which ultimately became converted into a hatchet-boomerang. - -The whole of the Australian weapons, without exception, are of this -simple character, and in proof of the persistency with which this -nation has continued to employ the same forms, no further evidence -is necessary than the fact that they are the same, with but slight -variations, over the whole continent. The slight differences between -them, as Mr. Oldfield has pointed out, are so minute as scarcely to -be perceptible to a European, but sufficient to enable a native to -determine at a glance from what locality any specimen that may be shown -him has been obtained. - -But although all the connecting forms between the forms of nature -and the more advanced forms are found amongst the _existing_ weapons -of these savages, we are not to assume from this that the whole of -the progress observed has been effected in modern times. The whole -sequence of ideas connecting these weapons (which are now constructed -in a manner to show that the art of producing them is partly -automatic) was reasoned out by such processes of the mind as stood for -reason, at various former periods in the history of the race, each -successive improvement constituting a link in the chain of progressive -development. Each link has left its representatives, which, with -certain modifications, have survived to the present time; and it is by -the means of these _survivals_, and not by the links themselves, that -we are able to trace out the sequence that has been spoken of. - -This is the hypothesis put forward, and which I profess to justify by -the facts accumulated in this collection. - -Every form marks its own place in sequence by its relative complexity -or affinity to other allied forms, in the same manner that every word -in the science of language has a place assigned to it in the order of -development or phonetic decay. - -If there is such a thing as a science of language, and none can doubt -it, who shall affirm that there is no such thing as a science of the -arts? Language, it is true, embraces a wider sphere, and includes the -arts; but, on the other hand, it is liable to sources of uncertainty -for the purposes of science, from which the arts are free. Language -is impalpable, invisible to the eye, except through the medium of a -written character, which may or may not accurately express the sounds, -and subject to acoustic changes in the collection of the materials, -which are a perpetual cause of error and misclassification. - -In tracing the development of the material arts, on the other hand, -we have, in the earliest periods, the support of collateral evidence -afforded by the fauna with which they are associated and by geological -sequence, all which is wanting in the science of language. - -Why, then, has language hitherto received more scientific treatment -than the arts? Merely on account of the greater facility with which the -data are collected. Whilst words take seconds to record, hours and days -may be spent in the accurate delineation of form. Words cost nothing, -are packed in folios, transmitted by post, and stored on the shelves -of every private library. A million classified words may be carried in -the coat pocket without inconvenience, whilst a hundredth part of that -number of material objects require a museum to contain them, and are -accessible only to a few. This is the reason why the arts have never -been subjected to those classifications which form the groundwork of a -science. - -Then, again, in approaching prehistoric times, or in studying modern -savages who represent prehistoric man, language loses its persistency, -or fails us altogether. Although, in an advanced stage of civilization, -especially when it has been committed to writing, it affords the -surest test of culture, this is certainly not the case with the -lowest savages, amongst whom language changes so rapidly that even -neighbouring tribes cannot understand one another. And if this is the -case in respect to language, still more strongly does it apply to all -ideas that are communicated by word of mouth. In endeavouring to trace -back prehistoric culture to its root forms, we find that in proportion -as the value of language and of the ideas conveyed by language -diminishes, that of ideas embodied in material forms increases in -stability and permanence. Whilst in the earliest phases of humanity the -names for things change with every generation if not more frequently, -the things themselves are handed down unchanged from father to son and -from tribe to tribe, and many of them have continued to our own time, -faithful records of the condition of the people by whom they were -fabricated. - -Of the antiquity of savages we at present know little or nothing; -but when archaeologists have exhausted the antiquities of civilized -countries, a wide and interesting field of research will be open to -them in the study of the antiquities of savages, which are doubtless to -be discovered in their surface and drift deposits; and if the stability -of their form has been such as we have reason to believe, we shall then -be able to arrive at something like certainty in respect to the degree -of slowness or rapidity, as well as the order, in which they have been -developed. - -Leaving now the Australians, and turning to other existing races in -a higher, though still in a low, stage of civilization, such as, for -example, the Fijians, who at the time of their discovery were still in -the stone age, we find, on examining the forms of their implements, -that we are in a higher stratum of culture, the characteristics of -which correspond exactly to what might have been expected to be found -on the principle of gradual evolution. The forms of their tools and -weapons present the same connexions of form between themselves as -amongst those of the Australians, but they are of a more complex -type, and are no longer directly traceable to the natural forms of -the limbs of trees, &c. The links of connexion between weapons of the -same kind are as close as before, but in their varieties they present -forms so singular as scarcely to make it possible to infer that they -were designed for the purposes of use. They appear rather to have -varied through the instrumentality of some law of succession similar -to that by which species of animals have been evolved. In many cases, -indeed, the sequence of ideas has led to the use of forms that are -absolutely unserviceable as weapons and tools, and human selection, -corresponding to natural selection, appears to have retained for use -only such forms as could be employed, whilst the others have been -consigned to state purposes or applied to symbolic uses. In many cases -we find that their clubs have been converted into the forms of animals' -heads, and in all such cases (and there are several in the collection) -we see, by grouping a sufficient number of like forms together, that -those which are in the shape of animals' heads have not been designed -for the purpose of representing animals' heads, but their forms have -simply been evolved during the numerous variations which the weapon -has undergone in the process of development, and when the idea of an -animal's head suggested itself, it has merely been necessary to add an -eye, or a line for the mouth, in order to give them the resemblance in -question. Examples of this may be seen in the collection of specimens -from Africa, New Caledonia, New Zealand, and Solomon Isles. - -In ornamentation, the stability of form is very remarkable. Particular -forms of ornamentation fix themselves on a tribe or nation, and are -repeated over and over again with but little variation of detail, as, -for example, in the case of the coil and broken coil ornaments amongst -the New Zealanders and the inhabitants of New Guinea, which were -probably derived from Assam, or the representation of the head of an -albatross amongst the Indians of the north-west coast of North America, -or that of a human head amongst the inhabitants of New Ireland. - -In the transformations of this latter ornament, which I took occasion -to bring to the notice of the meeting of the Anthropological Department -of the British Association at Brighton in 1872[5], and which are -represented in Plate IV, we see a remarkable example of degradation of -form, produced by gradual changes, caused by these people in copying -from one another until the original design is lost. The representation -of a human figure is here seen to lose gradually its limbs and body, -then the sides of the face, leaving only the nose and ears, and -ultimately the nose only, which finally expands at the base, and is -converted into the representation of a half moon. In this sequence we -have an exact parallel to the transformations observed upon ancient -British coins by Mr. Evans[6], by which a coin of Philip of Macedon, -representing a chariot and horses, becomes converted by a succession -of similar changes into the representation of a single horse, and -ultimately into fragments of a horse. Other examples of similar -transformations from other countries are also shown. - -Amongst other advantages of the arrangement by form, is the facility it -affords for tracing the distribution of like forms and arts, by which -means we can determine the connexion that has existed in former times -between distant countries, either by the spread of race, or culture, or -by means of commerce. Thus I have been able to trace the distribution -of the bow over a large area, with evidence of its having spread from a -common centre. In the Asiatic islands and the Pacific, the line of its -southern boundary is very clearly defined, marking off as non-bow-using -races the whole of the inhabitants of Australia except Cape York, -Tasmania, and formerly New Zealand and New Caledonia. Above this line -the use of the bow spread from the Asiatic isles, and its transmission -to the Papuan and Polynesian isles is due to the Malays, the Malay -word for it--viz. 'panna'--being used over the whole of the region in -question with but slight variations. - -In the southern hemisphere, where suitable materials for the -construction of it are abundant, the bow is of the form of the arcus, -or simple arch; but in the frigid regions to the north, there are large -tracts in Europe, Asia, and America which are either totally destitute -of trees, or covered with coniferous forests, yielding few if any -woods that have sufficient spring for the construction of a bow, and -there is reason to believe, from the traces of forests discovered at -low levels beneath the soil in various places, that this inhospitable -region extended more to the southward in ancient prehistoric times. -In such a region it is unlikely that the invention of the bow should -have originated, and when the knowledge of it was communicated from the -south, it would be necessary to employ some other elastic material to -combine with the stiff pinewood, and give it the necessary elasticity; -hence the composite bow, which is the bow of the northern hemisphere, -and which consists of a combination of wood and sinew, or wood and -bone. In its varieties I have traced this bow over the whole of the -northern hemisphere, including Lapland, Siberia, and the northern -part of North America. It is the bow of the ancient Persians and -Scythians. The northern people carried it into India and into China, -and also eastward into America, where its distribution is traced in two -channels, one extending along the region inhabited by the Esquimaux -into Greenland, and the other along the west coast as far south as -California; and throughout the region mentioned, its varieties show it -to have sprung from a common prototype. - -Here also I may select, from amongst other illustrations of the same -kind that are to be found, a single example of the manner in which the -implements of modern savages may be made to explain the construction of -those of races of antiquity, described upon their monuments. Quivers -for arrows do not admit of much variety by which to trace improvement, -and for this reason they must have continued unchanged in form much -longer than contrivances which were susceptible of development; but -the combination of quiver and bow case in one, may be traced over the -whole of the region of the composite bow, the sinews of which made -it necessary that it should be kept dry. Mr. Rawlinson, in his _Five -Great Monarchies of the Ancient Eastern World_ (London, 1864, vol. -ii. p. 57), gives an illustration of an Assyrian quiver taken from -ancient sculptures at Khorsabad. 'It had an ornamental rod attached to -it, which projected beyond the arrows and terminated in a pomegranate -blossom or other similar carving. To this rod were attached the rings -which received the strap by which it was suspended to the shoulders.' -The learned author adds: 'It is uncertain whether the material of the -quivers was wood or metal.' The conventional mode of representing -these objects and the imperfect command which the Assyrians had over -the hard stone of the sculptures, give to the majority of the objects -represented, the appearance of having been constructed of some hard -material, as is clearly seen in the case of the hair and drapery; but, -on turning to the quivers now used by the Indians of California, we at -once see that the material of the quiver is explained by the form and -position of the above-mentioned rod, which is fastened on the outside -of it for the purpose of keeping the _limp_ skin bag that contains the -arrows stiff and straight, and thereby enabling the bowman to draw out -his arrows with the necessary rapidity. And this enables us clearly to -understand why, as stated by Mr. Rawlinson, not a single example of -a quiver was found in the Assyrian excavations. In the Californian, -as in the Assyrian quivers, the rod extends beyond the quiver, and is -probably intended to guard the arrows from injury. - -It is unnecessary in this place to add to the number of examples. The -object of this paper, as already stated, is to explain the principles -of classification. For the evidence on which these principles are -based I must refer you to the catalogue. Whether these principles of -classification are correct or not is a matter of less consequence than -the arrangement of the facts, by which every person is enabled to form -his own idea of the manner in which progress has been evolved in early -times. - -Human ideas, as represented by the various products of human industry, -are capable of classification into genera, species, and varieties, in -the same manner as the products of the vegetable and animal kingdoms, -and in their development from the homogeneous to the heterogeneous they -obey the same laws. If, therefore, we can obtain a sufficient number -of objects to represent the succession of ideas, it will be found that -they are capable of being arranged in museums upon a similar plan. - -The resemblance between the arts of modern savages and those of -primaeval man may be compared to that existing between recent and -extinct species of animals. As we find amongst existing animals and -plants, species akin to what geology teaches us were primitive species, -and as among existing species we find the representatives of successive -stages of geological species, so amongst the arts of existing savages -we find forms which, being adapted to a low condition of culture, have -survived from the earliest times, and also the representatives of -many successive stages through which development has taken place in -times past. As amongst existing animals and plants, these survivals -from different ages give us an outline picture of a succession of -gradually improving species, but do not represent the true sequence by -which improvement has been effected, so, amongst the arts of existing -people in all stages of civilization, we are able to trace a succession -of ideas from the simple to the complex, but not the true order of -development by which those more complex arrangements have been brought -about. As amongst existing species of animals, innumerable links are -wanting to complete the continuity of structure, so amongst the arts -of existing peoples there are great gaps which can only be filled -by prehistoric arts. What the palaeontologist does for zoology, the -prehistorian does for anthropology. What the study of zoology does -towards explaining the structures of extinct species, the study of -existing savages does towards enabling us to realize the condition of -primaeval man. To continue the simile further, the propagation of new -ideas may be said to correspond to the propagation of species. New -ideas are produced by the correlation of previously existing ideas in -the same manner as new individuals in a breed are produced by the union -of previously existing individuals. And in the same manner as we find -that the crossing of animals makes it extremely difficult to trace -the channel of hereditary transmission of qualities in a breed, so the -crossing of ideas in this manner makes it extremely difficult to trace -the sequence of ideas, although we may be certain that sequence does -exist as much in one case as in the other. - -Continuing still further the simile, we find that, as in the breeding -of animals, when the divergence of races has gone so far as to -constitute what is called distinct species, they cannot interbreed, -so when the development of ideas has run in distinct channels far -enough to create a hiatus, no intercommunication can take place. Two -men of very different culture may travel in the same coach together, -and, though speaking the same language, may find themselves unable -to communicate except upon commonplace topics in which the simple -ideas are common to both. Or two nations in very different stages of -civilization may be brought side by side, as is the case in many of our -colonies, but there can be no amalgamation between them. Nothing but -the vices and imperfections of the superior culture can coalesce with -the inferior culture without break of sequence. - -Progress is like a game of dominoes--like fits on to like. In neither -case can we tell beforehand what will be the ultimate figure produced -by the adhesions; all we know is that the fundamental rule of the game -is _sequence_. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[3] A Paper read at a Special Meeting of the Anthropological Institute -of Great Britain and Ireland on July 1, 1874, on the occasion of the -opening of the Anthropological Collection to the public: and published -in the _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, iv (1875), pp. -293-308. - -[4] _The Principles of Psychology_ (London, 1881), i.^3 pp. 424-6. - -[5] Address to the Department of Anthropology--Report of the British -Association, 1872 (London, 1873), p. 168. - -[6] _The Coins of the Ancient Britons_, by John Evans, F.R.S. (1864), -pp. 24-32. - - - - -ON THE EVOLUTION OF CULTURE - -(1875)[7] - - -If we accept the definition of the term science as 'organized common -sense', we necessarily reject the idea of it as a 'great medicine' -applicable only to particular subjects and inapplicable to others; -and we assume that all those things which call forth the exercise -of our common sense are capable of being scientifically dealt with, -according as the knowledge which we pretend to have about them is based -on evidence in the first place, and in the sequel is applied to the -determination of what, for want of a better word, we call general laws. - -But in using this term 'law', we do not employ it in the sense of a -human law, as a regulating or governing principle of anything, but -merely as deduction from observed phenomena. We use it in the sense of -a result, rather than a cause of what we observe, or at most we employ -it to express the operation of proximate causes; and of the ultimate -causes for the phenomena of nature we know nothing at all. - -Further, in this development of the principle of common sense it has -been said that the inductive sciences pass through three phases, which -have been termed the empirical, the classificatory, and the theoretical. - -Of these, the first or empirical stage may be defined as representing -that particular phase of unorganized common sense in which our -knowledge is simply a record of the results of ordinary experience, -such as might be acquired by any savage or uneducated person in his -dealings with external nature. - -But as this condition of knowledge might perhaps be denied the claim to -be considered scientific, it might be better perhaps to extend the term -so as to embrace all that can be included under a practical knowledge -of the subjects treated, in which these subjects are studied for their -own sakes, or on account of their practical uses to man, and not with -a view to generalizing upon them. - -In this way it may be said that agriculture represents the empirical -or practical stage of botany; mining, that of geology; hunting and the -domestication of animals, that of zoology; the trade of the butcher, -that of anatomy; navigation by means of the stars, that of astronomy. - -Passing now over the boundary line which separates what are generally -recognized as the physical sciences from the science of culture, in -which the subjects treated are emanations from the human mind, we find -that these also have their corresponding phases of development. - -Commencing first with the science of language, which has been the -earliest and perhaps the most important branch of human culture the -study of which has been scientifically treated as yet, we find that -Professor Max Mueller, in the series of lectures delivered in this -Institution in 1861-3,[8] has shown that the science of language -has its corresponding empirical or practical stage, in which it is -studied only for its own sake, or for its utility as a means of -intercommunication; not as a means of generalizing upon language as -a whole, but merely for the purpose of understanding the particular -languages which we wish to make use of in our intercourse with others. - -In like manner passing from language to the particular department -of culture which, for the reasons to be explained hereafter, I -shall make the subject of this discourse, viz. the material arts, I -shall endeavour to show that there exists also in relation to them -a practical or empirical stage, which is the stage that we are now -in with respect to them, in which we may include the whole of the -constructive arts of mankind, from the simple flint knife to the most -complex machine of modern times, when viewed from the standpoint of -the mechanic or the artificer, not as subjects for generalization, but -merely from an utilitarian point of view. - -There are many persons no doubt who regard utility, not as a primary -stage, but as the final and highest result of science. But the highest -achievements of science, even the highest practical achievements, would -never have been reached by the mere utilitarian. There is a force -within us by which we are moved in the direction of acquiring knowledge -for its own sake and for the sake of truth, regardless of any material -advantage to be derived from such knowledge. Sooner or later such -knowledge is sure to bear practical fruits, even though we may not live -to realize them. - -It is in this spirit that men of science have advanced to the -second or classificatory stage, in which, with a view to higher -generalization, the subjects studied are grouped together according to -their affinities, and specific points of resemblance are taken as the -representatives of each class. - -These classes are at first grouped round independent centres; but such -an arrangement of them, having no existence in reality, is purely -subjective and can only be transitional. The margins of the classes so -formed represent only the margins of our knowledge or our ignorance, as -the case may be. - -By degrees, as the classes become extended, sub-classes are formed, and -they are seen to arrange themselves in the form of branches radiating -from a central stem. By still further observation, the stems of the -several classes are seen to tend towards each other, and we are led to -trace them to a point of union. - -Thus from the classificatory or comparative we pass gradually into the -third stage, which I have spoken of as the theoretical, but which may -perhaps be more clearly defined as the evolutionary. By the use of this -term 'evolutionary' we make it apparent that our third stage is but a -development of the second, evolution being merely the necessary and -inevitable result of the extension of classification, implying greater -unity and broader generalizations. - -These three stages then, the empirical or practical, the classificatory -or comparative, and the evolutionary, are applicable to the development -of all the inductive sciences. - -But it has been held by some that a broad line of demarcation must -be drawn between the physical sciences properly so called, such as -zoology, botany, and geology, which deal with external nature, and -those sciences which have been termed historic, which deal with the -works of man. - -This question has been ably treated by Professor Max Mueller in the -series of lectures to which I have referred, a course of lectures -which must be regarded as a starting-point and basis of instruction for -all who follow after him in the same path. - -But in claiming for the science of language, and for language only, -a place amongst the physical sciences, he has made admissions to -opponents which, in my humble judgement, ought not to be made, and -which are inconsistent with that more extended view of the subject by -which I contend that, if language, then all that comes under the head -of culture must be included amongst the physical sciences. Thus, for -example, we find him admitting this passage as a sound and reasonable -argument on the part of those who deny the claim of language to be -included amongst the physical sciences: 'Physical science,' he says, -'deals with the work of God, historical science with the works of man.' - -Now if in dealing with what are here termed the historical sciences, -we were to take the subjects of such sciences, as for example the arts -or language, implements or words, and were to regard them as entities -to be studied apart from their relation to mind, and were to endeavour -to deduce from them the laws by which they are related to each other, -it is evident that we should be dealing with a matter which could not -be correlated with the physical sciences; but such a course would be -absurd. It would be as absurd to speak of a boomerang as being derived -by inheritance from a waddy, as to speak of a word in Italian being -derived by inheritance from a corresponding word in Latin; these words -and these implements are but the outward signs or symbols of particular -ideas in the mind; and the sequence, if any, which we observe to -connect them together, is but the outward sign of the succession of -ideas in the brain. It is the mind that we study by means of these -symbols. - -But of the particular molecular changes or other processes which -accompany the evolution of ideas in the mind, we know no more than -we do of the particular molecular changes and other processes which -accompany the evolution of life in nature, or the changes in chemistry. - -If then we are to understand the expression 'the work of God' as -implying the direct action of ultimate causes, it is evident that -we are not in a position either to affirm or to deny or to make any -statement whatever respecting such ultimate causes, which may operate -either as directly or as indirectly in the one case as the other. We -know nothing about them, and therefore to invoke ultimate causes as a -reason for distinguishing between the sciences is to take up a position -which cannot be scientifically maintained. - -With equal if not greater truth we may combat the assertion that the -science of culture is historical, whilst nature, on the other hand, as -dealt with by the physical sciences, is incapable of progress. However -valid this objection might have appeared during the empirical and -comparative stages of the physical sciences, it cannot be maintained, -since the researches of Darwin and others have fairly landed them in -their evolutionary phase. The principles of variation and natural -selection have established a bond of union between the physical and -culture sciences which can never be broken. History is but another -term for evolution. There are histories and histories, as any one may -determine who has read Green's _Short History of the English People_, -and compared it with the kind of matter which passed for history in -his school days. But our position with regard to culture has always -been one which has forced on our comprehension the reality of progress, -whilst with respect to the slow progress of external nature, it has -been concealed from us, owing to the brief span of human existence and -our imperfect records of the past. The distinction, therefore, between -the sciences, as historical and non-historical, is but a subjective -delusion, and not an objective reality; and herein, I believe, lies the -secret of most of those errors that we have to contend with. - -But the point in which I venture more particularly to differ from the -conclusions of the learned author of the _Science of Language_ is the -line which he has drawn between language and the other branches of -culture by including language amongst the physical sciences whilst he -excludes the rest. 'If language,' he says, 'be the work of man in the -same sense in which a statue, a temple, a poem, or a law, are properly -called works of man, the science of language would have to be classed -as an historic science'; and again he says, 'It is the object of these -lectures to prove that language is not a work of human art in the same -sense as painting, or building, or writing, or printing.' - -In dealing with this question it is material, as regards the relative -claims of language and the arts to be studied as physical sciences, -to distinguish between the general and the particular. If it is said -that language as a whole is not a work of human design, the same may -with equal truth be said of the arts as a whole. A man who constructs -a building, a tool, or a weapon, can no more be said to have devised -a scheme of arts, than the introducer of a new word can be said to -have invented a language; but each particular word bears the impress -of human design as clearly as a weapon or a coin. A word may be said -to be a tool for the communication of thought, just as a weapon is an -implement of war. - -But, says Professor Mueller, 'art, science, philosophy, religion, all -have a history; language or any other production of nature admits -only of growth.' But unless it can be shown that words are entities -having the power of generating and producing other words, which arts, -tools, or weapons, do not possess, the word growth can only be applied -figuratively to language as it is to the arts, and in that case growth -and history are synonymous terms. But this is absurd. Words, as I said -before, are the outward signs of ideas in the mind, and this is also -the case with tools or weapons. Words are ideas expressed by sounds, -whilst tools are ideas expressed by hands; and unless it can be shown -that there are distinct processes in the mind for language and for the -arts they must be classed together. - -But it is said, 'language has the property of progressing gradually -and irresistibly, and the changes in it are completely beyond the -control of the free will of man.' This, however, can only be accepted -relatively. We know that in certain phases of savage life the use of -particular words may be tabooed in the same manner that the use of -particular implements or weapons may be tabooed; but it would be quite -as hopeless for any individual to attempt to change the entire course -of the constructive arts as to change the form of a language; the -action of the individual man is limited in both cases to the production -of particular words or particular implements, which take their place -like bricks in a building. - -Man is not the designer in the sense of an architect, but he is the -constructor in the sense of a brickmaker or a bricklayer. - -But the difficulty of tracing fleeting words to their sources operates -to a great extent in effacing the action of the individual in language. -Words become public property before they are incorporated in a -language. It would be difficult to establish a system of patents for -new words. Here again we see that the line drawn between language and -the arts is a subjective delusion, not an objective reality. It is not -true that words do not originate with individual men, but merely that -we do not perceive it. - -Modifications of words, like modifications in the forms of the -arts, result from the succession of ideas or other causes affecting -particular minds. They obtain acceptance through natural selection by -the survival of the fittest. - -The chance which a new word or a new implement has of surviving depends -on the number of words or implements to be superseded, on their -relative importance to the art or the language, and the persistency -with which these superseded words or implements are retained. The truth -of this is seen in the fact that vocabularies change far more rapidly -than grammatical forms; because the same grammatical terminations are -employed with a large number of different words, and they are therefore -a more constant necessity of speech. - -Hence early and barbaric languages may be connected by their -grammatical forms long after their vocabularies have entirely changed. -The same truth is seen in the fact admitted by philologists, that in -small communities new words and modifications of words gain more ready -acceptance than in large communities; because the struggle of the new -words for existence is less in small than in large communities, and the -dialects therefore change more rapidly. And the same causes influence -the transformations which take place in the arts. Objects in common -use change more slowly than those which are but little employed; the -difference is merely one of degree and not of kind. - -In dealing with the arts, each separate contrivance occupies a larger -share of our attention, to the exclusion of any comprehensive survey -of them as a whole. The arts present themselves to our mental vision -on a larger scale, and we view them analytically; we are as it were in -the brickmaker's yard seeing each brick turned out of hand, whereas in -dealing with language we see only the finished building; the details -are lost. We view language synthetically. The arts may be said to -present themselves to us as a sea beach in detached fragments; language -in the form of a compact sandstone. The empiric or the utilitarian may -deny that there is any resemblance between them; but the geologist -knows that the mode of deposition has been the same in both cases, and -he classes the whole as rocks. - -Then again there are facilities for collecting and arranging the data -for the study of language which do not exist in the case of the arts. -Whilst words take seconds to record, hours and days may be spent in -the accurate delineation of form. Words cost nothing, may be packed -in folios, transmitted by post, and stored on the shelves of every -private library. Ten thousand classified words may be carried in -the coat pocket without inconvenience, whilst a tenth part of that -number of material objects require a museum to contain them, and are -accessible only to a few: this is the reason why the arts have never -been subjected to those classifications which form the groundwork of a -science. - -But when we say that words and implements are both tools employed -for the expression of thought, it is important to bear in view one -difference between them, which has a practical bearing on the relative -value of the two studies as a means of tracing the evolution of culture -in prehistoric times and amongst savages. The word is the tool of the -ear, the implement the tool of the eye; and for this reason language is -the science of historic times, whilst the arts constitute the subject -of science to be studied in relation to prehistoric times. - -Every new tool or weapon formed by the hand of man retains the same -form as long as it continues to exist; it may be handed from man to -man, from tribe to tribe, from father to son, from one generation -to another; or, buried in the soil, it may under special conditions -continue for untold ages without change of form, until in our time it -may be discovered and employed as evidence of the condition of the arts -at the time it was fabricated. Very different, however, is the history -of words. Each word coined by the exercise of the inventive faculty of -man to express an idea is liable to change as it passes from mouth to -ear. Its continued identity is dependent solely on memory, and it is -subject to phonetic and acoustic changes from which the forms of the -arts are exempt. - -When by the invention of writing each word receives its equivalent in -forms that are appreciable to the sense of sight, it gains stability, -which places it on a footing of equality with the arts, and enables us -to trace with certainty the changes it has undergone; and therefore -in historic times language is the surest test of social contact that -we can have. But in prehistoric times, before it had acquired this -permanence through the invention of writing, the forms of language -were, to use Mr. Sayce's expression, in a constant state of flux. - -The truth of this is seen in the immense number of dialects and -languages employed by savages at the present time. Thus amongst the -one hundred islands occupied by the Melanesian race, the Bishop of -Wellington tells us, and his statement is confirmed by the late -lamented Bishop Patteson, that there are no less than two hundred -languages, differing so much that the tribes can have but very little -interchange of thought; and similar accounts are given of rapid changes -of language in Cambodia, Siberia, Central Africa, North, Central, and -South America. - -The greater stability of the material arts as compared with the -fluctuations in the language of a people in a state of primaeval -savagery, is well shown by a consideration of the weapons of the -Australians, and the names by which they are known in the several parts -of that continent. These people, from the simplicity of their arts, -afford us the only living examples of what we may presume to have been -the characteristics of a primitive people. Their weapons are the same -throughout the continent; the shield, the throwing-stick, the spear, -the boomerang, and their other weapons differ only in being thicker, -broader, flatter, or longer, in different localities; but whether -seen on the east or the west coast, each of these classes of weapons -is easily recognized by its form and uses. On the other hand, amongst -the innumerable languages and dialects spoken by these people, it -would appear that almost every tribe has a different name for the same -weapon. The narrow parrying-shield, which consists of a piece of wood -with a place for the hand in the centre, in South Australia goes by -the name of 'heileman', in other parts it is known under the name of -'mulabakka', in Victoria it is 'turnmung', and on the west coast we -have 'murukanye' and 'tamarang' for the same implement very slightly -modified in size and form. Referring to the comparative table of -Australian languages compiled by the Rev. George Taplin, in the first -number of the _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_ (i, 1872, pp. -84-8), we find the throwing-stick, which on the Murray River is known -by the name of 'yova', on the Lower Darling is 'yarrum', in New South -Wales it is 'wommurrur', in Victoria 'karrick', on Lake Alexandrina -'taralye', amongst the Adelaide tribes of South Australia it is -'midla', in other parts of South Australia it is called 'ngeweangko', -and in King George's Sound 'miro'. - -From these considerations we arrive at the conclusion that in the -earliest stages of culture the arts are far more stable than language: -whilst the arts are subject only, or chiefly, to those changes which -result from growth, language, in addition to those which result from -growth, is also affected by changes arising from phonetic decay. - -The importance therefore of studying the grammar, so to speak, of the -arts becomes apparent, as it is by this means alone that we can trace -out the origin and evolution of culture in the earliest times. - -The task before us is to follow by means of them the succession of -ideas by which the mind of man has developed, from the simple to the -complex, and from the homogeneous to the heterogeneous; to work out -step by step, by the use of such symbols as the arts afford, that -law of contiguity by which the mind has passed from simple cohesion -of states of consciousness to the association of ideas, and so on to -broader generalizations. - -This development has to be considered under the two heads of culture -and constitution, that is to say, that we have to consider not only the -succession of ideas in the mind resulting from experience, but also the -development by inheritance of the internal organism of the mind itself, -or, to use the words of Mr. Herbert Spencer, 'In the progress of life -at large, as in the progress of the individual, the adjustment of -inner tendencies to outer persistencies must begin with the simple and -advance to the complex, seeing that, both within and without, complex -relations, being made up of simple ones, cannot be established before -simple ones have been established' (_Princ. of Psych._, i^3, p. 426). - -We find no difficulty in assenting to the general proposition that -culture has been a work of progress. Our difficulty lies in realizing -the slow stages of its early development, owing to the complexities -both of our mental constitution and of the contemporaneous culture -from which experience is drawn, or, again to use Mr. Spencer's more -expressive words, of our 'inner tendencies', and 'outer persistencies'; -we are apt to regard as intuitive, if not congenital, many simple -ideas which in early culture can only have been worked out through the -exercise of experience and reason during a long course of ages. - -We see this error of our own minds constantly displayed in the -education of children. The ideas in a child's mind, like those of -mankind at large, are necessarily built up in sequence. The instructor -makes use of some word, the meaning of which is clearly understood -by him, but which does not fall into the sequence of the child's -reasoning; the conception associated with it in the child's mind must, -however, necessarily conform to such sequence. Hence a confusion of -ideas, which is often attributed to the stupidity of the child, but -which is in reality due to the inexperience of the instructor; as, -for instance, in the case exemplified by Pip, in Dickens' _Great -Expectations_, who, having imbibed the precept that he was to 'walk in -the same all the days of his life', was led by his sequence of ideas to -infer therefrom that he was invariably to walk to school by the same -path, and on no account go round by the pastrycook's. - -And so in studying savages and early races whose mental development -corresponds in some degree to that of children, we have to guard -against this automorphism, as Mr. Spencer terms it; that is to say, the -tendency to estimate the capacity of others by our own, which appears -almost completely to incapacitate some people from dealing with the -subject. - -The question of the free will of man enters largely into this study. I -shall not be expected to say much upon a subject which has so lately -occupied the attention of the public, having been discussed by some of -our ablest scientists; but I cannot avoid quoting, in reference to this -point, a passage from Dr. Carpenter's _Mental Physiology_, who in this -controversy is certainly entitled to be regarded as the champion of -free will; and therefore by quoting him we run no risk of overstating -the case against free will. 'Our mental activity,' he says (p. 25), is -'entirely spontaneous or automatic, being determined by our congenital -nervous organism.... It may be stated as a fundamental principle that -the will can never originate any form of mental activity....' But -it has the power, he continues, of selecting any one out of several -objects that present themselves either simultaneously or successively -before the mental vision, and of so limiting and intensifying the -impression which that particular object makes upon the consciousness, -that all others shall be for the time non-existent to it. - -The truth of this, in so far as regards the limitation of the will, -cannot fail to force itself upon the student of culture. It is, -I venture to think, by classifying and arranging in evolutionary -order the actual facts of the manifestations of mind, as seen in the -development of the arts, institutions, and languages of mankind, no -less than by comparative anatomy, and far more than by metaphysical -speculation, that we shall arrive at a solution of the question, -to what extent the mental Ego has been, to use Professor Huxley's -expression, a conscious spectator of what has passed. - -I propose, therefore, with your permission, to give a few examples, -by means of diagrams, of material evolution derived from the earliest -phases of culture. In language and in all ideas communicated by word -of mouth there is a hiatus between the limits of our knowledge and the -origin of culture which can never be bridged over, but we may hold in -our hand the first tool ever created by the hand of man. - -It has been said that the use of speech is the distinctive quality of -man. But how can we know that? We are literally surrounded by brute -language. We can imitate their calls, and we find that animals will -respond to our imitations of them. But who has ever seen any of the -lower animals construct a tool and use it. - -The conception of man, not as a tool-_using_ but as a tool-_making_ -animal, is clear, defined, and unassailable; probably if we could -trace language to its sources, we should be able to draw the same line -between natural sounds employed as a medium of communication, and the -created word. Thus the arts which we can study may perhaps be taken to -illustrate the origin of language, which we cannot study in this phase. - -The ape employs both sticks and stones as missiles and as hammers to -crack the shells of nuts. But we have no evidence that he ever selects -special forms for special uses. The arts therefore afford us a clearly -defined starting-point for the commencement of culture. - -To go in search of a particular form of stick or stone in order to -apply it to a particular use would require greater effort of the will -in fixing attention continuously on the matter in hand than is found to -exist amongst the lower animals except in cases of instinct, which term -I understand to mean an inherited congenital nervous organism which -adapts the mind to the ready reception of experience of a particular -kind. But this instinct does not exist in the case in question; there -is no tool-making instinct: our tool has to be evolved through reason -and experience, without the aid of any special organism for the purpose. - -The process we have to assume therefore is that, in using stones as -hammers, they would occasionally split. In using certain stratified -rocks this would occur frequently, and so force itself on the attention -of the creature. The creature going on hammering, it would force itself -on his notice that the sharp fractured end was doing better work than -before. It would be perceived that there were hard things and soft -things, that the hard things split the stone, and the soft things were -cut by it; and so there would grow up in the mind an association of -ideas between striking hard things and splitting, and striking soft -things and cutting, and also a sequence by which it would be perceived -that the fracture of the stone was a necessary preliminary to the -other; and in the course of many generations, during which the internal -organism of the mind grew in harmony with this experience, the creature -would be led to perform the motions which had been found effectual in -splitting the stone before applying it to the purposes for which it was -to be used. - -Thus we arrive at a state of the arts in which we may suppose man to -be able to construct a tool by means of a single blow. By constantly -striking in the same direction, flakes would be produced; and by still -further repeating the same motions, it would at last be found that by -means of many blows a stone could be chipped to an edge or a point so -as to form a very efficient tool. - -But this continued chipping of the stone in order to produce a tool, -implies a considerable mental advance upon the effort of mind necessary -to construct a tool with one blow. - -It implies continued attention directed by the will to the -accomplishment of an object already conceived in the mind, and its -subsequent application to another object which must also have been -conceived in the mind before the tool was begun. - -Now we know from all experience, and from all evolution which we can -trace with certainty, that progress moves on in an accelerating ratio, -and that the earlier processes take longer than the later ones. - -[Illustration: PLATE XII. - -_Diagram 1._] - -But the implements of the drift, which are the earliest relics of human -workmanship as yet recognized, are most of them multi-flaked tools, -such as the implements figured on Plate XII, Nos. 1-10, requiring a -considerable time to construct, and the use of innumerable blows in -order to trim to a point at one end. - -It appears therefore evident that in the natural course of events -the drift period must have been preceded by an earlier period of -considerable extent characterized by the use of single-flaked tools. -And we may therefore consider it probable that should any evidences of -man be hereafter discovered in miocene beds, they will be associated -with such large rude flakes as those now exhibited, which require a -feebler effort of attention and of reason to construct. - -If we examine the forms of the flint implements of the drift, we -find that out of many intermediate shapes we may recognize three in -particular, which have been minutely described by Mr. Evans in his -valuable work on the stone implements of Britain[9]: (1) a side-tool, -consisting of a flint chipped to an edge on one side and having the -natural rounded outside of the flint left on the other side, where it -appears to have been held in the hand; (2) a tongue-shaped implement -chipped to a point at one end, and having the rounded surface for the -hand at the big end; and (3) an oval or almond-shaped tool, which is -often chipped to an edge all round. - -We have no evidence to show which of these kind of tools was the -earliest; but that they were employed for different uses there can be -little reason to doubt. But have we any evidence to throw light on the -way in which these several forms originated in the minds of men in the -very low condition of mental development which we may suppose to have -existed at the time? - -About eight years ago, whilst examining the ancient British camps on -the South Downs, I chanced to discover in the camp of Cissbury, near -Worthing, a large flint factory of the neolithic age. There were some -sixty or more pits from which flints had been obtained from the chalk, -and these pits were full of the debris of the flint-workers. The -factory was of the neolithic age, the most characteristic tool of which -is the flint celt, a form which differs but slightly from the oval -or almond-shaped palaeolithic form, but the cutting edge of which is -more decidedly at the broad end. The debris, some six hundred or more -specimens of which were collected, consisted chiefly of these celts in -various stages of manufacture. - -If any one will attempt to make a flint celt, as I have done sometimes -(and Mr. Evans, from whom I learnt that art, has done frequently), he -will find that it is difficult to command the fracture of the flint -with certainty; every now and then a large piece will come off, or a -flaw will be discovered which spoils the symmetry of the tool, and it -has to be thrown away. In arranging and classifying the remains of this -flint factory, I found that all the palaeolithic forms were represented -by one or other of these unfinished celts, so much so as to make it -doubtful whether some of them may not actually have been used like them. - -A celt finished at the thin end, and abandoned before the cutting edge -was completed, represented a tongue-shaped palaeolithic implement; a -celt finished only on one side represented a palaeolithic side-tool; -and a celt rudely chipped out, and abandoned before receiving its -finishing strokes, represented almost exactly an oval palaeolithic -tool, only differing from it in being somewhat rougher, and showing -evidence of unfinish. - -Taking a lesson then from this flint-worker's shop of the later -neolithic age, we see how the earlier palaeolithic forms originated. -They were not designed outright, as the nineteenth-century man would -have designed them for special uses, but arose from a selection of -varieties produced accidentally in the process of manufacture. The -forms were also suggested by those of the nodules out of which they -were made. We see, by examining the outside surfaces that were left on -some of them, how a long thin nodule produced a long thin celt, a broad -thick nodule a broad thick celt, and so forth. Indeed, so completely -does the fabricator appear to have been controlled by the necessities -of his art, that in tracing these successive forms one is almost -tempted to ask whether the principle of causation lay mostly in the -flint or in the flint-worker, so fully do they bear out the statement -of Dr. Carpenter and the other physiologists, that nothing originates -in the free will of man. - -[Illustration: PLATE I.] - -[Illustration: PLATE II.] - -On these two diagrams (Plates I and II) I have shown how, from the same -form of palaeolithic implement already described, the more complex -forms of the spear and axe-blade of the subsequent periods were -developed. The point developed into a spear, and the broad end into an -axe-blade. You will see by reference to Plate I that the oval tool of -the drift suggested the smaller leaf-shaped spear-head of the early -neolithic age. This, by a gradual straightening of the sides, became -the lozenge-shaped form, which latter developed into the barbed form, -and this last into the triangular form, which consists of barbs without -a tang. - -On the other hand, this same oval tool of the drift (Plate II), when -used as an axe-blade with the broad end, became the celt of the -neolithic period, chipped only at first and subsequently polished. This -gave rise to the copper celt of the same form having convex surfaces, -which grew into the bronze celt with flat sides. Then the bronze celt -was furnished with a stop to prevent its being pressed too far into -the handle by the blow. Others were furnished with projecting flanges -to prevent them from swerving by the blow when hafted on a bent stick. -Others had both stops and flanges. By degrees the flanges were bent -over the stops and over the handle, and then the central portion above -the stops, being no longer required, became thinner, and ultimately -disappeared, the flanges closed on each other, and by this means the -weapon grew into the socket celt. On this socket celt you will see that -there is sometimes a semicircular ornamentation on each side. This -semicircular ornament, as I pointed out in a paper on primitive warfare -read some time ago, is a vestige of the overlapping flange of the -earlier forms out of which it grew, which, like the rings on our brass -cannon, are survivals of parts formerly serving for special uses (pp. -182-3 below). - -In the vertical columns I have given, in the order of their -occurrence, the successive periods of prehistoric time, viz. the early -palaeolithic, late palaeolithic, early neolithic, late neolithic, -early bronze, late bronze and iron periods, beneath which I have placed -lines for two distinct phases of modern savage culture, viz. the -Australian and the American Indian. A cross beneath each form denotes -the periods in which they occur, and a vertical bar denotes that they -are of rare or doubtful occurrence; so that the sequence of development -may be seen at a glance, and it is only a glance that I ask you to take -at these diagrams on the present occasion. I have checked them with Mr. -Evans' work and also with Sir William Wilde's Catalogue,[10] and I do -not think that any of the statements made in them will be challenged; -but as these forms were not developed for the purpose of filling in the -spaces in rectangular diagrams, such diagrams only imperfectly convey -an idea of the evolution which has taken place, and must be regarded -only as provisional and liable to be improved. - -In tracing the evolution of prehistoric implements, we are of course -limited to such as were constructed of imperishable materials. No doubt -our prehistoric ancestors used also implements of wood, but they have -long since disappeared; and if we wish to form an idea of what they -were, we must turn to those of his nearest congener, the modern savage. - -In speaking of savages, the question of progression versus degeneration -is probably familiar to most of those present, through the writings of -Sir John Lubbock and Mr. E. B. Tylor. To the several weighty arguments -in favour of progression given by those writers I will add this one -derived from the sequence of ideas. - -If the Australians, for example, were the degenerate descendants of -people in a higher phase of culture, then, as all existing ideas are -made up of previous ideas, we must inevitably find amongst their arts -traces of the forms of earlier and higher arts, as is the case amongst -some of the savages of South America who early came in contact with -Peruvian civilization; but the reverse of this is the case: all the -forms of the Australian weapons are derived from those of nature. - -In the same way that we saw that the forms of the palaeolithic flint -implements were suggested by accidental fractures in the workshop, so -the several forms of the Australian wooden implements were suggested -by the various forms of the stems and branches out of which they were -made. These savages, having only flint tools to work with, cannot -saw out their weapons to any form they please; they can only trim -the sticks into a serviceable shape. All their weapons are therefore -constructed on the grain of the wood, and their forms and uses have -arisen from a selection of the natural curves of the sticks. - -[Illustration: PLATE III.] - -I have arranged, on Plate III, drawings of nearly all the weapons used -by the Australians, placing them together according to their affinities -in such a manner as to show hypothetically their derivation from a -single form. As all the forms given on this diagram are drawings of -weapons in use at the present time, and there are many intermediate -forms not given here, I have not arranged them in horizontal lines, -as in the previous diagrams, to show their place in time, but have -arranged them as radiating from a central point. We know nothing of -the antiquities of savage countries as yet, and therefore cannot trace -their evolution in time. The development has therefore been shown by -means of survivals of early forms existing at the present time. - -In the centre I have placed the simple cylindrical stick, as being -the simplest form. By a gradual development of one end I have traced -upwards the formation of a sharp ridge and its transition into a -kind of mushroom form. To the right upwards I have traced the same -development of the mushroom head, the projecting ridge of which -is constantly liable to fractures by blows; and as savages always -systematize accidental fractures so as to produce symmetry, scollops -have been cut out of the ridge in different places for this purpose, -which had the effect of concentrating the force of the blow on the -projections. These were further developed; one of the pilei of the -mushroom head was made larger than the others, and this suggested the -form of a bird's head, so that it was only necessary to add a line for -the mouth and a couple of eyes to complete the resemblance. To the -right we see that the plain stick held in the centre gave the first -idea of a defensive weapon, and was used to parry off the darts of the -assailant; an aperture was then made in the stick for the hand, and -the face of it became broader, developing into a shield, the narrow -ends, however, being still retained for parrying. Below I have shown -that the long stick simply pointed at one end became a lance; a row -of sharp flints were gummed on to one side to produce a cutting edge, -and these were then imitated in wood, and by pointing them obliquely -they were converted into barbs. To the right another kind of barb was -produced by binding on a piece of sharp-pointed wood. Between this -and the shields we see that the first idea of the throwing-stick, -employed to project these lances, was simply constructed like the -barbed point of the lance itself. The gradual expansion of the stick -arose from its being employed like a battledore, to fence off the -enemy's lances. To the left below I have shown the gradual development -of a peculiar curved weapon, called the 'malga', formed from a stem -and the branch projecting from it at different angles. The part where -the continuation of the stem was cut off was trimmed to a kind of -ridge; this ridge developed, and suggested the crest of a bird's head; -ultimately the eyes were added, in the same manner as in the club -on the opposite side of the diagram. To the left we see the plain -round stick first flattened, then curved. Savages are in the habit -of throwing all their weapons at their adversaries and at animals. -In throwing a flat curved stick it rotates of its own accord, and as -the axis of rotation continues parallel to itself, the thin edge is -presented to the resistance of the air in front; this increases the -range, and its peculiar flight must have forced itself on the attention -of the savage as the result of experience: but he has never had the -slightest knowledge of the laws of its flight. The different curves -of the boomerang are the natural curves of the sticks, and like all -the Australian weapons, they are made on the grain of the wood. Some -are thicker than others; some will fly in the curves peculiar to that -weapon, and others will not: scarcely two are alike. - -To the left above, we see the mushroom-headed 'waddy', with its -projecting ridge flattened, then curved; one side becomes more -developed than the other, and this being thrown develops into the waddy -boomerang, the ridge of the earlier forms being still represented by a -mark on the flat head of the weapon; an intermediate link connects it -with the true boomerang. - -Many other examples might be given to illustrate the continuity which -exists in the development of all savage weapons; but I only ask you -to glance at the sequence shown in this diagram and the preceding ones -in order to convince you of the truth of the statement which I made -at the commencement of this discourse, that although, owing to the -complexity of modern contrivances and the larger steps by which we -mount the ladder of progress in the material arts, their continuity -may be lost sight of, when we come to classify the arts of savages and -prehistoric men, the term 'growth' is fully as applicable to them as to -the development of the forms of speech, and that there are no grounds, -upon the score of continuity, history, or the action of free will, to -separate these studies generically as distinct classes of science. - -But in dealing with evolution we have to speak not only of growth, -but, as in all other natural sciences, of the principle of decay. By -decay I do not mean the decay of the materials of the arts, but the -decomposition of the mental ideas which produced them. - -As complex ideas are built up of simple ones, so there is also a -further process by which they become disintegrated, and the parts go to -form parts of other ideas. - -This decay in the arts corresponds to what is called phonetic decay -in language; and in both cases it arises either from incapacity, the -desire to save trouble, or the necessity of abbreviating when ideas -originally evolved for one purpose come to form parts of other ideas to -which they are merely accessory and subordinate, as in the well-known -dialectic changes of speech. Every sound in language had originally a -distinct meaning of its own; gradually these sounds or roots came to -form parts of words in which the original meanings of the sounds were -lost. - -I will now endeavour to draw a parallel to this in the arts, by means -of what may be termed realistic degeneration. - -I will not say much as to the place of realism in culture. The -archaeological world has lately been somewhat startled by the -discovery of well-executed designs of elephants and other animals in -the French caves in association with the rude stone implements of the -palaeolithic age, and by the more recent discovery of Mariette Bey, -that the earliest Egyptian sculptures of the third dynasty are the most -truthful representations of the human form that are to be found in -that country. I see nothing surprising in this, when we consider the -power that is developed in many children of eight or nine years old of -making drawings of animals and other objects, which, when allowance is -made for the feeble hand of childhood, are often as truthful as those -of the cave-period men, at a time when their minds have acquired but -little power of reasoning or generalizing, or even of taking care of -themselves; all which goes to prove that this power of imitation, which -is a very different thing from ideal art, is one of the most early -developed faculties of the mind of man. - -When the power of imitation had once been developed, it would -naturally be made use of as a means of intercommunication; thus the -drawing of a stag would be made to convey information to people at -a distance that there was a herd of deer in the neighbourhood to be -hunted; and as the object of the drawing was no longer to depict -truthfully the peculiarities of the beast, but merely to convey -information, the amount of labour expended upon it would be the -least that could be employed for the required purpose. All written -characters have originated in this way; and no one now requires to be -told how pictographic representations developed into hieroglyphic and -subsequently into phonetic characters. - -But realistic degeneration would equally take place in all cases in -which pictorial representations came to be employed for other purposes -than those for which they were originally designed, as in the case of -ornamental designs. - -[Illustration: PLATE XXI. - -EVOLUTION OF TYPES ON ANCIENT BRITISH COINS.] - -So also a coin receives upon its surface the image of a king or a god -as a stamp of authority. When from any cause the object of the original -design is lost, the object of the stamp being no longer to convey a -likeness, but being merely used as a test of genuineness, or perhaps -amongst an unlettered people to denote its value, the tendency to -realistic degeneration would be proportioned to the difficulties of -execution; no further labour would be expended on it than was necessary -for the object to be attained. Here I must again remind you of the -interesting discourse delivered in this Institution on May 14, 1875, -by Mr. Evans, on the evolution of British coins.[11] His examples are -figured in his _Coins of the Ancient Britons_, pp. 24-32. With his -permission I have introduced some of his diagrams (Plate XXI). You will -remember how the coin of Philip of Macedon having been introduced into -Britain, the head on the obverse gradually disappeared, leaving only -the wreath as a band across the coin, which was ultimately converted -into a cross; and how on the reverse, the chariot and two horses -dwindled into a single horse, the chariot disappeared, leaving only -the wheels, the driver became elevated, not elevated after the manner -unfortunately but too common amongst London drivers, but elevated -after the manner of the Spiritualists, except that you see he had the -precaution to take on a pair of wings, differing also both from the -London driver and the Spiritualists, inasmuch as instead of having lost -his head he has lost his body, and nothing but the head remains; the -body of the horse then gradually disappears, leaving only four lines to -denote the legs. - -I will now show you an exact parallel to these transformations in a -collection of designs, supposed to be tribal marks, which are drawn -upon the paddle blades of the New Irelanders, a race of Papuan savages -inhabiting an island on the north-east coast of New Guinea. - -Having noticed one or two allied varieties of design in specimens that -came into my possession, I determined to collect all that I could -find as they came to this country. In the course of several years I -succeeded in obtaining the series represented upon Plate IV. - -[Illustration: PLATE IV. - -ORNAMENTATION OF NEW IRELAND PADDLES, SHOWING THE TRANSITION OF FORM.] - -The first figure you will see clearly represents the head of a Papuan: -the hair or wig is stuffed out, and the ears elongated by means of -an ear ornament, after the manner of these people; the eyes are -represented by two black dots, and the red line of the nose spreads -over the forehead. This is the most realistic figure of the series. In -the second figure the face is somewhat conventionalized: the line of -the nose passes in a coil round the eyes; there is a lozenge pattern -on the forehead, representing probably a tattoo mark; the body is -represented sitting in full. In the third figure the man is represented -sitting sideways, simply by lopping off an arm and a leg on one side. -In the fourth figure the legs have disappeared. In the fifth figure -the whole body has disappeared. In the sixth figure the nose has -expanded at the base, and the sides of the face are made to conform -to the line of the nose; the elongated ears are there, but the ear -ornament is gone: the nose in this figure is becoming the principal -feature. In the seventh figure nothing but the nose is left: the sides -of the face and mouth are gone; the ears are drawn along the side of -the nose; the head is gone, but the lozenge pattern on the forehead -still remains; the coil round the eyes has also disappeared, and is -replaced by a kind of leaf form, suggested by the upper lobe of the -ear in the previous figures; the eyes are brought down into the nose. -In the eighth figure the ears are drawn at right angles to the nose. -In the ninth figure the nose has expanded at the base; all the rest is -the same as in the last figure. In the tenth figure the lozenge pattern -and the ears have disappeared, and a vestige of them only remains, in -the form of five points; the base of the nose is still further expanded -into a half moon. In the last figure, nothing but a half moon remains. -No one who compared this figure with the first of the series, without -the explanation afforded by the intermediate links, would believe that -it represented the nose of a human face. Unfortunately we do not know -as yet the exact meaning of these designs, but when further information -is obtained about them it will throw considerable light on similar -transformations in prehistoric times. - -My next and last illustration is taken from the relics of Troy, -recently brought to light by Dr. Schliemann.[12] In the valuable -work lately published by him he gives illustrations of a number of -earthenware vases and other objects, called by him idols, having on -them the representation of what he conceives to be the face of an owl, -and which he believes to represent Athena, the tutelary goddess of -Troy, called by Homer 'Glaukopis Athene', which signifies, according -to him, 'with the face of an owl.' Professor Max Mueller has given his -opinion that the word 'glaukopis' cannot possibly be taken to mean -owl-faced, but can only mean large- or bright-eyed. On this point -I will venture no opinion, but accepting Professor Mueller's high -authority for the usually received interpretation of it being correct, -I shall in no way weaken the evidence in favour of Dr. Schliemann's -discovery of the true site of Troy if I succeed in proving that, -according to the true principle of realistic degeneration, this figure -does not represent an owl but a human face. - -[Illustration: PLATE V. - -REALISTIC DEGENERATION. - -ILLUSTRATED BY REPRESENTATIONS OF THE HUMAN FACE, FOUND BY DR. -SCHLIEMANN AT TROY. - -[_The numerals in brackets give_--(1) _the number of the figure in -Schliemann's_ Troy and its Remains, (2) _the depth at which the figure -was found, in metres_.]] - -The figures on Plate V are all taken from Dr. Schliemann's -representations, and as the depth of each is given it will be seen -that the different varieties of face occur in all the different strata -excavated by him except the highest, and therefore no argument as to -antiquity can be based upon the depth at which they were found. The two -first figures, it will be seen, are clearly intended to represent a -human face, all the features being preserved. In the two next figures -(3, 4) the mouth has disappeared, but the fact of the principal feature -being still a nose and not a beak, is shown by the breadth of the base -and also by the representation of the breasts. In the two succeeding -figures (5, 6) the nose is narrowed at the base, which gives it the -appearance of a beak, but the fact of its being still a human form -is still shown by the breasts. Had the idea of an owl been developed -through realistic degeneration in these last figures, it would have -retained this form, but in the two succeeding figures (7, 8) it will be -seen that the nose goes on diminishing. - -In the remaining figures, some of which are (12-16) of solid stone, -not earthenware, and are believed by Dr. Schliemann to be gods, it is -clearly shown by the rude scratches representing the eyebrows, and -their want of symmetry, that this degeneration of form is the result of -haste. - -What then are these solid stone objects? I cannot for a moment doubt, -from their resemblance to the vases, from the marks denoting the -junction of the cover with the vase, and from the representations of -handles, that they are votive urns of some kind, similar to those -Egyptian stone models of urns represented in the two figures above. -Urns of this kind were used by the Egyptians to contain the viscera of -the mummies; but with the cheaper form of burial, in which the viscera -were retained in the body, stone models of urns, of which these figures -are drawings from originals in the British Museum, were deposited in -the graves as vestiges of the earlier and more expensive process; these -objects therefore cannot be idols, but votive urns. The fact of human -remains having been found in some of the human-headed urns, and the -hasty scratches on the stone models, show that they are merely models -appertaining to the conventionalized survival of some earlier or more -elaborate system of urn burial. - -We see from these facts that both growth and decay, the two component -elements of evolution, are represented in the study of the material -arts. - -My object in this discourse has been not, as I fear it may have -appeared to you from the brief time at my disposal and my imperfect -treatment of the subject, to extol the material arts as being -intrinsically of more interest or importance than other branches -of culture, but to affirm the principle that it is by studying the -psychology of the material arts alone that we can trace human culture -to its germs. - -The theory of degradation is supported only by the study of those -branches of culture of which the early history is lost. - -The tree is the type of all evolution: all trees are seedlings, -but they differ in their mode of growth. Some, like the beech and -oak, throw their branches upwards, and these are typical of the -development of the material arts; others, like the straight-stemmed -pine, throw off their branches downwards, and these are typical of the -development of some other branches of culture. It is quite true, as -stated by mythologists, that the history of myths is one of continued -degeneration in so far as they can be traced, and that the element -of decay enters far more into their composition than that of growth. -But the whole accessible history of these myths represents drooping -branches from the upward-growing stem of free thought out of which they -sprang. What is the space of time which separates us from the Vedas, as -compared with the whole upward growth of humanity before and since! - -There are huge gaps in our knowledge of the history of the human race, -and it has been the pleasure of mankind in all ages to people these -gaps with jugglers and bogies; but surely, if slowly, science will open -up these desert places, and prove to us that, so far as the finite mind -of man can reach, there is nothing but unbroken continuity to be seen -in the present and in the past. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[7] A Lecture delivered at the Royal Institution of Great Britain on -Friday, May 28, 1875, and published in _Proc. Roy. Inst._, vol. vii. -pp. 496-520, Pl. i-iv. - -[8] _Lectures on the Science of Language_ (London, 1861), i, Lecture 1. - -[9] John Evans, _The Ancient Stone Implements, Weapons, and Ornaments -of Great Britain_ (London, 1872^1), 1897^2, p. 641. - -[10] Sir W. Wilde, _Catalogue of the Antiquities of the Museum of the -Royal Irish Academy_ (Dublin, 1863). - -[11] John Evans, 'On the Coinage of the Ancient Britons and Natural -Selection,' _Journal of the Royal Institution_, vii. p. 476 ff.; with a -Plate, which is reproduced, by permission, in Plate XXI. - -[12] For illustrations, see _Troy and its Remains_, by Dr. Henry -Schliemann (Murray, 1875). The figures may be taken in the following -order: No. 185, No. 74, No. 132, No. 13, No. 173, No. 207, No. 12, No. -11, No. 133, No. 141, No. 165. [Plate V has been compiled from the -references here given.] - - - - -PRIMITIVE WARFARE[13] - - -I - -Although it is more in accordance with the purposes for which this -establishment has been organized, that the Lecture-room should be -devoted chiefly to subjects of practical utility connected with the -improvement of our military system and the progress of the mechanical -appliances, the organization, and general efficiency of our Army and -Navy, than to the efforts of abstract science, yet the fact of your -possessing in the three large apartments that are devoted to your -armoury, one of the best assortments of semi-civilized and savage -weapons that are to be found in this country, or, perhaps, in any -part of the world, is sufficient to prove that it is not foreign to -the objects of the Institution that the science of war should be -ethnographically and archaeologically, as well as practically, treated. - -The requirements of our advancing age demand that every vein of -knowledge should be opened out, and, in order to make good our title -to so interesting a collection of objects as that comprised in what -may very properly be called our ethnographical military department, it -should be shown that, whether or not the subject may be considered to -fall within the ordinary functions of the Society, our Museum is made -available for the purposes of science. - -The age in which we live is not more remarkable for its rapid onward -movement than for its intelligent retrospect of the past. It is -reconstructive as well as progressive. The light which is kindled by -the practical discoveries of modern science, throws back its rays, -and enables us to distinguish objects of interest, which have been -unnoticed in the gloom of bygone ages, or passed over with contempt. - -Men observe only those things which their occupations or their -education enable them to understand and appreciate. When a savage is -introduced on board the deck of a European vessel, he notices only -those objects with the uses of which he is familiar--the sewing of a -coat, a chain, or a cable, at once rivets his attention, but he passes -by the steam-engine without observation, and if a work of art is forced -upon his notice, he is unable to say whether it represents a man, a -ship, or a kangaroo![14] So in past ages the flint implements of the -drift, the parents of all our modern implements, whether for war or -handicraft, must have been carted away in hundreds, unobserved, and in -ignorance that these inconspicuous objects would one day be the means -of upsetting the received chronology of our species. - -Whilst, therefore, we devote our energies chiefly to progress, and -fix our attention upon the present and future of war, it cannot fail -to interest those who are actively engaged in the duties of their -profession, if we occasionally take a glance backward and see what -recent discoveries have done towards elucidating its origin and early -history. - -It might, perhaps, assist a right understanding of the principles on -which the weapons and implements of savages deserve to be studied, if -I were to notice some of those great questions respecting the origin -of our species, and man's place in nature, which the investigations -of science have been the means of raising in our day. I need hardly -say that the rude implements, which I am about to describe, are of -little practical interest in themselves, as models for instruction or -imitation. We have no need of bows and arrows in the existing state -of war, and if we did require them, the appliances of modern times -would enable us to construct them in far greater perfection than could -be acquired by any lessons from savages. These weapons are valuable -only, in the absence of other evidence, from the light they throw -on prehistoric times, and on those great questions to which I have -alluded, and from their enabling us to trace out the origin of many of -those customs which have been handed down to us by past generations. - -As, however, the discussion of these interesting subjects would lead -me into matters that are hardly suited to the Lecture-room of this -Institution, I must pass over the consideration of them with a few -brief remarks. - -In so doing, I may appear to postulate some opinions upon points -that are still the subject of animated controversy in the scientific -world. But it would require a far broader field of investigation than -is here afforded me, in order to treat these inquiries successfully, -and to adduce all the evidence that would be necessary to support the -hypotheses put forward; and I am anxious to devote no greater space to -these preliminary remarks than is necessary to point out some of the -main features of interest that are involved in the particular study -which forms the subject of my lecture. - -We are apt to speak of the creation of the universe as a thing of -the past, and to suppose that the world, with all the varied life -upon it, previous to man's appearance, having been created for his -especial happiness and supremacy, was afterwards left to his control -and government. But this view of the subject belongs to an age in which -the laws of nature in their all-sufficiency and completeness were but -little studied and appreciated. Modern science finds no evidence of -any such abandonment of the universe to man's jurisdiction. The more -comprehensively the subject is viewed, the more restricted appear to be -those limits over which the free will of mankind is permitted to range, -and the more evident it becomes, that in his social advancement, his -laws, arts, and wars, he moves on under the influence and development -of those same laws which have been in force from the very first dawn -of creation. The lower the archaeologist searches in the crust of the -earth for the relics of human art, the more faint become the traces of -that broad gulf, which in our times appears to separate man from the -brute creation. In all the numerous and varied offsprings of the human -intellect, in the arts, and even in speech, the more we investigate and -trace them back, the more clearly they appear to point to a condition -of the human race in which they had no existence whatever. The great -law of nature, 'natura non facit saltum,' was not broken by the -introduction of man upon the earth. He appears to have been produced in -the fullness of time, as the work of creation required a more perfect -tool, and to have ameliorated his condition, only as the work to be -performed became more complicated and varied, just as in the hands of -man, the rougher tool is employed for felling, and the finer tool for -finishing and polishing. - -By this view we come to look upon even the most barbarous state of -man's existence, as a condition, not so much of degradation, as of -arrested or retarded progress, and to see that, notwithstanding many -halts and relapses, and a very varied rate of movement in the different -races, the march of the human intellect has been always onward. - -As, in the lower creation, we find no individuals that are capable of -self-improvement, though some appear, by their imitative faculties, -to contain within them the germs of an improving element, so the -aboriginal man, closely resembling the brutes, may have passed through -many generations before he began to show even the first symptoms -of mental cultivation, or the rudiments of the simplest arts; and -even then his progress may have been, at first, so slow, that it is -not without an effort of imagination that the civilized races of -our day can realize, by means of the implements which he has left -us, the minute gradations which appear to mark the stages of his -advancement. This appears to be the view taken by Sir Charles Lyell in -his _Antiquity of Man_, when, in comparing the flint implements found -in the higher and lower-level gravels of the valley of the Somme, he -arrives at the conclusion 'that the state of the arts in those early -times remained stationary for almost indefinite periods'. 'We see,' -he says, 'in our own time, that the rate of progress in the arts and -sciences proceeds in a geometrical ratio as knowledge increases, -and so, when we carry back our retrospect into the past, we must -be prepared to find the signs of retardation augmenting in a like -geometrical ratio; so that the progress of a thousand years at a remote -period, may correspond to that of a century in modern times, and in -ages still more remote man would more and more resemble the brutes in -that attribute which causes one generation exactly to imitate, in all -its ways, the generation which preceded it' (4th ed. 1873, p. 421). - -In order to understand the relationship which the savage tribes of -our own time bear to the races of antiquity, it is necessary to keep -in view that, neither in historic nor prehistoric times is there any -evidence that civilization has been equally or universally distributed; -on the contrary, it appears always to have been partial, and confined -to particular races, whose function it has been, by means of war and -conquest, to spread the arts amongst surrounding nations, or to -exterminate those whose low state of mental culture rendered them -incapable of receiving it. - -Assuming the whole of the human species to have sprung originally -from one stock, an hypothesis which, although disputed, appears to me -by all existing evidence and analogy of known facts, to be the most -reasonable assumption, the several races appear to have branched off at -various and remote periods, many of them, perhaps, previously to the -present geographical arrangement of land and water, and to have located -themselves in the several regions in which they are now found, in a -state which probably differs but little from that in which they existed -at the time of their separation from the parent stem. - -Each race, after separation, shows evidence of arrested growth; and, -finally, the intellect of the nation fossilizes and becomes stationary -for an indefinite period, or until destroyed by being brought again in -contact with the leading races in an advanced stage of civilization, -precisely in the same way that the individuals composing these races, -after propagating their species, stagnate, and ultimately decay, or, in -a low state of savagery, are often destroyed by their own offspring. - -Taking a comprehensive view of the development of civilization, it may -be compared to the growth of those plants whose vigour displays itself -chiefly in the propagation of their leading shoots, which, overtopping -the older and feebler branches, cause them to be everywhere replaced by -a fresh growth of verdure. The vegetable kingdom thus furnishes us with -the grand type of progress; continuity and bifurcation are principles -of universal application, uniting the lowest with the highest created -thing. - -The analogy of tree growth has been frequently employed in relation -to natural phenomena, and it may very well be taken to explain the -distribution of the human race, and the progress and expansion of the -arts. It forms the key to the Darwinian theory of natural selection, -which is essentially monogenistic in its application to the origin of -the human race. - -Thus the existing races of mankind may be taken to represent the -budding twigs and foliage, each in accordance with the relative -superiority of its civilization, appertaining to branches higher and -higher placed, upon the great stem of life. - -So little is as yet known of the early history of any but our own -family of nations, that in the existing state of knowledge, the -attempt to classify and place them on their proper branches, must be -attended with much difficulty, and great liability to error. However, -by arranging the existing races according to their civilization, a -tolerably correct judgement may perhaps be formed as to the value of -this system of classification, if we distribute them with those of -antiquity in some two or three broad divisions. The Caucasian races -of modern Europe, for example, may be said to bear to their ancestors -of the historical period the same relationship that geologists have -shown the existing mammalia of our forests to bear to the mammalia -of the tertiary geological period. The semi-civilized Chinese and -Hindoos, in like manner, may be classed with the races of ancient -Assyria, Egypt, and other nations immediately prior to the first dawn -of history, the civilization of which nations they still so greatly -resemble, and appear to have retained, in a state of retarded progress -from those ages to our own. A third division may perhaps be made of the -Malay, Tartar, and African negro nations, which, though now in an age -of iron, may, by the state of their arts, and more especially by the -form of their implements, be taken as the best representatives of the -prehistoric bronze period of Europe, towards which they appear to hold -the same relationship that the fish and reptiles of our seas bear to -those of the secondary geological period. In a fourth division may be -included the still more barbarous races of our times, the Australian, -Bushman, and hunting races of America, whose analogy to those of the -stone age of Europe may be typified by that of the mollusca of recent -species to the mollusca of the primary geological period. - -In all these existing races, we find that the slowness of their -progression and incapacity for improvement is proportioned to the low -state of their civilization, thereby leading to the supposition that -they may have retained their arts with but slight modification from the -time of their branching from the parent stem, and may thus be taken -as the living representatives of our common ancestors in the various -successive stages of their advancement. - -Many examples of this immobility on the part of savages and -semi-civilized races may be given. - -[Illustration: PLATE VI.] - -Throughout the entire continent of Australia the weapons and implements -are alike, and of the simplest form, and the people are of the lowest -grade. The spear, the waddy, and the boomerang, with some stone -hatchets, are their only weapons; but amongst these it has been noticed -that, like the implements of the drift, there are minute differences, -scarcely apparent to Europeans, but which enable a native to determine -at a glance to what tribe a weapon belongs.[15] This, whilst it -proves a tendency to vary their forms, shows at the same time either -an incapacity, or, what answers the same purpose, a retarding power -or prejudice, which prevents their effecting more than the smallest -appreciable degree of change. In the island of Tahiti, Captain Cook -was unable to make the natives (a superior race to the Australians) -appreciate the uses of metal, until he had caused his armourer to -construct an iron adze (Plate VI, fig. 1 _a_)[16] of precisely the -same form as their own adzes of basalt (Fig. 1 _b_). After that, metal -tools came into general use amongst them, though their old forms are -in a great measure preserved to this day. When, during the American -War, the English endeavoured to utilize the Indians by arming them, -they were compelled to construct for them tomahawks after their own -pattern, having a pipe in the handle (Fig. 2). When the Purus Indians -of South America receive a knife from Europeans they break off the -handle, and fashion the knife according to their own ideas, placing the -blade between two pieces of wood, and binding it round tight with a -sinew.[17] The natives of Samoa now use iron adzes, constructed after -the exact pattern of their ancient stone ones.[18] The Fiji Islanders, -though they have now the means of obtaining good blades and chisels -from Sheffield, and axes from America, prefer plane irons to any other -form of implement, because they are able to fix them by lashing them -on to their handles in the same fashion as the ancient stone adzes of -their own manufacture, which they resemble.[19] The Andaman Islanders -use the European metal that falls into their hands, only to grind it -down into spear- and arrow-heads of the same form as their stone ones. -The same applies to the whole of the Aborigines of North and South -America, which have stood by, for nearly three centuries, passive -spectators of the arts of Europeans, without attempting to copy them. -Crawfurd, in his _History of the Indian Archipelago_,[20] comments -on the obstinate adherence of the Javanese to ancient customs, in -accounting for the kris having been retained by them long after the -causes which produced that peculiar weapon had ceased to operate. -Tylor, in his account of the Anahuac, observes upon the preservation -of old types amongst the present inhabitants of Mexico, which have -remained almost unchanged from generation to generation, enabling -the historian to distinguish clearly those which are of Aztec from -those which are of Spanish origin.[21] Herodotus describes the spears -carried by the Ethiopians in the army of Xerxes as being armed with the -sharpened horn of the antelope.[22] Consul Petherick found still in -use by the Djibba negroes, more than two thousand years after, these -identical spears, armed with the straightened and sharpened horn of the -antelope, and their other weapons also resembled in character those -described by Herodotus, although they had passed from the stone weapons -then used, into an age of metal.[23] The Scythian bow (Plate VI, fig. -3) is the bow still used by the whole of the Tartar races (Fig. 4). -The celt of the Tartar, and the celt and sword of the Negro (Fig. 5) -are still the celt and sword of the European bronze period (Fig. 6), -and this resemblance is not confined to the general outline of the -weapons, but extends to the style and patterns of ornamentation. The -same identity of form exists between the 'manillas' (Fig. 7) used as a -medium of exchange in the Eboe country of West Africa and the so-called -penannular rings or ring money (Fig. 8) of gold and bronze which are -found in Ireland, and which, with some modifications, belong also to -Germany and the Swiss Lakes. The corrugated iron blade of the Kaffir -assegai, a section of which is shown in Fig. 9, and which is used also -in Central and West Africa, is identical with those found in the Saxon -graves (Fig. 10), and is intended to give a spiral motion to these -missiles. Chevalier Folard observes that the Gauls were remarkable for -the tenacity with which they clung to their ancient customs, while the -Romans, their conquerors, are mentioned by all historians as peculiar -in their time for the facility with which they adopted the customs of -others, and developed their own.[24] In modern Europe, the Gipsies have -also been noticed as being distinguished from the Europeans in all -the various localities in which they are found, for their remarkable -adherence to especial arts, savouring of an extinct civilization. -Amongst the Chinese and Hindoos, the conservatism which has caused them -to remain for ages in nearly the same condition is too well known to -require comment. It will, however, be remembered (in illustration of -the fact that customs of minor importance often survive great political -changes, and serve to keep up the continuity that would otherwise be -broken), that after the Manchu Tartars had conquered and established -themselves in the Chinese territory, they were nearly driven again -from the country, on account of their forcing upon the subject people -the custom of wearing pigtails, after the fashion of their conquerors; -showing how difficult it is to ingraft, upon an alien race, customs -that are not indigenous. - -These, and many other notices of a similar character that are to -be found in the pages of travel, establish it as a maxim, that the -existing races, in their respective stages of progression, may be -taken as the bona fide representatives of the races of antiquity; -and, marvellous as it may appear to us in these days of rapid -progress, their habits and arts, even to the form of their rudest -weapons, have continued in many cases, with but slight modifications, -unchanged throughout countless ages, and from periods long prior to -the commencement of history. They thus afford us living illustrations -of the social customs, the forms of government, laws, and warlike -practices, which belonged to the ancient races from which they remotely -sprang, whose implements, resembling, with but little difference, -their own, are now found low down in the soil, in situations, and -under circumstances in which, alone, they would convey but little -evidence to the antiquary, but which, when the investigations of the -antiquary are interpreted by those of the ethnologist, are teeming with -interesting revelations respecting the past history of our race; and -which, in the hands of the anthropologist, in whose science that of -antiquity and ethnology are combined with physiology and geology, are -no doubt destined to throw a flood of light, if not eventually, in a -great measure, to clear up the mystery, which now hangs over everything -connected with the origin of mankind. - -That such a combination of the sciences should have been brought about -so opportunely in our days, appears to me to be one of those many -indications of an overruling power directing in the aggregate the minds -of men, which must, at all times, strike even the most superficial -observer of nature; for there can be little doubt that in a few years -all the most barbarous races will have disappeared from the earth, or -will have ceased to preserve their native arts. - -The law which consigns to destruction all savage races when brought -in contact with a civilization much higher than their own, is now -operating with unrelenting fury in every part of the world. Of the -aborigines of Tasmania, not a single individual remains; those of New -Zealand are fast disappearing. The Australian savage dies out before -the advancing European. North and South America, and the Polynesian -Islands, all tell the same tale. Wherever the generous influences of -Christianity have set foot, there they have been accompanied by the -scourge. Innumerable and often unseen causes combine in effecting the -same purpose; diseases which are but little felt by Europeans, act as -plagues when introduced into uncivilized communities, and cause them -to fall before their ravages, like wheat before the sickle; and the -vices of civilization, taking a firmer hold of the savages than its -virtues, aid and abet in the same work. The labours of the missionary, -if they have produced no other benefit, have been useful in teaching -us the great truth, that notwithstanding the philanthropic efforts -of the intruding race, the law of nature must be vindicated. The -savage is morally and mentally an unfit instrument for the spread of -civilization, except when, like the higher mammalia, he is reduced to -a state of slavery; his occupation is gone, and his place is required -for an improved race. Allowing for the rapidly increasing ratio in -which progress advances, it is not too much to assume, that in half a -century from the present time, savage life will have ceased to have a -single true representative on the face of the globe, and the evidence -which it has been the means of handing down to our generation will have -perished with it. - -When we find that the condition of the aboriginal man must have -been one of such complete inanity as to render him incapable of -spontaneously initiating even the most rudimentary arts, it follows -as a matter of course that in the earliest stages of his career, he -must, like children of our own day, have been subject to compulsory -instruction. And in looking to nature for the sources from which such -early instruction must have been derived, we need not, I think, be long -in coming to the conclusion, that the school of our first parent must -be sought for in his struggles for mastery with the brute creation, -and that, consequently, his first lessons must have been directed to -attaining proficiency in the art of war. - -Hence it follows that it is to the lower animals that we must look -for the origin of all those branches of primitive warfare which it is -the object of this lecture to trace out. Nor indeed shall we fail to -find abundant evidence that there is hardly a single branch of human -industry which may not reasonably be attributed to the same source. - -The province of war extends downward through the animal kingdom, -showing unmistakable evidence of its existence in forms, offensive -and defensive, differing but little from those of the human era, -through the unnumbered ages of the geological periods, long prior to -man's advent; proving, beyond the possibility of doubt, that from the -remotest age in which we find evidence of organized beings, war has -been ordained to an important function in the creative process. - -Judging by results, which I apprehend is the only true method of -investigating the phenomena of life, three primary instincts appear -to have been implanted in nearly all the higher animals[25]: -alimentiveness, for the sustenance of life; amativeness, for the -propagation of species; and combativeness, for the protection of -species, and the propagation by natural selection of the most energetic -breeds; on which latter subject much important information has been -given to the world by Mr. Darwin, in his celebrated work on the origin -of species. - -Much might, I believe, be said on the connexion which subsists between -these functions, all of which are, in some form or other, necessary to -a healthy condition. Suffice, however, to observe, that as regards the -dawn of an Utopia, in which some men who think themselves practical -appear to indulge; whether we study the subject by observing the -uses to which animals apply the various and ingeniously constructed -weapons with which Providence has armed them, or whether we view it in -relation to the prodigious armaments of all the most civilized nations -of Europe, we find no more evidence in nature, of a state of society -in which wars shall cease, than we do of a state of existence in which -we shall support life without food, or propagate our species by other -means than those which nature has appointed. - -The universality of the warlike element is shown in the fact, that the -classifications of the weapons of men and animals are identical, and -may be treated under the same heads. - -Many constructive arts are brought to greater perfection in animals -by the development of faculties, especially adapting them to the -peculiar implements with which nature has furnished them, than can be -attained by man, and especially by the aboriginal man, whose particular -attribute appears, by all analogy of savage life, to have been an -increase of that imitative faculty which, in the lower creation, is -found only in a modified degree in apes. - -The lower creation would thus furnish man not only with the first -element of instruction, but with examples for the improvement of the -work commenced, or, to use the words of Pope:-- - - From the creatures thy instructions take, - Thy arts of building from the bee receive; - Learn from the mole to plough, the worm to weave; - Learn from the little nautilus to sail, - Spread the thin oars, and catch the driving gale; - Here, too, all forms of social reason find, - And hence let reason late instruct mankind.[26] - -In the art of war, as we shall see, he would not only derive his first -instruction from the beasts, but he would improve his means of offence -and defence from time to time by lessons derived from the same source. - -It therefore appears desirable that, before entering upon that branch -of the subject which relates to the _progress_ and _development_ of -the art of war, I should point out briefly the analogies which exist -between the weapons, tactics, and stratagems of savages and those of -the lower creation, and show to what extent man appears to have availed -himself of the weapons of animals for his own defence. - -In so doing the subject may be classified as follows:-- - -_Classification of the Weapons of Animals and Savages._ - - Defensive. Offensive. Stratagems. - Hides. Piercing. Flight. - Solid plates. Striking. Concealment. - Jointed plates. Serrated. Tactics. - Scales. Poisoned. Columns. - Missiles. Leaders. - Outposts. - Artificial defences. - War cries. - -Firstly, with respect to the combative principle itself. The identity -of this instinct in men and animals may be seen in the widely-spread -custom of baiting animals against each other, a practice which is not -derived from any one source, but is indigenous in the countries in -which it prevails, and arises from the inherent sympathy which exists -between men and animals in the exercise of this particular function. - -In the island of Tahiti, long before the first European vessel was seen -off their shores, the inhabitants were accustomed to train and fight -cocks, which were fed with great care, and kept upon finely-carved -perches.[27] Cock-fighting also prevails amongst the Malays, Celebes, -and Balinese. The Javanese fight their cocks like the Mahommedans -of Hindustan, without spurs; the Malays, Bugis, and Macassars with -artificial spurs shaped like a scythe.[28] It also prevails in Central -Africa, Central America, and Peru. The Sumatrans fight their cocks for -vast sums; a man has been known to stake his wife and children, son, -mother, or sister on the issue of a battle, and when a dispute occurs, -the owners decide the question by an appeal to the sword. In like -manner Adrastus, the son of Midas, King of Phrygia, is said to have -killed his brother in consequence of a quarrel which took place between -them in regard to a battle of quails. - -When Themistocles led the Greeks out against the Persians, happening -to see two cocks fight, he showed them as an example to his soldiers. -Cock-fighting was afterwards exhibited annually in presence of the -whole people, and the crowing of a cock was ever after regarded as a -presage of victory.[29] - -The Javanese also fight hogs and rams together. The buffalo and -tiger are matched against each other. In Butan the combat is between -two bulls. Combats of elephants took place for the amusement of the -early Indian kings. The Chinese and Javanese fight quails, crickets, -and fish. The Romans fought cocks, quails, and partridges, also the -rhinoceros. In Stamboul two rams are employed for fighting. The -Russians fight geese, and the betting runs very high upon them.[30] -We find horses, elephants, and oxen standing side by side with man in -hostile array, and dogs were used by the Gauls for the same purpose. -Amongst the ancients, the horse, the wolf, and the cock were offered on -the altar of Mars for their warlike qualities. - -Who can doubt with these examples before us, that an instinct so widely -disseminated and so identical in men and animals, must have been -ordained for special objects? - -The causes which give rise to the exercise of the function, vary with -the advance of civilization. We have now ceased to take delight in the -mere exhibition of brute combats, but the profession of war is still -held in as much esteem as at any previous period in the history of -mankind, and we bestow the highest honours of the State upon successful -combatants. - -This, however, leads to another subject, viz. the causes of war amongst -primitive races, which is deserving of separate treatment. - - -_Defensive Weapons._ - -We may pass briefly over the defensive weapons of animals and savages, -not by any means from the analogy being less perfect in this class of -weapons, but rather because the similarity is too obvious to make it -necessary that much stress should be laid on their resemblance. - -_Hides._ The thick hides of pachydermatous animals correspond to the -quilted armour of ancient and semi-civilized races. Some animals, like -the rhinoceros and hippopotamus, are entirely armed in this way; others -have their defences on the most vulnerable part, as the mane of the -lion, and the shoulder pad of the boar.[31] The skin of the tiger is of -so tough and yielding a nature, as to resist the horn of the buffalo -when driven with full force against its sides.[32] The condor of Peru -has such a thick coating of feathers, that eight or ten bullets may -strike without piercing it.[33] - -[Illustration: PLATE VII.] - -According to Thucydides, the Locrians and Acarnanians, being professed -thieves and robbers, were the first to clothe themselves in armour.[34] -But as a general rule it may be said, that the opinions of ancient -writers upon the origin of the customs with which they were familiar, -are of little value in our days. There is, however, evidence to show -that the use of defensive armour is not usual amongst savages in the -lowest stages of culture. It is not employed, properly speaking, by -the Australians, the Bushmen, the Fuegians, or in the Fiji or Sandwich -Islands. But in other parts of the world, soon after men began to -clothe themselves in the skins of beasts, they appear to have used the -thicker hides of animals for purposes of defence. When the Esquimaux -apprehends hostility, he takes off his ordinary shirt, and puts on -a deer's skin, tanned in such a manner as to render it thick for -defence, and over this he again draws his ordinary shirt, which is -also of deer-skin, but thinner in substance. The Esquimaux also use -armour of eider drake's skin.[35] The Abipones and Indians of the Grand -Chako arm themselves with a cuirass, greaves, and helmet, composed -of the thick hide of the tapir, but they no longer use it against the -musketry of the Europeans.[36] The Yucanas also use shields of the same -material. The war-dress of a Patagonian chief from the Museum of the -Institution is exhibited (Plate VII, figs. 11, 12); it is composed of -seven thicknesses of hide, probably of the horse, upon the body, and -three on the sleeves. The chiefs of the Musgu negroes of Central Africa -use for defence a strong doublet of the same kind, made of buffalo's -hide with the hair inside.[37] The Kayans of Borneo use hide for -their war-dress, as shown by a specimen belonging to the Institution -(Fig. 13). The skin of the bear and panther is most esteemed for this -purpose.[38] The inhabitants of Pulo Nias, an island off the western -coast of Sumatra, use for armour a 'baju' made of leather. In some -parts of Egypt a breastplate was made of the back of the crocodile -(Fig. 14). In the island of Cayenne, in 1519, the inhabitants used a -breastplate of buffalo's hide.[39] The Lesghi of Tartary wore armour -of hog's skin.[40] The Indians of Chili, in the seventeenth century, -wore corselets, back and breast plates, gauntlets, and helmets of -leather, so hardened, that it is described by Ovalle as being equal -to metal.[41] According to Strabo (p. 306), the German Rhoxolani wore -helmets, and breastplates of bull's hide, though the Germans generally -placed little reliance in defensive armour. The Ethiopians used the -skins of cranes and ostriches for their armour.[42] - -[Illustration: PLATE VIII.] - -We learn from Herodotus that it was from the Libyans the Greeks derived -the apparel and aegis of Minerva, as represented upon her images, but -instead of a pectoral of scale armour, that of the Libyans was merely -of skin.[43] According to Smith's _Dict. of Gr. and Roman Antiquities_ -(s.v. _lorica_), the Greek 'thorax', called ~stadios~, from its standing -erect by its own stiffness, was originally of leather, before it was -constructed of metal. In Meyrick's _Ancient Armour_, there is the -figure of a suit, supposed formerly to have belonged to the Rajah of -Guzerat (Plate VIII, fig. 15). The body part of this suit is composed -of four pieces of rhinoceros hide, showing that, in all probability, -this was the material originally employed for that particular class of -armour, which is now produced of the same form in metal, a specimen of -which, from the Museum of the Institution, taken from the Sikhs, is now -exhibited (Fig. 16). - -[Illustration: PLATE IX.] - -In more advanced communities, as skins began to be replaced by woven -materials, quilted armour supplied the place of hides. In those parts -of the Polynesian Islands in which armour is used, owing probably -to the absence of suitable skins, woven armour appears to have been -employed in a comparatively low state of society. Specimens of this -class of armour from the Museum of the Institution are exhibited; they -are from the Kingsmill Islands, Pleasant Island, and the Sandwich -Islands. A helmet from the latter place (Pl. VIII, fig. 17) much -resembles the Grecian in form, while the under tippet, from Pleasant -Island (Pl. VII, fig. 18), may be compared to the pectoral of the -Egyptians (Fig. 19, _a_ and _b_), which, as well as the head-dress (Pl. -VIII, fig. 20), was of a thickly quilted material. The Egyptians wore -this pectoral up to the time of Xerxes, who employed their sailors, -armed in this way, during his expedition into Greece. Herodotus says -that the Indians of Asia wore a thorax of rush matting.[44] In 1514, -Magellan[45] found tunics of quilted cotton, called 'laudes', in -use by the Muslims of Guzerat and the Deccan. An Indian helmet of -this description from my collection (Fig. 21) is exhibited; in form -it resembles the Egyptian, and an Ethiopian one (Fig. 22), composed -of beads of the same form, brought from Central Africa by Consul -Petherick, is exhibited. Fig. 23 shows that the same form, in India, -was subsequently produced in metal. A suit of quilted armour formerly -belonging to Koer Singh, and lately presented to the Institution by Sir -Vincent Eyre, is also exhibited (Plate VII, fig. 24). The body armour -and helmet found upon Tippoo Sahib at his death, which are now in the -Museum of the Institution (Plate IX, fig. 25, _a_, _b_, and _c_), were -thickly quilted. Upon the breast, this armour consists of two sheets -of parchment, and nine thicknesses of padding composed of cocoons of -the _Saturnia mylitta_, stuffed with the wool of the _Eriodendron -anfractuosum, D.C._, neatly sewn together, as represented in fig. 25 -_b_.[46] The Aztecs and Peruvians also guarded themselves with a wadded -cotton doublet.[47] Quilted armour or thick linen corselets were used -by the Persians, Phoenicians, Chalybes, Assyrians, Lusitanians, and -Scythians, by the Greeks, and occasionally by the Romans.[48] By the -Persians it was used much later; and in Africa to this day, quilted -armour, of precisely the same description, is used both for men and -horses by the Bornouese of Central Africa, and is described by Denham -and Clapperton[49] (Plate VIII, fig. 26). Plate VII, fig. 27, is a suit -of armour in the Institution, from the Navigator Islands, composed of -coco-nut fibre coarsely netted. Fig. 28 is part of a Chinese jacket of -sky-blue cotton, quilted with enclosed plates of iron; it is precisely -similar to the 'brigandine jacket' used in Europe in the sixteenth -century, which was composed of 'small plates of iron quilted within -some stuff', and 'covered generally with sky-blue cloth'.[50] This -class of armour may be regarded as a link connecting the quilted with -the scale armour, to be described hereafter. - -As a material for shields, the hides of animals were employed even more -universally, and up to a later stage of civilization. In North America -the majority of the wild tribes use shields of the thickest parts of -the hides of the buffalo.[51] In the New Hebrides the skin of the -alligator is used for this purpose, as appears by a specimen belonging -to the Institution. In Africa the Fans of the Gaboon employ the hide of -the elephant for their large, rectangular shields.[52] The Wadi, the -Wagogo, and the Abyssinians in East Africa, have shields of buffalo's -hide, or some kind of leather, like the Ethiopians of the time of -Herodotus. The ox-hide shields of the Greeks are mentioned in Homer's -_Iliad_; that of Ajax was composed of seven hides with a coating of -brass on the outside. The spear of Hector is described as piercing six -of the hides and the brass coating, remaining fixed in the seventh -hide.[53] The Kaffirs, Bechuanas, Basutos, and others in South Africa, -use the hide of the ox.[54] The Kelgeres, Kelowi, and Tawarek, of -Central Africa, employ the hide of the Leucoryx antelope.[55] Shields -of the rhinoceros hide, from Nubia, and of the ox, from Fernando Po, -are exhibited. In Asia the Biluchi carry shields of the rhinoceros -horn, and the same material is also used in East Africa. A specimen -from Zanzibar is in the Institution. In the greater part of India the -shields are made of rhinoceros and buffalo's hide, boiled in oil, until -they sometimes become transparent, and are proof against the edge of a -sabre.[56] - -In a higher state of civilization, as the facilities for constructing -shields of improved materials increased, the skins of animals were -still used to cover the outside. Thus the negroes of the Gold Coast -made their shields of osier covered with leather.[57] That of the -Kanembu of Central Africa is of wood covered with leather,[58] and very -much resembles in form that of the Egyptians, which, as we learn from -Meyrick and others, was also covered with leather, having the hair on -the outside like the shields of the Greeks.[59] The Roman 'scutum' was -of wood covered with linen and sheepskin. According to the author of -_Horae Ferales_, the Saxon shield was of wood covered with leather; the -same applies to the Scotch target, and leather was used as a covering -for shields as late as the time of Henry VIII. - -_Head Crests._ The origin of the hairy crests of our helmets is clearly -traceable to the custom of wearing for head-dresses the heads and hair -of animals. The Asiatic Ethiopians used as a head-covering, the skin -of a horse's head, stripped from the carcase together with the ears -and mane, and so contrived, that the mane served for a crest, while -the ears appeared erect upon the head (Hdt. vii. 70). In the coins -representing Hercules, he appears wearing a lion's skin upon the head. -These skins were worn in such a manner that the teeth appeared grinning -at the enemy over the head of the wearer (as represented in Plate -VIII, fig. 29, which is taken from a bronze in the Blacas collection), -a custom which seems also to have prevailed in Mexico.[60] Similar -head-dresses are worn by the soldiers on Trajan's Column. The horns -worn on the heads of some of the North American Indians (Fig. 30), and -in some parts of Africa[61], are no doubt derived from this practice -of wearing on the head the skins of animals with their appendages. -The helmet of Pyrrhus, King of Epirus, was surmounted by two goat's -horns. Horns were afterwards represented in brass, on the helmets of -the Thracians (Fig. 31), the Belgic Gauls, and others. Fig. 32 is an -ancient British helmet of bronze lately found in the Thames, surmounted -by straight horns of the same material.[62] Horned helmets are figured -on the ancient vases. Fig. 33 is a Greek helmet having horns of brass, -and traces of the same custom may still be observed in heraldry.[63] - -The practice of wearing head-dresses of feathers, to distinguish the -chiefs from the rank and file, is universal in all parts of the world, -and in nearly every stage of civilization. Amongst the North American -Indians the feathers are cut in a particular manner to denote the rank -of the wearer, precisely in the same manner that the long feathers -of our general officers distinguish them from those wearing shorter -feathers in subordinate ranks. This custom, Mr. Schoolcraft observes, -when describing the head-dresses of the American Indians, may very -probably be derived from the feathered creation, in which the males, in -most of the cock, turkey, and pheasant tribes, are crowned with bright -crests and ornaments of feathers.[64] - -_Solid Plates._ It has often struck me as remarkable that the shells of -the tortoise and turtle, which are so widely distributed and so easily -captured, and which would appear to furnish shields ready made to the -hand of man, should seldom, if ever, in so far as I have been able -to learn, be used by savages for that purpose. This may, however, be -accounted for by the fact that _broad_ shields of that particular form, -though common in more advanced civilizations, are never found in the -hands of savages, at least in those localities in which the turtle, or -large tortoise, is available. - -It will be seen subsequently, in tracing the history of the shield, -that in the rudest condition of savage life, this weapon of defence has -a history of its own; that both in Africa and Australia it is derived -by successive stages from the stick or club, and that the broad shield -does not appear to have been developed until after mankind had acquired -sufficient constructive skill to have been able to form shields of -lighter and more suitable materials than is afforded by the shell of -the turtle. It is, however, evident that in later times the analogy -was not lost sight of, as the word 'testudo' is a name given by the -Romans to several engines of war having shields attached to them, and -especially to that particular formation of the legionary troops, in -which they approached a fortified building with their shields joined -together, and overlapping, like the scaly shell of the imbricated -turtle, which is a native of the Mediterranean and Asiatic seas. - -_Jointed Plates._ In speaking of the jointed plates, so common to all -the crustacea, it is sufficient to notice that this class of defence in -the animal kingdom, may be regarded as the prototype of that peculiar -form of armour which was used by the Romans, and to which the French, -at the commencement of the seventeenth century, gave the name of -'ecrevisse', from its resemblance to the shell of a lobster. The fluted -armour, common in Persia, and in the middle ages of Europe, is also -constructed in exact imitation of the corrugated shell defences of a -large class of the Mollusca. - -_Scale Armour._ That scale armour derived its origin from the scales of -animals, there can be little doubt. It has been stated on the authority -of Arrian (_Tact._ 13. 14), that the Greeks distinguished scale armour -by the term ~lepidotos~, expressive of its resemblance to the scales of -fish; whilst the jointed armour, composed of long flexible bands, like -the armour of the Roman soldier, and the 'ecrevisse' of the middle -ages, was called ~pholidotos~ from its resemblance to the scales of -serpents. The brute origin of scale armour is well illustrated by the -breastplate of the Bugo Dyaks, a specimen of which, from the Museum -of the Institution, is represented in Plate IX, fig. 34. The process -of its construction was described in a notice attached to a specimen -of this armour in the Exhibition of 1862. The scales of the Pangolin -are collected by the Bugis as they are thrown off by the animal, and -are stitched on to bark with small threads of cane, so as to overlap -each other in the same manner that they are arranged on the skin of -the animal. When the front piece is completely covered with scales, a -hole is cut in the bark for the head of the wearer. The specimen now -exhibited appears, however, to be composed of the entire skin of the -animal. Captain Grant, in his _Walk across Africa_, mentions that the -scales of the armadillo are in like manner collected by the negroes of -East Africa, and worn in a belt 'three inches across', as a charm.[65] - -It is reasonable to suppose that the use of scale armour, in most -countries, originated in this manner by sewing on to the quilted armour -before described, fragments of any hard material calculated to give -it additional strength. Plate VIII, fig. 35, is a piece of bark from -Tahiti, studded with pieces of coco-nut stitched on. The Sarmatians and -Quadi are described by Ammianus Marcellinus as being protected by a -'lorica', composed of pieces of horn, planed and polished, and fastened -like feathers upon a linen shirt.[66] Pausanias also, who is confirmed -by Tacitus, says that the Sarmatians had large herds of horses, that -they collected the hoofs, and after preparing them for the purpose, -sewed them together, with the nerves and sinews of the same animal, -so as to overlap each other like the surface of a fir cone, and he -adds, that the 'lorica' thus formed was not inferior to that of the -Greeks either in strength or elegance. The Emperor Domitian had, after -this model, a cuirass of boar's hoofs stitched together.[67] Fig. 36 -represents a fragment of scale armour made of horn, found at Pompeii. -A very similar piece of armour (Fig. 37), from some part of Asia, said -to be from Japan, but the actual locality of which is not known, is -figured in Meyrick's _Ancient Armour_, pl. iii. 1. It is made of the -hoofs of some animal, stitched and fastened so as to hold together -without the aid of a linen corselet. An ancient stone figure[68] -(Plate IX, fig. 38), having an inscription in a character cognate to -the Greek, but in an unknown language, and covered with armour of this -description, is represented in the third volume of the _Journal of the -Archaeological Association_. The Kayans, inhabiting the eastern coast -of Borneo, form a kind of armour composed of little shells placed one -overlapping the other, like scales, and having a large mother-of-pearl -shell at the end. This last portion of the armour is shown in the -figure of the Kayan war-dress already referred to (Plate VII, fig. 13). -Plate VIII, fig. 39, is a back- and breast-piece of armour from the -Sandwich Islands, composed of seals' teeth, set like scales, and united -with string. - -Similar scales would afterwards be constructed in bronze and iron. -It was thus employed by the Egyptians (Plate IX, fig. 40), two scales -of which are shown in Fig. 41; also by the Persians, Assyrians, -Philistines, Dacians, and most ancient nations. - -The armour of Goliath is believed to have been of scales, from the -fact of the word 'kaskassim', used in the text of 1 Sam. xvii, -being the same employed in Leviticus and Ezekiel, to express the -scales of fish.[69] Amongst the Romans, scale armour was regarded as -characteristic of barbarians, but they appear to have adopted it in the -time of the Emperors. A suit of Japanese armour in my collection shows -four distinct systems of defence, the back and breast being of solid -plates, the sleeves and leggings composed of small pieces of iron, -stitched on to cloth, and united with chain, whilst other portions are -quilted with enclosed pieces of iron (Fig. 42, _a_ and _b_). Fig. 43, -_a_ and _b_, is a suit of Chinese armour, in the Museum, having large -iron scales on the inside (Fig. 44). This system was also employed in -Europe. Fig. 45 is the inner side of a suit of 'jazerine' armour of the -fifteenth or sixteenth century, in my collection. Fig. 46 represents -a similar suit in the Museum of the Institution, probably of the same -date, having large scales of iron on the outside. A last vestige of -scale armour may be seen in the dress of the Albanians, which, like the -Scotch and ancient Irish kilt, and that formerly worn by the Maltese -peasantry, is a relic of costume of the Greek and Roman age. In the -Albanian jacket the scales are still represented in gold embroidery.[70] - - -_Offensive Weapons of Men and Animals._ - -[Illustration: PLATE X.] - -_Piercing Weapons._ The Gnu of South Africa, when pressed, will attack -men, bending its head downwards, so as to pierce with the point of -its horn.[71] The same applies to many of the antelope tribe. The -rhinoceros destroys the elephant with the thrust of its horn, ripping -up the belly (Plate X, fig. 47). The horn rests on a strong arch formed -by the nasal bones; those of the African rhinoceros, two in number, -are fixed to the nose by a strong apparatus of muscles and tendons, -so that they are loose when the animal is in a quiescent state, but -become firm and immovable when he is enraged, showing in an especial -manner that this apparatus is destined for warlike purposes.[72] It -is capable of piercing the ribs of a horse, passing through saddle, -padding, and all.[73] Mr. Atkinson, in his Siberian travels, speaks of -the tusk of the wild boar, which in those parts is long, and as sharp -as a knife, and he describes the death of a horse which was killed -by a single stroke from this animal, delivered in the chest.[74] The -buffalo charges at full speed with its horn down.[75] The bittern, with -its beak, aims always at the eye.[76] The walrus (Fig. 48) attacks -fiercely with its pointed tusks, and will attempt to pierce the side -of a boat with them.[77] The needle-fish of the Amazons is armed -with a long pointed lance.[78] The same applies to the sword-fish of -the Mediterranean and Atlantic (Fig. 49), which, notwithstanding its -food is mostly vegetable, attacks the whale with its spear-point on -all occasions of meeting. There is an instance on record, of a man, -whilst bathing in the Severn near Worcester, having been killed by the -sword-fish. - -The weapon of the sword-fish is used as a spear-head by the wild tribes -of Cambodia, and some idea may be formed of its efficiency for this -purpose, and of the confidence with which it is used, by the following -account of an attack on a rhinoceros with this weapon, by Mons. -Mouhot.[79] He says:-- - -'The manner in which the rhinoceros is hunted by the Laotians is -curious, on account of its simplicity and the skill they display.... -They had bamboos, with iron blades, something between a bayonet and a -poignard. The weapon of the chief was the horn of a sword-fish, long, -sharp, strong, supple, and not likely to break. Thus armed, we set -off into the thickest part of the forest, with all the windings of -which our leader was familiar, and could tell with tolerable certainty -where we should find our expected prey. After penetrating nearly two -miles into the forest, we suddenly heard the crackling of branches, and -rustling of the dry leaves. The chief went on in advance, signing to us -to keep a little way behind, but to have our arms in readiness. Soon -our leader uttered a shrill cry, as a token that the animal was near; -he then commenced striking against each other two bamboo canes, and the -men set up wild yells to provoke the animal to quit his retreat. - -'A few minutes only elapsed before he rushed towards us, furious at -having been disturbed. He was a rhinoceros of the largest size, and -opened a most enormous mouth. Without any sign of fear, but on the -contrary of great exultation, as though sure of his prey, the intrepid -hunter advanced, lance in hand, and then stood still, waiting for the -creature's assault. I must say I trembled for him, and loaded my gun -with two balls; but when the rhinoceros came within reach, and opened -his immense jaws to seize his enemy[80], the hunter thrust his lance -into him to a depth of some feet, and calmly retired to where we were -posted.' After the animal was dead, the chief withdrew his sword-fish -blade, and presented it to Mons. Mouhot. - -The narwhal has a still more formidable weapon of the same kind (Pl. -X, fig. 50). It attacks the whale, and occasionally the bottoms of -ships, a specimen of the effect of which attack, from the Museum of -the Institution, is represented in Fig. 51. The Esquimaux, who, in -the accounts which they give of their own customs, profess to derive -much experience from the habits of the animals amongst which they -live, use the narwhal's tusk for the points of their spears. Fig. -52 represents a 'nuguit' from Greenland, of the form mentioned by -Cranz[81]; it is armed with the point of the narwhal's tusk. Fig. 53, -from my collection, has the shaft also of narwhal's tusk; it is armed -with a metal blade, but it is introduced here in order to show the -association which existed in the mind of the constructor between his -weapon and the animal from which the shaft is derived, and for the -capture of which it is chiefly used. The wooden shaft, it will be seen, -is constructed in the form of the fish, and the ivory fore-shaft is -inserted in the snout in the exact position of that of the fish itself. -At Kotzebue Sound, Captain Beechey[82] found the natives armed with -lances composed of a walrus tooth fixed to the end of a wooden staff -(Fig. 54). They also employ the walrus tooth for the points of their -tomahawks (Fig. 55). The horns of the antelope are used as lance-points -by the Djibba negroes of Central Africa, as already mentioned (p. 52), -and in Nubia also by the Shillooks and Dinkas.[83] The antelope's -horn is also used in South Africa for the same purpose.[84] The argus -pheasant of India[85], the wing-wader of Australia[86], and the plover -of Central Africa[87], have spurs on their wings, with which they -fight; the cock and turkey have spurs on their feet, used expressly -for offence. The white crane of America has been known to drive its -beak deep into the bowels of a hunter.[88] The Indians of Virginia, in -1606, are described as having arrows armed with the spurs of the turkey -and beaks of birds.[89] In the Christy collection there is an arrow, -supposed to be from South America, which is armed with the natural -point of the deer's horn (Fig. 56). The war-club of the Iroquois, -called GA-NE-U'-GA-O-DUS-HA, or 'deer-horn war-club', was armed with -a point of the deer's horn (Fig. 57), about 4 inches in length; since -communication with Europeans, a metal point has been substituted -(Fig. 58). It appears highly probable that the 'martel-de-fer' of the -fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, which is also used in India and -Persia, may have been derived, as its form indicates, from a horn -weapon of this kind. Horn points suitable for arming such weapons have -been found both in England and Ireland, two specimens of which are -in my collection.[90] The weapon of the sting-ray, from the method of -using it by the animal itself, should more properly be classed with -serrated weapons, but it is a weapon in general use amongst savages for -spear or arrow points (Fig. 59), for which it has the particular merit -of breaking off in the wound. It causes a frightful wound, and being -sharply serrated, as well as pointed, there is no means of cutting -it out. It is used in this way by the inhabitants of Gambier Island, -Samoa[91], Otaheite[92], the Fiji Islands[93], Pellew Islands[94], and -many of the Low Islands. Amongst the savages of tropical South America, -the blade of the ray, probably the _Trygon histrix_, is used for -arrow-points.[95] - -In the _Balistes capriscus_ (Fig. 60 _a_), a rare British fish, the -anterior dorsal is preceded by a strong erectile spine, which is -used for piercing other fishes from beneath. Its base is expanded -and perforated, and a bolt from the supporting plate passes freely -through it. When this spine is raised, a hollow at the back receives a -prominence from the next bony ray, which fixes the spine in an erect -position, as the hammer of a gun-lock acts at full-cock, and the spine -cannot be forced down till this prominence is withdrawn, as by pulling -the trigger. This mechanism may be compared to the fixing and unfixing -of a bayonet; when the spine is unfixed and bent down, it is received -into a groove on the supporting plate, and offers no impediment to the -progress of the fish through the water. These fishes are also found in -a fossil state, and, to use the words of Professor Owen, from whose -work this description of the _Balistes_ is borrowed, exemplify in a -remarkable manner the efficacy, beauty, and variety of the ancient -armoury of that order.[96] The stickleback is armed in a similar -manner, and is exceedingly pugnacious. The _Cottus diceraus, Pall._ -(Fig. 60 _b_), has a multi-barbed horn on its back, exactly resembling -the spears of the Esquimaux, South American, and Australian savages. -The _Naseus fronticornis, Lac._ (Fig. 60 _c_), has also a spear-formed -weapon. The Yellow-bellied Acanthurus is armed with a spine of -considerable length upon its tail. - -The Australians of King George's Sound use the pointed fin of the -roach to arm their spears[97]; the inhabitants of New Guinea also arm -their arrows with the offensive horn of the saw-fish, and with the -claw of the cassowary. The sword of the Limulus, or king-crab, is an -offensive weapon; its habits do not appear to be well understood, but -its weapon is used in some of the Malay islands for arrow-points (Fig. -61). The natives of San Salvador, when discovered by Columbus, used -lances pointed with the teeth of fish.[98] The spine of the Diodon is -also used for arrow-points (Fig. 62). Amongst other piercing weapons -suggested by the horns of animals may be noticed the Indian 'kandjar' -composed of one side of the horn of the buffalo, having the natural -form and point (Fig. 63). In later times a metal dagger, with ivory -handle, was constructed in the same country (Fig. 64), after the exact -model of the one of horn, the handle having one side flat, in imitation -of the half-split horn, though of course that peculiar form was no -longer necessitated by the material then used. The same form of weapon -was afterwards used with a metal handle (Fig. 65). The sharp horns of -the 'sasin', or common antelope, often steel pointed, are still used -as offensive weapons in India (Figs. 66, 67, 68). Several examples -of these are in the Museum of the Institution. Three stages of this -weapon are exhibited, the first having the natural point, the second a -metal point, and the third a weapon of nearly the same form composed -entirely of metal. The Fakirs and Dervishes, not being permitted by -their profession to carry arms, use the pointed horn of the antelope -for this purpose. Fig. 69 is a specimen from my collection; from its -resemblance to the Dervishes' crutch of Western Asia, I presume it -can be none other than the one referred to in the _Journal of the -Archaeological Association_, from which I obtained this information -respecting the Dervishes' weapon.[99] Mankind would also early derive -instruction from the sharp thorns of trees, with which he must come -in contact in his rambles through the forests; the African mimosa, the -Gledischia, the American aloe, and the spines of certain palms, would -afford him practical experience of their efficacy as piercing weapons, -and accordingly we find them often used by savages in barbing their -arrows.[100] - -_Striking Weapons._ Many animals defend themselves by blows delivered -with their wings or legs; the giraffe kicks like a horse as well as -strikes sideways with its blunt horns; the camel strikes with its -fore legs and kicks with its hind legs; the elephant strikes with its -proboscis and tramples with its feet; eagles, swans, and other birds -strike with their wings; the swan is said to do so with sufficient -force to break a man's leg; the cassowary strikes forward with its -feet; the tiger strikes a fatal blow with its paw; the whale strikes -with its tail, and rams with such force, that the American whaler -_Essex_ is said to have been sunk by that animal.[101] There is no -known example of mankind in so low a state as to be unacquainted -with the use of artificial weapons. The practice of boxing with the -fist, however, is by no means confined to the British Isles as some -people seem to suppose, for besides the Romans, Lusitanians[102], and -others mentioned in classical history, it prevailed certainly in the -Polynesian islands[103] and in Central Africa.[104] - -_Serrated Weapons._ This class of weapons in animals corresponds to the -cutting weapons of men. Amongst the most barbarous races, however, as -amongst animals, no example of a cutting weapon is found[105]: although -the Polynesian islanders make very good knives of the split and -sharpened edges of bamboo, and the Esquimaux, also, use the split tusk -of the walrus as a knife, these cannot be regarded, nor, indeed, are -they used, as edged weapons. These, strictly speaking, are confined to -the metal age, and their place, in the earliest stages of civilization, -is supplied by weapons with serrated, or saw-like edges. - -[Illustration: PLATE XI.] - -Perhaps the nearest approach in the animal kingdom to an edged weapon -is the fore-arm of the mantis, a kind of cricket, used by the Chinese -and others in the East for their amusement. Their combats have been -compared to that of two soldiers fighting with sabres. They cut and -parry with their fore-arms, and, sometimes, a single stroke with these -is sufficient to decapitate, or cut in two the body of an antagonist. -But on closer inspection, these fore-arms are found to be set with a -row of strong and sharp spines, similar to those of all other animals -that are provided with this class of weapon. The snout of the saw-fish -is another example of the serrated weapon. Its mode of attacking the -whale is by jumping up high in the air, and falling on the animal, not -with the point, but with the sides of its formidable weapon, both edges -of which are armed with a row of sharp horns, set like teeth, by means -of which it rasps a severe cut in the flesh of the whale. The design -in this case is precisely analogous to that of the Australian savage, -who throws his similarly constructed spear so as to strike, not with -the bone point, but with its more formidable edges, which are thick set -with a row of sharp-pointed pieces of obsidian, or rock-crystal. The -saw-fish is amongst the most widely distributed of fishes, belonging -to the arctic, antarctic, and tropical seas. It may, therefore, very -possibly have served as a model in many of the numerous localities in -which this character of weapon is found in the hands of savages. The -snout itself is used as a weapon by the inhabitants of New Guinea, the -base being cut and bound round so as to form a handle. Plate XI, fig. -70, is a specimen from the Museum of the Institution. The weapon of -the sting-ray, though used by savages for spear-points, more properly -belongs to this class, as the mode of its employment by the animal -itself consists in twisting its long, slender tail round the object of -attack, and cutting the surface with its serrated edge.[106] The teeth -of all animals, including those of man himself, also furnish examples -of serrated weapons. - -When we find models of this class of weapon so widely distributed -in the lower creation, it is not surprising that the first efforts -of mankind in the construction of trenchant implements, should so -universally consist of teeth or flint flakes, arranged along the edges -of staves or clubs, in exact imitation of the examples which he finds -ready to his hand, in the mouths of the animals which he captures, -and on which he is dependent for his food. Several specimens of -implements, edged in this manner with sharks' teeth, from the Museum -of the Institution, are represented in Plate XI, figs. 71, 72, 73, -74. They are found chiefly in the Marquesas, in Tahiti, Depeyster's -Island, Byron's Isles, the Kingsmill Group, Radak Island[107], and -the Sandwich Islands[108], also in New Zealand (Fig. 75). They are of -various shapes, and are used for various cutting purposes, as knives, -swords, and glaives. Two distinct methods of fastening the teeth to -the wood prevail in the Polynesian Islands; firstly, by inserting them -in a groove cut in the sides of the stick or weapon; and secondly, by -arranging the teeth in a row, along the sides of the stick, between -two small strips of wood on either side of the teeth, lashed on to the -staff, in all cases, with small strings, composed of plant fibre. The -points of the teeth are usually arranged in two opposite directions on -the same staff, so that a severe cut may be given either in thrusting -or withdrawing the weapon.[109] - -A similarly constructed implement, also edged with sharks' teeth, -was found by Captain Graah on the east coast of Greenland, and is -mentioned in Dr. King's paper on the industrial arts of the Esquimaux, -in the _Journal of the Ethnological Society_.[110] The teeth in this -implement were secured by small nails, or pegs of bone; it was also -used formerly on the West Coast. A precisely similar implement (Fig. -76), but showing an advance in art by being set with a row of chips of -meteoric iron, was found amongst the Esquimaux of Davis Strait, and is -now in the department of meteorolites in the British Museum. Others, -of the same nature, from Greenland, are in the Christy collection -(Fig. 77). The 'pacho' of the South Sea Islands appears to have been a -sort of club, armed on the inner side with sharks' teeth, set in the -same manner.[111] The Tapoyers, of Brazil, used a kind of club, which -was broad at the end, and set with teeth and bones, sharpened at the -point.[112] - -Hernandez gives an account of the construction of the Mexican -'maquahuilt' or Aztec war-club, which was armed on both sides with a -row of obsidian flakes, stuck into holes, and fastened with a kind -of gum (Fig. 78).[113] Herrera, the Spanish historian, also mentions -these as swords of wood, having a groove in the fore part, in which -the flints were strongly fixed with bitumen and thread.[114] In 1530, -according to the Spanish historians, Copan was defended by 30,000 men, -armed with these weapons, amongst others[115]; and similar weapons -have been represented in the sculptures of Yucatan.[116] They are -also represented in Lord Kingsborough's important work on Mexican -antiquities, from which the accompanying representations are taken -(Figs. 78, 79, 80). One of these swords, having six pieces of obsidian -on each side of the blade, is to be seen in a Museum in Mexico. - -In the burial mounds of Western North America, Mr. Lewis Morgan, the -historian of the Iroquois,[117] mentions that rows of flint flakes have -been found lying, side by side, in order, and suggesting the idea that -they must have been fastened into sticks in the same manner as those of -Mexico and Yucatan. - -Throughout the entire continent of Australia the natives arm their -spears with small sharp pieces of obsidian, or crystal, and recently of -glass, arranged in rows along the sides near the point, and fastened -with a cement of their own preparation, thereby producing a weapon -which, though thinner in the shaft, is precisely similar in character -to those already described (Figs. 81 and 82). Turning again to the -northern hemisphere, we find in the Museum of Professor Nilsson, at -Lund, in Sweden, a smooth, sharp-pointed piece of bone, found in that -country, about six inches long, grooved on each side to the depth of -about a quarter of an inch, into each of which grooves a row of fine, -sharp-edged, and slightly-curved flints were inserted, and fixed with -cement. The instrument thus armed was fastened to the end of a shaft -of wood, and might either have been thrown by the hand or projected -from a bow (Fig. 83). Another precisely similar implement (Fig. 84) is -represented in the illustrated Catalogue of the Museum at Copenhagen, -showing that in both these countries this system of constructing -trenchant implements was employed. In Ireland, although there is no -actual evidence of flints having been set in this manner, yet from the -numerous examples of this class of weapon that are found elsewhere, and -the frequent occurrence of flint implements of a form that would well -adapt them to such a purpose, the author of the Catalogue of the Royal -Irish Academy expresses his opinion that the same arrangement may very -possibly have existed in that country, and that the wood in which they -were inserted may, like that which, as I have already said, is supposed -to have held the flints found in the graves of the Iroquois, have -perished by decay. - -_Poisoned Weapons._ It is unnecessary to enter here into a detailed -account of the use of poison by man and animals. Its use by man as a -weapon of offence is chiefly confined to those tropical regions in -which poisonous herbs and reptiles are most abundant. It is used by the -Negroes, Bushmen, and Hottentots of Africa; in the Indian Archipelago, -New Hebrides, and New Caledonia. It appears formerly to have been used -in the South Seas. It is employed in Bootan; in Assam; by the Stiens -of Cambodia; and formerly by the Moors of Mogadore. The Parthians and -Scythians used it in ancient times; and it appears always to have been -regarded by ancient writers as the especial attribute of barbarism. -The Italian bravoes of modern Europe also used it. In America it is -employed by the Darian Indians, in Guiana, Brazil, Peru, Paraguay, and -on the Orinoco. The composition of the poison varies in the different -races, the Bushmen and Hottentots using the venomous secretions of -serpents and caterpillars,[118] whilst most other nations of the world -employ the poisonous herbs of the different countries they inhabit, -showing that in all probability this must have been one of those arts -which, though of very early origin, arose spontaneously and separately -in the various quarters of the globe, after the human family had -separated. This subject, however, is deserving of a separate treatment, -and will be alluded to elsewhere. - -In drawing a parallel between the weapons of men and animals used -in the application of poison for offensive purposes, two points of -similitude deserve attention. - -Firstly, the poison gland of many serpents is situated on the upper -jaw, behind and below the eyes. A long excretory duct extends from -this gland to the outer surface of the upper jaw, and opens above -and before the poison teeth, by which means the poison flows along -the sheath into the upper opening of the tooth in such a manner as -to secure its insertion into the wound. The hollow interior of the -bones with which the South American and other Indians arm the poisoned -arrows secures the same object (Fig. 85); it contains the poisonous -liquid, and provides a channel for its insertion into the wound. In -the bravo's dagger of Italy, a specimen of which from my collection -is shown in Fig. 86, a similar provision for the insertion of the -poison is effected by means of a groove on either side of the blade, -communicating with two rows of small holes, into which the poison -flows, and is retained in that part of the blade which enters the -wound. Nearly similar blades, with holes, have been found in Ireland, -of which a specimen is in the Academy's Museum, and they have been -compared with others of the same kind from India, but I am not aware -that there is any evidence to show that they were used for poison. Some -of the Indian daggers, however, are constructed in close analogy with -the poison apparatus of the serpent's tooth, having an enclosed tube -running down the middle of the blade, communicating with a reservoir -for poison in the handle, and having lateral openings in the blade -for the diffusion of the poison in the wound. Similar holes, but -without any enclosed tube, and having only a groove on the surface -of the blade to communicate with the holes, are found in some of the -Scotch dirks, and in several forms of _couteau de chasse_, in which -they appear to have been used merely with a view of letting air into -the wound, and accelerating death (Figs. 87 _a_ and _b_). The Scotch -dirk, here represented, has a groove running from the handle along -the back of the blade to within three and a half inches of the point. -In the bottom of this groove ten holes are pierced, which communicate -with other lateral holes at right angles, opening on to the sides of -the blade. Daggers are still made at Sheffield for the South American -market, with a small hole drilled through the blade, near the point, to -contain the poison; and in my collection there is an iron arrow-point -(Fig. 88), evidently formed of the point of one of these daggers, -having the hole near the point. - -It often happens that forms which, in the early history of an art, -have served some specific object, are in later times applied to other -uses, and are ultimately retained only in the forms of ornamentation. -This seems to have been the case with the pierced work upon the blades -of weapons which, intended originally for poison, was afterwards used -as air-holes, and ultimately for ornament only, as appears by a plug -bayonet of the commencement of the eighteenth century in the Tower -Armoury, No. 390 of the official Catalogue, for a drawing of which, as -well as that of the Scotch dirk, I am indebted to Captain A. Tupper, a -member of the Council of this Institution. - -The second point of analogy to which I would draw attention is that of -the multi-barbed arrows of most savages to the multi-barbed stings of -insects, especially that of the bee (Fig. 89), which is so constructed -that it cannot usually be withdrawn, but breaks off with its poisonous -appendage into the wound. An exact parallel to this is found in -the poisoned arrows of savages of various races, which, as already -mentioned, are frequently armed with the point of the sting-ray, for -the express purpose of breaking in the wound. In the arrows of the -Bushmen, the shaft is often partly cut through, so as to break when it -comes in contact with a bone, and the barb is constructed to remain in -the wound when the arrow is withdrawn (Fig. 90). The same applies to -the barbed arrows used with the Malay blowpipe (Fig. 91), and those -of the wild tribes of Assam (Fig. 92), which are also poisoned. The -arrow-points of the Shoshones of North America (Fig. 93), said to -be poisoned, are tied on, purposely, with gut in such a manner as to -remain when the arrow is withdrawn. The arrows of the Macoushie tribe -of Guiana (Fig. 94) are made with a small barbed and poisoned head, -which is inserted in a socket in the shaft, in which it fits loosely, -so as to detach in the wound. This weapon appears to form the link -between the poisoned arrow and the fishing arrow or harpoon, which is -widely distributed, and which I propose to describe on a subsequent -occasion. Mr. Latham, of Wilkinson's, Pall Mall, has been kind -enough to describe to me a Venetian dagger of glass, formerly in his -possession; it had a tube in the centre for the poison, and the blade -was constructed with three edges. By a sharp wrench from the assassin, -the blade was broken off, and remained in the wound. - -It has also been supposed that from their peculiar construction most of -the triangular and concave-based arrow-heads of flint that are found in -this country, and in Ireland, were constructed for a similar purpose -(Fig. 95). - -The serrated edges of weapons, like those of the bee and the sting-ray, -when used as arrow-points, were likewise instrumental in retaining the -poison and introducing it into the wound, and this form was copied with -a similar object in some of the Florentine daggers above mentioned, a -portion of the blade of one of which, taken from Meyrick's _Ancient -Arms and Armour_, is shown in Fig. 96.[119] - -Although the use of poison would in these days be scouted by all -civilized nations as an instrument of war, we find it still applied to -useful purposes in the destruction of the larger animals. The operation -of whaling, which is attended with so much danger and difficulty, has -of late been greatly facilitated by the use of a mixture of strychnine -and 'woorali', the well-known poison of the Indians of South America. -An ounce of this mixture, attached to a small explosive shell fired -from a carbine, has been found to destroy a whale in less than eighteen -minutes, without risk to the whaler.[120] - -When we consider how impotent a creature the aboriginal and -uninstructed man must have been, when contending with the large and -powerful animals with which he was surrounded, we cannot too much -admire that provision of nature which appears to have directed his -attention, during the very earliest stages of his existence, to the -acquirement of the subtile art of poisoning. In the forests of Guiana -there are tribes, such as the Otomacs, apparently weaponless, but -which, by simply poisoning the thumb-nail with 'curare' or 'woorali', -at once become formidable antagonists.[121] Poison is available for -hunting as well as for warlike purposes: the South American Indians -eat the monkeys killed by this means, merely cutting out the part -struck,[122] and the wild tribes of the Malay peninsula do not even -trouble themselves to cut out the part before eating.[123] The Bushmen, -and the Stiens of Cambodia, use their poisoned weapons chiefly against -wild beasts and elephants. - -Thus we see that the most noxious of herbs and the most repulsive of -reptiles have been the means ordained to instruct mankind in what, -during the first ages of his existence, must have been the most -useful of arts. We cannot now determine how far this agent may have -been influential in exterminating those huge animals, the _Elephas -primigenius_ and _Rhinoceros tichorhinus_, with the remains of which -the earliest races of man have been so frequently associated, and -which, in those primaeval days, before he began to turn his hand to -the destruction of his own species, must have constituted his most -formidable enemies. - -_Missiles._ Amongst the offensive weapons of animals, the use of -missiles cannot be altogether excluded, although the examples of -their use by the lower creation are extremely rare. Some species of -cuttle-fish have the power of ejecting water with a good aim.[124] -The Toxotes, or archer-fish, obtains its name from its faculty of -projecting drops of water at insects some three or four feet from -the surface of the water; which it seldom fails to bring down. The -llama has a habit of ejecting its saliva, but I am not aware of the -object of this singular practice. I only know from experience that its -manners are offensive, and that it has the power of spitting with a -good aim and for some distance. The porcupine has the power of throwing -its quills, and is said to do so with effect, although it is not now -believed to dart them with any hostile intention. The Polar bear is -described in Captain Hall's recent publication as an animal capable of -capturing the walrus by missile force.[125] It is said that the bear -will take advantage of an overhanging cliff, under which its prey is -seen asleep upon the ice, to throw down, with its paws, large stones, -and with such good aim as to hit the walrus on the head, after which, -running down to the place where the animal lays stunned, it will take -the stone to beat out its brains. That animals are instinctively -acquainted with the force of gravitation is evident by their avoiding -precipices that would endanger them, and it certainly requires a slight -(but at the same time most important) advance upon this knowledge, -to avail themselves of large stones for such purposes as are here -attributed to the bear; but as the story only rests on the authority of -the Esquimaux, it must, I think--although they certainly are careful -observers of the habits of animals--be rejected, until confirmed by -the direct testimony of white men. It has even been doubted whether -the alleged habit of monkeys, in throwing coco-nuts at their pursuers, -has not arisen from the mistake of the hunter in supposing that fruit -accidentally detached from their stalks by the gambols of these animals -in the trees, may have been intended as missiles; but it appears now -to be clearly established that monkeys have the intelligence, not only -to throw stones, but even to use them in breaking the shells of nuts. -Major Denham, in his account of his travels in Central Africa, near -Lake Tshad, says: 'The monkeys, or as the Arabs say, men enchanted, -"Beny Adam meshood," were so numerous, that I saw upwards of 150 -assembled in one place in the evening. They did not at all appear -inclined to give up their ground, but perched on the top of a bank, -some 20 feet high, made a terrible noise, and rather gently than -otherwise, pelted us as we approached within a certain distance.' This, -I think, is clear evidence of a combined pelting on the part of these -untutored animals. - -The monkey thus furnishes us with the only example of the use of -any external substance for offensive purposes, by any member of the -animal kingdom. All others, except, perhaps, the missile fishes above -described, use, for offence and defence, the weapons with which nature -has furnished them, and which are integral parts of their persons. It -is this which so essentially distinguishes man from the lower creation. -Man is the tool-using animal. We have no knowledge of man, in any state -of existence, who is not so; nor have we (with the exception of the -ape, the link indirectly connecting him with the lower creation, in the -same manner that the savage connects the civilized with the aboriginal -man, both being branches from the same stem) any knowledge of animals -that employ tools or weapons. Herein lies the point of separation, -which, in so far as the material universe is concerned, marks the -dawn of a new dispensation. Hitherto Providence operates directly -on the work to be performed, by means of the living, animated tool. -Henceforth, it operates indirectly on the progress and development of -creation, first, through the agency of the instinctively tool-using -savage, and by degrees, of the intelligent and reasoning man. - - -DESCRIPTION OF PLATES VI-XI - -[_Revised and abridged from the 'Description' appended to the original -text. The roman numeral refers to the Plate on which the figure is -printed._] - - 1. _a._ Adze of iron, constructed by Captain Cook's armourer for - the use of the natives of Tahiti, _b._ Adze of stone, Tahitian, - used as model in making the above. Meyrick (Skelton), _Engraved - Illustrations of Ancient Arms and Armour_ (1830), vol. ii. pl. - cxlix. - - PLATE VI. - - 2. _a._ Pipe-handled Tomahawk, of European manufacture, constructed - for the use of North American Indians. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.) - Meyrick (Skelton), l. c., vol. ii. pl. cxlix. _b._ Pipe and - Tomahawk of pipe-stone, used by the Dacotas of N. America. - Schoolcraft, _Information concerning the History, &c., of the - Indian Tribes of the United States_, vol. ii. pl. lxix. - - VI. - - 3. Maeotian, or Scythian Bow, from a vase-painting. Hamilton, - _Etruscan Antiquities_, vol. iv. pl. cxvi; Meyrick, _Critical - Enquiry into Ancient Armour_ (1824) vol. i. pl. ii. 14; Rawlinson, - _Herodotus_ (1862), vol. iii. pp. 3, 35. - - VI. - - 4. Bow of the Tartar tribes on the borders of Persia. (Mus. R. U. - S. Inst.) Meyrick (Skelton), l. c., vol. ii. pl. cxliv. - - VI. - - 5. Iron Sword (_minus_ the wooden handle) and War-Axe of native - manufacture, constructed by the Fans of the Gaboon country, West - Africa. (Author's Collection; similar spec. in Mus. R. U. S. - Inst.) The patterns of ornamentation are taken partly from the Fan - War-Axe, and partly from iron knives brought from Central Africa by - Mr. Petherick. (Author's Coll.) - - VI. - - 6. Leaf-shaped Bronze Sword (_minus_ the handle), from Ireland - (Author's Coll.); and a Bronze Celt (Mainz Mus.), Lindenschmit, - _Die Alterthuemer unserer heidnischen Vorzeit_ (1864 ff.). The - patterns of ornamentation are taken partly from Lindenschmit, - l. c., pl. iii.; partly from Irish bronze-work in Sir W. Wilde, - _Catalogue of the Museum of the Royal Irish Academy_ (1863), - Bronze, pp. 389-90. - - VI. - - 7. 'Manilla,' or ring-money of copper and iron, used in the Eboe - country, W. Africa. (Author's Coll.) In 1836, a ship laden with a - quantity of these 'manillas', made in Birmingham, after the pattern - in use in Africa (the spec. here figured forming part of the - cargo), was wrecked on the coast of co. Cork. By this means their - exact resemblance to the gold and bronze 'penannular rings' found - in Ireland (Fig. 8) attracted the attention of Mr. Sainthill, of - Cork, by whom the subject was communicated to the _Ulster Journal - of Archaeology_, No. 19 (July, 1857). - - VI. - - 8. 'Penannular Ring,' found in Ireland. Wilde, l. c., Bronze, - p. 570, Gold, p. 53. Similar forms are found in England and on - the Continent. Lindenschmit, pl. iv; Keller, _Lake Dwellings of - Switzerland_ (tr. Lee, 1866), pl. lii _a_, fig. 9. - - VI. - - 9. Kaffir Assegai-head of iron, of native manufacture, with section - of blade. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.) - - VI. - - 10. Saxon Spear-head of iron, having the same section as fig. 9; - from a Saxon grave. Neville, _Saxon Obsequies_ (London, 1852), pl. - xxxv; Akerman, _Saxon Pagandom_ (London, 1855), Introd., p. x. - - VI. - - 11. War-dress of a Patagonian Chief, composed of seven thicknesses - of hide on the body part, and three on the sleeves. (Mus. R. U. S. - Inst.) - - VII. - - 12. Section of the above, upon the breast, showing how the seven - thicknesses are united at the top. - - VII. - - 13. Kayan Cuirass of untanned hide, with the hair outside; and - Helmet of cane wickerwork. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.; pres. by Capt. D. - Bethune, R.N.) - - VII. - - 14. Egyptian Breast-plate, made of a crocodile's back. Meyrick - (Skelton), l. c., vol. ii. pl. cxlviii. - - VII. - - 15. Suit of Armour, supposed to have formerly belonged to the Rajah - of Guzerat. The four breast- and back-pieces are of rhinoceros - hide, having an inscription upon them, beginning with an invocation - to Ali. The remaining portions are of black velvet, ornamented with - brass studs, and padded. Meyrick (Skelton), l. c., vol. ii. pl. - cxli. - - VIII. - - 16. Four Plates of steel (Sikh), of similar form to those of - rhinoceros hide in fig. 15, ornamented with patterns of inlaid - gold. They are fastened with straps over a coat of chain-armour, - and are called in Persian 'char aineh,' i.e. 'the four mirrors.' - (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.) - - VIII. - - 17. Helmet of basket-work, from the Sandwich Islands, resembling - the Grecian in form. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.; presented by H. Shelley, - Esq.) - - VIII. - - 18. Suit of Armour of coco-nut fibre, from Pleasant Island, in - the Pacific. It is probable that the under tippet, which is now - attached to the back- and breast-piece at the top, may originally - have been intended to be worn round the loins, like a kilt. (Mus. - R. U. S. Inst.) - - VII. - - 19. _a._ Quilted Pectoral of the Egyptians. Meyrick, l. c., vol. - i. pl. i. _b._ shows the manner in which it was worn. Rawlinson, - _Herodotus_ (1862), vol. iv. p. 47, No. iii. 3 (but this figure is - Kheta, not Egyptian.--ED.). - - VII. - - 20. Quilted Head-dress of the Egyptian soldiers. Meyrick, l. c., - vol. i. pl. i. - - VIII. - - 21. Quilted Helmet of nearly the same form as fig. 20, from India. - (Author's Coll.) - - VIII. - - 22. Head-dress of nearly the same form as figs. 20, 21, from the - Nouaer tribe of Negroes, inhabiting both banks of the Nile from - 8 deg. to 10 deg. N. latitude; brought to England by Mr. Petherick. It - resembles the Egyptian very closely, and is composed of cylindrical - white beads of European manufacture, fastened together with a kind - of string. (Author's Coll.) - - VIII. - - 23. Helmet of the same form as fig. 21, composed of united mail - and plate, formerly belonging to the Body-guard of the Moguls. - (Author's Coll.) - - VIII. - - 24. Suit of Quilted Armour, taken in action from Koer Singh, the - famous Rajpoot Chief, of Jugdespore in Behar, on August 12, 1857, - by Major Vincent Eyre, commanding the field force that relieved - Arrah. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.; presented by the captor.) - - VII. - - 25. _a._ Suit of Quilted Armour, found upon the body of Tippoo - Sahib at his death, in the breach of Seringapatam. (Mus. R. U. S. - Inst.) - - IX. - - _b._ Portion of one of the nine thicknesses of quilting, of the - above, showing construction (see p. 62): reduced to 1/6. - - IX. - - _c._ Helmet of the above suit. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.) - - IX. - - 26. Quilted Armour of the Bornouese Cavalry. Denham and Clapperton, - _Travels in Northern and Central Africa_ (1826), p. 328 (Denham). - - VIII. - - 27. Suit of Armour from the Navigator Islands, composed of coco-nut - fibre, coarsely netted. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.; presented by Sir W. - Burnett, M.D.) Similar armour is used in the Kingsmill Group. - - VII. - - 28. Part of a Chinese 'Brigandine Jacket' of cotton, quilted, with - enclosed plates of metal. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.) - - VII. - - 29. Head-dress of Hercules wearing the Lion's Skin, from a Bronze - in the Blacas Collection. (British Museum.) - - VIII. - - 30. Head-dress of a North American Chief. Schoolcraft, l. c., vol. - iii. p. 68. pl. x. 2. - - VIII. - - 31. Thracian Helmet of brass [?], with horns of the same. Meyrick, - l. c., vol. i. pl. iii. - - VIII. - - 32. Ancient British Helmet of bronze, with straight horns of the - same, found in the Thames. (British Museum.) - - VIII. - - 33. Greek Helmet, having horns of brass [?]. Meyrick, l. c., vol. - i. pl. iv. - - VIII. - - 34. Back-plate and Breast-plate of the Bugo Dyaks, armed with the - scales of the Pangolin. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.) - - IX. - - 35. Piece of Bark from Tahiti, studded with pieces of coco-nut - shell. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.) - - VIII. - - 36. Fragment of Scale-Armour of horn found at Pompeii. [_Pictorial - Gallery of Arts_, vol. i. figs. 10, 61.] - - VIII. - - 37. Piece of Scale-Armour, made of the hoofs of some animal, from - some part of Asia; said to be from Japan. Meyrick, l. c., vol. i. - pl. iii. - - VIII. - - 38. An ancient Stone Figure in Scale Armour. Cuming, _Journ. - Archaeol. Assoc._, vol. iii. p. 31. - - IX. - - 39. Back-piece and Breast-piece of Armour from the Sandwich - Islands, composed of seals' teeth. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.; pres. by - H. Shelley, Esq.) - - VIII. - - 40. Egyptian Suit of Scale-Armour. Rawlinson, _Herodotus_ (1862), - vol. ii. p. 65, fig. iii; Wilkinson (Birch), _Manners and Customs - of the Ancient Egyptians_ (1878), fig. 53 _a_. - - IX. - - 41. Two Scales of Egyptian Armour, enlarged. Rawlinson, l. c., fig. - iv. - - IX. - - 42. Japanese Armour, composed of chain, plate, and enclosed quilted - plates. (_a_) Left arm; (_b_) Greaves. (Author's Coll.) - - IX. - - 43. _a._ Chinese Suit of Armour, of cotton, having iron scales - attached to the inside, _b._ Iron Helmet of the same suit (Mus. R. - U. S. Inst.; presented by Capt. Sir E. Belcher. R.N.) - - IX. - - 44. A portion of the iron scales attached to the inner side of the - above suit. - - IX. - - 45. Breast-piece of 'Jazerine' Armour of iron scales, xv-xvi cent.; - inner side. (Author's Coll.) Cf. Grose, _Treatise on Ancient - Armour_ (London, 1786), p. 15, 'Jazerant': cf. pl. xxxiii. 3; - Meyrick. vol. ii. pl. lvi. - - IX. - - 46. 'Brigandine' composed of large iron scales on the outside, - probably of the same date as the above; left by the Venetians in - the armoury of Candia on the surrender of the island to the Turks - in 1715. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.; presented by Lt.-Col. Patrick - Campbell, R.A.) - - IX. - - 47. Horn of the Rhinoceros. (Author's Coll.) - - X. - - 48. Skull and Tusks of the Walrus. (Author's Coll.) - - X. - - 49. Weapon of the Sword-Fish; scale 1/2 inch to a foot. (Author's - Coll.) - - X. - - 50. Spear of the Narwhal; scale 1/2 inch to a foot. (Author's Coll.) - - X. - - 51. Section, showing part of the timber of the ship _Fame_, where - it was pierced by the narwhal in the South Seas, through 2-1/2-inch - oak. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.; presented by Lt. A. T. Tulloch, R.A.) - - X. - - 52. Esquimaux Spear, from Greenland, armed with the spear of the - narwhal. 1/50. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.) - - X. - - 53. Esquimaux Spear in the form of a fish, having fore-shaft - composed of a narwhal-tusk, inserted so as to represent the tusk of - the animal; scale 1/2 inch to a foot. (Author's Coll.) - - X. - - 54. Esquimaux Lance, pointed with a walrus-tooth. 1/20. (Mus. R. U. - S. Inst.) - - X. - - 55. Esquimaux Tomahawk or Pickaxe, headed with a walrus-tooth. - 1/20. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.) - - X. - - 56. Arrow-head, probably from South America, headed with the point - of a deer's horn. (British Museum, Christy Collection.) - - X. - - 57. War-club of the Iroquois, called _Ga-ne-u-ga-o-dus-ha_ or - 'Deer-horn War-Club.' Lewis Morgan, _League of the Iroquois_ - (Rochester, N.Y., 1851), p. 363. - - X. - - 58. Club of the North American Indians, with a point of iron. 1/20. - (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.; presented by T. Hoblyn, Esq.) - - X. - - 59. Arrow, from S. America, armed with the weapon of the ray, - probably _Trygon hystrix_. 1/2. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.) - - X. - - 60. _a._ Spine of _Balistes capriscus, Cuv._, erect. Yarrell, - _British Fishes_ (2nd ed., London, 1841), vol. ii, p. 472. _b._ - Horn of _Cottus diceraus, Pall_. Cuvier, _Animal Kingdom_ (1827), - s. v. _c._ Horn of _Naseus fronticornis, Lac._ Cuvier, l. c. - - X. - - 61. Spear of the _Limulus_ or 'King Crab.' - - X. - - 62. Arrow, armed with the spine of the _Diodon_. 1/4. (Author's - Coll.) - - X. - - 63. 'Khandjar' or Indian Dagger, composed of the horn of the - buffalo, having the natural form and point. 1/10. (Author's Coll.) - - X. - - 64. 'Khandjar' of the same form, with metal blade and ivory handle. - 1/10. (Author's Coll.) - - X. - - 65. 'Khandjar' of the same form, having both blade and handle of - iron. The handle is ornamented with the figures of a bird and some - small quadruped. 1/10. (Author's Coll.) - - X. - - 66. Dagger formed of the horn of the 'sasin,' or common antelope. - 1/10. (Author's Coll.) - - X. - - 67. Dagger like fig. 66, but with the points armed with metal. 1/10 - (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.) - - X. - - 68. Dagger like figs. 66, 67, but composed entirely of metal, with - a shield for the hand. Similar shields are sometimes attached to - daggers like those in figs. 66, 67. 1/12. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.) - - X. - - 69. Weapon composed of the horn of the antelope; steel-pointed; - supposed to be that used by the Fakirs in India. (Author's Coll.) - - X. - - 70. Sword formed of the serrated blade of the saw-fish from New - Guinea. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.) - - XI. - - 71-74. Weapons from the Pacific, edged with sharks' teeth. The - teeth near the point are placed points forward; the remainder with - the points towards the handle. Two methods of fastening the teeth - are shown: _a._ in grooves; _b._ lashed between two strips of wood. - (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.) - - XI. - - 75. Implement from New Zealand, armed with sharks' teeth. (British - Museum.) - - XI. - - 76. Esquimaux Knife, from Davis Strait, armed with pieces of - meteoric iron, (British Museum.) - - XI. - - 77. Knife, from Greenland, armed with pieces of iron along the - edge. (British Museum, Christy Collection.) - - XI. - - 78-80. Mexican 'Maquahuitl.' Lord Kingsborough, _Antiquities of - Mexico_ (1830-48), vol. i (numerous examples on pl. x-xv: fig. 79 = - No. 1478). - - XI. - - 81-82. Spear and Knife, from Australia, armed with pieces of - obsidian, or rock-crystal. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.) - - XI. - - 83. Arrow-point of bone, armed with a row of sharp flint flakes on - each side. (Museum of Prof. Nilsson, at Lund, in Sweden.) Reduced - to 1/2 from the figure in Wilde, l. c., 'Animal Materials,' p. 254. - - XI. - - 84. Arrow-point like fig. 83. (Copenhagen Museum.) _Illustr. Cat. - of the Copenhagen Museum._ - - XI. - - 85. Arrow-point of hollow bone, from S. America, the hollow of the - bone being filled with poison. (Mus. R. U. S. Inst.; Author's Coll.) - - XI. - - 86. Dagger of an Italian Bravo, with grooves and holes to contain - poison; the handle represents a monk in the act of supplication. - (Author's Coll.) - - XI. - - 87 _a._ Scottish Dirk, pierced with holes along the back and sides. - Along the back of the blade runs a groove eight inches long, in - which holes are pierced that communicate with lateral holes on the - side of the blade. (Author's Coll.) - - XI. - - 87 _b._ 'Couteau-de-Chasse,' with two grooves on each side near the - back of the blade, which is pierced through with holes. (Author's - Coll.) - - XI. - - 88. Arrow-head, of iron, with a hole near the point for poison; - from S. America. (Author's Coll.) - - XI. - - 89. Sting of the Bee, serrated or multi-barbed: after F. Huber in - _Jardine's Naturalist's Library_, Entomology vi. _Bees_ (Edinb., - 1840), p. 40. - - XI. - - 90. Point of Bushman's Arrow, barbed with an iron head, which is - constructed to come off in the wound. (Author's Coll.) - - XI. - - 91. Malay Blowpipe-arrow, iron-headed; similarly constructed. 1/4. - (Author's Coll.) - - XI. - - 92. Arrow of the wild tribes of Assam, copper-headed, and similarly - constructed. 1/4. (Author's Coll.) - - XI. - - 93. Arrow-head of the Shoshones of North America, of flint; - constructed to come off in the wound. Schoolcraft, l. c., vol. i. - pp. 212-3, pl. lxxvi. 5. - - XI. - - 94. Arrow-point of the Macoushie Indians of S. America; similarly - constructed. 1/4. (Author's Coll.; pres. by Rev. J. G. Wood.) - - XI. - - 95. Arrow-heads of flint, from the north of Ireland. 1/4. (Author's - Coll.) - - XI. - - 96. Part of the Blade of an Italian Dagger, serrated and pierced. - Full size. Meyrick (Skelton), l. c., vol. ii. pl. cxiii. 14. - - XI. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[13] A Lecture delivered at the Royal United Service Institution, -Friday, June 28, 1867; illustrated by specimens from the Museum of the -Institution: and published in the _Journal of the R. U. S. Inst._ xi -(1867). - -[14] Beechey, _Voyage to the Pacific_ (London, 1831), vol. i. p. 298; -Oldfield, 'Aborigines of Australia,' _Trans. Ethno. Soc._, N. S. -(London, 1865), vol. iii. p. 227. - -[15] Oldfield, 'On the Aborigines of Australia,' _Trans. Ethno. Soc._, -N.S., vol. iii. pp. 261-7. - -[16] Meyrick (Skelton), _Engraved Illustrations of Ancient Arms_, &c. -(1830), vol. ii. pl. cxlix. 11. - -[17] Klemm, _Werkzeuge und Waffen_ (Sondershausen, 1858), p. 159. - -[18] Turner, _Nineteen Years in Polynesia_ (London, 1861), p. 262. - -[19] Williams, _Fiji and the Fijians_ (London, 1858), vol. i. pp. 78-9. - -[20] Crawfurd, _History_ (Edinburgh, 1820), vol. i. p. 224. - -[21] Tylor, _Anahuac_ (London, 1861), p. 70. - -[22] Hdt. vii. 69: Rawlinson, _Herodotus_, vol. iv (2nd ed., 1862, p. -55). - -[23] Petherick, _Egypt, the Soudan, and Central Africa_ (Edinb. and -London, 1861), p. 360. - -[24] Le Sieur de Folard, _Nouvelles Decouvertes sur la Guerre_ (Paris, -1724), p. 48. - -[25] In adopting the nomenclature of phrenology, I am not to be -understood as advocating strictly the localization of the faculties -which phrenology prescribes. The mind doubtless consists of a congeries -of faculties, and phrenology affords the best classification of them -that has yet been devised. - -[26] Pope, _Essay on Man_, Epistle iii. 172-80. - -[27] Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_ (London, 1829), vol. i. pp. 302-3. - -[28] Crawfurd, _History of the Indian Archipelago_ (1820), vol. i. pp. -113-4. - -[29] Beckman, _History of Inventions_ (London, 1814), pp. -503-4.--Cock-fighting. - -[30] Stanley, _History of Birds_ (London, 1848), p. 389. - -[31] Darwin, _Origin of Species_ (London, 1859), p. 88. - -[32] Williamson, _Oriental Field Sports_ (London, 1807), p. 94. - -[33] Swainson, _Habits and Instincts of Animals_ (London, 1840), p. 142. - -[34] Thuc. i. 5 (but what Thucydides says is, that they were the last -to discard it.--ED.). - -[35] Beechey, _Voyage to the Pacific_ (London, 1831), vol. i. p. 248. - -[36] Dobrizhoffer, _An Account of the Abipones_ (from the Latin; -London, 1822), vol. i. p. 262; ii. 361. - -[37] Barth, _Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa_ -(London, 1857), vol. iii. p. 198. - -[38] Low, _Sarawak_ (London, 1848), p. 328. - -[39] Pigafetta's _Voyage Round the World_, Pinkerton, vol. ix. p. 349. - -[40] William de Rubruquis, _Travels into Tartary and China in 1253_; -Pinkerton (London, 1811), vol. viii. p. 89. - -[41] _An Historical Relation of the Kingdom of Chile_, by Alonso de -Ovalle, of the Company of Jesus, 1649 (London, 1752), p. 71. - -[42] Herodotus, vii. 70; Meyrick's _Ancient Armour_, vol. i. Introd. p. -iv. - -[43] Herodotus, iv. 189; Meyrick's _Ancient Armour_, vol. i. Introd. p. -iii. - -[44] Herodotus, vii. 65 ~heimata ... apo xylon pepoiemena~. - -[45] Duarte Barbosa, _The Coasts of East Africa and Malabar_, -translated from the Spanish, by the Hon. H. E. Stanley (Hakluyt -Society, 1866), p. 55. Since publication, the translator has -ascertained that the authorship of this work should be ascribed to -Magellan. - -[46] The _Saturnia mylitta_ is the caterpillar from which the -Tusseh-silk is obtained; the cocoon is of an oval shape when suspended -upon the tree, and of exceedingly firm texture; it is figured in Sir -Wm. Jardine's _Naturalist's Library_ (Edinb. 1841), _Entomology_, vol. -vii. pl. xiv. 2, pp. 146-53. The _Eriodendron anfractuosum, D.C._, -is an Indian Bombax. The woolly cotton which envelops the seed is -remarkable for its softness, and is much and deservedly esteemed for -making cushions and bedding, owing to its freedom from any tendency to -become lumpy and uneven by getting impacted into hard knots. Various -attempts have been made to fabricate it into cloth, but hitherto -without success, except as a very loose material, fit only for quilting -muffs, for which it is superior to cotton or woollen stuffs, the -looseness of its texture rendering it an excellent non-conductor, -whilst at the same time it is extremely light.--Wight, _Illustrations -of Indian Botany_ (Madras, 1840), vol. i. p. 68; Roxburgh, _Flora -Indica_ (Serampore, 1832), vol. iii. p. 165 (= _Bombax pentandrum_). -Both the caterpillar and the plant are found in the jungle in the -neighbourhood of Seringapatam. For the identification of the vegetable -substance, I am indebted to W. Carruthers, Esq., F.L.S., British Museum. - -[47] Schoolcraft, _Information concerning the History, &c., of the -Indian Tribes of the U. S. A._ (Philadelphia, 1851-9), part iii. p. 69. - -[48] Meyrick, l. c., vol. i. Introduction. - -[49] Denham and Clapperton, _Travels in Northern and Central Africa_ -(London, 1826), p. 328 (Denham). - -[50] See _Critical Enquiry into Ancient Armour_, by Sir Samuel R. -Meyrick, vol. iii. p. 21, and pl. lxviii. - -[51] Bollaert, 'Observations on the Indian Tribes of Texas,' _Journ. -Ethno. Soc._, vol. ii. pp. 262-83. - -[52] Du Chaillu, _Explorations and Adventures in Equatorial Africa_ -(London, 1861), p. 80. - -[53] Homer, _Iliad_, vii. 244-8. - -[54] Casalis, _The Basutos_ (London, 1861), pp. 135-6. - -[55] Barth, l. c., vol. i. p. 355. - -[56] Meyrick (Skelton), l. c, pl. cxli (text). - -[57] Bosman, _Guinea_, Pinkerton (1811), vol. xvi. p. 414. - -[58] Barth, l. c., vol. ii. pp. 410, 526; ii. 116 (plate); Denham and -Clapperton, l. c., p. 166 (Denham). - -[59] Meyrick, l. c., vol. i. Introd. pp. i-ii. - -[60] Meyrick, l. c., vol. i. Introd. p. xxiv. - -[61] At Fernando Po.--Cuming, 'Weapons and Armour of Horn,' _Journal of -Archaeological Association_ (London, 1848), vol. iii. p. 30. - -[62] Fig. 32 is from a rough sketch taken about two years ago, and has -no pretension to accuracy of detail. - -[63] Meyrick, l. c, vol. i. pl. iv. 10. - -[64] Schoolcraft, _Information concerning the History, &c., of the -Indian Tribes of the U. S. A._ (Philadelphia, 1851-9), vol. iii. p. 67. - -[65] Grant, _Walk across Africa_ (London, 1864), p. 47. - -[66] Smith, _Dict. of Gr. and Rom. Antiq._, s. v.; Meyrick, l. c., vol. -i. Introd. p. xiv; Amm. Marc. xvii. 12. 2; Pausanias, i. 21. 6; Tac. -_Hist._ i. 79 (_praeduro corio_). - -[67] Kitto, _Pictorial Bible_ (London, 1838-9), note to 1 Sam. xvii. - -[68] Cuming, _Journal of the Archaeological Association_, vol. iii. p. -31. - -[69] Kitto, _Pictorial Bible_, note to 1 Sam. xvii. - -[70] Skene, 'On the Albanians,' _Journ. Ethno. Soc._, vol. ii. pp. -159-81. - -[71] Casalis, _The Basutos_ (London, 1861), p. 172. - -[72] Maunder, _Treasury of Natural History_ (London, 1862), p. 573. - -[73] Williamson, _Oriental Field Sports_ (London, 1807), p. 46. - -[74] Atkinson, _Oriental and Western Siberia_ (London, 1858), p. 495. - -[75] Williamson, _Oriental Field Sports_ (London, 1807), p. 94. - -[76] Thompson, _Passions of Animals_ (1851), p. 225. The American -hunter avails himself of this peculiarity to entrap the crane by -presenting the barrel of his firelock to the animal; supposing it to be -an eye, the crane immediately strikes at the hole, and fixes its beak -firmly in the muzzle. - -[77] Beechey, _Voyage to the North Pole_ (London, 1843), pp. 93-4. - -[78] Bates, _Naturalist on the Amazons_ (3rd ed. London, 1873), p. 230. - -[79] _Travels in the Central Parts of Indo-China, Siam, Cambodia, and -Laos in 1858-9_, by the late M. Henri Mouhot (London, 1864), vol. ii. -p. 147. - -[80] It is to be observed that this is not the rhinoceros's usual mode -of attack. - -[81] Cranz, _Historie von Groenland_ (2nd ed. Barby and Leipzig, 1770), -p. 196, pl. v. 8. - -[82] Beechey, _Voyage to the North Pole_ (London, 1843), p. 252. - -[83] Cuming, _Journal of the Archaeological Association_, vol. iii. p. -25. - -[84] Ibid., p. 26. - -[85] Swainson, _Habits and Instincts of Animals_ (London, 1840), p. 141. - -[86] Gregory, 'Expedition to the North-west Coast of Australia,' _Royal -Geographical Society's Journal_, vol. xxxii (1862), p. 417. - -[87] Denham and Clapperton, _Travels_ (1826), p. 20 (Denham). - -[88] Hind, _Narrative of the Canadian Exploring Expedition_ (London, -1860), vol. i. p. 316. - -[89] Captain John Smith, _Sixth Voyage to Virginia_ (1606); Pinkerton -(1811), vol. xii. p. 35. - -[90] Cuming, _Journal of the Archaeological Association_, vol. iii. p. -27. - -[91] Turner, _Nineteen Years in Polynesia_ (London, 1861), p. 276. - -[92] Beechey, _Voyage to the Pacific_ (London, 1831), vol. i. p. 143. - -[93] Williams, _Fiji and the Fijians_ (London, 1858), vol. i. p. 57. - -[94] Wilson, _Pellew Islands_ (ed. Keate, London, 1788), pl. v, fig. 1, -p. 310. - -[95] Klemm, _Werkzeuge und Waffen_ (1858), p. 50. - -[96] Owen, _Comp. Anatomy and Physiology of Vertebrates_ (1846), vol. -ii. 1. p. - -[97] Klemm, l. c., p. 31 ('die Schwanzstachel eines Roches,' i.e. 'the -caudal spine of a ray.'--ED.). - -[98] Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_ (London, 1862), vol. i. p. 146. - -[99] Cuming, _Journal of the Archaeological Association_, vol. iii. p. -26. - -[100] The probability of the aboriginal man having derived his first -lessons from this source may be judged of by the accounts given by -travellers of the effects produced by the large thorns of trees in -South Africa, of which there is a good account in Routledge's _Natural -History of Man_, by Rev. J. G. Wood (1868-70), vol. i. p. 235. Large -animals are said to be frequently destroyed, and even to have impaled -themselves, upon the large, strong spines of the thorny Acacia. -Throughout Central Africa a pair of tweezers for extracting thorns is -an indispensable requisite in the equipment of every native. - -[101] Beechey, _Voyage to the Pacific_ (London, 1831), vol. i. pp. 47-8. - -[102] Strabo, p. 155. - -[103] Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_ (London, 1829), vol. i. chap. viii. - -[104] Clapperton, _Travels_, p. 58. - -[105] I exclude from this category all nippers, cross-bills, and -prehensile implements. - -[106] Jardine's _Naturalist's Library_ (Edinb. 1843): _Ichthyology_ -(Hamilton), vol. vi, part 2, p. 335. - -[107] Choris, _Voyage Pictoresque autour du Monde_ (Paris, 1822), -'Isles Radak,' pl. ii. 1 and 4. - -[108] Cook, _Third Voyage_ (London, 1842), vol. ii. p. 251. - -[109] Klemm, l. c., pp. 63-4; Wilkes, _United States Exploring -Expedition_ (Philadelphia, 1845), vol. v. ch. ii. pp. 49, 79. - -[110] King, 'The Industrial Arts of the Esquimaux,' _Journ. Ethno. -Soc._ (1848), vol. i. p. 290. - -[111] Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_, vol. ii. p. 497. - -[112] Nieuhoff, 'Travels in Brazil'; Pinkerton (1813), vol. xiv. p. 874. - -[113] Tylor, _Anahuac_, p. 332, Appendix. - -[114] Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_ (1862), vol. i. pp. 226, 227. - -[115] Lloyd Stephens, _Incidents of Travel in Central America_, p. 59. - -[116] Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_ (1862), vol. i. pp. 226, 227. - -[117] Lewis Morgan, _The League of the Ho-De-No-Sou-Nee or Iroquois_ -(Rochester, N.Y., 1851), p. 359. - -[118] Thunberg, _Travels in Europe, Africa, and Asia_, 1770-9 (3rd ed., -London, 1795), vol. i. p. 156; ii. p. 162; Livingstone, _Missionary -Travels and Researches in South Africa_ (London, 1857), p. 171. - -[119] Meyrick (Skelton), _Ancient Arms and Armour_, vol. ii. pl. cxiii, -fig. 14, cf. fig. 13. - -[120] _Times_ newspaper, Dec. 24, 1866. - -[121] Humboldt, _Aspects of Nature_ (London, 1849), vol. i. pp. 25, -203-4. - -[122] Klemm, l. c., p. 53. - -[123] 'On the Wild Tribes in the Interior of the Malay Peninsula,' by -Pere Bourien. _Trans. Ethno. Soc._, N.S., vol. iii (1865), p. 78. - -[124] Darwin, _Journal of Researches into Nat. Hist. and Geology_ -(London, 1845), p. 8. - -[125] Hall, C. F., _Life with the Esquimaux_ (London, 1864), vol. ii. -pp. 329-30. - - - - -PRIMITIVE WARFARE - -II - -ON THE RESEMBLANCE OF THE WEAPONS OF EARLY MAN, THEIR VARIATION, -CONTINUITY, AND DEVELOPMENT OF FORM.[126] - - -_General Remarks._ - -In June, 1867, I had the honour of reading a paper at this Institution, -which has since been published in the _Journal_, the object of which -was to point out the resemblance which exists between the weapons of -savages and early races and the weapons with which nature has furnished -animals for their defence. - -In continuation of the same subject, my present communication will -relate to the resemblance to each other of the weapons of races -sometimes widely separated, and of which the connexion, if it ever -existed, has long since been consigned to obscurity. I shall endeavour -to show, how in these several localities, which are so remote from -one another, the progress of form has been developed upon a similar -plan, and, though to all appearance independently, yet that under like -conditions like results have been produced; and that the weapons and -implements of these races will sometimes be found to bear so close a -resemblance to each other, as often to suggest a community of origin, -where no such common origin can have existed, unless at the very -remotest period. - -We shall thus be brought to the consideration of the great problem of -our day, viz. the origin of mankind, or rather the origin of the human -arts; for the question of man's origin, whether he was himself created -or developed from some prior form, whether since the period of his -first appearance he has by variation separated into distinct races, -or whether the several races of mankind were separately created, are -questions which, however closely allied, do not of necessity form part -of our present subject. It has to deal solely with the origin of the -arts, and more particularly with the art of war, which in the infancy -of society belonged to a condition of life so constant and universal -as to embrace within its sphere all other arts, or at least to be so -intimately connected with them as to require the same treatment; the -tool and the weapon being, as I shall presently show, often identical -in the hands of the primaeval savage. - -These prefatory remarks are necessary because it will be seen that the -general observations I am about to offer on the subject are fully as -applicable to the whole range of the industrial arts of mankind as to -the art of war. My illustrations, however, will be taken exclusively -from weapons of war. - -Is not the world at the present time, and has it not always been, the -scene of a continuous progress? Have not the arts grown up from an -obscure origin, and is not this growth continuing to the present day? - -This is the question which lies at the very threshold of our subject, -and we must endeavour to treat it by the light of evidence alone, apart -from all considerations of a traditional or poetic character. - -I do not propose here to enter into a disquisition upon the functions -of the human mind. But it must I think be admitted, that if man -possessed from the first the same nature that belongs to him at the -present time, he must at the commencement of his career in this world -have been destitute of all creative power. The mind has never been -endowed with any creative faculty. The only powers we possess are those -of digesting, adapting, and applying, by the intellectual faculties, -the experience acquired through the medium of the senses. We come into -the world helpless and speechless, possessing only in common with the -brutes such instincts as are necessary for the bare sustenance of -life under the most facile conditions; all that follows afterwards is -dependent purely on experience. - -Whether we afterwards become barbarous or civilized, whether we follow -a hunting, nomadic, or agricultural life, whether we embrace this -religion or that, or attain proficiency in any of the arts, all this -is dependent purely on the accident of our birth, which places us in a -position to build upon the experience of our ancestors, adding to it -the experience acquired by ourselves. For although it is doubtless true -that the breeds of mankind, like the breeds of our domestic animals, -by continual cultivation during many generations, have improved, and -that by this means races have been produced capable of being educated -to a higher degree than those which have remained uncivilized, this -does not alter the fact that it is by experience alone, conscious or -unconscious, self-imposed or compulsory, and by a process of slow and -laborious induction, that we arrive at the degree of perfection to -which, according to our opportunities and our relative endowments, we -ultimately attain. - -The amount, therefore, which any one individual or any one generation -is capable of adding to the civilization of their age must be -immeasurably small, in comparison with what they derive from it. - -I could not perhaps appeal to an audience more capable of appreciating -the truth of these remarks than to the members of an Institution, the -object of which is to examine into the improvements and so-called -inventions which are from time to time effected in the machinery and -implements of war. - -How often does any proposal or improvement come before this Institution -which after investigating its antecedents is found to possess -originality of design? Is it not a fact that even the most ingenious -and successful inventions turn out on inquiry to be mere adaptations of -contrivances already existing, or that they are produced by applying -to one branch of industry the principles or the contrivances which -have been evolved in another. I think that no one can have constantly -attended the lectures of this or any similar Institution, without -becoming impressed, above all things, with the want of originality -observable amongst men, and with the great calls which, even in this -age of cultivated intellects and abundant materials to work upon, all -inventors are obliged to make upon those who have preceded them. - -Since, then, we ourselves are so entirely creatures of education, and -derive so little from our own unaided resources, it follows that the -first created man, if similarly constituted, having no antecedents from -which to derive instruction, could not, without external aid, have made -any material or rapid advance towards the initiation of the arts. - -So fully has the truth of this been recognized by those who are not -themselves advocates for the theory of development, that in order to -account for the very first stages of human progress they have found -it necessary to assume the hypothesis of supernatural agency: such -we know was the belief of the classical pagan nations, who attributed -the origin of many of the arts to their gods; such we know to be the -tradition of many savage and semi-civilized nations of modern times -that have attained to the first stages of culture. But we have already -disposed of this hypothesis at the commencement of these remarks, by -deciding that our arguments should be based solely upon evidence. We -are, therefore, under the necessity of assuming, in the absence of any -evidence to the contrary, that none but the agencies which help us -now were at the disposal of our first ancestors, and the alternative -to which we must have recourse is that of supposing that the progress -of those days was immeasurably slower than it is at present, and that -vast ages must have elapsed after the first appearance of man before he -began to show even the first indications of a settled advance. - -Yet the complex civilization of our own time has been built on the -foundations that were laid by these aborigines of our species, while -the brute creation may be said to have produced little more than was -necessary to their own wants or those of their immediate offspring. -Man has been the agent employed in a work of continuous progression. -Generation has succeeded generation, and race has succeeded race, each -contributing its quota to the fabrication of the edifice, and then -giving place to other workmen. But the progress of the edifice itself -has never ceased; it has gone on, I maintain (contrary to the opinion -of some writers of our day), always in fulfilment of one vast design. -It is a work of all time. - -To study it comprehensively, we must devote ourselves to the -contemplation of the edifice itself, and set aside the study of mankind -for separate treatment, for it is evident that man has been fashioned, -not as the designer, but simply as the unconscious instrument of its -erection. Each individual has been impelled by what--viewed in this -light--may be regarded as instincts sufficient to stimulate him to -labour, but falling immeasurably short of a comprehensive knowledge of -the great scheme, towards which he is an unconscious contributor. Of -this he knows no more than the earthworm knows it to be its function -to cover the crust of the earth with mould, or the small coral polypus -knows that it is engaged in the erection of a barrier reef. No -comprehensive scheme of progress need be searched for in the pigmy -intellect of man, and if we are ever destined to acquire any knowledge -of the laws which influence the growth of civilization, we must look -for them in an investigation of the phenomenon itself, by studying its -phases and the sequence of its mutations. In short we must apply to the -whole range of human culture, to the arts, whether of peace or war, the -same method which has already been applied with some success to the -history of language. - -It has been shown that the speech of our own day has been the work -of many generations and of innumerable distinct races; its roots are -traceable in the utterances of the untutored savage. No nation ever -consciously invented a grammar, and yet language has been shown to be -capable of being treated as a science of natural growth, having its -laws of mutation and development, never dreamt of by any of the many -myriads of individuals that have unconsciously contributed to the -formation of it. May not all the products of human intellects in the -aggregate be made amenable to the same treatment, and, like language, -be found to be influenced by laws of evolution and progress? - -That these remarks are not merely speculative, that the progress of -civilization has been continuous and connected, while the races which -have been engaged in the formation of it, like individuals, have had -their periods of birth, maturity, and decay, is sufficiently proved by -history. - -In Egypt and in Assyria, we see the remains of ancient and formerly -populous cities, where now the nomadic Arab pitches his tent or wanders -with his flocks, thus showing that relapses of civilization must have -occurred in those particular localities where such phenomena are -observed. But we know also from history that the civilization which -once flourished in those countries did not expire there, but was -transferred thence to other places; that the culture of Assyria and -of Egypt passed into Greece and developed there; that from Greece it -extended to Rome, and in the hands of a new people passed through fresh -phases; that after the destruction of the Roman Empire it lay dormant -for many ages, only to rise again on its original basis, extended -and fertilized by the introduction of fresh blood; that we ourselves -are the inheritors of the same arts, customs, and institutions, -modified and improved; and finally, that civilization, expanding in -all directions, as it continues to move westward, is now in process of -being received back by those ancient countries in which it originated, -in a condition far more varied and diversified than it could ever have -become, had it been confined to a single people or country. - -Passing now from the known to the unknown, we come to the study of -prehistoric times, prepared to find that every fresh discovery helps us -to trace backwards the arts of mankind in unbroken continuity towards -their source. - -Commencing with the Saxon and the Celt, and passing from these to -the lake dwellers, and on to the inhabitants of caves, races whose -successive periods of existence are determined chiefly by the animals -with which their remains are associated, we find that, according -to their antiquity, they appear to have lived in a lower and lower -condition of culture, until in the drift period, coeval with the -extinct mammoth and the woolly haired rhinoceros, we find the earliest -traces of man, scanty and unsatisfactory though they be, yet sufficient -to show that he must have existed in a state so rude, as to have -devised no better implements than flints pointed at one end, and held -in the hand. - -These successive prehistoric stages of civilization have been divided -into the stone, the bronze, and the iron ages of mankind. The evidence -upon which this classification is based, has been so ably set forth -in the works of Sir John Lubbock and others, that I need not refer -to it further than to state that, in my treatment of the origin and -development of the weapons of war, I shall in a great measure follow -the same arrangement. But I shall endeavour to trace the development of -_form_ rather than the _material_ of weapons, and to show by examples -taken from various distinct periods, and especially by illustrations -taken from existing savages, the various agencies which appear to have -operated in causing progression during the earliest ages of mankind. - -Of these, the first to be considered is undoubtedly the utilization and -imitation of natural forms. Nature was the only instructor of primaeval -man. - -In my previous paper, I discussed this subject at some length, giving -many examples in which the weapons of animals have been employed by -man. But besides these weapons derived from animals, primaeval man must -no doubt at first have employed the natural forms of wood and bone, -and of stones either fractured by the frost, or rolled into convenient -forms upon the seashore. - -This principle of the utilization and imitation of natural forms -appears to bear precisely the same relationship to the development of -the arts, that, in the science of language, onomatopoeia has been shown -to bear to the growth and development of articulate speech. In the -attempt to trace language to its origin, onomatopoeia, or the imitation -of the sounds of animals and of nature, appears not only to have been -the chief agent in _initiating_ the growth of language, but it has also -served to enrich it from time to time, so that even to this day, poetry -and eloquence in a great measure depend on the employment of it. But -apart from this, language has had an independent and systematic growth -of its own. - -So, in like manner, men not only drew upon nature for their ideas -in the infancy of the arts, but we continue to copy the forms and -contrivances of nature with advantage to this day. But apart from -this, we must look for an independent origin and growth, in which form -succeeded form in regular continuity. Many a lesson has still to be -learnt from the book of nature, the pages of which are sealed to us -until, by the natural growth of knowledge, we acquire the power of -reading and applying them. Imitation therefore, though an important -element in the initiation of the arts, would not alone be sufficient to -account for the phenomenon of progress. - -The next principle which we shall have to consider, is that of -variation. Amongst all the products of the most primitive races of man, -we find endless variations in the forms of their implements, all of -the most trivial character. A Sheffield manufacturer informed me, that -he had lately received a wooden model of a dagger-blade from Mogadore, -made by an Arab, who desired to have one of steel made exactly like -it. Accordingly my informant, thinking that he had found a convenient -market for the sale of such weapons, constructed some hundreds of -blades of exactly the same pattern. On arriving at their destination, -however, they were found to be unsaleable. Although precisely of the -type in general use about Mogadore, all of which to the European eye -would be considered alike, their uniformity rendered them unsuited -to the requirements of the inhabitants, each of whom piqued himself -upon possessing his own particular pattern, the peculiarity of which -consisted in having some almost imperceptible difference in the curve -or breadth of the blade. - -In the earliest stages of art, men would of necessity be led to the -adoption of such varieties by the constantly differing forms of the -materials in which they worked. The uncertain fractures of flint, the -various curves of the trees out of which they constructed their clubs, -and the different forms of bones, would lead them imperceptibly towards -the adoption of fresh tools. Occasionally some form would be hit upon, -which in the hands of its employer would be found more convenient for -use, and which, by giving the possessor of it some advantage over -his neighbours, would commend itself to general adoption. Thus by a -process, resembling what Mr. Darwin, in his late work, has termed -'unconscious selection', rather than by premeditation or design, -men would be led on to improvement. By degrees some forms would be -found best adapted to one pursuit, and some to another; one would -be used for grubbing up roots, another for breaking shells, another -for breaking heads; modes of procedure, accidentally hit upon in one -class of occupation, would suggest improvements in another, and thus -analogy, coming to the aid of accidental variation, would give an -impulse to progress. Thus would commence that ramification of the -arts, occupations, and sciences which, developing simultaneously and -assisting each other, has borne fruit in the civilization of our own -times. - -I am aware that it will be found extremely difficult to realize a -condition of human existence so low as that which I am supposing, -and that many persons will deny the possibility of mankind having -ever existed in a condition so helpless as to have been incapable of -designing the simple weapons which we find in the hands of savages -at the present day. It is as difficult to place one's self in the -position of a being infinitely one's inferior, as of a being greatly -one's superior in intellect. 'Few persons,' says Professor Max Mueller, -'understand children, still fewer antiquity.' Our own experience cannot -save us in estimating the powers of either, for, long before the -period of which we have the earliest recollection, we had ourselves -undergone a course of unconscious education in the arts of a civilized -community; our very first utterances were in a language which was in -itself the complex growth of ages, and the improvement of our natural -faculties, resulting from the continued cultivation of our race, -enhances the difficulty we find in appreciating the condition of our -first parents. - -Another fertile source of variation arises from errors in successive -copies. At a time when men had no measures or other appliances to -assist them in copying correctly, and were guided only by the eye, an -implement would soon be made to assume a very different appearance. Mr. -Evans has shown in his work on the 'Coins of the Ancient Britons' (p. -167) how the head of Medusa, copied originally from a Greek coin, was -made to pass through a series of apparently meaningless hieroglyphics, -in which the original head was quite lost, and was ultimately converted -into a chariot and four. We must not, however, attribute all variation -to this cause, for I quite agree with a remark made by Mr. Rawlinson in -his 'Five Great Monarchies', that such varieties are more frequently -noticed in cases where the contrivance is of home growth, than in those -which are derived from strangers. - -The third point which we shall have to consider in relation to -continuity, is the retarding element. Under this head, incapacity must -at all times, and especially in the infancy of society, have played the -chief part. But as civilization progressed, other agencies would come -in to influence the same result; prejudice, force of habit, principles -of conservatism in which we have been told by Mr. Mill that all the -dull intellects of the world habitually ensconce themselves, a thousand -interests of a retarding tendency, rise up at the same time as those -having a progressive influence, and prevent our advancing by other than -well-measured paces. - -The resultant of these contending forces is continuity. If we could but -put together the missing links; if we could revive contrivances that -have died at their birth, and expose piracies; if we could penetrate -the haze that is so often thrown over continuity by great names, -absorbing to themselves the credit of contrivances that belong to -others, and thereby causing it to appear that progress has advanced -with great strides, where creeping was in reality the order of the day; -we should find that there is not a single work of man's hand which has -not its history of slow and continuous development, capable of being -traced back, like branches of a tree, to its junction with others, -and so on until the roots of all are found to lie in the simplest -contrivances of primaeval man. - -But we must not expect that we shall be able, in the existing state of -knowledge, to trace this continuity from first to last, for the links -that are lost far exceed in number those which remain. The task may -be compared to that of putting together the fragments of a tree that -has been cut up for firewood, and of which the greater part has been -burnt. It is only here and there, after diligent search, that we may -expect to find a few pieces fitting in such a manner as to prove that -they belonged to the same branch. We do not, on that account, abandon -our conviction that the tree once grew, that every large branch was -once a small twig, and that every limb developed by a natural process -into the form in which we find it. The difficulty we have to contend -with is precisely that which the geologist experiences in tracing his -palaeontological sequence. But it is far greater, for natural history -has been long studied, and the materials upon which Mr. Darwin founds -his celebrated hypothesis have been in process of collection for many -generations. But continuity, in relation to the arts, can scarcely -yet be said to be established as a science. The materials for the -science have not yet been even classified, and classification is a -process which must always precede continuity in the study of nature. -Classification defines the margin of our ignorance; continuity results -from the extension of knowledge, by bridging over the distinction -of classes. Travellers, for the most part, have been in the habit -of bringing home, as curiosities, the most remarkable specimens of -weapons and implements, without much regard to their history or the -evidence they convey; and their descriptions of them, as a general -rule, have been extremely meagre. Until quite recently, the curators -of our ethnographical museums have aimed more at the collection of -unique specimens, serving to exhibit well-marked differences of form, -than such as by their resemblance enable us to trace out community -of origin. The arrangement of them has been almost universally bad, -and has been calculated rather to display the several articles to -advantage, on the principle of shop windows, than to facilitate the -deductions of science. The antiquities of savage races, moreover, have -as yet been almost wholly unstudied. - -Notwithstanding these difficulties, we are able to catch glimpses of -evidence, here and there, which, when put together systematically, and -when the vestiges of antiquity are illustrated by the implements of -existing savages, will, I trust, be found sufficient to warrant the -principles for which I contend. - - -_Combination of Tool and Weapon._ - -In the earliest ages of mankind, when all men were warriors, and before -the division of labour, consequent on civilization, had separated -the arts of peace and war into distinct professions, we must expect -to find the same implement frequently employed in the capacity of -both tool and weapon. Even long after the very earliest ages of which -we have any historical or archaeological record, we often find a -combination of tool and weapon in the same forms, especially amongst -those semi-civilized and savage races of our own times, whom we regard -as the representatives of antiquity. The battles of liberty, from the -age of the Jews and Philistines down to the time of the last Hungarian -revolution, have always been fought by the subject people with weapons -made out of the implements of husbandry. We read in the first of -Samuel, chapter xiii, 'Now there was no smith found in all the land of -Israel: for the Philistines said, Lest the Hebrews make them swords -or spears: but all the Israelites went down to the Philistines, to -sharpen every man his share' (the blade of the ploughshare), 'and his -coulter' (a kind of knife), 'and his ax, and his mattock' (a kind of -pickaxe).... 'So it came to pass, in the day of battle, that there was -neither sword nor spear found in the hand of any of the people that -were with Saul and Jonathan.' In the revolts of the German peasantry, -in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the bands of insurgents armed -themselves with threshing flails and scythe blades. In 1794 and 1831, -the Polish peasantry were similarly armed[127]; and it was from such -implements of husbandry that weapons like the military flail, the -bill, and the yataghan, derived their origin. In the recent outbreak -in Jamaica (which, had it not been ably and powerfully put down, would -have led to the destruction of the whole white population) the negroes -armed themselves with weapons of husbandry. In the proclamation of Paul -Bogle, he says: 'Every one of you must leave your house, take your -guns; who don't have guns, take cutlasses.' The cutlasses here referred -to were the implements used for cutting the sugar-cane, sharp on the -concave edge, and are the same which, having been used as weapons by -the negroes in their own country, have continued to be employed by them -ever since. In like manner, we learn from Symes's 'Embassy to Ava in -1795',[128] that the Burmese use the sabre both for warlike purposes, -as well as for cutting bamboos, felling timber, &c.; it is the constant -companion of the inhabitants for all purposes, and they never travel -without it. In Borneo, the peculiar sword-like weapon, called the -'parangilang', is used both as a weapon, and also for felling trees, -and the axe of this country is constructed so that, by turning it on -the helve, it can be used either as a weapon or as a carpenter's axe. -In like manner, the Kaffir axe-blade, by simply altering its position -in the handle, is used either as a weapon, or for tilling the ground. -The North American Indian tomahawk, like the Kaffir axe, is used for -many different purposes; the spear-head of the Kaffir assegai is the -knife that is used for all purposes of manufacture, and Captain Grant -says that the Watusi of East Central Africa make all their baskets with -their spear-heads.[129] The weapons edged with sharks' teeth, to which -I referred in my former paper, are used in the Marquesas and other of -the South Sea Islands, as much for cutting up fish and carcasses as for -warlike purposes.[130] Dr. Klemm, in his valuable work on savage and -early weapons, describes the wooden pick used by the inhabitants of -New Caledonia both as a weapon, and also for tilling the ground,[131] -and he gives reasons for supposing[132] that in Egypt and many other -parts of the world, the form of the plough was originally derived -from that of the hatchet or hoe, used for tilling purposes. The hoe -used in East Central Africa, which also, like the Kaffir axe, serves -as a medium of exchange in lieu of money, evidently derived its form -from that of a spear or arrow head. The spade, formerly used in this -country, and represented in old pictures, which is still used as a -shovel in Ireland, is a pointed spear-like instrument, and the 'loy' -or spade still used in all parts of Ireland is hafted exactly in the -same manner as the bronze celt of prehistoric times. Dr. Klemm (l. c., -p. 119) gives an illustration of an axe used by the Norwegian peasants -both as a tool and weapon. Speke describes the Usoga tribe[133] as -being armed with huge short-handed spears, adapted rather for digging -than for war; and Barth describes the Bornouese troops in Central -Africa digging holes with their spears, and employing them in searching -for water.[134] The Australian 'dowak', a kind of club with a flint -attached, combines the purposes of a tool and weapon. We know from the -short sticks upon which the small arrow-heads of quartz found in the -Peruvian tombs are mounted, that they must have been used as knives as -well as for missile purposes. Professor Nilsson says that flint-barbed -arrow-heads, of precisely the same form, are used by the inhabitants -of Tierra del Fuego as knives,[135] and Mr. Stephens, in his travels -in Central America, shows reason for supposing that the large stone -idols in Copan were carved with similar arrow-points,[136] no other -instrument capable of being used for such a purpose having been found -in the neighbourhood. - -Examples of this class of evidence might be multiplied _ad infinitum_; -but enough has already been said to afford good grounds for believing -that many of the implements of stone and bronze which are found in the -soil, may have been used for a great variety of purposes, and that, -especially in the earliest stages of culture, we must be careful how we -attribute especial purposes to tools and weapons because they appear -to differ from each other slightly in form. This is more especially so -when, as is almost invariably the case, the several distinct types are -found--when a sufficient number of them are collected and arranged--to -pass almost imperceptibly into each other by connecting links; showing -that the differences observable between any two implements of the same -class, when brought together and contrasted, are rather due to the -operation of a law of variation and development in the fabrication of -the tool itself, than to an intention on the part of the constructor -to adapt it to particular purposes, and that its application to -such especial purposes must have followed, rather than itself have -influenced, the development of the tool. - - -_Transition from the Drift to the Celt Type._ - -My first illustration must of necessity be taken from the flint -implements of the drift, the earliest records of human workmanship that -the researches of science have as yet revealed to us. These, to use the -words of Sir Charles Lyell, 'were probably used as weapons both of war -and the chase, to grub roots, cut down trees, or scoop out canoes.'[137] - -I will not attempt during the brief time allotted to me on the present -occasion, any detailed account of the evidence of the antiquity of -these weapons, assuming that the works of Sir Charles Lyell, and Sir -John Lubbock, will have rendered this subject more or less familiar to -most persons at the present day, but I will confine myself to pointing -out the indications of variation and of improvement observable in the -implements themselves. - -I have arranged upon diagram No. 1 (Plate XII) a series of specimens of -the same type from nearly every part of the globe. - -All the figures given in these diagrams are traced from the implements -themselves, and reduced by photography; they may therefore be regarded -as facsimiles, a point of great importance when our subject has to -deal with the minute gradations of difference observable between them. -Figures 1 to 11 are of the drift type. Casts of the originals of some -of them, and specimens of the implements themselves, are also upon the -table for comparison. - -I may here acknowledge the great obligation I am under to Mr. Franks -for the facilities he has afforded me in drawing many of these -specimens in the Christy Collection; to Dr. Watson for a similar -permission in regard to the valuable collection of arms in the India -Museum; and also to Dr. Birch of the British Museum. A large proportion -of my illustrations are taken from the excellent Museum of this -Institution, and others are from my own collection. - -Of the drift specimens which I have selected to illustrate the -diagrams, five are from the gravel beds of St. Acheul, in order that -we might have an opportunity of observing the variation in implements -derived from the same locality, and probably belonging to the same or -nearly the same period--chips in fact from the same workshop. - -It has been usual to classify these drift implements in two divisions; -the spear-head form, and the oval form. Of the first or spear-head -form, figures 2 to 4 are typical examples; of the oval form, figure -8 is the best illustration. I venture, however, to think that a -distinction more clearly embodying a principle of progress may be made -by dividing them differently, and by placing in the first class those -which are either left rough or rounded at one end and pointed at the -other, of which figures 1 to 7 are examples; and in the second class, -such as are chipped to an edge all round, of which figures 8 to 11 are -types. My reason for preferring this classification to one dependent -on outline is this. The first class having the natural outside coating -of the flint or a roughly rounded surface on one side, appears to be -in every way adapted to be held in the hand; whereas the second class, -of which a beautiful specimen in the Christy Collection from St. -Acheul is represented in a front and side view in figure 10, could not -conveniently be used in the hand as a tool or weapon, without injury to -the hand from the sharp edge with which its periphery is surrounded on -all sides. If, therefore, we see reason for supposing that one class of -implements was employed in handles, whilst the other may have been used -in the hand, I think this constitutes a more important distinction, -and one more obviously implying progress, than a classification which -merely involves a modification of outline, which may have resulted from -no more significant cause than a difference in the form of the flint -nodule out of which the implement was made.[138] - -Another important distinction between these drift implements as thus -arranged, arises from the different purposes to which they may have -been put by the fabricators. The first class, figures 1 to 7--it -will be seen by the side view of them--could have been used only as -spears, picks, or daggers, the pointed or small end being employed for -that purpose, whereas the latter class, figures 8 to 11, are equally -available for use as axes with the sharp and broad end. It is quite -possible therefore, that we may see here, in these vestiges of the -first tools of mankind (specimens of all varieties of which are found -in the same beds at St. Acheul), the point of divergence between the -two distinct classes, which must certainly be regarded as the two most -constant and universal weapons of mankind in all ages and countries of -the world, viz. the spear and the axe; the small end developed into the -spear and into all that class of tools for which a point is required; -and from the broad end we obtained the axe and all those tools which -either as chisels, choppers, gouges, or battle-axes, have continued in -use with an endless continuity of development and modification, and -a world-wide history up to the present time. I am aware that in the -St. Acheul implements, as well as in those of similar form from the -laterite beds of Madras, we find occasionally specimens in which the -small end is made broader, as if indicating the gradual development -of an edge on that side, but upon the whole I think the balance of -evidence is in favour of the broad end having originated the axe form. - -Nothing, it will be seen, can be more primitive than these tools, or -more gradual than their development. They are perfectly consistent -with the idea that the fabricators of them were in a condition closely -verging upon that of the brutes. Apes are known to use stones in -cracking the shells of nuts. The advantage to be derived from a pointed -form, when it accidentally fell into the hand, would suggest itself -almost instinctively to any being capable of profiting by experience -and retaining it in the memory. Accidental fractures, producing a sharp -edge, would lead to fractures of design, and thus we may easily suppose -that such implements as are represented in the first few figures of -our diagram must necessarily have resulted from the very earliest -constructive efforts of primaeval man. - -From the very first, a peculiar mode of fabrication appears to have -been adopted, which consisted of chipping off flakes from alternate -sides of the flint, and the facets thus left upon the flint produce -the wavelike edge which you will see in the side views of all the -implements here represented. This method continued to be employed -throughout the entire stone age, in all parts of the universe, and is -characteristic not merely of the drift, but of the cave, pfahlbauten, -and surface periods. - -The numerous intermediate gradations of form, whether between the -oval and the spear-head form, or between the thick and the sharpened -form, have been noticed by Sir Charles Lyell (l. c., p. 164). By -selecting specimens, and arranging them in order from left to right, -I have endeavoured to trace the transition from the drift type to the -almond-shaped celt type, which latter is common to the stone age of -mankind, whether ancient or modern, in all parts of the world. - -Had the discovery of drift implements been confined to one locality -or to one district, it is probable it would have attracted but little -notice. As early as the first year of the present century the attention -of the Society of Antiquaries had been drawn by Mr. Frere to the -existence of these implements, in conjunction with the remains of the -elephant and other extinct animals at Hoxne in Suffolk. An illustration -of the specimens from this locality is given in figure 4. Mr. Frere -described them as 'evidently weapons of war, fabricated and used by a -people who had not the use of metals'. But little or no attention was -paid to the subject until the discovery by M. Boucher de Perthes of -precisely similar implements associated with the same class of remains, -in the drift gravel of St. Acheul, near Amiens, in 1858.[139] Since -then many other discoveries have been made, and still continue to be -made, by Mr. Prestwich, Mr. Evans, Mr. Flower, Mr. Bruce Foote, and -others, not only in this country but also in Asia and Africa, showing, -in so far as the discoveries have hitherto gone, that this drift type, -like the almond celt type, is common to the earliest ages in all -parts of the world, and that everywhere the drift type preceded the -almond-shaped celt type, and is found in beds of earlier formation. - -Figure 5 is a drift-shaped implement from the laterite beds of Madras, -of exactly the same form as those found in England. Figure 6 is an -implement of the same class from the Cape of Good Hope, found fourteen -feet from the surface. In America, implements of the drift type have -not yet been discovered, but stone spear-heads have been found in -Missouri in connexion with the elephant and other extinct animals. -Figure 11 is from a mound of sun-dried bricks at Abou Sharein, in -Southern Babylonia, obtained by Mr. J. E. Taylor, British Consul at -Basrah; it is a chipped flint; in form it is of the drift type, and -its outline is precisely that of some of the Carib celts found in the -West India Islands; it also closely resembles in form others from the -Pacific[140]; its edge was evidently at the broad end. Another of -the same type was found at Mugeyer in Babylonia, and a third closely -resembling the two former was found in a cave in Bethlehem. - -The celt type has not as yet been found in the French caves of the -reindeer period, but it is common in the 'pile dwellings' of the Swiss -lakes. Some of the French cave specimens, however, closely approach -the drift form, and in place of the celt, we have a peculiar kind of -tool trimmed to a cutting edge on one side and having the other round -for holding in the hand. As, however, these do not fall into the -direct line of development, but may be regarded as a branch variety, I -have not figured them in my diagram, but pass at once, though almost -imperceptibly as regards form, from the drift to the surface type. - -Figure 12 formed part of a large find of flint implements, discovered -by myself in the ancient British camp of Cissbury, near Worthing--an -account of this discovery was communicated by me to the Society of -Antiquaries at the commencement of the present year.[141] The period of -these Cissbury implements must be fixed at a very much more modern date -than those of the drift, with which they are associated in my diagram, -having been found in conjunction with the earliest traces of domestic -animals, such as the Bos longifrons, Capra hircus, and Sus; they may, -however, be classed with the stone age, no trace of metal having been -discovered with them, although from 500 to 600 flint implements were -found in the camp. The peculiarity of the Cissbury find, however, -consists in the discovery (in the same pits in which celts of the -type represented in figure 12 were found) of a few flints closely -approaching the drift type, being thick at the broad end, and also of -a large number resembling those found in the French caves, trimmed -to an edge on one side, and adapted to be held in the hand. So that -the Cissbury find, although belonging to what is usually called the -surface period, contains specimens affording every link of connexion -between the drift and the almond-shaped celt type. This discovery must, -I think, be regarded as a step in knowledge of prehistoric antiquity, -and a decided accession to the science of continuity, for Sir John -Lubbock has told us in his preface to the work of Professor Nilsson, -lately published[142], that the Palaeolithic, i. e. the drift types, -'have never yet been met with in association with the characteristics -of a later epoch.' I shall therefore be interested to know whether, -after an examination of the Cissbury specimens, which I have presented -to the Christy Collection, Sir John Lubbock may be induced to alter -his opinion on that point; for I think it is entirely consistent with -all that is known of early races of mankind, that early types should -be retained in use long after the introduction of others that have -been developed from them. However this may be, I think that in casting -the eye from left to right along the upper row of diagram No. 1 (Plate -XII), it will puzzle the acutest observer to determine where the drift -type ends, and that of the celt begins. If it is contended, as I am -aware it will be contended by some, that the typical characteristic -of the celt consists in its being sharp at the broad end, while those -of the drift are blunt at the broad end, I reply that many of the -drift specimens are also sharpened at the broad end, more especially -those represented in figures 9 and 10 from the drift of St. Acheul. -Many specimens from Thetford which I have seen, as, for example, Fig. -17 _b_, from a cast in the collection of the Society of Antiquaries, -presented by Mr. Flower, approach equally closely to the celt type, -as do some of those from the laterite beds of Madras, and though they -are of rare occurrence in all these localities, and are certainly a -variation from the normal type of drift implements, still they are -found in sufficient numbers to serve as links in connecting the forms -of the earliest, with those of the later period. - -I have dealt somewhat at length upon this part of my subject, owing -to the circumstance of its presenting some features of novelty in -the study of flint implements, and being therefore open to criticism -on the part of those who are more favourable to the principles of -classification than of continuity, with all the important concomitants, -of division _versus_ unity, which those principles involve. - -I may now pass briefly over the remaining figures in the diagram. -Figure 13 is a specimen found by Mr. Evans at Spienne, near Mons; its -very close resemblance to figure 12 from Cissbury will be noticed; in -fact the whole of the Spienne specimens resemble very closely those -discovered in Cissbury, except that the Spienne implements of this -class are associated with others of polished flint, which gives them -a more advanced character than those derived from Cissbury, in which -place only one fragment of a polished implement was discovered, and -that in a part of the intrenchment which renders it very doubtful -whether it ought to be associated with the Cissbury find. Figures -15, 16, and 17 are from Denmark, Ireland, and Yorkshire;--this type, -however, is rare in Denmark, most of the flint implements from that -country being of a more advanced character, and having usually a -rectangular cross-section. - -The lower row of the diagram consists of specimens derived, either from -what has been termed the neolithic or polished stone age of Europe, or -from savages who are still in a corresponding stage of progression in -various parts of the world at the present time. - -To the former or neolithic stone age of Europe belong figure 21 from -France, figure 25 from the bed of the Clyde in Scotland, figure 27 from -the Swiss lake-dwellings, figure 29 from the caves in Gibraltar, figure -30 from Sweden, figure 36 from Portugal, figure 37 from the bed of the -Thames, figure 38 from Ireland, figure 39 from Jelabonga, in Russia. -Precisely identical forms are also found in Germany, Italy, and the -Channel Isles. Amongst the specimens derived from the ancient stone age -of other parts of the world, and belonging to an age of civilization -that is now extinct, may be enumerated figure 22 from Peru, figure 40 -from Mexico, figure 24 from Central India, figure 41 from Japan, figure -42 from Mugeyer, in Babylonia. Nearly similar ones, but flattened at -the side, like those common in Denmark, have been obtained from China -and Pegu. Figure 43 is from Algeria, from the collection of Mr. Flower. - -The following are examples of the same class of implements, used by -savages of our own, or of comparatively modern times:--Figures 18 and -19 from Australia; these are generally used in a handle, formed by a -withe twisted round them in the manner still used by blacksmiths in -this country. Sometimes, however, I am informed by an eye-witness, the -Australians use these celts in the hand without any handle at all. -Although polished on the surface, these Australian celts have been -compared by Sir Charles Lyell (l. c., p. 79) to the oval forms of the -drift represented in figure 7. The art of polishing appears to have -preceded the development of form in this country. Figure 20, from New -Zealand, is a specimen in Mr. Evans's collection, of which he has been -so kind as to allow me to take an outline; this form, however, is -extremely rare in New Zealand, the usual shape of the stone celts from -that country being flat-sided, like the specimens from Denmark, already -noticed. Figure 23 is from the Pacific; figure 26, from Pennsylvania; -these were used by the American Indians, previously, and for some time -after the immigration of Europeans. Figures 31 and 32 are Carib celts -from my collection, beautifully polished. Figure 33, from St. Domingo, -is in the Cork Museum. Figure 34, from the Antilles, is in the Christy -Collection; both of these have a human face engraved upon them. Figure -35 is of jade, from New Caledonia, in my own collection. - - -_Hafting._ - -The method of hafting these implements, employed by savages, shows that -they were used for a variety of purposes; in some, the edge is fastened -at right angles to the handle, to be used as an adze, whilst in others -the same tool is fastened with the blade in a line with the handle, -to be used as a chopper or battle-axe. In some it is fastened with a -withe, passed round the stone, as in the specimen from Australia (fig. -44, from this Institution) and some parts of North America; figure 45 -is a stone axe from the Ojibbeway Indians, from my collection. At -other times it is inserted in the side of a stick or club. A specimen -in my collection from Ireland (fig. 46), one of the few that have ever -been found with handles, shows that this was the method employed in -that country.[143] Others are inserted in the end of a bent stick (fig. -47), a mode of hafting common in the Polynesian Islands, in Africa, -Ancient Egypt, Mexico, North America, and New Caledonia; it is employed -by the Kalmucks and others, and was used during the bronze age. Some -of the Australian axes were fastened to their handles by a peculiar -preparation of gum manufactured for that purpose. - -Dr. Klemm, in his 'Werkzeuge und Waffen', supposes the first lessons -in hafting to have been derived from nature, by observing the manner -in which stones are often firmly grasped by the roots of trees growing -round them, and he gives several woodcuts of specimens of Nature's -hafting, which he has collected from various sources; one of these, -extracted from his work (l. c., p. 14), is represented in figure 48. -I have placed upon the table, in illustration of this idea, an iron -mediaeval axe-head (fig. 49), which has furnished itself with a handle -in this manner, whilst buried beneath the surface; it is said to have -been found in Glemham Park, Suffolk, eleven feet from the surface. Even -to this day, when a peasant in Brittany discovers one of these stone -celts upon the ground, he is in the habit of splitting the branch of a -young tree and inserting the celt into the cleft; in the course of a -year or two it becomes firmly fixed, and he then cuts off the branch, -and uses the implement thus hafted by nature as a hammer for driving -nails. In the 'Antiquites Celtiques et Antediluviennes,' vol. i (Paris, -1847), p. 327, M. Boucher de Perthes mentions the discovery of two -ancient stone hammer-heads, which appeared to have been furnished with -handles by passing the hole over the bough of a tree and allowing it to -fill up the aperture by its natural growth, until it became fixed as a -handle.[144] - -It might be interesting, if space permitted, to follow up the -development of the stone axe-head through its various phases until, -in the latest stages, when bronze had already come into general use -for weapons, we find it furnished with a hole through the middle -for the insertion of the handle. It may, I think, be safely said -that--although nature furnishes numerous examples, in many classes of -rocks, and especially in flints, of stones perforated with holes, and -although they appear to have attracted the notice of the aborigines of -many countries by the peculiar superstitious reverence which is often -found to be attached to such stones when found in the soil--this mode -of fastening stone implements in their handles did not come into use -until late in the stone age, and that even in the bronze age it was but -little employed. - - -_Transition from Oval to Rectangular Forms._ - -Whether the stone celts having a square or rectangular section (such -as are found principally in Denmark, New Zealand, Mexico, and Pegu), -were coeval, or of subsequent development, to those of the almond-shape -type, may be a matter for conjecture; the small flint hatchets found -in the Kitchenmiddens of Denmark appear to approach closely to the -rectangular type. It is certain, that in the Swiss Lakes both forms -are found fully developed, and it may be mentioned, as an instance of -the constant tendency to variation that is everywhere observable in -the weapons of the early races of mankind, that of the whole of the -celts found at Nussdorf, in the Lake of Constance, though all might be -traced to the same normal type as regards their general outline, no two -were alike; and Dr. Keller gives sections, showing every conceivable -gradation from the square and rectangular to the oval and circular -section[145]. It may, however, be affirmed, that convex forms, as a -general rule, preceded those having a rectangular or concave surface; -it is so in the forms of nature; the habitations of animals are -almost invariably convex. Dr. Livingstone mentions[146] that he found -it impossible even to teach the natives of South Africa to build a -square hut; when left to themselves for a few minutes, they invariably -reverted to the circle. All the earliest habitations of prehistoric -times are found to be circular or oval; even the sophisticated infant -of modern civilization, when he plays with his bricks, will invariably -build them in a circular form, until otherwise instructed. - - -_Development of Spear and Arrow-head Forms._ - -We must now turn to the development of the second great class of -weapons--the spear and arrow. These may be classed together, the -arrow being merely the diminutive of the spear; and it may be taken -as a general rule, applicable to all the arts of prehistoric times, -that when a given form has once been introduced, it will speedily be -repeated in every possible size that can be applied to any of the -various purposes for which such a form is capable of being used. Size, -in the arts of the earliest ages, is no indication of progress. In the -same way it may be said of the development of the animal or vegetable -kingdom, size is no indication of improved organism. - -In the same beds in which the drift-type implements are found, flakes, -either struck off in the formation of such tools, or especially -flaked off from a core in a particular manner, indicating that they -were themselves intended for use as tools, are found in considerable -numbers. No more useful tool could have been used during the stone age -than the plain, untouched flint flake, which, from the sharpness of -the edge, is capable of being used for a variety of purposes. Those, -for example, formed of obsidian are so sharp that it is recorded, -by the Spanish historians, that the Mexicans were in the habit of -shaving themselves with such flakes. As my present subject has to -deal exclusively with war weapons, I will not enter into a detailed -description of these flakes, further than to observe that they are -found, together with the cores from which they were struck off, in -every quarter of the globe in which flint, obsidian, or any other -suitable material has been found, and that everywhere the process of -flaking appears to have been the same. - -Now, the fracture of flint is very uncertain; by constant habit, -the ancient flint-workers appear to have been able to command the -fracture of the flint in a manner that cannot be imitated, even by -the most skilful forgers of those implements in modern times; but, -notwithstanding this, the varieties of the forms of the flakes thus -struck off must have been very considerable, and these varieties must, -from the very first, have suggested some of the different forms of -tools that were made out of them. - -I cannot, perhaps, explain this point better than by exhibiting a -number of flakes, found by myself in the bed of the Bann at Toom, in -Ireland, at the spot where that river flows out of Lough Neagh. This -was a place originally discovered by Mr. Evans, where probably, in -a habitation built upon the river, they formerly manufactured flint -implements; and the bed of the river for the space of a hundred yards -or more is covered with the flakes. It will be seen on examining -these flakes, that some of them came off in a broad leaf-shaped form, -and these, with a very little additional chipping, have been formed -into spear-heads. Others longer and thicker have been chipped into -something like picks, and others thinner and narrower than the two -former, have been used probably as knives; others for scraping skins. -We see from this that certain forms would naturally suggest themselves -through the natural fracture of the flint, and this may to a certain -extent account, though it does not, I think, entirely account, for the -remarkable resemblance of form and unity of development observable in -the spear and arrow heads, derived from localities so remote from each -other as almost to preclude the possibility of their having ever been -derived from a common source. - -[Illustration: PLATE XIII. - -_Diagram 2._ - -DEVELOPMENT OF SPEAR & ARROW-HEAD FORMS.] - -I have arranged in tabular form, on diagram No. 2 (= Plate XIII), -representations of spear and arrow heads from all the different -localities from which I have been able to obtain them in sufficient -number to show fairly the numerous varieties which each country -produces. On the top of the diagram, from left to right, the several -forms are arranged in the order that appears most truly to indicate -progression; but it must not be supposed that this arrangement is -absolutely correct, for the several forms, such for example as the -tang and the triangular form, were most probably derived from a common -centre. The specimens from each locality ought therefore, in order -to display their progression properly, to be arranged in the form of -a tree, branching from a common stem. On the left of the diagram are -written the different periods and localities, from which the specimens -are derived. Commencing with the drift--the oldest of which we have -any knowledge--which is coeval with the elephant and rhinoceros in -Europe, we have the peculiar thick form already described. The examples -of the drift period here shown, from their small size, must evidently -have been used with a shaft, as they are scarcely large enough to have -served as hand tools. None of the lozenge, tang, or triangular forms, -have ever been found in the drift. - -The next line represents specimens from the French caves of the -reindeer period, which are taken from the _Reliquiae Aquitanicae_, -chiefly from Dordogne.[147] It will be seen that in these caves the -first rude indications of the lozenge and tang form are represented, -but no perfect specimens of either class. No example of the triangular -form has been discovered. The leaf-shape form, however, is well -represented. - -In the ancient habitations of the Swiss Lakes, which belong to a later -period, all varieties, except those of the drift type, are represented, -but none of them in their most fully developed form; the tangs, it will -be seen, are long, and the barbs comparatively short; the triangular -form, which I consider to be the latest in the order of development, is -mentioned by Dr. Keller, from whose work these specimens are taken, as -being extremely rare. The comparative rarity of flint implements in the -Lakes may, however, in some measure be accounted for, by the absence of -flint in the district, necessitating the importation of this material -from a distance. - -The specimens from Yorkshire, Ireland, Sweden, Denmark, Italy, and -Germany, may be considered to carry the development of these forms up -to the latest period, viz. the late stone, and early bronze age; for -there can be no doubt from the number of arrow-heads found in these -countries, in connexion with implements of bronze, that they were -used for missile purposes long after the _armes blanches_ had been -constructed of metal. - -In all these localities it will be seen that the various gradations of -form are identical; but as I have been able to collect a much larger -number of arrow-heads from Ireland than elsewhere, the development of -form is more apparent in the specimens selected from that country. - -From the leaf-shape, it will be observed, there is every link of -transition into the perfect lozenge type, and the latter is as a -general rule, both in Ireland and in Yorkshire, much rarer, and more -carefully constructed, than the leaf-shaped type, showing that there is -every probability of the lozenge having been an improved form. - -The tang form is represented, at first, by a few rude chips on each -side of the base of the original flake, narrowing that part in such a -manner as to admit of its being inserted, into a handle or shaft, and -bound round with a sinew. This is superseded by the gradual formation -of barbs on each side, and these barbs are lengthened by degrees, until -they reach to the line of the base of the tang; the tang subsequently -shortens, leaving the barbs with a semicircular aperture between them, -and thus approaching some of the forms represented in the triangular -column. These latter barbed specimens are usually more finished, and -chipped with greater care than the long-tanged ones, which are rougher, -more time-worn, and probably of earlier date. - -The triangular form is seen at first, with a straight base; gradually -a semicircular aperture appears, and this deepens by degrees until, in -some of the more carefully formed specimens, it approaches the form -of a Norman arch. This last variety is especially well represented in -Denmark. - -Sir William Wilde's arrangement, in his _Catalogue of the Royal Irish -Academy_,[148] differs in some respects from this; he considers the -triangular an early form, and he assigns the final perfection of the -art of fabricating flint spear-heads, to the large lozenge-shape form; -grounding his opinion on the circumstance of many of this form, of the -larger size, having been found polished, whilst those of the leaf, -triangular, and tang shape are not usually carried further than the -preliminary process of chipping. But it is evident that these larger -forms may have been used for spears, the lozenge shape being especially -adapted for this purpose, as enabling the owner of it to withdraw it -from the wound, after slaying his adversary; while those of the barbed -and triangular form being lighter, and calculated to stick in the -wound, would be better adapted for arrow-heads: and it is unlikely -that the same amount of labour would be expended on a weapon intended -to be cast from a bow, as upon one designed to be held in the hand. I -consider the polishing of these particular weapons therefore to be no -criterion of age, but merely to indicate that they were used as _armes -d'hast_, and not as missiles. - -It appears highly probable, however, that all the several varieties, -if not developed simultaneously, were used at the same time; for we -find amongst the Persians, the Esquimaux, and many other nations, that -a great variety of arrow-heads are carried in the same quiver, and are -used either indiscriminately or for different purposes[149]. - -In the eighth row from the top, I have arranged a series of similar -forms from America, obtained chiefly from Pennsylvania, but they -are also found in other parts of the continent, and some few of the -illustrations here given (Plate XIII, figs. 131, 132, and 133) are -from Tierra del Fuego. Their forms enable them to be arranged under -precisely the same divisions as those from the continent of Europe, -and in each division the same development is observable. The tang or -barbed form, however, differs sufficiently from the European forms of -the same class to show that they arose independently, and were not -derived from a common source. The tang of the American arrow-heads, it -will be seen, is broader, at least in the later forms, and it appears -to have originated in a notch on the sides of the blade, intended to -hold the sinew with which it is attached to the shaft or handle. This -notch appears to have been constructed lower and lower on the sides -of the blade, until at last it comes down quite into the base of the -flint, and it then closely resembles the European in form; compare, for -example, figures 94 and 136; except that the tang is broader, and has a -lateral projection on each side, so as to render it firmer in the shaft -when bound by the sinew. - -Notches at the side of the blade are extremely rare in Ireland, but -from Sweden Professor Nilsson gives a drawing of an arrow-head, which -I have copied into my diagram (figure 96). It is precisely identical, -in its peculiar form, to one here figured from America (figure 139), -and they both have a concave base, in addition to the side notch; thus -apparently representing a transition form between the tang and the -triangular, which I have never noticed, except in the two specimens -here referred to, and which must be regarded in Europe as extremely -rare. - -To illustrate the mode of fixing these instruments in their shafts, I -have here figured several examples from my collection; two of these -(figures 163 and 164) were derived from the Esquimaux, between Icy Cape -and Point Barrow, the person from whom I purchased them having brought -them himself from that locality. Figures 165, 166, and 167, are from -California. - -Burton says that the Indians between the Mississippi and the Pacific -use the barbed form only for war[150]; and Schoolcraft, in the -_Archives of the Aborigines of America_,[151] gives illustrations of -two methods of fastening, one for war and the other for the chase, the -former being loosely tied on, so as to come off when inserted in the -wound. - -But, in addition to their use as arrow-points, we have reason to -suppose that they were used also as knives. I have represented in -the diagram (figures 168 and 169) two short-handled instruments -from Peru, which are now in the British Museum, into which similar -arrow-points are inserted. These, from the shortness and peculiar -shape of their shafts, could hardly have been used as darts. The only -weapon peculiar to those regions from which such an instrument could -have been projected, is the blow-pipe, and they are entirely different -from the darts used with the blow-pipe either in South America, the -Malay Peninsula, or Ceylon, in which countries the blow-pipe is used. -There is reason to believe, from the manner in which they are placed in -the graves, unaccompanied by any bow or other weapon from which they -could have been projected[152], that they were employed as knives, and -this is confirmed by the fact, already mentioned, of the inhabitants -of Tierra del Fuego using their arrow-points for knives. The great -numbers in which they are found in Ireland, in Yorkshire, and other -localities appertaining to the late stone age, in which places they -form the greater part of the relics collected, and are always the most -highly finished implements discovered--the other stone implements -associated with them being either celts, flint-discs, picks, or rough -or partially worked flakes, that are capable of being wrought into -arrows--the fact that the peculiar modification of form observable at -the base of these implements appears to have been designed rather to -facilitate the attachment of them to their wooden shafts or handles, -than for the special purposes of war; and the frequent marks of use, as -if by rubbing, that are found on the points of many of them, especially -in the specimens from Ireland; all these circumstances favour the -supposition that in Europe, as well as in America, these arrow-head -forms were used for many other purposes besides war and the chase; and -that, like the assegai of the Kaffir, and the many other examples of -tool-weapons already enumerated, we may regard them as having served to -our primaeval ancestors the general purposes of a small tool available -for carving, cutting, and for all those works for which a fine edge and -point was required. On the other hand the celt undoubtedly provided -them with a large tool capable of being applied to all the rougher -purposes, whether peaceful or warlike, for which it was adapted in the -simple arts of an uncivilized people. - -In the ninth row I have arranged, under their respective classes, the -whole of the specimens of flint arrow-heads that are given in Siebold's -atlas of Japanese weapons.[153] It will be seen that they present the -same variety of form as those already described. A similar collection -of flint arrow-heads has lately been added to the British Museum by Mr. -Franks, and described by him. They formed part of a Japanese collection -of curiosities, and are labelled in the Japanese character, showing -that this remote country not only passed through the same stone period -as ourselves, but that, as their culture improved and expanded, they, -like ourselves, have at last begun to make collections of objects to -illustrate the arts of remote antiquity. - - -_Implements composed of Perishable Materials._ - -It is now time that I should say a few words respecting weapons -constructed of more perishable materials; for it is not to be assumed -that, because we find nothing in the drift-gravels but weapons of -flint and stone, the aborigines of that age did not also employ wood -and other materials capable of being more easily worked. If man was -at that time, as he is now, a beast of prey, he must also have become -familiar, in the very first stages of his existence, with the uses of -bone as a material for fabricating into weapons. In the French caves, a -large number of bone implements have been found, and their resemblance, -amounting almost to identity, with those found in Sweden, amongst the -Esquimaux, and the inhabitants of Tierra del Fuego, has been noticed by -Sir John Lubbock, Professor Nilsson, and others. - -But, in dealing with the subject of continuity and development, it is -necessary to confine our remarks to those countries from which we have -had an opportunity of collecting large varieties of the same class of -implement; we must therefore have recourse to the Australian, the New -Zealander, and those nations with which we are more frequently brought -in contact. - - -_Transition from Celt to Paddle, Spear, and Sword Forms._ - -[Illustration: PLATE XIV. - -_Diagram 3._ - -TRANSITION FROM CELT TO PADDLE SPEAR & SWORD FORMS.] - -The almond-shape celt form, as I have already demonstrated, is one so -universally distributed and of such very early origin, that we may -naturally expect to find many of the more complicated forms of savage -implements derived from it. [See diagram No. 3, reproduced in Plate -XIV.] In a paper in the _Ulster Journal of Archaeology_ (Belfast, 1857, -vol. v, pp. 125-27) a writer draws attention to the occurrence in -the bed of the Bann, and elsewhere in the north of Ireland, of stone -clubs, formed much upon the general outline of the celt, but narrowed -at the small end, so as to facilitate their being held in the hand -like a bludgeon. Fig. 50 is copied from the illustration given in the -paper referred to, and fig. 51 is another in my collection, also from -Ireland, of precisely the same form; the original is upon the table, -and it will be seen that it is simply a celt cut at the small end, -so as to adapt it to being held in the hand. Fig. 52 is an implement -in common use among the New Zealanders, called the 'pattoo-pattoo', -of precisely the same shape; it is of jade, and its form, as may be -seen by the thin sharp edge at the top, is evidently derived from that -of the stone celt. Fig. 53 is a remarkably fine specimen, from the -Museum of this Institution; the handle part in this specimen is more -elaborately finished. These weapons are used as clubs to break heads, -and also as missiles, and the fact of their having been derived from -the celt is shown by the manner in which they are used by the New -Zealanders. I am informed by Mr. Dilke, who derived his information -from the natives whilst travelling in New Zealand, that the manner of -striking with these weapons is not usually with the side, but with the -sharp end of the pattoo-pattoo, precisely in the same manner that a -celt would be used if held in the hand. The spot selected for the blow -is usually above the ear, where the skull is weakest. If any further -evidence were wanting to prove the derivation of this weapon from the -stone celt, it is afforded by fig. 54, which is a jade implement lately -added to the British Museum from the Woodhouse Collection. It was, for -some time, believed to have been found in a Greek tomb, but this is now -believed by Mr. Franks to be a mistake; it is, without doubt, a New -Zealand instrument. The straight edge shows unmistakably that the end -was the part employed in using it, while the rounded small end, with a -hole at the extremity, shows that, like the pattoo-pattoo, it was held -in the hand. It is, in fact, precisely identical with the hand celts -from Ireland, above described, and forms a valuable connecting link -between the celt and pattoo-pattoo form. Now it may be regarded as a -law of development, applicable alike to all implements of savage and -early races, that when any form has been produced symmetrically, like -this pattoo-pattoo, the same form will be found either curved to one -side, or divided in half; the variation, no doubt, depending on the -purposes for which it is used. The pattoo-pattoo, having been used at -first, like its prototype the celt, for striking with the end, would -naturally come to be employed for striking upon the side edge.[154] -The other side would therefore be liable to variation, according to -the fancy of the workman. Figs. 55, 56, and 57, are examples of these -implements, in which the edge is retained only on one side and at the -end, the other side being variously cut and ornamented. This weapon -extended to the west coast of America, and there, as in New Zealand, -they are found both of the symmetrical and of the one-sided form. Fig. -58 is one believed to be from Nootka Sound, in my collection. Fig. 59 -is also from Nootka, in the Museum of this Institution. Fig. 60 is an -outline of one from Peru, which is figured in Dr. Klemm's work (l. c., -fig. 46, p. 26), and I am informed that a nearly similar club has been -derived from Brazil. - -The same form as the pattoo-pattoo, in Australia, has been developed -in wood. Fig. 61 is from Nicol Bay, North-West Australia, and is in -the Christy Collection described as a sword. Fig. 62 is of the same -form, also of wood, but of cognate form, from New Guinea. In fig. 63, -which is also from New Guinea, we see the same form developed into a -paddle. In the larger implements of this class we see the same form, -modified in such a manner as to diminish the weight; thus, the convex -sides become either straight or concave. I have arranged upon the walls -a variety of clubs and paddles, from the Polynesian Islands, figs. -64 to 67, all of which must have been derived from a common source. -The New Zealand steering-paddle, fig. 64, it will be seen, is simply -an elongated celt form. Those from the Marquesas (fig. 65), Society -Isles, Fiji, and Solomon Isles, &c., are all allied. In the infancy of -the art of navigation, we may suppose that the implements of war, when -constructed of wood, may have frequently been used as paddles, or those -employed for paddles have been used in the fight, and this may perhaps -account for the circumstance that, throughout these regions, the club, -sword, and paddle pass into each other by imperceptible gradations. -In the Friendly Isles we may notice a still further development of -this form into the long wooden spear, specimens of which, from this -Institution, are exhibited (figs. 68, 69, and 70). - -We must not expect to find all the connecting links in one country or -island. We know that the same race has at different times spread over -a very wide area; that the Polynesians, New Zealanders, and Malays are -all of the same stock, speaking the same or cognate languages. The same -race spread to the shores of America on the one side, and to Madagascar -on the other, carrying with them their arts and implements, and we may, -therefore, naturally expect that the links which are missing in one -locality may be supplied in another. - - -_Development of the Australian Boomerang._ - -We now turn to the Australians, a race which, being in the lowest stage -of cultivation of any with whom we are acquainted, must be regarded as -the best representatives of aboriginal man. - -I have transferred the Australian sword, Plate XIV (diagram 3), fig. -61, to Plate XV (diagram 4), fig. 72, in order that from it we may -be able to trace the development of a weapon supposed by some to be -peculiar to this country, but one which in reality has had a very wide -range in the earliest stages of culture; I allude to the boomerang.[155] - -The Australians, in the manufacture of all their weapons, follow the -natural grain of the wood, and this leads them into the adoption of -every conceivable curve. The straight sword would by this means at -once assume the form of the boomerang, which, it will be seen by the -diagram, is constructed of every shade of curve from the straight line -to the right angle, the curve invariably following the natural grain of -the wood, that is to say, the bend of the piece of a stem or branch out -of which the implement was fabricated. - -All savage nations are in the habit of throwing their weapons at the -enemy. The desire to strike an enemy at a distance, without exposing -one's self within the range of his weapons, is one deeply seated in -human nature, and requires neither explanation nor comment. Even apes, -as I have already noticed, are in the habit of throwing stones. The -North American Indian throws his tomahawk; the Indians of the Grand -Chako, in South America, throw the 'macana', a kind of club. We -learn from the travels of Mr. Blount,[156] in the Levant in 1634, -that at that time the Turks used the mace to throw, as well as for -striking. The Kaffirs throw the knob-kerry, as did also the Fidasians -of Western Africa.[157] The Fiji Islanders are in the habit of throwing -a precisely similar club. The Franks are supposed to have thrown the -'francisca'.[158] The New Zealander throws his 'pattoo-pattoo', and the -Australian throws the 'dowak' and the waddy, as well as his boomerang. -All these weapons spin of their own accord when thrown from the hand. -In practising with the boomerang, it will be found that it does not -require that any special movement of rotation should be imparted to it, -but if thrown with the point first it must inevitably rotate in its -flight. The effect of this rotation, it will hardly be necessary to -remind those acquainted with the laws of projectiles, is to preserve -the axis and plane of rotation parallel to itself, upon the principle -of the gyroscope. By this means the thin edge of the weapon would be -constantly opposed to the atmosphere in front, whilst the flat sides, -if thrown horizontally, would meet the air opposed to it by the action -of gravitation; the effect, of course, would be to increase the range -of the projectile, by facilitating its forward movement, and impeding -its fall to the earth. This much, all curved weapons of the boomerang -form possess as a common property. - -If any large collection of boomerangs from Australia be examined, it -will be seen that they vary not only in their curvature, but also in -their section; some are much thicker than others, some are of the same -breadth throughout, whilst others bulge in the centre; some are heavier -than others, some have an additional curve so as to approach the form -of an S, some have a slight twist laterally, some have an equal section -on both sides, while others are nearly flat on one side and convex on -the other. - -As all these varieties continued to be employed, it would soon be -perceived that peculiar advantages were derived from the use of the -flatter class of weapon, especially such as are flat on the under -side, for by throwing these in such a manner as to catch the air on -the flat side, instead of falling to the ground they would rise in -the air, precisely in the same manner that a kite, (fig. 71), when -the boy runs forward with the string, rises and continues to rise as -long as it is kept up by the action of the air beneath. In like manner -the boomerang, as long as the forward movement imparted to it by the -thrower continues, will continue to rise, and the plane of rotation, -instead of continuing perfectly parallel to its original position, -will be slightly raised by the action of the atmosphere on the forward -side. When the movement of transition ceases, the boomerang will -begin to fall, and its course in falling will be by the line of least -resistance, which is in the direction of the edge that lies obliquely -towards the thrower; it will therefore fall back in the same manner -that a kite, when the string is suddenly broken, is seen to fall -back for a short distance; but as the kite has received no movement -of rotation to cause it to continue in the same plane of descent, -it soon loses its parallelism, and falls in a series of fantastic -curves towards the ground. The boomerang will do the same thing if it -loses its movement of rotation; but as long as this continues, which -it usually does after the forward movement has ceased, it continues -to fall back upon the same inclined plane by which it ascended, and -finally reaches the ground at the feet of the thrower. There are -various ways of throwing the boomerang, but the principles here -enunciated will explain the course of its flight in whatever manner it -may be thrown. - -Now it is evident that this peculiar mode of flight would be of great -advantage to the savage, for as we learn from a paper in _Trans. -Ethnological Society_ (N.S. iii. pp. 264-5), by Mr. Oldfield, who -speaks from experience, the natives usually employ this weapon against -large flocks of ducks or wild-fowl in rivers or marshes; the weapon -after striking or missing the prey would return to the thrower, -instead of being lost in the morass; its use, therefore, would give -to the individual or tribe possessing it a great advantage over their -neighbours in the struggle for life. - -But it is evident that the principles of the flight of the boomerang, -such as I have described it, according to the recognized law of -projectiles, must have been entirely unknown to the savage; he can no -more be said to have _invented_ the boomerang than he can be said to -have _invented_ the art of sustaining life by nourishment. Instinct -prompts him to eat; little better than instinct would enable him to -select from amongst his weapons such as are found most suitable for -obtaining food; and we have already seen how he may have been led to -the adoption of such an instrument as the boomerang, purely through -the laws of accidental variation, guided by the natural grain of the -material in which he worked. - -The boomerang, though used chiefly for game, is used also as a weapon, -and Mr. Oldfield says that it is capable of inflicting a wound several -inches in depth. - -A further movement is effected in the flight of the boomerang by giving -the arms a slight lateral twist, by means of which it is caused to rise -by virtue of its rotation, screwing itself up in the air precisely in -the same manner that a boy's flying top rises to the ceiling. By means -of this addition, the weapon is sometimes made to strike an object in -its fall to the ground, behind the thrower, but the twist is not by -any means invariable, as any one may see by examining a collection of -these weapons. Nor is it essential to ensure a return fall, which I -have frequently ascertained by practising with a boomerang that was -perfectly flat. - -[Illustration: PLATE XV. - -_Diagram 4_ - -AUSTRALIA. - -TRANSITION FROM THE MALGA TO THE BOOMERANG. - -_Diagram 6_ - -INDIAN BOOMERANGS - -_Diagram 5_ - -AUSTRALIA. - -TRANSITION FROM HATCHET TO THE BOOMERANG - -_Diagram 7_ - -AFRICAN BOOMERANGS.] - -[Illustration: PLATE XVI. - -_Diagram 8_ - -AUSTRALIAN THROWING STICKS. - -AUSTRALIAN CLUBS - -AFRICAN CLUBS - -_Diagram 9_ - -AUSTRALIAN SHIELDS. - -_Diagram 10_ - -AFRICAN SHIELDS.] - -In examining Plate XV (diagram 4), it will be seen that the boomerang -passes by imperceptible gradations from the straight sword, fig. 72, -on the one hand, into the 'malga', a kind of pick, fig. 89, used for -war purposes, on the other[159], and this Australian malga closely -resembles a weapon of the same kind from New Caledonia, figs. 90 and -91, which, as already mentioned, is used both as a weapon and for -tilling the ground. In Plate XV (diagram 5), figs. 92 to 100, I have -also arranged the links of connexion between the boomerang and a kind -of hatchet or chopper called the waddy. A slight swell or projection -is seen to grow out of one end of the concave side of the boomerang, -and this develops into the form of a chopper. In those specimens of -this class in which the projection is only slightly developed, as in -figs. 94 and 95, the sides of the implement are flat, and the weapon -is obviously designed for throwing, but in some of those in which -the projection is more fully developed, as in fig. 96, the shaft is -quite round, and the head becomes thick and heavy, so as to render it -totally unsuited to the purposes of a missile. We see, therefore, in -this diagram, the transition, by minute gradations, from a missile to -a hand weapon, or vice versa. The boomerang, the sword, the malga, -and the waddy, are thus seen to be allied in such a manner as to make -it difficult to determine which of the four was the original weapon, -and, if properly arranged to display their development, they should be -distributed in branch lines, starting from a common centre, exactly in -the same manner that I have suggested the various forms of spear and -arrow-heads ought to be arranged in the natural order of progression. -[See, for example, Plate III, and pp. 37-8, above.] - - -_Indian Boomerangs._ - -In Plate XV (diagram 6), figs. 101-5, I have arranged a series of -boomerangs from India. Figures 101 and 102 are specimens of the -'katureea' or boomerang of Goojerat, from the Indian Museum; they -are used by the coolies, according to the ticket in the Museum, 'for -whirling at hares, boars, and other wild animals, and disabling -them'. It is of 'raen' wood, thicker and heavier than the Australian -specimens, and therefore not adapted to rise in the air and return. The -section is equal on both sides, but in other respects it is precisely -identical with the Australian weapon, and appears to have been roughly -chipped into form. Figures 103 and 104 are of an improved form, from -Madras, called the 'collery', also of wood, but having a knob at the -handle end; they are from the Museum of this Institution. Figure 105 -is precisely the same form in steel, from the India Museum. It is -probable that this weapon led to the use of the steel 'chakra' or war -quoit (fig. 106) of which I have given an illustration from the Museum -of this Institution. The principle of its flight is precisely that of -the boomerang, in so far as regards the increase of range and velocity -produced by the rotation preserving the thin edge in the line of its -forward motion. The earliest mention of this instrument is in the -description of the Malabar Coast, by Magellan, about 1512, translated -by Mr. Stanley, for the Hakluyt Society. The author describes amongst -the arms used in the kingdom of Dely, certain wheels called chacarani, -'two fingers broad, sharp outside like knives, and without edge inside, -and the surface of these is of the size of a small plate, and they -carry seven or eight of these each, put on the left arm, and they take -one and put it on the finger of the right hand, and make it spin round -many times, so that they hurl it at their enemies, and if they hit -any one on the arm or neck, it cuts through all, and with these they -carry on much fighting, and are very dexterous.'[160] These weapons -are usually worn on the head, but the circumstance here mentioned of -their being worn on the arm, reminds us very much of the peculiar -weapon worn by the Djibba negroes of Central Africa as a bracelet; this -is represented in figure 107; it is of iron, sharp on the outside and -blunt on the inside, which touches the arm; the edge is usually covered -with a strip of hide to prevent injury to the person. I am not aware -that this weapon of the negroes is ever used as a missile, but the -occurrence of two such singular weapons, similarly carried, is worthy -of notice, more particularly as we have clear evidence of a connexion -between the metal-workers of the whole continent of Africa and the hill -tribes of Central India. - -It is possible that many links of connexion may be supplied when the -subject of continuity comes to be more carefully studied in these -countries. It would appear extremely probable that the small Koorkeree -and Goorkah knife, though now used only for hand fight, may have had -their origin in these missile weapons, which they resemble in form, -especially the large Goorkah knife. It would be interesting to know -if they are ever thrown. I have heard stories of this having been the -case, but no authentic account of such a practice. The Spaniards throw -their long clasp-knives with effect for a considerable distance. - - -_African Boomerangs._ - -Turning to Africa (Plate XV, diagram 7), we find the boomerang well -represented in many parts of that continent. Figure 108 is an ancient -Egyptian boomerang of wood, in the British Museum. It was obtained from -the collection of James Burton, Jr., Esq., which was formed by him in -Egypt, and is described as 'an instrument for fowling, for throwing at, -or knocking down birds, as is continually represented on the walls of -the tombs'. It is of hard but light wood, the section is symmetrical -on both sides, and not flat on one side, like some of the Australian -boomerangs; it is somewhat broader at the ends than in the middle -of the blade. Figures 100, 110, and 111, are taken from Rosellini's -_Egyptian Monuments_,[161] and show how this instrument was used by the -ancient Egyptians. Sir Samuel Baker has described the weapon called the -'trombash', used in those parts of Abyssinia which he traversed.[162] -It is of hard wood, resembling the Australian boomerang, about two feet -in length, and the end turns sharply at an angle of 30 deg.; they throw -this with great dexterity, and inflict severe wounds with the hard -and sharp edge, but, unlike the boomerang, it does not return to the -thrower. Figure 113 is a wooden instrument, in the Christy Collection, -said to be used by the Djibba negroes for throwing at birds. Figure 114 -is the Nubian sword, which in form exactly resembles the boomerang. -They have a great variety of curves, some of them, especially those of -the same form used in Abyssinia, bending nearly in a right angle. I am -not aware that this instrument is ever thrown by the Nubians; they, -however, are in the habit of throwing their curved clubs with great -dexterity. Figure 115 is an iron implement of native workmanship, used -as a missile by the inhabitants of Central Africa; it was brought from -that region by Consul Petherick, at whose sale I purchased it. Like -the majority of the succeeding figures represented in this diagram, it -resembles the Australian boomerang, in being flat on the under side, -that is to say, upon the side which would be undermost, if thrown from -the right hand with the point first; the weight, however, would prevent -such a weapon from rising in the air, or returning to the thrower. -Figure 116 is used by the Mundo tribe of Africa; like the last, it is -flat on the under side; in form it resembles the falchion, represented -in the Egyptian sculptures as being held in the hand by Rameses and -other figures, when slaying their enemies. The small knob on one side -of the blade is used to attach it to the person in carrying it. Figure -117, from Central Africa, is clearly a development of the preceding -figure. Figure 118 is a weapon of the same class, from Kordofan, -obtained near the cataracts of Assouan, Upper Nile, and now in the -Museum of this Institution; though of the same character as the other -missiles, its section is equal on both sides, and therefore it is not -calculated to range far in its flight. Figure 119 is also from the -Museum of this Institution; it is flat on the under side. Figures 120 -and 121 are from illustrations in Denham and Clapperton's _Travels -in Northern and Central Africa_ (Pl. xli. 3, 4), of the missile -instruments, called 'hunga-mungas', used by the negro tribes, south of -Lake Tchad. One of these is of very peculiar form; in the course of the -innumerable variations which this weapon appears to have undergone, the -constructor appears to have hit upon the idea of representing the head -and neck of a stork. Figure 122 is from a sketch, in Barth's _Travels_, -of one of these weapons, belonging to the Marghi, a negro tribe in the -same region; it is called 'danisco', and he says that the specimen here -represented is of particularly regular shape, thereby inferring that -numerous varieties of form are in use among these people. In another -place, he describes the 'goliyo' of the Musgu and the 'njiga' of the -Bagirmi, as weapons of the same class, the name of the latter differing -from the word for spear only in a single letter; he says this weapon is -common to all the pagan, i.e. negro tribes, that he came across.[163] -Figure 123 is from East Central Africa, presented to the Christy -Collection by the Viceroy of Egypt; it is described as a cutting -instrument, from the country of the Dinkas and Shillooks, capable of -being thrown to a great distance. Mr. Petherick met with these tribes -in his travels on the White Nile.[164] Figure 124, from my collection, -is described as a battle-axe of the Dor tribe, between the equator and -the 6th or 7th degree of north latitude. It was brought to England -by Mr. Petherick, who obtained it in his travels in 1858; it is used -also for throwing. Figure 125 is from an illustration in Du Chaillu's -work,[165] of the missile tomahawk, used by the Fans in the Gaboon, in -West Central Africa; he says that the thrower aims at the head, and, -after killing his victim, uses the round edge of the axe to cut off -the head. We see from this, that notwithstanding the innumerable and -apparently meaningless variations which this weapon has undergone, the -different parts of it are sometimes applied to especial uses. Figure -126 is another missile, used by the Neam-Nam tribes, East Central -Africa. Mr. Petherick says, that the Baer tribe carry a different kind -of iron missile from the Neam-Nams. Figures 126 to 129 are different -varieties of Neam-Nam weapons, in which, as they are all derived from -the same people, the gradual transition of form is more perceptible -than in those isolated specimens derived from different tribes. If, -however, we had specimens of all the varieties used by each tribe, we -should without doubt be able to trace the progression of the whole -of them from a common form. As it is, the connexion is sufficiently -obvious when the details are examined, throughout the whole region in -which they are found, extending from Egypt and the Nile in the East, to -the Gaboon on the West Coast. In all, the principle of construction is -the same, the divergent lateral blades serving the purpose of wings, -like the arms of the Australian boomerang, to sustain the weapon in -the air when spun horizontally. The variations are such as might -have resulted from successive copies, little or no improvement being -perceivable in the principle of construction throughout this region, -notwithstanding the innumerable forms through which it must have passed -during its transmission from its original source; the locality of -which we shall probably be unable to determine, until the antiquities -of the country have been more carefully described and studied. As, -however, it is everywhere found in the hands of the negro aborigines of -the country, it must probably have had the same origin as the art of -smelting and fabricating iron, which is everywhere identical throughout -this region, and is, without doubt, of the remotest antiquity, dating -long prior to any historical record of the continent of Africa. - - -_Cateia._ - -The possible employment of the boomerang in Europe has been made the -subject of occasional speculation amongst antiquarian writers. Having -been used in Egypt, and perhaps in Assyria, there is no good reason for -doubting that it may have spread from thence to the north-west. In a -learned paper on the subject in the _Transactions of the Royal Irish -Academy_, vol. xix (1843), Sec. 'Literature,' p. 22, Pl. i, ii, Mr. Samuel -Ferguson endeavours to prove that the 'cateia' mentioned by classical -authors was the boomerang. He quotes several passages, and amongst -them one from Virgil (_Aeneid_ vii. 741), in which mention is made of -a people accustomed to whirl the 'cateia' after the Teutonic manner. -In the _Punica_ of Silius (iii. 327), one of the Libyan tribes which -accompanied Hannibal to Italy is described as being armed with a bent -or crooked 'cateia'. Isidore, Bishop of Seville, a writer of the end of -the sixth and beginning of the seventh century, described the 'cateia' -as 'a species of bat, which, when thrown, flies not far, by reason -of its weight, but where it strikes, it breaks through with extreme -impetus, and if it be thrown with a skilful hand, it returns back again -to him who dismissed it' (_Origines_, xviii. 7. 7). - -Strabo also (pp. 196-7) describes the Belgae of his time, as using -'a wooden weapon of the shape of a grosphus, which they throw out of -hand ... which flies farther than an arrow, and is chiefly used in the -pursuit of game'. - - -_General Conclusions relative to the Boomerang._ - -Those who desire further information relative to its supposed use -in Europe, cannot do better than refer to the paper from which I -have quoted. Meanwhile, enough has been said to show:--(1) that -the boomerang was used in many different countries at a very early -period, and in a very primitive condition of culture, and that it was -everywhere employed chiefly in the pursuit of game; (2) that it was -everywhere constructed of wood, before it was copied in metal; (3) that -in Australia it originated as a variety of the almond- or leaf-shaped -sword, and was suggested by the natural curvature of the material out -of which it was formed; (4) that the subsequent improvements by which -its return flight was ensured, arose from a practical selection of -suitable varieties, and was not the result of design, and (5) that the -form of the boomerang passes by minute gradations into at least three -other classes of weapons in common use by the same people, and may -therefore be regarded as a branch variety of an original normal type -of implement, used by the most primitive races as a general tool or -weapon. - - -_Development of the Club._ - -Amongst other implements used for war, the form of which appears to be -derived from the same common source as those already described, may -be included the Australian club, and the wamera or throwing stick. I -have arranged in Plate XVI, diagram 8, figs. 130 to 137, a series of -Australian clubs, showing a transition from the plain stick, of equal -size throughout, to one having a nearly round knob at one end. Nearly -similar forms to some of these, from Africa, figs. 138 to 140, are also -represented on the same diagram. - - -_Contrivances for Throwing the Spear._ - -Amongst the Australian 'wameras', there are so many varieties, that it -is next to impossible to speculate upon the priority of any particular -form, unless the plain stick, with a projecting peg at one end, may be -regarded as certainly the simplest, and therefore the earlier form. -The 'wamera' is held in the right hand, and the projecting peg at the -end is fitted into a cavity at the end of the spear, which latter is -held in the left hand, in the required direction, until just before the -moment of throwing. The spear is then impelled to its destination by -the wamera, which gives great additional impetus to the arm. Fig. 147 -is a wamera from Nicol Bay, of exactly the same general outline as the -sword already figured from that locality, figs. 61 and 62, except that -one of the faces at the end of which the peg is fastened, is concave, -and the other convex; this specimen is in the Christy Collection. The -wamera assumes a great variety of forms; some, as for example fig. -142, resemble on a small scale the New Zealand paddle, the broad end -being held in the hand, and the peg inserted in the small end; others, -broad and flat, figs. 148 to 150, bulge out in the middle by successive -gradations, until they approach the form of a shield. No reasonable -cause that I am aware of, can be assigned for these different forms; -beyond caprice, and the action of the law of incessant variation, which -is constant in its operation amongst all the works of the aborigines. - -The wamera is found on the north-west[166] and south-west[167] coasts -of Australia, and Major Mitchell describes it in the east and central -parts of the continent.[168] - -That the wamera preceded the bow, appears probable from the fact that -no bow is ever used in Australia, unless occasionally upon the north -coast, where it is derived from the Papuans. The bow is not indigenous -in New Zealand, or in any of those islands of the Pacific which are -peopled by the Polynesian race; it belongs truly to the Papuans, and -where it is used elsewhere in the Pacific Islands as a toy, it may -very probably have been derived from their Papuan neighbours. The -throwing stick is used in New Zealand, in which country Mr. Darwin -describes the practice with them. 'A cap,' he says, 'being fixed at -30 yards distance, they transfixed it with the spear delivered by -the throwing stick, with the rapidity of an arrow from the bow of a -practised archer.'[169] In New Guinea, Captain Cook saw the lance -thrown 60 yards, as he believed, by the throwing stick.[170] I saw -the Australians, now exhibiting on Kennington Common (1868), throw -their spears with the wamera nearly 100 yards extreme range, but as -they practised only for range, I had no opportunity of observing the -accuracy of flight. Mr. Oldfield says that their practice has been much -exaggerated by the European settlers, in order to justify acts on their -part, which would otherwise appear cowardly. He says, that a melon -having been put up at a distance of 30 yards, many natives practised -at it for an hour without hitting it, after which an European, who had -accustomed himself to the use of this weapon, struck it five times -out of six with his spear. Klemm, on the other hand, has collected -several accounts of their dexterity in the use of it; he says, that the -range is 90 yards, and mentions that Captain Phillip received a wound -several inches deep at 30 paces. At 40 paces, he says, the aborigines -are always safe of their mark (l. c., p. 32). A sharp flint is usually -fixed with gum into the handle of the wamera, which they use for -sharpening the points of their spears. - -The throwing stick (fig. 151) is used by the Esquimaux throughout -the regions they inhabit. Frobisher[171] mentions it on the east, -Captain Beechey on the north-west, and Cranz describes its use in -Greenland.[172] Klemm says (l. c., p. 39), that the throwing stick used -in the Aleutian Isles, differs from that of the Greenlander in having a -cavity, to receive the end of the spear, instead of a projecting tang. -The Esquimaux stick generally differs from the Australian in form, -and has usually holes cut to receive the fingers, which by this means -secure a firm grasp of the instrument. The custom of forming holes or -depressions in an implement to receive the fingers was very widely -spread in prehistoric times. I have specimens of stones so indented, -used probably as hammers, from Ireland, Yorkshire, Denmark, and Central -India. In the Christy Collection there is one precisely similar from -the Andaman Isles. - -The only other race that is known to make use of the throwing stick is -the Purus-Purus Indians of South America, inhabiting a tributary of the -Amazon. These people have no bow, and in many other respects resemble -the Australians in their habits. Their throwing stick is called -'palheta'; it has a projection at the end, to fit into the end of the -spear, and is handled exactly in the same manner as the Australian -'wamera'.[173] - -Another kind of spear-thrower, consisting of a loop for the finger and -a thong by which it is fastened to the spear, is used in New Caledonia, -and Tanna, New Hebrides (fig. 152). On ordinary occasions this is -carried by being suspended to an armlet on the left arm, but, when -preparing for war, they fasten it on to the middle of their spears. I -exhibit here, fig. 153, a precisely similar contrivance from Central -Africa, from my collection. Judging by the spiral ferrule, at the end -of the lance to which it is attached, it appears to be derived from -Central or East Central Africa. This mode of increasing the range of -the dart or javelin was well known to the ancients, and was called by -the Greeks ~ankyle~, and by the Romans 'amentum'; it is represented on -the Etruscan vases, and is figured in Smith's _Dictionary of Greek -and Roman Antiquities_, from which the drawing given in fig. 154 is -taken.[174] One of the effects produced by this contrivance was, -doubtless, to give the weapon a rotary motion, and thereby to increase -the accuracy of its flight, upon the same principle as the rifling of a -bullet; but the range and velocity were also increased, by enabling the -thrower, the tip of whose forefinger was passed through the loop of the -'amentum', to press longer upon the spear, and thus impart a greater -velocity to it, in the same manner that the effect of the Australian -wamera may be said to increase the length of the thrower's arm. The -Emperor Napoleon, who, as we all know, has paid great attention to -these weapons of the ancients, caused experiments to be conducted, -under his own personal supervision, at Saint Germain, the result of -which showed that the range of a spear was increased from 20 to 80 -meters by the use of this accessory.[175] - - -_Transition from Club to Shield (Australia)._ - -My next example of variation of form is taken from the Australian -'heileman', or shield. It may, on the first cursory consideration of -the subject, appear fanciful to suppose that so simple a contrivance -as the shield could require to have a history, or that the plain round -target, for example, so common amongst many savage nations, could be -the result of a long course of development. Surely, it may be said, -the shells of tortoises or the thick hides of beasts would, from the -first, have supplied so simple a contrivance. But the researches in -palaeoethnology teach us that such was not the case; man came into the -world naked and defenceless, and it was long before he acquired the -art of defending himself in this manner. His first weapon, as I have -already said, was a stone or a stick, and it is from one or other of -these, that we must trace all subsequent improvements. The stick became -a club, and it is to this alone that many of the earliest races trust -for the defence of their persons. The Dinkas of East Central Africa -have no shields, using the club, and a stick, hooked at both ends (Pl. -XVI, fig. 170), to ward off lances.[176] The Shoua and the Bagirmi -of Central Africa rarely carry shields, and they use a foreign name -for it.[177] The Khonds, hill tribes of Central India, have never -adopted the shield.[178] The inhabitants of Tahiti use no shield.[179] -The Sandwich Islanders use no shield or weapon of defence, employing -the javelin to ward off lances: like the Australians, and, like the -Bushmen, they are very expert in dodging the weapons of their enemies. -In Samoa the club is used for warding off lances, and the warriors -frequently exercise themselves in this practice. The 'kerri' sticks of -the Hottentots are used for warding off stones and assegais.[180] - -The club head formed by the divergent roots of a tree (Pl. XVI, -fig. 155), offers great advantages in enabling the warrior to catch -the arrows in their flight, and this led to the use of the jagged -mace-head form of club, which is here represented from many different -localities. Fig. 155 is from Fiji, fig. 157 from Central Africa, fig. -156 from Australia, fig. 158 from New Guinea, and fig. 159 from the -Friendly Isles. The curved clubs, of which a great variety are found -in the hands of savages in every part of the world, are exceedingly -well adapted to catch and throw off the enemy's arrow. The Australian -'malga', or 'leowel', as it is called by the Australians now in this -country, and already described (pp. 125-6), is used in this manner. - -By degrees, instead of using the club as a general weapon, offensive -and defensive, especial forms would be used for defence, whilst -others would be retained for offensive purposes; but the shield for -some time would continue to be used merely as a parrying instrument. -Such it is in Australia. In its most primitive form, it is merely a -kind of stick with an aperture cut through it in the centre for the -hand. The fore part varies with the shape of the stem out of which it -was made; in some it is round, in others flat. This form appears to -have branched off into two varieties; one developed laterally, and -at last assumed the form of a pointed oval, as represented in Plate -XVI, figs. 165 to 169; these are frequently scored on the front with -grooves to catch the lance points. The other variety appears to have -assumed a pointed form in front, so as to make the spear glance off -to one side, as represented in figs. 160 to 164. The Australians are -exceedingly skilful in parrying with these shields. One of the feats -of the Australians now in this country, consists in parrying cricket -balls thrown with full force by three persons at the same time. The -'heileman' is cut out of the solid tree and, like all their other -weapons, invariably follows the grain of the wood. - -In 1861, Mr. Oldfield, when engaged in collecting specimens of timber -for the International Exhibition, came upon one of these shields, -nearly finished, and abandoned, but only requiring a few strokes to -detach it from the growing tree; and he noticed the immense time and -labour it must have cost the native to construct it, not less than 30 -cubic feet of wood having been removed in digging it out of the tree -with no better tool than a flint fixed to the end of a stick. Trees -of sufficient size for these shields are not found in all parts of -Australia, and in those places where they are wanting, the natives -only obtain them by traffic with other tribes. The same cause may -also account, in some measure, for the varieties of their form, yet, -notwithstanding these numerous varieties, they never leave the normal -type throughout the continent, and you might as well expect to see the -Australian using a firelock of native manufacture, as to find in his -hands the circular flat shield which is common in Africa, America, and -ancient Europe. - - -_Transition from Club to Shield (Africa)._ - -In Africa, the development of the shield appears to have followed -precisely the same course, commencing with the plain stick or club, -Pl. XVI, fig. 170, and passing through the varieties represented in -figs. 171, 172, and 173, which are scarcely distinguishable from the -Australian 'heileman', to the oval shield of the Kaffirs, fig. 174, -and of the Upper Nile, figs. 175 and 176, which are of ox hide, but -show their origin by a stick passing down the centre and grasped in -the hand; with this stick they parry and turn off the lances of the -assailant precisely in the same manner that the Australian employs the -projecting point at the end of his oval shield. Judging by the side -views represented in the Egyptian and Assyrian sculptures, similar -shields were used by the ancients, and we may especially notice the -Assyrian shield, of small dimensions, fig. 178, mentioned by Mr. -Rawlinson as being represented in the Assyrian sculptures, and having -projecting spikes on the fore part, to catch and throw off the enemy's -weapons (_Five Great Monarchies_ (1864), vol. ii. p. 51). - - -_Development of the Shield._ - -All these antique shields have one other feature in common with the -shields of existing aborigines, viz. that they are held by a handle -in the centre. It was only in a more advanced age, when armies began -to fall into serried ranks, that the broad shield was introduced -and held upon the left arm, a mode of carrying it ill adapted to -the requirements of the light-armed combatants. Besides the oval, -the shield took other forms, but appears always to have been narrow -in its earliest developments: fig. 176 from the Upper Nile closely -resembles in outline fig. 177 from the New Hebrides. Livy describes -the shields of the Gauls in the attack of Mount Olympus, B.C. 189, as -being too narrow to defend them against the missiles of the Romans, -and he also describes them as brandishing their shields in a peculiar -manner practised in their original country.[181] This must without -doubt have been connected with the operation of parrying. Sir Walter -Scott describes the Scotch parrying with their shields. Shields in the -form of a figure 8 are met with in various countries; Captain Grant -describes the Unyamwezi as carrying a shield of this form.[182] Fig. -179 from this Institution is from Central Africa, of a very primitive -form. Fig. 180 is of the same shape from New Guinea, and the beautiful -bronze shield, fig. 181[183], of the late Celtic period, in the British -Museum, found in the Thames, appears to be of an allied form. Fig. -182 is an ox-hide shield of the Basutos; it is allied to that of the -Kaffirs, Fig. 174, by having a stick at the back, and the peculiar -wings with which it is furnished connect it with that of the Fans of -the Gaboon, on the West Coast, fig. 183, which latter is of elephant -hide and has no stick at the back. No connexion that I am aware of is -known to have existed between these remote tribes, which are of totally -different races, but the forms of their shields here represented must, -I think, have been derived from a common source. - - -_Concluding Remarks._ - -It would be quite impossible within the space of a single lecture to -produce more than a very small portion indeed of the evidence which is -available in support of my arguments. If the principles which I have -enunciated are sound, they must be applicable to the whole of the arts -of mankind and to all time. If it can be proved that a single art, -contrivance, custom, or institution, sprang into existence in violation -of the law of continuity, and was not the offspring of some prior -growth, it will disprove my theory. If in the whole face of nature -there is undoubted evidence of any especial fiat of creation having -operated capriciously, or in any other manner than by gradual evolution -and development, my principles are false. - -It would be a violation of the law of continuity, for example, if the -principles which I am now advocating, in common with many others at the -present time, opposed as they are to many preconceived notions, were -suddenly to receive a general and widespread acceptance. This also, -like other offsprings of the human mind, must be a work of development, -and it will require time and the labours of many individuals to -establish it as the truth, if truth it be. - -Meanwhile it may be well that I should briefly sum up the several -points which I have endeavoured to prove on the present occasion. - -I have endeavoured to prove in the first place, though I must here -repeat that I have produced only a very small portion of the evidence -on the subject, that all the implements of the stone age are traceable -by variation to a common form, and that form the earliest; that their -improvement spread over a period so long as to witness the extinction -of many wild breeds of animals; that it was so gradual as to require -no effort of genius or of invention; and that it was identical in all -parts of the world. - -I have shown in the second place, that all the weapons of the -Australians which I have described, are traceable by variation to -the same common form, or to forms equally as primitive as those of -the stone age of Europe; that it is perfectly consistent with the -phenomena observed, that these variations may have resulted, or at -least may have in a great measure been promoted by accidental causes, -such as the grain of the wood influencing the shape of the weapon; -that they were not invented or designed for especial purposes, but -that their application to such purposes may have resulted from a -selection of the implements already in hand; and that by this process, -the natives of Australia, during countless ages, may have crept on, -almost unconsciously, from the condition of brutes, to the condition of -incipient culture in which they are now found. - -I have compared these weapons of the Australians with others of the -same form in various parts of the world, showing grounds for believing -that whenever we shall be able to collect a sufficient variety of -specimens to represent the continuous progression of each locality, the -_modus operandi_ will be found to have been everywhere the same. - -Lastly, I have alluded cursorily to the analogy which exists between -the development of the arts and the development of species. It may be -better to postpone any comprehensive generalization on this subject -until a much larger mass of evidence has been collected and arranged. -Sir Charles Lyell has devoted a chapter in his work on the _Antiquity -of Man_ to a comparison of the development of languages and the -development of species. 'We may compare,' he says, 'the persistency of -languages, or the tendency of each generation to adopt without change -the vocabulary of its predecessor, to the force of inheritance in the -organic world, which causes the offspring to resemble its parents. The -inventive power which coins new words or modifies old ones, and adapts -them to new wants and conditions as often as they arise, answers to -the variety-making power in the animal creation.' He also compares -the selection of words and their incorporation into the language of a -people, with the selection of species, resulting in both cases in the -survival of the fittest (4th ed., 1873, p. 503). - -Whilst, however, we dwell upon the analogy which exists between the -phenomena of the organic world and the phenomena of human culture, -we must not omit to notice the points of difference. The force of -inheritance may resemble in its effects the principle of conservatism -in the arts and culture of mankind, but they are totally dissimilar -causes. - -The variety-making power may resemble the inventive power of man; -nothing, however, can be more dissimilar, except as regards results. - -When, therefore, we find that like results are produced through the -instrumentality of totally dissimilar causes, we must attribute the -analogy to some prior and more potent cause, influencing the whole -alike. - -It might be premature to speculate upon the course of reasoning which -this class of study is likely to introduce; this much, however, we may, -I think, safely predict as the result of our investigation, that we -shall meet with no encouragement to deify secondary causes. - -Another subject to which we must necessarily be led by these -investigations, although, as I before said, it does not fall actually -within the scope of my paper, is the question of the unity or plurality -of the human race. - -The ethnologist and the anthropologist who has not studied the -prehistoric archaeology of his own country compares the present -condition of savages with that of the Europeans with whom they are -brought in contact. He notices the vast disparity of intellect between -them. He finds the savage incapable of education and of civilization, -and evidently destined to fall away before the white man whenever the -races meet, and he jumps at the conclusion that races so different in -mental and physical characteristics, must have had a distinct origin, -and be the offspring of separate creations. But the archaeologist -traces back the arts and institutions of his own people and country -until he finds that they once existed in a condition as low or lower -than that of existing savages, having the same arts, and using -precisely the same implements and weapons; and he arrives at the -conclusion that the difference observable between existing races is -one of divergence, and not of origin; that owing to causes worthy of -being carefully studied and investigated, one race has improved, while -another has progressed slowly or remained stationary. - -In this conclusion he is borne out by all analogy of nature, in which -he finds frequent evidences of difference produced by variation, but no -one solitary example of independent creation. Are not all the branches -of a young tree parts of the same organism; and yet one will be seen to -throw up its shoots with a vigorous and rapid growth, whilst another -turns towards the ground and ultimately decays? Not to mention the -variations produced by the breeding of animals, with which we are -all more or less familiar, we see under our own eyes families of men -diverging in this manner. One branch, owing to causes familiar to us in -everyday life, will become highly cultivated, whilst another continues -to live on in a low condition of life, so that in the course of a few -years the disparity, mental and physical, between these two branches, -bearing the same name, will be greater, in proportion to the time of -separation, than that which, in the course of countless ages, has -separated the black from the white man. - -At the present time there is a tendency to rectify these inequalities, -whether in regard to our own or to other races, and there can be little -doubt that in the course of time, all that remains of the various races -of mankind will be brought under the influence of one civilization. But -as this progressive movement is often led by men who have not made the -races of mankind their study, they are perpetually falling into the -error of supposing, that the work of countless ages of divergence, is -to be put to rights by Act of Parliament, and by suddenly applying to -the inferior races of mankind laws and institutions for which they are -about as much fitted as the animals in the Zoological Gardens. - -In conclusion, I have only a few words to say upon the defects of our -ethnographical collections generally. It will be seen that in order to -exhibit the continuity and progression of form, I have been obliged to -collect and put together examples from many different museums; and, -as it is, it will have been noticed that many links of connexion are -evidently wanting. This is owing, in a great measure, to the very short -period during which the arts and customs of primaeval races have been -made the subject of scientific investigation; but it also arises from -the absence of system on the part of travellers and collectors, who in -former times appear to have had but little knowledge of the evidence -which these specimens of the industry of the aborigines are destined -to convey, and who have, therefore, neglected to bring home from the -various regions they visited all the varieties of the several classes -of implements which each country is capable of affording, thinking that -one good example of a tool or weapon might be taken as a sample of all -the rest. - -I am not so presumptuous as to suppose that the particular arrangement, -which I have adopted, may not require frequent modification as our -evidence accumulates; but I trust that I shall at least have made it -apparent to those who have followed the course of my argument, that -without the connecting links which unite one form with another, an -ethnographical collection can be regarded in no other light than a mere -toy-shop of curiosities, and is totally unworthy of science. - -Owing to the wide distribution of our Army and Navy, the members of -which professions are dispersed over every quarter of the globe and -have ample leisure for the pursuit of these interesting studies, this -Institution possesses facilities for forming a really systematic -collection of savage weapons, not perhaps within the power of any -other Institution in the world. The time is fast approaching when -this class of prehistoric evidence will no longer be forthcoming. The -collection is already what, for this country, must be regarded as a -good one, and if I may venture to hope that the remarks I have now the -honour of making will be of service in collecting the materials for the -improvement of it, I trust it may be thought that my labours and your -patience will not have been thrown away. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[126] A Lecture delivered at the Royal United Service Institution on -June 5, 1868, and printed in the _Journal of the R. U. S. Inst._, vol. -xii (1868), pp. 399-439, pl. xvii-xxi (= Plates XII-XVI herewith). - -[127] Klemm, l. c., p. 147. - -[128] Pinkerton (1811), vol. ix. p. 501. - -[129] _Walk across Africa_, p. 78. - -[130] Klemm, l. c., p. 62. - -[131] l. c., p. 78. - -[132] l. c., pp. 123-6. - -[133] Speke, _Journal of the Discovery of the Source of the Nile_ -(London, 1863), p. 460. - -[134] _Barth_, Travels, vol. iii. p. 162. - -[135] Nilsson, _The Primitive Inhabitants of Scandinavia_, edited by -Sir John Lubbock (3rd ed., London, 1868), p. 44. - -[136] Lloyd Stephens, _Incidents of Travel in Central America_ (London, -1854), p. 94. - -[137] Lyell, _Antiquity of Man_ (London, 1873), p. 161. - -[138] I am informed by an eye-witness, that the Australian savages, in -climbing trees, use implements nearly similar to these, to cut notches -for their feet. The implement is held in the hand, without any handle. -Others are used in handles, either fastened with gum, or consisting of -a withe passed round the stone and tied underneath. - -[139] Mr. Frere's first discovery was in 1797 (_Archaeologia_, -xiii. p. 204). (M. Boucher de Perthes began work in 1837 (_De la -Creation_, Paris, 1838), and published his _Antiquites Celtiques et -Antediluviennes_ (vol. i) in 1847. His discoveries were, however, not -verified and accepted by the British observers till 1858-9.--ED.) - -[140] See figures 23 and 32, as well as figure 17 _a_ from Central -India. - -[141] March 5, 1868. _Proc. Soc. Ant. Lond._ 2nd Ser. iv. p. 85: -_Archaeologia_, xlii. - -[142] Nilsson, _The Primitive Inhabitants of Scandinavia_, edited by -Sir John Lubbock (London, 1868), Editor's Introduction, p. xxiv. - -[143] The handle, since its discovery, has been fractured in four -places, and has shrunk a good deal from its original size. - -[144] Cf. Kemble, _Horae Ferales_ (London, 1863), p. 134. - -[145] Keller, _The Lake Dwellings of Switzerland_, transl. by J. E. Lee -(2nd ed. London, 1878), vol. i. pp. 111-3. - -[146] Livingstone, _Missionary Travels and Researches in S. Africa_ -(1857), p. 40. - -[147] Lartet and Christy, _Reliquiae Aquitanicae_ (London, 1865-75, -passim). - -[148] Wilde, _Catalogue of the Antiquities of the Museum of the Royal -Irish Academy_ (Dublin, 1863), vol. i. pp. 19-23. - -[149] After having witnessed the process of fabricating flint -arrow-heads, as re-discovered by Mr. Evans, I am able to understand why -it is that the leaf-shaped form is of more frequent occurrence, and why -this and the long-tanged forms are so often rougher and less finished -than the other forms, the deep barbs and hollow base requiring much -greater skill than the former. - -[150] Burton, _The City of the Saints_ (London, 1861), p. 146. - -[151] Schoolcraft, _Information concerning ... the Indian Tribes of the -U.S.A._ (Philadelphia, 1851-9), vol. i. p. 212. - -[152] In the museum belonging to the Cork College, there is a Peruvian -mummy, with which, amongst other articles, two of these arrow-pointed -knives were found. - -[153] Siebold, _Nippon_ (Leiden, 1832-52), vol. i. pt. ii (Alte -Waffen), Tab. xi. - -[154] Evidence of this transition may be seen by examining any number -of pattoo-pattoos. Some are sharp at the end; others are blunt at the -end, but sharp at the side near the broadest part. - -[155] Since this paper was read to the Royal United Service -Institution, Sir John Lubbock has delivered a remarkably interesting -series of lectures on savages, in the course of which he took exception -to my classification of the Indian, African, and Australian boomerangs, -under the same head; giving as his reason that the Australian boomerang -has a return flight, whilst those of other nations have not that -peculiarity. If it could be shown that the Australian weapon had been -_contrived_ for the purpose of obtaining a return flight, I should -then agree with him in regarding the difference as generic. But the -course of my investigations tends to show that this was probably an -application of the weapon accidentally hit upon by the Australians, and -that it arose from a modification of weight and form, so trivial as -to prevent our regarding it as generically distinct from the others. -I therefore consider the Australian weapon to be a mere variety of -the implement which is common to the three continents. The difference -between us on this point, though one of terms, is nevertheless -important as a question of continuity. I am much gratified, however, -to find my opinions on many other points supported by Sir John's high -authority. - -[156] Henry Blount, _Voyage into the Levant_, 1634 (London, 1671), p. -91. - -[157] Bosman, _Guinea_, Pinkerton (1811), vol. xvi. pp. 505-6. - -[158] Kemble, _Horae Ferales_ (1863), p. 65. - -[159] This weapon is called 'leowel' by the Australians now in this -country (1868). - -[160] Duarte Barbosa, _A Description of the Coasts of East Africa and -Malabar_ (by Magellan), translated by the Hon. H. E. Stanley: Hakluyt -Society, xxxv (1866), pp. 100-1. - -[161] Rosellini, _Monumenti dell' Egitto e della Nubia_ (Pisa, 1834), -Monuments Civiles, pl. cxvii. 3; cxix. 1. - -[162] Baker, _Nile Tributaries of Abyssinia_ (London, 1867), p. 511. - -[163] Barth, l. c., vol. iii. pp. 231, 451, &c., &c. - -[164] Petherick, _Egypt, the Soudan, and Central Africa_ (1861), p. 456. - -[165] Du Chaillu, _Explorations and Adventures in Equatorial Africa_ -(London, 1861), p. 79. - -[166] Gregory's account of his expedition in 1861, _Journal of the -Royal Geographical Society_, vol. xxxii (1862), p. 378. - -[167] Oldfield, 'On the Aborigines of Australia,' _Trans. Ethnol. -Soc._, vol. iii. pp. 261-2. - -[168] _Expedition to the Interior of Eastern Australia_, by Major T. -L. Mitchell, Surveyor-General, _Journal of the Royal Geographical -Society_, vol. ii. pp. 325-6. - -[169] [Darwin, _Journal_.] (But the quotation (from Darwin, _Journal of -Researches_ (London, 1845) pp. 433-4) refers to _Australia_, not New -Zealand.--ED.) - -[170] Cook, _Third Voyage_ (London, 1842), vol. i. p. 273. - -[171] Frobisher, _The Three Voyages of Martin Frobisher_, ed. Collinson -(Hakluyt Society, 1867), p. 283. - -[172] Cranz, _Historie von Groenland_^2 (1770), pp. 195-6, pl. v. 2 _f._ - -[173] Markham, _Tribes of the Valley of the Amazon_.--_Trans. Ethnol. -Soc._, N.S., vol. iii. p. 183. - -[174] Smith, _Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities_ (s. v. Hasta). - -[175] Desor, _Les Palafittes ou Constructions Lacustres du Lac de -Neuchatel_ (Paris, 1865), p. 87. - -[176] Petherick, _Egypt, the Soudan, and Central Africa_ (1861), p. 391. - -[177] Barth, l. c., vol. iii. p. 450. - -[178] Campbell, _Thirteen Years amongst the Wild Tribes of Khondistan_ -(London, 1864), p. 40. - -[179] Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_ (1829), vol. ii. p. 489. - -[180] Kolb, _Reise an das Capo du Bonne Esperance_ (Nuernberg, 1719), -pp. 477-8. - -[181] Livy, Book xxxviii. ch. 17 and 21. - -[182] Grant, _Walk across Africa_, p. 69. - -[183] Kemble, _Horae Ferales_ (1863), p. 190, pl. xiv. - - - - -PRIMITIVE WARFARE - -III - - ON THE RESEMBLANCES OF THE WEAPONS OF EARLY RACES; THEIR - VARIATIONS, CONTINUITY AND DEVELOPMENT OF FORM: METAL PERIOD.[184] - - -Having in two previous lectures upon 'Primitive Warfare', delivered at -this Institution, spoken of the general principles to be observed in -studying the development of the weapons of savages and early races, -I need not preface the remarks I am about to offer by any detailed -allusion to the generalizations which I have already ventured to make, -but I will proceed at once to lay before you some additional facts -which I have collected in continuation of the same subject. - -This I do the more readily, because I hold strongly to the opinion that -the value of a communication of this kind may, in a great degree, be -measured by the attention which is paid to the accumulation of facts, -and to the comparative brevity and simplicity of that portion of it -which relates to theory. Without general principles, however, we should -have no incentive to collect and systematize our facts, and they are -therefore valuable even where they involve--and in a new field of -study, such as I am now treating, with very scanty materials as yet at -our disposal to assist conjecture, I can hardly hope they should not -involve--a certain amount of error. - -Before entering upon the subject of the origin of metal implements, I -must, however, revert to one part of my former communication, in order -to show that a statement I then made in reference to the geographical -distribution of the boomerang has since had some light thrown upon it -by the researches of one of our most eminent men of science. It will, -perhaps, be remembered by those who did me the honour of reading my -last lecture, which was printed in vol. xii of the _Journal_, that, -in describing the weapons of the Australians, I showed, by means of -numerous illustrations of the varieties of each class of weapon from -that country, that they all passed one into the other by connecting -links, so that where a sufficient number of them are arranged in such -a manner as to exhibit their continuity, it is often impossible to -determine any definite line of separation between them. I also showed -that the form of each weapon was determined by the form of the stem or -branch of the tree out of which it was made, the outline of all these -implements conforming to the grain of the wood; and the inference which -I drew from this was, that it showed a very low state of intellect on -the part of the constructors, the several classes of implements not -having been designed originally for their respective purposes, but -produced accidentally, and then applied during subsequent ages to the -several uses to which in practice they appeared most suited. - -As we have no reason to suppose that the Australian continent was -peopled at a later date than other parts of the world, and as there -is no evidence upon that continent of the people inhabiting it having -ever been in a higher state of civilization than they are at present, -we have grounds for supposing that they must have remained stationary, -or have progressed very slowly, while the inhabitants of other parts -of the globe advanced more rapidly, and that their existing arts -and implements, simple and primitive though they be, nevertheless -represent the highest development of constructive power to which these -people have ever attained. Hence it follows, that if the inhabitants -of any other portions of the globe can be traced to a common origin -with the Australians, viewing the persistency of type observable as a -characteristic of the arts of these people, and of all other people -in a primitive state of culture, we must expect to find some traces -of similar implements in use amongst all such people to whom a common -origin can be assigned. - -In my last lecture I mentioned that there were three countries in -which the boomerang is either still used, or is known to have been -used in ancient times, viz. Australia, the Deccan of India, and Egypt, -and I also showed some grounds for believing that the same weapon, -or something allied to it, may have spread from those countries over -Europe, as it is known to have done over a great part of Northern and -Central Africa. - -Although the comparison of weapons from various parts of the globe -can have no other object than to trace out an original connexion, -I did not venture to build upon the coincidence of this weapon in -these regions, any argument for the common origin of the people by -whom it was used. Nor do I think that I should have been justified -in assuming such origin upon the grounds of the identity of a single -weapon. Such identity may have arisen in three ways:--(1) it may have -arisen independently by the spontaneous development of like weapons -under similar conditions of life; (2) the weapon itself may have been -communicated from some primal source; (3) the races using it may have -been themselves derived from a common origin. Of these, the first -view, viz. the independent origin of the weapon, would perhaps strike -any one at first sight, before having studied the conservatism and -persistency of type which is so especially characteristic of savages, -as the most probable; it appears so exceedingly simple in its form and -uses to our trained and educated minds, that it seems hardly necessary -to account for it in any other way; besides which, there are slight -differences between the Indian and Australian boomerangs, which have -been considered by some to distinguish the two weapons. - -I will not here revert to the arguments which I have used to combat -this opinion. Suffice to say, that I have since been favoured with -much valuable information on the subject by Sir Walter Elliot, who -has frequently accompanied the natives of India in their hunting -expeditions with this weapon. He says that it is formed on the grain -of the wood, like the Australian boomerang, the curve varying with the -bend of the stem; it is whirled horizontally, with the end foremost, -like the Australian practice, and is used by two tribes in the Deccan, -viz. the Kolis of Guzerat and the Marawars of Madura, but more -especially in its simplest form by the former, who are of the Dravidian -or black race of the Deccan. In a letter to me he says, speaking of -these tribes:--'I have seen both, and, indeed, served ten years in the -latter district (Southern Mahratta), where the crooked stick is used -by all the lower orders every Sunday during the hot season, when all -agricultural labour is at a stand. The villagers turn out in large -numbers, and scour the jungle armed with these sticks. Everything that -rises is knocked over; deer, hares, birds, even the wild hog and the -tiger are occasionally (though rarely, of course) included in the bag. -I have seen a line of upwards of 100 men and boys, and the boomerang -whirling about in such numbers, and with such precision, that even -birds on the wing are brought down. I never met with any regularly -formed specimens, except in the South; those in the North were mere -angular sticks, of very various form, as natural branches occurred; the -favourite form was a rather obtuse angle--nearly a right angle.' Thus, -whether we regard the purposes for which it is used, the material of -which it is constructed, the manner of throwing, or the varieties of -its form, the Indian and Australian boomerang is virtually the same -weapon; and I think those who dispute their identity appear rather to -have had in view the 'collery stick' of Madras and of the Marawars than -the boomerang of the Kolis. - -We may therefore, I think, fairly consider the causes which may have -led to the adoption of this weapon as sprung from a common source. - -[Illustration: PLATE XVII.] - -Since my last communication to this Institution, Professor Huxley has -given to the world, in a paper read at the meeting of the International -Congress of Prehistoric Archaeology--of which I had the honour to be -general secretary--in August, 1868, his views 'on the distribution of -the races of mankind, as bearing on their antiquity'.[185] The paper -created a considerable sensation in the scientific world, owing to the -boldness of the generalizations contained in it, and, it may be added, -a certain amount of opposition. The accompanying map (Plate XVII) is -taken from one drawn by Professor Huxley himself for the Ethnological -Society, to illustrate this subject (_Journ. Ethno. Soc._ (1870) N. S. -ii. 404-12). - -Basing his distribution of the human race on the principle that the -characters of the hair and complexion are more permanent, and of -greater value as a means of classification, than the bony structure -of man, Professor Huxley traces back the numerous varieties of tribes -and races into what, for the present, may be regarded as four primary -groups. - -Commencing, for the convenience of my present subject, with the -highest, or those which have shown themselves most capable of -development--which, in all probability, is the wrong end of the scale -to begin with, if we regarded them in their natural succession--the -first of these groups is what he terms Xanthochroid type (the -distribution of which is marked [shading] in the map), a people -characterized by yellow hair and fair complexions, with blue eyes, who -form a strong element in the composition of the population of this -country and a great part of Europe, extending from thence through -Scandinavia and Central Europe eastward into Northern India. Next to -these he classes the great Mongoloid race (marked by various shades -of [shading] on the map), with yellow-brown complexions and black -hair and eyes, of which the Kalmucs and Tartars represent the purest -types, occupying the whole of Northern Europe and Asia, from Lapland -to Behring Strait, and down to the southernmost parts of China; -including also the Esquimaux, the Polynesians, and the whole of the -inhabitants of the two continents of America. Thirdly, the Negro race -(marked [shading] and [shading] in the map), long headed, with woolly -hair, which has its head quarters in all that part of Africa south of -the Sahara, but has outlying branches widely detached, and occupying -a broken line of islands extending in a belt, from the Andaman Isles -in the Bay of Bengal, to the peninsula of Malacca, New Guinea, New -Caledonia, and the adjoining isles, and having its southmost limits in -the distant island of Tasmania. Lastly, we come to the Australioid race -(marked [shading]), distinguished by dark chocolate complexions and -black eyes, with long heads and soft wavy hair; these the Professor, -upon physiological grounds, and after intimate acquaintance with these -people in the distant regions in which they are found, traces in -three distinct portions of the globe, viz. Australia, the Deccan of -India, and Egypt; the three identical countries, it will be observed, -in which, unconscious of Professor Huxley's distribution of races, I -had traced the occurrence of the boomerang. I think, therefore, it is -not an unreasonable conjecture, assuming the correctness of Professor -Huxley's premises, that this peculiar weapon may be a relic of the -original Australioid stock, which having been originally an effective -weapon for all purposes amongst the aborigines of this race, and -continuing still to be used as such in Australia, survived in India -and in ancient Egypt merely as an implement for the chase and for -amusement, much in the same way that, in Europe, bows and arrows have -survived amongst children to the present day. - -[Illustration: PLATE XIX.] - -In the remarks which I made (p. 127) upon the varieties of the African -boomerang, I drew attention to the peculiarly curved form of the Nubian -and Abyssinian sword, and I ventured an opinion that its form may have -been originally derived from that of the boomerang, of which weapon a -variety, constructed of wood, is still in use by the inhabitants of -the country; and I see no reason to doubt that the Abyssinian sword -may have been the prototype of those numerous allied forms of iron -weapons, the 'hunga-munga', &c., which throughout Africa are still used -as missiles, and thrown with a rotatory motion like the boomerang. My -conjecture on this subject appears to receive some confirmation from -the very peculiar construction of one of these swords, which has lately -been added to the museum of this Institution, and which is represented -in Plate XIX, figure 1. The angular form of the blade, swelling in the -middle, presents such a close affinity to the Australian boomerang, as -to strike even those who have not been led, by the considerations I -have mentioned, to look for a coincidence in these weapons. I noticed -at the same time the very great resemblance between the rudimentary -shields of the Australians and those of some of the inhabitants of the -valley of the Upper Nile, which may also perhaps be accounted for in -the same way. With a view of further connecting this primitive form -of shield with similar defensive weapons in India, it is worthy of -notice that the hand-shield, having antelopes' horns projecting from -it, a representation of which was given in my first lecture, Plate X, -figs. 66, 67_a_, and 69 (many of which are furnished with a small iron -shield, or guard for the hand, though some are without this accessory), -is used--Sir Walter Elliot now informs me--precisely in the same way -as the Australian and African parrying-shields, viz. by catching the -arrows and darts of the assailant, and parrying them off with the -horns, thus favouring the conjecture that I ventured to put forward, -that the square, oblong, and circular targets are defensive weapons of -comparatively recent origin, being represented in a primitive stage of -culture by a simple parrying-stick, derived originally from the club. -The club is, as a general rule, the only defensive guard employed by -races in the lowest stages of culture. These seem to have been replaced -by parrying-sticks, held in the centre, and subsequently hollowed to -receive the hand, or furnished with hand-guards, forming rudimentary -shields; of which stage in the development of the weapon we are now -able to establish connected traces in the three countries under -consideration. - -If the comparisons which I have made, and the conclusions I have -ventured to draw from them, are found to stand the test of further -investigation, as it appears to me reasonable to hope they will, the -importance of studying the forms and uses of these primitive weapons in -connexion with other sociological and biological phenomena, as a means -of tracing back the early history of mankind, will be well established. -Of this, however, we may feel certain, that if a connexion formerly -existed between the inhabitants of India, Australia, and Egypt, the -evidence of such connexion will not be limited either to the colour -of the hair and skin, or to the resemblance of their weapons, but -will be found in other customs and institutions which they brought -with them from their fatherland. The important generalizations of -Professor Huxley, whether or not they ultimately hold good, have had -the good effect of drawing attention to a comparison of the inhabitants -of these countries; and though it would be foreign to my present -purpose to anticipate the result of these investigations in other -branches not immediately connected with my present subject, I may -mention that officers acquainted with India and Australia have since -pointed out resemblances in the hymeneal and other customs of those -countries, which have not before been noticed, but which, when put -together and compared, making all due allowance for the variations -which are inevitable in the continuous development of all human arts -and institutions, will, I doubt not, tend to give confirmation to the -theory of races which the author of it has so ably advanced. - -Having strayed thus far into the geological and biological aspect of -the question, it is necessary to go a step further in order to apply -the subject more generally to the origin of weapons, and at the same -time to point out some difficulties which stand in the way of accepting -this theory of races--difficulties of which Professor Huxley himself -appears by his paper to be fully sensible. - -The detached portions of the Australioid race are separated from each -other by seas of considerable depth, and the same thing applies to the -Negroid race. The Australians, he points out, though possessing ample -materials for the construction of canoes, have never learnt to make -any that are capable of traversing the great seas which separate them -from their apparent kindred in other lands, and it is unlikely they -should have forgotten the art of navigation if they had once known it. -It is inconceivable, therefore, that they should have migrated from -Australia to the Deccan, and to Egypt, during the existing geographical -arrangement of sea and land, more especially as no trace of such -migration is found upon intervening isles. He points out, however, that -great geographical changes have probably taken place, and that those -changes, in so far as our knowledge of them goes, are of a nature to -account for the phenomena observed. - -The region of the negro race in Africa is separated from Northern -Africa and from Europe by the desert of Sahara, of which there is -geological evidence to show that it was sea at a recent geological -period. The same applies to the Deccan of India, which is separated -from the Himalaya by the great alluvial plains of the Indus and the -Ganges, which, having probably formed a strait before the miocene -epoch, may have divided the black men inhabiting the Deccan from the -Xanthochroid and Mongoloid races to the north. At the same time large -tracts now occupied by the sea may then have been land, uniting or -connecting by a chain of easily accessible islands the regions in which -men of the same colour and physical peculiarities are now found. But it -will be seen by the map that the lines of distribution of two of the -races, the Negroid and the Australioid, cross each other, and this, -according to the theory of migration by land, appears to involve a -succession of submersions and upheavals during the human period, which -it is difficult to account for. - -The distribution of races, according to supposed original distinctions -of colour and complexion, will be seized upon by polygenists as an -argument in their favour; for it will be said that, according to this -theory, the distinctions of race in the earliest times must have been -as great, or greater, than they are at present. - -There are three ways in which it has been attempted to account for -these early distinctions of colour and persistency of type--(1) by -supposing the several races of man to have been separately created -upon distinct continents of land; (2) by assuming that on each -primaeval continent, man was evolved from the anthropoid apes of that -continent;[186] or (3), by supposing that these divisions of race, -remotely and immeasurably distant though they be, nevertheless carry us -only a short way back into the history of man, and that still earlier -ages, if we could penetrate them, would show the races of man united. - -Now, with respect to the first assumption, that of creation, though -we are not, of course, in a position to deny the possibility of it, -I confess it appears to me unwarranted by any of the phenomena of -nature. We have no knowledge of the special creation of any organized -being; and how can we scientifically assume as probable, that, for the -probability of which there is no sort of evidence of a nature that -inductive science would be warranted in building upon? Continuity and -development are seen to be the order of the universe. Man is seen to -be, both mentally and physically, amenable to that law; and on what -grounds can we assume that he was ever an exception to it? I cannot -conceive how those who believe geological changes to have been brought -about by causes which are still in operation in our own day, and who -make great calls upon time in order to reconcile those causes to the -phenomena observed, can, in treating biological phenomena, advocate -belief in so great a break in the observed order of the universe as is -implied by the special creation of man. Still less willing am I, in -the absence of more cogent argument than has ever yet been advanced -in support of it, to assent to hypotheses of the separate development -of races, which appears to me equally at variance with nature. There -can be no doubt that all the existing races of man, whatever their -colour and physical peculiarities, have greater affinity to each other -than any of them have to the apes, or to any other class of animals. -The tendency of progress is from simplicity to complexity, from unity -to diversity, and it would be a complete inversion of the order of -nature that animals so various as the apes should independently -produce animals so much resembling each other as the races of man. -The recognized law that, with certain variations, like begets like, -appears to me to negative this assumption as fully as it would do -the notion, if it were put forward, that because the horse and some -other classes of the mammalia, say the rhinoceros, for instance, have -some affinities in their bony structure, therefore the black horse is -descended from the African rhinoceros, and the white horse from that -of India. Moreover, all the races of mankind interbreed, and I am at a -loss to understand how a circumstance like this, which throughout the -animal kingdom is regarded as a proof of unity of species, should be -discarded in its application to humanity. If, then, it is true that -diversity of colour is as old as the very earliest traces of man, and -there is evidence that the several coloured races were inhabitants of -distinct continents, which have disappeared through geological changes -dispersing and mixing the races, blending the colours and obliterating -the traces of their formerly isolated homes; then to the same causes, -which produced the mixing and the blending, we must also attribute the -original separation. According to the view I hold, we must ask for more -time, and still further geological changes, to bring them together -again in the primaeval cradle of the human race. - -Now, to apply this reasoning to the origin of weapons. The only -vestiges of the primaeval tools of mankind now left to us are those -constructed of stone; others of the more perishable materials have -decayed, and their representatives only have remained in some few -cases as survivals. In my last lecture I showed how uniform in shape -and in development these stone implements are found to be in all parts -of the world, whether derived from the northern or southern continent -of America, from Siberia, Australia, India, Africa, or the surface -soils and river gravels of Europe. This uniformity of shape has been -used as an argument that mankind must have independently designed the -same forms of tools in various parts of the world, and that under -like conditions, like forms will be produced by men, however remotely -separated. I am not prepared to deny the possibility of some of these -forms having had an independent origin; but if the proof of it is to be -based upon the separation of continents, we see how entirely groundless -such an argument is when applied to the earliest ages of humanity. For -if, as has been conjectured, the races of man may have been dispersed -by geographical changes of land and sea, it is obvious they may have -carried with them, from some primal source, the art of manufacturing -stone weapons; the resemblance of which is far more satisfactorily -accounted for by this means[187] than by supposing such singular and -invariable coincidence in design to be the result of independent -discovery. As we contemplate man in his lower and lowest conditions, -we find the imitative faculty stands out more and more prominently by -the absence of those higher qualities which characterize civilized -races; and whatever power of originality for the invention of new arts -may have been possessed by the earliest inhabitants of the globe, its -results appear to have been spread over so vast a lapse of time that it -can scarcely be accounted at all as an element in the mental attributes -of primaeval man. - -I now pass to what has been announced as the subject proper of my -present communication, viz. the origin and development of metal tools. -I use the word _metal_ intentionally, in preference to specifying -bronze, because, although we have good reason for supposing that in -Europe, Egypt, Assyria, and the central parts of America, bronze -preceded iron as a material for weapons, it is not so certain that this -was the case in all parts of Asia; and in Africa we know that iron was -the first metal employed by the negroes. - -Perhaps no subject has given rise to so much difference of opinion -amongst archaeologists as this question of the origin of metal -implements, or has been accompanied with such uncertain results, -owing to the great mass of conflicting evidence to be dealt with, -and the great doubt which rests upon much of it, whether in regard -to the casual mention of the subject in ancient authors, or to the -often ill-directed researches of modern times. It would be hopeless, -in the brief time allotted me on the present occasion, to attempt -to throw fresh light on this intricate subject, even if I possessed -the materials for so doing. All I shall endeavour to do is, to put -together, in as intelligible a form as possible, some of the more -salient points upon which archaeologists are divided, and trace the -continuity observable in passing from the stone to the metal age. - -We have already seen, in speaking of the implements of the stone age, -a gradual improvement in form and fabrication, developing itself in -proportion as the wild animals which were contemporaneous with the -first traces of man in Europe became extinct, partly, no doubt, through -the efforts of man himself in exterminating them, and partly, as -there seems reason to suppose, owing to an alteration of temperature, -rendering the climate unsuited to the constitution and habits of -those animals, which therefore migrated by degrees, and the majority -of which are now found chiefly, though not exclusively, in arctic -regions. Thither they have been accompanied by races of men whose -arts and implements show them to be very nearly in a corresponding -stage of civilization to the early races, the relics of which are -found associated with the same animals in Europe. The simultaneous -migration of races of men in the hunting stage of civilization, with -the animals, the pursuit of which forms the almost sole occupation of -their lives, is well shown in the case of the North American Indians, -whose geographical distribution is now almost identical with that of -the buffalo. This forms a strong point in the arguments of those who -are disposed to attribute all the changes in the world's civilization -to the influx and extermination of antagonistic races. But it must -be remembered that progress advances in an increasing ratio, and the -phenomenon now seen in America and Australia of a highly civilized -race constantly fed by steam-communication from the Old World, driving -before it and rapidly exterminating other races so vastly its inferior -as the Australians and American Indians, is one which could have had no -parallel at the early period of which I am now speaking. We must here -look for a slower process, though doubtless the operating causes may, -to a great extent, have been the same. - -The fabrication of stone implements would of itself lead by degrees -to a knowledge of the metals which are contained in stones. Thus, for -example, I have here a specimen of a stone mace-head from Central -America, figure 2, Plate XIX, composed of a nodule of haematite -partially coated with micaceous iron ore, the particles of which are -distinctly visible on its glittering surface. The weight of this -implement, being nearly double that of a mace-head composed of ordinary -stone, would at once attract the notice of the savage fabricator, and -lead him to investigate the uses of metal. - -But, as a general rule, races engaged exclusively in hunting, who -rarely turn their attention to the ground except to examine a trail -or to search for water, would have little opportunity of profiting by -the mineral wealth of the soil over which they roamed. Witness the -Australians, who have continued for ages in ignorance of the gold and -other mines which are now so attractive to Europeans; or the North and -South American Indians, and the Esquimaux, amongst whom the art of -smelting metal has never been found associated with those races who are -in a purely hunting stage of existence; the wrought metals used by such -races to point their weapons being invariably derived from civilized -sources. - -From hunting wild animals, the savage, in the natural sequence of -progress, would turn his attention to their capture and domestication, -and thus he creeps gradually into the pastoral life; and as the bones -of animals under domestication, through want of exercise and good -living, become smoother and of finer texture, the experienced anatomist -is thereby afforded the means of distinguishing, amongst the vestiges -of antiquity, the remains of domesticated animals from those derived -from the chase, and of observing to what extent the domestication -of animals was contemporaneous with other changes in the social -condition of the people.[188] Still, however, in the pastoral state, -the barbarian is not necessarily brought in contact with metals; and -hence we should expect in many cases to find the traces of domesticated -animals associated with people who are still in the stone age. This was -notably the case amongst the ancient inhabitants of the Swiss lakes, -where the sheep and horse have been found at Moosseedorf, and other -lake habitations which are proved to belong to the stone age, though -not in such abundance as in the settlements belonging to the bronze -age.[189] - -From the pastoral life, the barbarian, hampered by his flocks and -herds, and no longer obliged to wander in search of food, settles down -to a more stationary life, and by degrees takes to agriculture. Then, -for the first time, he digs into the soil, and becomes acquainted -with its mineral treasures. It has been proved by the discovery of -quantities of carbonized grains of wheat, lumped together, in the Swiss -lake-habitations of the stone age, together with the materials for -preparing it for food, that a knowledge of agriculture preceded the -general employment of bronze in that region,[190] whilst in Britain, -and in Denmark also, bronze is almost invariably associated with -evidence of domestication and agriculture. - -The metals first employed would be those that are most attractive. -Copper, in Europe, from the bright colour of its ores, would be noticed -more readily than iron, which is often scarcely distinguishable from -the soil, and requires greater temperature and more skilled labour to -render it available than could be expected of a people emerging out -of the savage state. It is not, therefore, surprising that in Europe, -copper first, and subsequently its alloy, bronze, should have been -employed before iron as a material for weapons. But in those countries -where iron is found upon the surface in an attractive form, and in a -condition to be easily wrought, we must for the same reason suppose -that it would be used instead of copper in the earliest ages of -metallurgy. - -[Illustration: PLATE XVIII. - -DEVELOPMENT OF FORM IN CELTS OF COPPER, BRONZE AND IRON.] - -It is natural to suppose that, in the ordinary course of development, -an age of pure copper must have intervened between the ages of stone -and bronze. But implements of pure copper are comparatively rare, -bronze being the metal almost invariably found following immediately -upon the age of stone.[191] Notwithstanding the comparative rarity of -copper tools, however, there is reason to believe that this metal was -used in a pure state before the discovery of the alloy. According -to Professor Max Mueller, copper was the metal spoken of by Hesiod -and Homer as the material generally employed for weapons in their -time.[192] Mr. Rawlinson, in his _Five Ancient Monarchies_, says that -the metallurgy of the early Chaldeans was of a very rude character, -indicating a nation but just emerging from an almost barbaric -simplicity, and that copper often occurs pure.[193] Copper implements, -of a very early form, beaten into shape, occur not unfrequently in -Ireland, as may be seen by specimens represented in Class A, Plate -XVIII. They have also been found in Mecklenburg and in Denmark, and -Klemm[194] says that they occur in Greece, Italy, Spain, Egypt, and -Hindustan. At Maurach, in Switzerland, a copper celt was found in a -lake dwelling, which Dr. Keller, notwithstanding this circumstance, -attributes to the stone age.[195] In the lake dwelling of Peschiera, -on the lake of Garda, several copper implements were discovered,[196] -and in certain localities in Hungary copper implements are said to -be as plentiful as those of bronze.[197] An axe of pure copper was -discovered in Ratho Bog, near Edinburgh, under 20 feet of stratified -sand and clay, and Dr. Wilson mentions that others have been found in -Scotland.[198] Copper implements occur in Peru, to prove that, in the -central parts of America also, the manufacture of bronze was preceded -by the use of copper in a pure state; and in the ancient mines of Lake -Superior we have distinct evidence of a stage of early metallurgy in -which copper was used simply as a malleable stone, and beaten out into -the form of implements without the aid of any alloy or a knowledge of -the process of casting.[199] (See Plate XIX, figures 3, 4, 5, and 6.) -When it is considered that without the admixture of a small portion -of alloy of zinc or tin, copper is very difficult to melt, and can -only be used by a laborious process of beating into form, and also -what a great superiority bronze has over copper as a cutting material, -whilst at the same time the process of fabrication is actually in some -degree facilitated by the addition of tin, it is not surprising that -on the first discovery of the advantages of this mixture, all the old -implements of copper, wherever procurable, should have been taken to -the melting-pot for conversion into bronze, and we should thus be left -with such scanty evidence of the existence of an age of copper. - -Up to this point we meet with no difficulty in supposing that -the use of metal may have been at first adopted by many nations -independently, without intercourse one with another. But when we find -in both hemispheres of the globe a very wide diffusion of weapons of -bronze, consisting of a mixture of the same metals, which, though -varying slightly in its proportions, as we shall afterwards see, -is nevertheless, for the most part, constant in its adherence to a -standard of about nine parts copper to one of tin in all parts of the -world, the question arises whether the knowledge of this mixed metal -could have been arrived at independently in different countries, or -whether it must have been diffused all over the universe from a common -source. It is true that copper and tin materials are sometimes found -in the same locality, as, for instance, in Cornwall, the locality -which, from the remotest time up to the present, has afforded the -most plentiful supply of both metals perhaps in the world. We have -evidence, also, that in ancient copper mines fire was employed by the -miners for softening the metal and detaching it from the matrix,[200] -and it is, therefore, highly probable that the admixture of the two -metals occurring so close together, and a knowledge of the advantages -accruing therefrom, may have been brought about accidentally in the -process of mining.[201] But this connexion of the metals in a state -of nature is not common, and in those countries, such as Denmark and -Scandinavia, where bronze implements occur, and in which neither metal -is found native, it is most improbable that the inhabitants should have -discovered the merits of these particular ingredients, unless they had -derived the knowledge of them from without. - -Hence we find archaeologists as much divided in their opinions upon -what I may call the monogenesis or polygenesis of bronze, as biologists -and anatomists are upon the monogenesis or polygenesis of the human -race. The same question repeats itself again and again in dealing -with the vestiges of the early history of man, and we may therefore -divide the consideration of this question of the origin of bronze under -pretty nearly the same heads to which I have adverted when speaking -of the distribution of races, and of the age of stone (pp. 147-54). -The questions to be considered may be numbered as follows:--(1) that -bronze was spread from a common centre by an intruding and conquering -race, or by the migration of tribes; (2) that the inhabitants of each -separate region in which bronze is known to have been used discovered -the art independently, and made their implements of it; (3) that the -art was discovered, and the implements fabricated, on one spot, and -the implements disseminated from that place by means of commerce; (4) -that the art of making bronze was diffused from a common centre, but -that the implements were constructed in the countries in which they are -found. - -Amongst the advocates for the first hypothesis, viz. introduction by -the intrusion of fresh races, are to be found chiefly the Scandinavian -archaeologists, amongst whom may be especially mentioned Professors -Worsaae, of Copenhagen[202], and Nilsson, of Stockholm. Both metals -are foreign to the soil of Denmark, and must, therefore, have been -imported. In the graves, bronze weapons are in Denmark invariably -found with burials by cremation, while those of the stone age are -by inhumation, the former being recognized, in an early stage of -civilization, as a later process than burial by inhumation. Bronze is -here markedly associated with traces of agriculture, the evidence -of which is wanting in the stone age. The age of bronze, it is -asserted by these antiquaries, was ushered in in Denmark by the -employment of implements showing the highest perfection of art, and -at a later period, when they are associated with weapons of iron, -they are inferior in the quality of their workmanship. The weapons of -bronze have remarkably small handles, denoting a smaller race, and -hypothetically an eastern origin, small handles being to this day the -characteristic of weapons from India. Some of the bronze spear-heads in -Denmark have been found with nails driven into them, a practice which -still exists in India, each nail denoting a victim; and in the Asiatic -islands the custom of boring a hole in the weapon for each victim is -found to the present time.[203] The peculiar ornamentation so often -found on the bronze swords of Denmark, known as the spiral ornament, -is said, though I think erroneously, to be of Phoenician origin. To -these and other arguments for the introduction by intruding races, -Professor Nilsson adds, that in the countries of the north, where -bronze implements are found in greatest abundance, the graves in which -they occur are usually situated in groups, proving that bronze was -introduced, not by isolated individuals, merchants, or travellers, but -by tribes or colonies more or less numerous, occupying especial tracts -of country. - -The theory of race-origin is also not without its adherents in this -country. Dr. Thurnam, who has excavated a large number of barrows in -the south of England, divides them--as, indeed, they have been divided -by former antiquaries--into several classes, amongst which we may -chiefly distinguish two principal types, viz. the long and the round -barrows. The former he attributes to the stone age, containing usually -implements of that material, whilst implements of bronze are almost -invariably found in the round barrows. He also gives it as the result -of his researches, extending over some years of exploration--and Canon -Greenwell, in so far as his experience of long barrows in the north -of England goes, confirms the statement--that the long barrows are -generally associated with dolichocephalic, or long skulls, whilst in -the round barrows brachycephalic, or round skulls, are found, thus -leading to the supposition that the long-headed people of the stone -age who erected the long barrows may have been succeeded by another -race with round heads importing bronze, and burying their dead in -round barrows. But after having heard Dr. Thurnam's last papers -on this subject, read before the Society of Antiquaries and other -societies[204], I confess, although he has no doubt established a -sequence, that he does not appear to me to have determined a clear -line of separation between the two classes of interments; the long -barrows pass by intermediate links into the round ones, and the long -skull, although no doubt it may be considered characteristic of an -earlier period, and therefore connected with an earlier form of -barrow, also passes by gradations into the round skull, the variations -of form being considerable. Then, with respect to the implements, -although the absence of bronze in the long barrows of the earlier -period appears to be determined, yet it is notorious to all those who -have paid attention to the subject--and is not by any means denied -by the learned antiquaries whose names I have mentioned--that the -transition from stone to bronze in this country was gradual, and -extended over a long period, flint weapons being found in nearly all -the barrows of the bronze age in such positions as to show they were -used contemporaneously by the same people; and from discoveries which -have been made both by myself and others[205], there seems good reason -to suppose that flint weapons continued to be used by some of the -inhabitants of this country even during the Roman era. This distinction -of long heads in long barrows, and round heads in round barrows, is -one so easily remembered, that it is liable on this account, perhaps, -to receive greater attention than it really deserves as a criterion -of race. The difficulty of distinguishing in all cases the primary -from the secondary interments in the barrows--it being an established -fact that these barrows were used as places of burial by successive -generations, and even perhaps by successive races, including also -the Anglo-Saxons--the possible distortion of some of the crania by -time and pressure, and the other facts of the case, as I believe I -have correctly stated them, are, I think, sufficient to justify us in -withholding for the present our entire acceptance of the theory of the -introduction of bronze into this country by intruding races, as drawn -from any evidence derived from the graves. - -From amongst those who have advocated the totally independent origin -of bronze, the opinion of Professor Daniel Wilson may be selected, -as affording a most ingenious argument derived from an analysis of -the metals.[206] He quotes some experiments conducted by Dr. George -Pearson, and communicated by him to the Royal Society of London -in 1796, to ascertain the results of various proportions of the -ingredients of tin and copper in bronze. 'Having fused these metals -in various united proportions, commencing with 1 part of tin to 20 -parts of copper, which produced a dark-coloured bronze, he reduced -the proportion gradually to 15 parts of copper to 1 of tin, when the -colour was materially affected, and the red copper hue was no longer -seen, but an alloy of greater strength was produced. The experiments -were continued with 12, 10, 9, 8, and 7 parts of copper to 1 of -tin, and when the last fusion of the metals was tested, increased -hardness and brittleness of the metals became very apparent. The same -characteristics were still more marked on successively reducing the -proportions of copper to 6, 5, 4, and 3; and when alloy was made of 2 -parts of copper to 1 of tin, it was, according to Dr. Pearson's report, -as brittle as glass.' - -From the result of these experiments we see that the best average -proportions, of about 9 parts of copper to 1 of tin, would invariably -show itself by a practical experience in the use of these ingredients, -and it is therefore unnecessary to assume that these particular -proportions, when found in the bronzes of different countries, must -necessarily have been communicated. - -Dr. Wilson then proceeds to give the results of analyses of ancient -bronzes discovered in Europe, America, and elsewhere, contained in the -accompanying tables. And he concludes his observations on the subject -as follows:-- - -'From the varied results which so many independent analyses disclose, -varying, as they do, from 79 to 94 per cent, of copper, or more than -the total amount of the supposed constant ratio of tin, besides the -variations in the nature, as well as the quantity of their ingredients' -(a proportion of lead will be seen in some of the analyses of European -bronzes, the small proportion of iron being probably accidental), 'it -is abundantly obvious that no greater uniformity is traceable than -such as might be expected to result from the experience of isolated -and independent metallurgists, very partially acquainted with the -chemical properties of the standard alloy, and guided for the most -part by practical experience derived from successive results of their -manufacture.' The comparison of the two tables here given, from -Professor Wilson's work, also shows a smaller average amount of tin in -the American bronze (Table I) than in that of ancient Europe (Table II). - - -TABLE I.--ANALYSES OF ANCIENT AMERICAN BRONZES - - --------------------------+---------+-----------------+-------+-----+-----+ - Object. |Locality.| Observer. |Copper.| Tin.|Iron.| - --------------------------+---------+-----------------+-------+-----+-----+ - 1 Chisel from Silver Mines|Cuzco |Humboldt |94.0 |6.0 | | - 2 Chisel " " |Cuzco |Dr. J. H. Gibbon |92.385 |7.615| | - 3 Knife " " |Atacama |J. H. Blake, Esq.|97.870 |2.130| | - 4 Knife | | Ditto |96.0 |4.0 | | - 5 Crowbar |Chili |Dr. T. C. Jackson|92.385 |7.615| | - 6 Knife |Amaro |Dr. H. Croft |95.664 |3.965|0.371| - 7 Perforated Axe | | Ditto |96.0 |4.0 | | - 8 Personal Ornament |Truigilla|T. Ewbank, Esq. |95.440 |4.560| | - 9 Bodkin from Female Grave| | Ditto |96.70 |3.30 | | - --------------------------+---------+-----------------+-------+-----+-----+ - - -TABLE II.--ANALYSES OF ANCIENT EUROPEAN BRONZES - - ----------------+--------------+----------------+-------+-----+-----+----- - Object. | Locality. | Observer. |Copper.|Tin. |Lead.|Iron. - ----------------+--------------+----------------+-------+-----+-----+----- - 1 Lituus |Lincolnshire |Dr. G. Pearson, | 88.0 |12.0 | | - | | F.R.S., Phil. | | | | - | | Trans. | | | | - 2 Anglo-Roman | | Ditto ditto | 86.0 |14.0 | | - Patellae | | | | | | - 3 Spear-Head | | Ditto ditto | 86.0 |14.0 | | - 4 Scabbard |Danish? | Ditto ditto | 90.0 |10.0 | | - 5 Axe-Head |Ireland | Ditto ditto | 91.0 | 9.0 | | - 6 Axe-Palstave |Cumberland | Ditto ditto | 91.0 | 9.0 | | - 7 Axe-Head | | Ditto ditto | 88.0 |12.0 | | - 8 Bronze Vessel|Cambridgeshire|Professor Clark,| 88.0 |12.0 | | - | | M.D. | | | | - 9 Sword |France |Mongez, Memoires| 87.47 |12.53| | - | | de l'Institut | | | | - 10 Caldron |Berwickshire |G. Wilson, M.D.,| 92.89 | 5.15| 1.78| - | | Prehist. | | | | - | | Ann. Scot. | | | | - 11 Sword |Duddingstone | Ditto ditto | 88.51 | 9.30| 2.30| - 12 Kettle |Berwickshire | Ditto ditto | 88.22 | 5.63| 5.88| - 13 Axe-Head |Mid-Lothian | Ditto ditto | 88.5 |11.12| 0.78| - 14 Caldron |Duddingstone | Ditto ditto | 84.8 | 7.19| 8.53| - 15 Palstave |Fifeshire | Ditto ditto | 81.19 |18.31| 0.75| - 16 Sword |Ireland |Professor Davy, | 88.63 | 8.54| 2.83| - | | Prehist. | | | | - | | Ann. Scot. | | | | - 17 Sword | | Ditto ditto | 83.50 | 5.15| 8.35| 3.0 - 18 Sword |Thames |J. A. Phillips, | 89.69 | 9.58| | 0.33 - | | F.G.S., &c. | | | | - 19 Sword |Ireland | Ditto | 85.62 |10.02| | 0.44 - 20 Celt | | Ditto | 90.68 | 7.43| 1.28| - 21 Axe-Head | | | 90.18 | 9.81| | - 22 Axe-Head | | Ditto | 89.33 | 9.19| | 0.33 - 23 Celt | | Ditto | 83.61 |10.79| 3.20| 0.58 - 24 Celt |King's County,|Dr. Donovan, | 85.23 |13.11| 1.14| - | Ireland | Chem. Gazette | | | | - 25 Drinking-Horn| | | 79.34 |10.87| 9.11| - 26 Bronze Vessel|Ireland |Mr Gibbon, | 88.0 |12.0 | | - | | U.S. Mint | | | | - 27 Wedge | | Ditto | 94.0 | 5.9 | | 0.1 - ----------------+--------------+----------------+-------+-----+-----+----- - -This argument, however, is defective when taken to determine the -question of the origin of bronze in favour of independent discovery, -for we have already seen, in speaking of the stone age,--and I have -endeavoured to show that it is a peculiarity observable in the works of -all savage and barbarous races,--that being devoid of rule or measure, -and having very imperfect means of securing adherence to a uniform -standard, their productions are characterized by incessant variations, -even in cases where the first idea is known to have been derived from -a common source. The variations here shown to exist in the composition -of bronze are no greater than are capable of being accounted for by -the universal prevalence of a law of variation, resulting from many -causes, and amongst others from want of precision, and carelessness, -which is a defect common alike to all tyros in their art, whether -ancient or modern. It is a fault we have many of us to complain of -almost daily in our cooks. A batter pudding is composed of milk, flour, -and eggs, in proper proportions, but a careless cook will constantly -vary her proportions, and will fail in adjusting her quantities to -the total amount; but we must not, on that account, assume that each -cook has invented the art of making batter puddings independently. -So, in like manner, it is quite consistent with the facts observed -even in America, to suppose that the first knowledge of bronze, and of -those many features in the civilization of the Mexicans and Peruvians -which present such striking analogies to the civilization of Egypt, -may have been originally communicated by some casual wanderer or some -shipwrecked castaway from the then centres of Eastern culture (for the -theory of geographical changes is, of course, out of the question when -speaking of the origin of bronze), and that they have varied in their -development on American soil no more than might naturally be expected -from their introduction to an entirely new and partially civilized -race. Such an assumption, though difficult to account for, and wanting -in evidence, is more in accordance with the well-known traditions of -the Mexicans and Peruvians, who attribute their civilization to the -advent of a god; or with that of the natives of Nootka Sound, on the -north-west, who state that an old man entered the bay, in a copper -canoe, with paddles of copper, and that the Nootkans by that means -acquired a knowledge of that metal. - -As illustrations of the modern metal-work of the natives of Nootka -Sound and its neighbourhood, several examples are given in Plate -XIX, figs. 7 to 11. Figures 7 and 8 represent two sides of an iron -dagger in the Museum of the Royal United Service Institution. The -ornamentation on the handle is that of the natives of the country, but -the workmanship of the blade, which is ribbed on one side, appears -to indicate foreign manufacture. Figures 9 and 10 are two sides of a -copper dagger of the same form; this specimen is now in the Belfast -Museum, in which it was deposited in the year 1843 by Mr. A. Thompson, -who brought it from the north-west coast of America, and described it -as having been fabricated by the Flathead Indians; it is undoubtedly -of native workmanship; in both these weapons one side of the blade and -handle is concave, the other convex, a form which appears to denote -that it was originally taken from some similar weapon of bone or cane. -The nearest approach to the form of this weapon in bone, that I am -aware of, is that of the Indian 'kandjar', a figure of which was given -in my first lecture on Primitive Warfare, Plate X, fig. 63. This weapon -has also one concave and one convex side, derived from the natural -curvature of the bone out of which it is made. - -But putting aside American civilization, which, it must be admitted, -does in the existing state of our knowledge present great difficulties -in the way of those who advocate the theory of a common origin for -bronze, and turning our attention to the eastern hemisphere, we find -the evidence on this point more satisfactory. We may observe, in -the first place, that the area over which bronze has been used for -implements appears, in so far as we have at present been able to trace -it, to be continuous, extending over the greater part of Europe, Egypt, -Assyria, and some parts of Siberia, India, and China, from which latter -country some few bronze weapons have lately been added to the British -Museum. Mr. Theobald, of the Geological Survey of India, also mentions -in a paper read to the Bengal Asiatic Society,[207] that bronze axes -are found in the valley of the Irrawaddy, where they are held in such -veneration as rarely to be procurable; and Sir Walter Elliot has -shown me some bronze implements which he found deep beneath the soil -in cutting a canal in the valley of the Ganges. Bronze is wanting in -Africa; in America, with the exception of Peru and Mexico; in the -north of Sweden and Norway, and, I believe, in the greater part of -the northern districts of Russia and Siberia, though with regard to -Russian and Siberian bronzes, our information is still very deficient. -And here I may observe that I speak only of bronze as applied to tools -and weapons; its use for other purposes may have been introduced at -any subsequent period of the world's history; but the presence of a -bronze weapon implies either total ignorance, or at least an imperfect -knowledge of the means of hardening the more useful metal for this -purpose, iron. - -Those who wish for more detailed information as to the evidence upon -which the succession of the stone, bronze, and iron ages has been -determined, would do well to refer to Sir John Lubbock's remarks upon -this subject in _Prehistoric Times_. It may, however, be useful to -enumerate briefly some of the chief points which have been adduced -in support of the opinion that the employment of these materials -corresponds to successive stages in the development of civilization in -Europe. (1) Not only do the Roman writers mention iron as being the -metal used by them in their time, but they also speak of its employment -by the barbarian nations of the north, with whom they came in contact, -and the word 'ferrum', _iron_, was with the Romans synonymous with -sword. (2) Although numerous finds of iron implements of the Roman -period have been discovered in various parts of the world, there has -been no authentic and undoubted instance of a weapon of bronze having -been found associated with them, or with Roman pottery or coins. (3) -Bronze implements are most abundant in Denmark and Ireland, countries -which were never invaded by Roman armies, whilst they are exceedingly -rare in Italy. (4) The ornamentation of the bronze implements is not -Roman, but pre-Roman in character. (5) On the other hand, the numerous -finds of bronze weapons which have been discovered have never been -associated with iron, except in cases where the nature of the iron -implements shows them to have belonged to a period of transition. (6) -The pottery associated with bronze-finds is superior to that found -with stone implements, but inferior to that of the iron age, and the -potter's wheel was unknown during the stone and bronze ages. (7) Silver -is found associated with iron, but rarely if ever with stone or bronze. -(8) No coins or inscriptions of any kind have been found with bronze -implements. (9) In the Swiss lakes, settlements associated with stone -and bronze have been found near each other, as for instance Moosseedorf -and Nidau, 15 miles apart; in the former, bronze is entirely absent; -in the latter, it was used not only for articles of luxury, such as -might denote a more wealthy class, but also for implements of common -use, such as fish-hooks, pins, &c.; it is improbable that so marked -a contrast in the civilization of two settlements so close to each -other should have existed during the same period. (10) The implements -and ornaments of the bronze-finds are more varied in form, showing -an advance in art upon those appertaining to the stone age. (11) The -bronze-finds are marked by an increase in the number of domesticated -animals, and an entire absence of some of the wild animals of the -earlier period, and they are also more clearly associated with traces -of agriculture. (12) In the Danish peat bogs, successive strata are -found overlying each other, denoting changes in the vegetation of the -country; in the lowest and earliest are found the remains of pine -trees, which now are foreign to the soil; above which are strata in -which oak was the prevailing tree, and at the present time the oaks -have been superseded by beeches. These successive strata correspond -in a general way to successive stages in the civilization of the -inhabitants; in the pine-bearing strata, implements of stone are found; -with the oak trees, implements of bronze, and higher up, implements of -iron. It has also been attempted to trace a somewhat similar succession -of periods in the gravels and alluvium of the torrent of Tiniere, -in Switzerland; but the evidence in this case is not considered so -satisfactory as in that of the Danish peat bogs. - -In Chaldea, the transition from stone to bronze has been traced by -the relics found in the soil; iron being then used only in small -quantities, and chiefly for ornaments, as amongst the ancient Britons -in the time of Caesar.[208] In Egypt, where both bronze and iron -weapons have been found in the tombs, the transition from bronze to -iron is marked by the colour of the weapons in the paintings, and -dates, according to Sir Gardner Wilkinson, about B.C. 1400. Hesiod -speaks of an age of copper, when the 'black iron did not exist'. Homer -also alludes frequently to copper or bronze implements, and when iron -is mentioned always speaks of it as requiring much time and labour to -fabricate it. Then we have the well-known passage from Lucretius, so -often quoted in reference to this subject, in which the three ages of -stone, bronze, and iron are mentioned;[209] and Strabo mentions the -Lusitanians as being armed partly with copper or bronze weapons.[210] - -Many other quotations might be given from ancient authors to prove that -the existence of a bronze age preceding the use of iron was known to -the ancients, but I will not occupy your time further with this part -of the subject, seeing that others far more competent to deal with -it than myself have failed to derive much information of value from -this source. There is often considerable difficulty in determining -the exact meaning of the writers, when speaking of the material of -which weapons are composed, the same word being sometimes used to -express copper, bronze, and iron. In fact it may, I think, safely be -said that, notwithstanding the large amount of useful information that -may be obtained from the study of the early writers, there is no more -fruitful source of error than the attempt to apply ancient history and -tradition to the elucidation of prehistoric events. Modern science, and -our fuller appreciation of the value of evidence, have thrown far more -light on prehistoric times than ever fell to the lot of the ancients; -and it is for us, therefore, to correct their errors, and not to be -misled by them. - -Professor Max Mueller, in the second series of his _Science of -Language_, has, however, drawn some important conclusions on this -subject, from the etymology of words representing metal, of which -it may be useful here to give a brief abstract. Quoting Mr. E. B. -Tylor's work on the Anahuac (p. 140), he says: 'The Mexicans called -their own copper or bronze _tepuztli_, which is said to have meant -originally _hatchet_; the same word is now used for iron, with which -the Mexicans first became acquainted through their intercourse with -the Spaniards. _Tepuztli_ then became a general name for metal, and -when copper had to be distinguished from iron, the former was called -red _tepuztli_, and the latter black _tepuztli_. The conclusion,' -he says, 'which we may draw from this, viz. that Mexican was spoken -before the introduction of iron into Mexico, is one of no great value, -because we know it from other sources'; but applying the same line of -reasoning to Greek, he says, 'here, too, _chalkos_, which at first -meant copper, came afterwards to mean metal in general, and _chalkeus_, -originally a copper-smith, occurs in the Odyssey (ix. 391) in the sense -of a blacksmith, or worker of iron.' What does this prove? It proves -that Greek was spoken before the introduction of iron. The name for -copper is shared in common by Latin and the Teutonic languages, _aes_, -Latin; _aiz_, Gothic; _er_, old high German; _erz_, modern German; -_ar_, Anglo-Saxon; and the same word is represented in our English -word _ore_. But the words specifically used for iron differ in each -of the principal branches of the Aryan family. At the same time the -words originally representing copper come to be used for metal in -general, and in some cases for iron. In Sanskrit, _ayas_, which is -the same word as _aes_, came to be used for iron, a distinction being -made between dark _ayas_ or iron, and bright _ayas_ or copper. _AEs_ in -Latin, and _aiz_ in Gothic, came to be used for metal in general, but -was never used for iron. _Aiz_, however, according to Grimm, gave rise -to the Gothic word _eisarn_, meaning iron. In old high German _eisarn_ -is changed into _isarn_, later to _isan_, and lastly to the modern -_eisen_, while the Anglo-Saxon _isern_ is converted into _iren_, and -ultimately to _iron_. The learned Professor sums up his researches on -this subject as follows:--'We may conclude,' he says, 'that Sanskrit, -Greek, Latin, and German were spoken before the discovery of iron, that -each nation became acquainted with that most useful of all metals after -the Aryan family was broken up, and that each of the Aryan languages -coined its name for iron from its own resources, and marked it by its -own national stamp, while it brought the names for gold, silver, and -copper from the common treasury of their ancestral home'.[211] - -These remarks point to a very remote period, and to an Aryan origin for -the first knowledge of copper and bronze, but on the other hand much -has been written in favour of a Semitic origin, especially by Professor -Nilsson, who believes that he has discovered traces of that people even -on the coast of Norway.[212] - -The employment of war chariots, which are known to have been used by -the Britons, and vestiges of which have been found in their graves, -implies, it is said, Semitic influence. Much stress is also laid upon -the resemblance of some of the ornaments found on the Danish and other -bronzes to those in use by the Phoenicians; more especially the spiral -ornaments, which Professor Nilsson traces to that source through the -engravings on weapons in the bronze age tumuli. Against this, however, -it may be urged that the spiral ornament has a very wide distribution, -extending over modern Africa, ancient Egypt, Greece, China, New Guinea, -Mexico, and South America, and even to New Zealand and the Asiatic -Isles. In illustration of this I have arranged upon Plate XIX a series -of illustrations of spiral ornament from various countries, showing -how universally it is distributed over the globe. Fig. 12 is from a -New Zealand canoe in my collection; Fig. 13, from a club brought from -New Guinea by the commander of the 'Rattlesnake', in 1849, and now -in my collection; Fig. 14, from China; Fig. 15, from ancient Egypt; -Fig. 16, from Greece; Fig. 17, from a Danish bronze sword; Fig. 18, -from an Irish bronze brooch in my collection; Fig. 19, from the Swiss -lakes, figured in Dr. Keller's work; Fig. 20, an iron ornament in my -collection from Central Africa; Fig. 21, an iron ornament on a club, -from the Bight of Benin, West Africa, in the Christy Collection; Fig. -22, an ornament on a wooden arrow-head, in the Christy Collection, -probably from one of the Melanesian isles; Fig. 23, from Hallstatt; -Fig. 24, a cane arrow-head from the Amazons, South America; Fig. -25, a spindle-whirl from Mexico; Fig. 26, on a bronze shield from -the Caucasus; Fig. 27, an ornament on a bracelet from Hindustan, in -the British Museum; Fig. 28, an ornament carved upon the stones of -New Grange, in Ireland; Fig. 29, from a New Zealand canoe. Compare -the two last figures with Fig. 30, a stone weight in my collection, -lately fished up on the coast of Kent, whilst dredging for whelks; the -ornamentation so closely resembles the New Zealand pattern, and at -the same time that of the stone carvings of the European tumuli, that -considering the circumstance of its discovery, it is purely a matter -for conjecture whether it is to be referred to the antiquities of -this country, or has been dropped overboard by some vessel returning -from our South Pacific colonies. We see from these examples that the -spiral ornament cannot be regarded as belonging exclusively to any one -race; it is a contrivance derived simply from the coil of string, the -source from which, and also from straw plaiting, nearly all barbaric -ornamentation had its origin; it is a proof merely of barbaric origin, -an evidence of continuity from the earliest periods of art. - -Mr. Franks in his remarks at the Paris Meeting of the International -Congress of Prehistoric Archaeology, has summarily disposed of the -question of Phoenician ornamentation, by observing that the Phoenicians -were copyists, taking their style from Egypt, Greece, or Rome, -according to the fashion of the period, and that in point of fact a -Phoenician style of art has never existed (_Compte Rendu, II^{me} -Session_, Paris, 1868, p. 251). - -Amongst those who have upheld the theory of the origin of bronze from -Phoenician sources, may be mentioned Mr. Howorth, in a paper lately -published in the _Transactions of the Ethnological Society_ (1868, -N.S., vol. vi. pp. 73-100); and Sir John Lubbock, though not committing -himself to the same view as regards the origin of bronze, has -nevertheless been at the pains of ably defending the ancient authors -who speak of Phoenician intercourse with Britain from the attacks made -upon them by Sir George Cornewall Lewis (_Prehistoric Times_, 1869, pp. -59-69). - -This being the existing state of our knowledge in regard to the -introduction of bronze, and the variety of opinion on the subject -being, as we have seen, considerable, the task before us will be to -ascertain as far as may be possible, from the implements themselves, -the history of their origin, by examining carefully their construction -in the various regions in which they occur, and by tracing the -geographical distribution of those details of form which show evidence -of connexion; thereby to determine, if possible, the sources from which -they were derived. Whatever degree of veracity we may be disposed to -attribute to early history, we must at least admit that the implements -have this advantage over written testimony of any kind, that they -cannot intentionally mislead us. If we draw wrong inferences from them, -the fault is our own. We shall find the evidence very fragmentary as -yet, but sufficient to prove that it affords a valuable source of -information whenever sufficient materials are collected to enable us -to work out the problem to its legitimate ends. - -On the present occasion I propose to confine my remarks to showing, by -means of the accompanying table (Plate XVIII), the distribution of some -of the commoner varieties of the copper and bronze celt, an instrument -which, like its prototype in stone, appears to have been employed both -as tool and as weapon for all the various purposes to which it was -capable of being turned, and to have been used not merely as a hatchet -and battle-axe, but also to have been sometimes hafted on the end of a -straight handle, to be used as a spud or crowbar, and even perhaps, as -some of the forms appear to indicate, as a spade in tilling the ground. - -The table is arranged upon the same plan as Plate XIII of my last -lecture, and is intended to serve as a continuation of Plate XII of -the same lecture, showing a further development of the same weapon. -The successive developments are arranged, in order, by classes from -left to right; the several localities are separated by horizontal -dotted lines, by means of which are seen the various types prevalent in -each locality, in so far as I have been able to obtain drawings from -published sources; there can be no doubt, however, that the table is -still very imperfect, and that considerable additions may be made to -it hereafter. On the left, in Class A, will be found celts with convex -surfaces, identical in form to those constructed of stone, the relative -antiquity of which is shown by their being almost invariably of pure or -nearly pure copper. It has been suggested that this form may have been -adopted on account of its being more easily produced by beating the -copper, and that its resemblance to the stone celts is not necessarily -a proof of age; but there is no reason why Class B should not be as -easily formed as Class A by this means, and many are so formed, as may -be seen in the table. Moreover, Fig. 3 _a_ is a _bronze_ celt of the -earlier form, taken from _Prehistoric Times_, and as this must have -been cast in a mould, its peculiar shape can only be accounted for -by supposing it to have been constructed in imitation of the stone -celts. In passing from Class B, a gradual development of form may be -traced, commencing with a slight stop or ridge across, and rudimentary -flanges along the side of the shaft of the blade, developing in -size and improving in form, no doubt, as the art of casting bronze -became gradually perfected.[213] These stops and flanges are at first -raised on the surface of the blade, but by degrees the same purpose -is effected by sinking a groove in the blade to receive the handle, -thereby economizing the metal, and producing a more symmetrical form; -the flanges were at the same time bent over, and ultimately cast with -a cavity on each side to receive the handle, and obviate the necessity -for binding on the celt with thongs. This led by degrees to the -ultimate perfection of the weapon, by the introduction of the socket -type, which is associated with weapons of iron, and is sometimes itself -constructed of that metal. - -The order of development here adopted is in the main that followed by -Sir William Wilde, in his _Catalogue of the Museum of the Royal Irish -Academy_, but I have omitted all mention of branch varieties, as they -do not serve my purpose of illustrating the continuity of development, -though they are valuable in showing the connexion between localities. - -Although the course of development appears to have followed the -order here indicated, it is not unlikely the earlier forms may have -continued in use, and may even have continued to be constructed at the -same time as the later forms. The earlier and less complicated types, -being easier of construction, and being equally serviceable for some -purposes, would continue to be made, in the same way that smooth-bores -and rifle-barrels, row-boats, sailing-vessels, and steam-packets, -continue to be used simultaneously in our own time. - -The progress of development of this weapon will be better understood by -a detailed reference to the figures. - - -_Reference to the Figures in Plate XVIII._[214] - -COPPER, BRONZE, AND IRON CELTS. - -CLASS A.--Copper celts from various localities, having convex surfaces, -in form resembling those of stone.--Figs. 1, 2, and 3, from Ireland, -_in my collection_.--Fig. 3 _a_, a bronze celt of the same form, from -Le Puy, France, _Prehistoric Times_, p. 27.--Fig. 4, copper celt -found at Blengow, Mecklenberg-Schwerin Museum; _Horae Ferales_.--Fig. -5, copper celt from the lake dwellings of Sipplingen, Switzerland, -found embedded in a coating of clay (a mould?). See Keller, _The Lake -Dwellings of Switzerland_, (transl. J. E. Lee, 1866), p. 121, Plate -xxix.--Fig. 6, copper celt found in an Etruscan tomb, and now in the -Berlin Museum. See _Catalogue of the Royal Irish Academy_, 'Bronze,' -pp. 367, 395. - -CLASS B.--Copper and bronze celts from various localities, having flat -concave sides, and a rectangular cross section, showing a gradual -enlargement of the cutting edge.--Figs. 7 to 12, copper celts from -Ireland, _in my collection_, showing a gradual enlargement of the -cutting edge.--Figs. 13, 14, 15, ditto, _ditto_, of bronze, the -sides more concave, and the cutting edge more expanded.--Fig. 16, -bronze celt, of similar form, from Denmark (Madsen, _Afbildninger -af Danske Oldsager og Mindesmaerker_, Copenhagen, 1872, Heft iii, -Fig. 1).--Fig. 17, copper celt from Steinfurt, in the collection of -Professor Dieffenbach, at Friedberg, Lindenschmit, _Die Alterthuemer -unserer heidnischen Vorzeit_ (Mainz, 1864 ff.), Plate 3.--Fig. 18, -ditto of copper, found near Mainz, Museum of Mainz, _Lindenschmit_, -Plate 3.--Fig. 19, the same form of bronze, from near Mainz, -_Lindenschmit_.--Fig. 20, the same form of bronze from Italy, _British -Museum_.[215]--Figs. 21, 22, 23, the same form of copper from Hungary, -_Keller_, p. 219, Plate lxviii.--Figs. 24, 25, 26, similar forms of -bronze, with rectangular holes, from the Island of Thermia, Greek -Archipelago, _British Museum_. - -CLASS C.--Bronze celts of the same outline as Class B, but having a -cross ridge or stop on both faces, to prevent the blade from burying -itself in the handle.--Figs. 27, 28, bronze celts from Ireland, _in my -collection_; this form is common to the British Isles. - -CLASS D.[216]--Bronze celts, having four longitudinal ridges or -flanges, one on each edge, but no cross stop. The flanges are for the -purpose of fixing the blade in a bent handle; they exhibit a gradual -development of the flange, and an expansion of the cutting edge, which -latter takes a semicircular, and in some cases nearly a circular -form.--Figs. 29, 30, from Ireland, _in my collection_, showing front -view and section.--Fig. 31, from Versailles, _in my collection_, with -section.--Fig. 32, from France; with side view; see _Materiaux pour -l'Histoire de l'Homme_.--Fig. 33, from Loyette, Department of Isere, -from _Horae Ferales_, front view.--Fig. 34, from the South of France, -_British Museum_, the blade very circular.--Fig. 35, from Alps [Aps?], -in Ardeche, _British Museum_, the circular form of the blade still -more developed. This form appears peculiar to the neighbourhood of -the Rhone, _Horae Ferales_.--Fig. 36, from France; with side view; -_Materiaux_.--Fig. 37, from Denmark, _British Museum_, of copper; this -form is rarely found in copper; with section.--Fig. 38, from Denmark, -of bronze, from _Madsen_, Heft iii.--Fig. 39, from Denmark, with -semicircular blade, _Madsen_, Heft iii.--Fig. 40, from Hessen, now in -the collection at Hanover, _Lindenschmit_, Heft i, Taf. iii.--Fig. 41, -from near Baltringen, _Lindenschmit_.--Fig. 42, from Neinheiligen, in -Thuringia, _British Museum_; with section.--Fig. 43, from the Terramara -Beds, Castione, Switzerland; with section; _Keller_, Plate lix.--Fig. -44, from Unter Uhldingen; with section; _Keller_, Plate xxix.--Fig. -45, from the Terramara Beds, Castione; with section; _Keller_, Plate -lix.--Fig. 46, from the Terramara Beds, Castione; with section; -_Keller_, Plate lix.--Fig. 47, from Hallstatt, in Austria, von Sacken, -_Das Grabfeld von Hallstatt in Oberoesterreich und dessen Alterthuemer_ -(Vienna, 1868), Taf. vii; with side view.--Fig. 48, ditto, _ditto_, -found with the body of a child.--Fig. 49, ditto, the shaft of bronze, -and the blade of iron, from Hallstatt.--Fig. 50, the same form in iron, -also from Hallstatt, _in Mr. John Evans' collection_.--Figs. 51 and -52, similar forms, in bronze, from Italy, _British Museum_.--Fig. 53, -the same form, from Telsch, Vilna, Russia, _British Museum_; with two -sections. - -CLASS E.--Bronze celts having both the cross stop and the longitudinal -flanges. In the earliest form, the cross stop and flanges are raised -upon the faces of the blade, as in Class D. In the more improved form, -the upper part of the shaft of the blade is hollowed so as to answer -the same purpose and economize the metal. Figs. 54-8, from Ireland; -Fig. 54, with rudimentary stop and flanges, _in my collection_. Figs. -55 and 56, ditto, with rudimentary stop, the flanges more developed; -_in my collection_. Fig. 57, showing a development of both stop and -flange, ditto, _ditto_. Fig. 58, showing the stop and flange further -developed, and the metal of the upper part of the blade slightly sunk, -ditto, _ditto_. Fig. 59, a further development of the same, the metal -of the upper part of the shaft of the blade reduced to a minimum.--Fig. -60, the same form as Fig. 54, from Denmark, _Madsen_, Heft iii.--Fig. -61, from near Mainz, _Lindenschmit_, Taf. iii.--Fig. 62, from the -Museum at Wiesbaden, _Lindenschmit_, Taf. iii.--Fig. 63, from Altona, -in Courland; this form has some affinity to Class G, but is introduced -here on account of the expansion of the blade.--Figs. 64, 65, and 66, -from Italy, _in the British Museum_, the metal of the shaft slightly -sunk to produce a stop.--Fig. 67, from Fiesole, Italy, the metal part -of the shaft further reduced.--Fig. 68, from Baron von Stackelberg's -collection, _in the British Museum_, also described in Klemm, -_Werkzeuge und Waffen_, p. 103, Fig. 180; said to be from Greece, but -its close resemblance to those from Italy is remarkable. - -CLASS F.--The same form as Class E, but having the flanges bent by -hammering over the stop; the flanges appear to have been cast upright, -as in Class E, and to have been bent over the cleft handle after -hafting; by this means the necessity for binding the blade on with -thongs was obviated. This class forms a transition to the socket -type.--Figs. 69, 70, 71, from Ireland, _in my collection_.--Fig. -72, from the Royal Irish Academy collection, having a loop on the -side. See _Catalogue R. I. A._, 'Bronze,' page 379. The introduction -of the loop appears to be synchronous with the abandonment of the -binding, the overlapping flanges answering that purpose by enclosing -the bent portion of the handle, and requiring only that it should -be fastened by the loop to prevent its falling off the end of the -handle.--Fig. 73, from Denmark, _in my collection_.--Figs. 74, 75, from -Denmark, _Madsen_, Heft iii.--Fig. 76, from the Museum at Hanover, -_Lindenschmit_.--Fig. 77, from the Museum at Munich, _Lindenschmit_, -Taf. iv.--Fig. 78, from Moeringen, Switzerland, _Keller_, Plate -xli.--Fig. 79, from Nidau-Steinberg, Switzerland, _Keller_, Plate -xxxv.--Fig. 80, from Hallstatt; _Von Sacken_.--Fig. 81, from Italy, -_British Museum_. - -CLASS G.--The pocket type. The bent portion of the handle in this ease -was retained in its place by pockets cast on each side of the shaft -of the blade; it seems doubtful whether this, or Class F, is to be -regarded as the nearest approach to the socket type. In Class F the -overlapping was produced by hammering the metal; but Class G is a -further advance in the casting process.--Figs. 82 and 83, from Ireland, -_in my collection_; the latter with loop; the pockets or pouches to -receive the points of the bent handle are shown in the sections.--Fig. -84, from France; see _Materiaux pour l'Histoire de l'Homme_.--Fig. 85, -found twelve leagues south of Oviedo, Spain, _in the collection of the -Society of Antiquaries_.--Fig. 86, from Andalusia, Spain, _British -Museum_.--Fig. 87, from Denmark, _Madsen_, Heft iii.--Fig. 88, from the -collection at Munich, _Lindenschmit_.--Fig. 89, from the collection at -Hanover, _Lindenschmit_.--Fig. 89 _a_, an iron celt of the same form, -still in use by the Kalmucs, Siberia, _Prehistoric Times_, p. 26. - -CLASS H.--The socket type. In some of the specimens of Class G, as for -example Figs. 82 and 83, the metal portion of the shaft of the blade -dividing the two pouches is reduced to a minimum. The next step was -to do away with it altogether and enlarge the sides of the pouches so -as to form a single socket. By this means the bent handle no longer -required to be cleft to receive the blade, but was inserted whole into -the socket, producing greater firmness, each blow of the axe serving to -fix it more securely to its handle. The loops, seen only occasionally -on Classes F and G, are almost invariably present in Class H.--Figs. -90, 91, 92, 93, 94. Socket celts of bronze, from Ireland and England, -_in my collection_; the form with square sides is very uncommon in -Ireland; in Fig. 92 a representation of the overlapping flange of -Class F is cast on the surface of the socket.--Fig. 94_a_, a socket -celt of wrought iron with loop, from Merionethshire, _British Museum_; -_Archaeologia Cambrensis_, vol. i, third series, p. 250.--Figs. 95 and -96, the same forms from France. See _Materiaux, &c._ The square-sided -celt is common in the north of France.--Fig. 97, from Alemquez, -Portugal; _Coll. Societe des Archit. Portugais_.--Fig. 98, from -Denmark, _in my collection_.--Figs. 99, 100, Denmark, _Madsen_, Heft -i.--Fig. 100 _a_, an iron socket celt, from the moss of Nydam, in -Slesvik, of the iron period; Engelhardt, _Denmark in the Early Iron -Age_ (1866), Pl. xv; believed, from the Roman coins found with it, -to be of the third century A.D.[217]--Fig. 101, from the collection -at Hanover, _Lindenschmit_.--Fig. 102, from the Museum at Mainz, -_Lindenschmit_.--Fig. 103, socket celt of iron, from Golssen, _Klemm_, -Fig. 195.--Fig. 104, socket celt of iron, from Thuringia, _Klemm_, -Fig. 194.--Fig. 105, of bronze, from Unter Uhldingen, Switzerland; -_Keller_, Pl. xxix.--Fig. 106, of iron, found near Marin, Switzerland, -the socket formed by beating over the blade on one side only; the -socket is not quite completed; see _Keller_, Pl. lxxi.--Fig. 107, -the same form of iron, found near Marin; the socket is closed and -completed all round, _Keller_, Pl. lxxi. These specimens in iron may -be regarded as connecting links between Classes F and H. Viewing the -occurrence of iron celts of this form, it appears not impossible -that the introduction of the socket type and the sudden abolition of -the central division may have been suggested by the use of the more -malleable metal, by means of which the fabricator acquired the art of -forming a socket by bending over the metal on one side; the inutility -of the central division would thus become apparent.--Fig. 108, bronze -socket celt with loop, from Hallstatt, _Von Sacken_.--Fig. 109, exactly -the same form in iron, from Hallstatt; a portion of the wooden handle -is still shown in this specimen.--Figs. 110 and 111, bronze socket -celts, from Italy, of a variety peculiar to that country, _British -Museum_.--Fig. 112, socket celt of copper, from Hungary, believed by -the author to be the only known specimen of pure copper; _Keller_, -Pl. lxxviii.--Fig. 113, bronze socket celt, from Hungary, _British -Museum_.--Fig. 114, bronze socket celt, with two loops, from Kertch, -_British Museum_.--Fig. 115, bronze socket celt, from the province of -Viatka, Russia. See _Materiaux, &c._--Fig. 116, bronze socket celt with -two loops, from the Ural, Russia.--Fig. 117, mode of hafting, Classes -A, B, and C.--Fig. 118, mode of hafting, Classes D, E, F, and G.--Fig. -119, mode of hafting, Class H. - -In a paper lately read to the Society of Antiquaries by Dr. -Thurnam,[218] he has drawn attention to the fact that none but celts of -the most primitive type, viz. those belonging to Classes B, C, D, and -the most rudimentary form of Class E, have been found in the British -tumuli. Scarcely a single instance of the more developed palstave or of -the socketed celt has as yet been discovered; the only exceptions being -a bronze socket celt found in a tumulus on Plumpton Plain, near Lewes, -and a diminutive bronze socket celt found in a tumulus at Arras in the -Yorkshire wolds. These Arras barrows are known, however, to belong to -the iron age; having produced, amongst other articles composed of that -metal, the iron tire of the wheel, and trappings of a war chariot. We -learn from this that the discoveries in the tumuli confirm in point -of time the order of development inferred from a consideration of the -implements themselves. - - * * * * * - -From the foregoing detailed description of Plate XVIII we are enabled -to draw the following conclusions, viz.:--(1) That in each of the -divisions of Europe therein represented, traces of the development -of the celt, from its simplest to its most complex form, have been -discovered; the earliest forms being in imitation of those of stone, -and being not unfrequently constructed of pure copper. Where some -of the connecting links are wanting in the table there is reason to -suppose the absence of those links may be the result of imperfect -information, and does not necessarily imply a flaw in the continuity -of development. (2) That, notwithstanding the simultaneous development -which appears to have taken place in different countries, we may -nevertheless observe slight differences in the details of construction, -which are sufficient to give a distinctive character to the celts of -each separate region. Thus, for instance, the celts from Ireland are, -as a general rule, shorter and less elegant in form than those found on -the Continent. Class C, consisting of stop celts without wings, though -common in Great Britain and Ireland, is, so far as I have been able -to ascertain, unknown on the Continent. On the other hand, Class D, -having wings without stops, is rare in Ireland, but common in France, -Denmark, Germany, and Switzerland. The development of this class of -celt into a nearly circular edge, as represented in Figs. 34 and 35, is -peculiar to the south of France, though traces of it are observable in -the celts from Germany, Fig. 40. Class E, having both stop and flange, -is found in a more rudimentary stage in Ireland than elsewhere. The -palstaves of this form, having shoulders on the side of the blade, are -peculiar to Italy and Switzerland, Figs. 66, 67, and 68. Class F, with -overlapping wings, is but slightly developed in Ireland, but is fully -so in Italy, Germany, and at Hallstatt. Class G, the double pocket -variety, has its head quarters in the north-west of France, but is also -known in Ireland, Denmark, Spain, and Germany; it is, in so far as I -have been able to ascertain, unknown in Italy. Class H, the socket -type, varies greatly in different countries; the square form, Figs. 93, -94, 95, 96, 100, and 102, is exceedingly rare in Ireland, but common -in France. The socket celts from Italy, Figs. 110 and 111, are of -peculiar type, and evidently derive their form from the winged palstave -of the same country, Fig. 67. Socket celts of iron have been found at -Hallstatt, and in Switzerland, Denmark, Germany, and North Wales. The -representation of the overlapping wings, cast on the surface of the -socket celt, Figs. 92 and 101, is common in England and Germany, but -exceedingly rare in Ireland. The double-looped socket celt, Figs. 97, -114, and 116, appears to be especially characteristic of the Eastern -provinces of Russia and Siberia, though found occasionally elsewhere. - -In attempting to account for the varieties, which I have described, -in the details of construction, coupled with a general uniformity of -design throughout the entire region of distribution of these weapons, -we may, I think, draw an exact parallel between the development of -bronze celts and the development of the forms of cannon between the -fourteenth and the nineteenth centuries. From Europe to China we know -that the form of cannon has developed upon the same plan. In the same -way that the overlapping wings of the palstave were represented on the -faces of the socket celt, so the rings of metal which bound together -the bars of which the ancient bombard was composed, were represented -on the surface of the cast bronze cannon which superseded it. In -every country the general type of development of cannon has been the -same, but the details of construction have varied in each. Even in -our own time, the introduction of breech-loaders has been synchronous -throughout Europe; but the French and English cannon are not perfectly -identical. Now, the cause of this is sufficiently well known. There -has been constant intercommunication between the several countries -throughout the whole period of the development of this weapon. Each new -improvement as it occurred has been communicated from one country to -another, either by contact in war, or by peaceful intercourse; but each -country has fabricated its own weapons, and has by that means contrived -to give them a national character. - -[Illustration: PLATE XX. - -CELT MOULDS.] - -So in like manner we must assume that the development of the bronze -celt extended over a long period of time; that each new improvement -was communicated from tribe to tribe and from nation to nation; but -that each country manufactured its own implements, and varied in -the construction of them. The proof that this was the case is found -in the circumstance that moulds for casting them have been found in -different countries. Plate XX, Fig. 31, represents a stone mould found -at Ballynahinch, Co. Down, Ireland, and figured in the _Catalogue -of the Royal Irish Academy_; it is adapted for casting celts of the -Class B. Fig. 32 is a stone mould for Class G, found at Montaigu, -near Valoignes, Normandy, and is taken from a cast in the Museum of -the Society of Antiquaries. Fig. 33, a stone mould for Class H, from -Kilkenny, Ireland. Fig. 34, two halves of a bronze mould for Class -E, from Morges, Switzerland, figured in Keller, Plate xxxix. Fig. -35, two halves of a bronze mould for Class H, found in the Forest of -Bricquebec, Normandy, in the Museum of the Society of Antiquaries. -Fig. 36, one-half of a bronze mould for Class H, from England, figured -in the _Catalogue of the Royal Irish Academy_, 'Bronze,' page 393. -In the three last specimens it will be seen that the mode of fitting -the two halves together, so as to prevent the escape of the metal, -is by means of a ridge on one half, fitting into a groove in the -other. It is improbable that a contrivance so identical as this should -have arisen independently in the three countries. Further proof of -connexion is shown by the identity of the ribs in the interior of the -sockets of celts belonging to Class H. Figs. 37 and 38 represent -sections of socket celts from Ireland, the former showing three, the -latter one, longitudinal rib of raised metal running from the bottom -of the socket for some distance up the side of the interior of the -socket. Fig. 39 is the section of a socket celt from Denmark, in my -collection, having one rib of the same kind. It has been suggested -that these ribs represent the interstices between slices of the core, -by means of which the socket was formed in casting; if so, the cores -must have been constructed of some hard material, cut in slices, in -order to facilitate their removal from the socket when formed. Several -objections may, however, be urged against this; in the first place, no -such cores have ever been discovered, which tends to the supposition -that the cores must, in all probability, have been constructed of clay; -in the second place, it will be seen by reference to Fig. 20 that this -celt has only one central rib; if, therefore, the rib was formed by the -metal pressing into the interstices between the slices of the core, it -is evident that the core in this case had only two slices; but it will -be seen that the aperture of the socket expands towards the bottom, and -it would have been impossible, therefore, to extract the core if it -were divided into only two parts. - -The theory of core slices must, therefore, be abandoned, and we are -driven to the conclusion that the ribs must have been intentional, -either to give strength to the celt, which is unlikely from the great -thickness of the metal, or to form channels for the passage of the -metal in casting, or, what is more probable, to serve the purpose -of gripping the portion of the wooden handle which fitted into the -socket, and preventing its shifting with the blows of the weapon. Fig. -39 represents cross ribs at the bottom of the socket of a celt from -Denmark, in my collection. Whatever may have been the purpose for which -the ribs were formed, their identity in the implements of the two -countries serves us as an additional proof of intercourse between them. - -Although moulds for casting celts have not been found in Denmark, there -is evidence to show, from vestiges of scoriae that have been found, -that they were there cast in clay, as indeed they must probably have -been to a great extent in other parts of Europe. - -It would be premature to speculate upon the primary sources of -the bronze civilization of Europe, until we have examined carefully the -distribution of the other weapons belonging to that period. This much -may, however, I think, be said with respect to the geographical region -of bronze celts, that they belong more especially to the north and west -of Europe; they have never been found in any of those countries which -were occupied by the Phoenicians, nor have we any sufficient reason -for believing that they were common in Greece. We have, therefore, no -evidence whatever for supposing that the north of Europe derived the -first idea of these weapons from either of those nations. We certainly -have only negative evidence as yet for affirming that they did not, -but the burden of proof must rest with those who have attributed -them to the Phoenicians. To what extent they were employed in Russia -and Northern Siberia, is a point which we have not as yet sufficient -evidence to determine. I think, however, I am justified in saying that -those hitherto discovered in Siberia are of a late type, belonging -chiefly to the socket variety, and that they are there often associated -with weapons of iron. I trust, however, to have an opportunity of -entering more fully into this subject on a future occasion, when -treating of the weapons of the later bronze and early iron periods of -Europe. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[184] A Lecture delivered at the Royal United Service Institution on -June 18, 1869, and published in the _Journal of the R. U. S. Inst._, -vol. xiii (1869), pp. 509-539, pl. xxxi-xxxiii (= Plates XVII-XX -herewith). - -[185] _Trans. Int. Congr. Preh. Arch. at Norwich_, 1868 (London, 1869), -p. 92 ff. - -[186] _Lectures on Man, his Place in Creation, and in the History of -the Earth_, by Dr. Carl Vogt. Edited by James Hunt, Ph.D. (London, -1864), p. 466 ff. - -[187] The fact mentioned both by the Baron de Bonstetten and Dr. -Keller, of celts of jade and nephrite having been found in Switzerland, -materials which, according to the latest investigations [1869], are not -found in the Alps, but must have been imported from the East, proves -that intercommunication and barter must have been carried on between -distant countries at the time when such weapons were used.--Baron -de Bonstetten, _Recueil d'Antiquites Suisses_ (Berne, 1855), p. 12; -Keller, _The Lake Dwellings of Switzerland_ (1866), pp. 56, 68 (cf. -1878, pp. 72, 195, 205, 215). - -[188] _Prehistoric Times_, by Sir John Lubbock, Bart., F.R.S., London -(1865), p. 147. - -[189] _Prehistoric Times_, by Sir John Lubbock, Bart., F.R.S. (1865), -pp. 142-3; _Results of the Investigation of Animal Remains from -the Lake Dwellings_, by Prof. Ruetimeyer; in _The Lake Dwellings of -Switzerland_, by Dr. Ferdinand Keller, translated by J. E. Lee, F.S.A., -F.G.S., 1866, pp. 355-62 (1878, pp. 537-44). - -[190] _Moosseedorf_, Keller, l. c., p. 35; _Robenhausen_, Keller, l. -c., p. 40. - -[191] (The first two sentences of this paragraph have been transposed, -for clearness.--ED.) - -[192] Max Mueller, _Science of Language_, second series (London, 1864), -p. 230. - -[193] Rawlinson, _The Five Great Monarchies of the Ancient Eastern -World_ (1864), vol. i. p. 123. - -[194] Klemm, _Werkzeuge und Waffen_ (Sondershausen, 1858), p. 96. - -[195] Keller, l. c., p. 116: (1878, p. 121). - -[196] Keller, l. c., p. 221, pl. lxvii: (1878, p. 362, pl. cxix). - -[197] Keller, l. c., pp. 218, 219, pl. lxviii: (1878, pp. 362-3, pl. -cxx. 1-28). - -[198] Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_ (London, 1862), vol. i. p. 282. - -[199] Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_, vol. i. pp. 231-79; Squier and Davis -in _Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge_, vol. i. pp. 196-203, figs. -81, 82, 84, 87.4, 87.1, from which work the illustrations are taken. - -[200] Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_, vol. i. p. 253. - -[201] Since the above was written, Sir John Lubbock has published in an -Appendix to his second edition of _Prehistoric Times_ (1869), p. 595, -letters from Dr. Percy, and from Messrs. Jenkin and Lefeaux, highly -experienced assayers, expressing their opinions upon the theory of -M. Wibel, that the ancient bronze was obtained, not by the fusion of -copper and tin, but directly from ore containing the two metals. They -are unanimously of opinion that this could not have been the case, none -of the ores containing naturally a mixture of the metals in proper -proportions. Although the opinions of these gentlemen appear decisively -to negative the possibility of ancient bronze having been habitually -produced for commercial purposes in this manner, they do not appear to -me to discredit the supposition that the first imperfect knowledge of -the mixture may have been brought about accidentally in the manner I -have described. - -[202] Worsaae, _The Primeval Antiquities of Denmark_ (London, 1849), -pp. 24, 40-45. - -[203] The custom of making a mark upon the weapon for each victim -slain, is one of very usual occurrence among savage people. - -[204] Thurnam, _Ancient British Barrows_ (1869), pp. 168, 198; -_Archaeologia_, vol. xlii; 'On the Two Principal Forms of Ancient -British and Gaulish Skulls,' _Mem. Anthrop. Soc. Lond._, i. 120 -ff., 459 ff. (1865); iii. 41 ff. (1870); Davis and Thurnam, _Crania -Britannica_ (London, 1865). - -[205] 'On some Flint Implements found associated with Roman Remains in -Oxfordshire and the Isle of Thanet,' by Col. A. Lane Fox, _Journal of -the Ethnological Society_ (1869), N.S., vol. i. p. 1 ff. - -[206] _Prehistoric Man_, by Daniel Wilson, LL.D. (London, 1869), vol. -i. p. 308. - -[207] _Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, 1865, p. 126. - -[208] Rawlinson, _Five Great Monarchies_ (1864), vol. i. p. 120. - -[209] - - Arma antiqua manus, ungues, dentesque fuerunt - Et lapides, et item sylvarum fragmina rami, - Et flamma atque ignis postquam sunt cognita primum - Posterius ferri vis est aerisque reperta, - Et prior aeris erat quam ferri cognitus usus, - Quo facilis magis est natura, et copia maior.--V. 1282. - - -[210] Strabo, b. iii. c. iii. 6, p. 154. - -[211] Max Mueller, _Science of Language_, 2nd Series (1864), pp. 229-37. - -[212] Nilsson, _The Primitive Inhabitants of Scandinavia_ (Lubbock, 3rd -ed., 1868), p. 257. - -[213] Sir Richard Colt Hoare found four of these celts in the Wiltshire -barrows, with rudimentary flanges along the side edges of the blade -that had been formed by beating, and similarly formed flanges have -also been noticed upon celts from Ireland, thereby leading to the -supposition that Class B may have been converted into Class D in this -way, before the casting process was applied to the formation of the -flanges.--_The Ancient History of South Wiltshire_ (London, 1812), p. -203, pl. xxi, xxvi, xxviii. 2, xxix. - -[214] (The greatly reduced scale of these figures makes exact -verification of the references impracticable in all cases.--ED.) - -[215] I have been enabled to take drawings of these celts in the -British Museum, through the kind permission of Mr. A. W. Franks. - -[216] The forms included in Classes D, E, F, and G, are commonly known -under the name of _paalstab_ or _palstave_, a word of Scandinavian -origin, said to have designated the weapons employed by some northern -tribes for battering the shields of their enemies. Iron implements like -the Irish _loy_, and called _paalstabs_, are still used in Iceland, -either for digging in the ground or breaking the ice.--_Catalogue of -the Museum of the R. I. Academy_, 'Bronze,' p. 361. - -[217] Lubbock, _Prehistoric Times_ (1869), p. 9. - -[218] Read in 1869, published in _Archaeologia_, xliii. p. 443: for -Plumpton Plain, see _Sussex Arch. Coll._ ii. p. 268: for Arras, _Arch. -Journ._ xviii. p. 156. - - - - -EARLY MODES OF NAVIGATION[219] - -(1874) - - -In the paper which I had the honour of reading to this Institute at -Bethnal Green (pp. 1-19), I spoke of the general principles by which I -was guided in the course of inquiries, of which the present paper forms -a section. I need not, therefore, now refer to them further than to -say that the materials for this paper were collected whilst writing a -note to my _catalogue raisonne_ relating to the case of models of early -forms of ships.[220] - -In inquiries of this nature it is always necessary to guard against the -tendency to form theories in the first instance, and go in search of -evidence to support them afterwards. On the other hand, in dealing with -so vast a subject as Anthropology, including all art, all culture, and -all races of mankind, it is next to impossible to adhere strictly to -the opposite of this, and collect the data first, to the exclusion of -all idea of the purpose they are to be put to in the sequel, because -all is fish that comes into the anthropological basket, and no such -basket could possibly be big enough to contain a millionth part of the -materials necessary for conducting an inquiry on this principle. Some -guide is absolutely necessary to the student in selecting his facts. -The course which I have pursued, in regard to the material arts, is -to endeavour to establish the sequence of ideas. When the links of -connexion are found close together, then the sequence may be considered -to be established. When they occur only at a distance, then they are -brought together with such qualifications as the nature of the case -demands. Other members of this Institute have followed the same course -in relation to other branches of culture, the object being to lay the -foundation of a true anthropological classification, without seeking -either to support a dogma or establish a paradox. This is, I believe, -the requirement of our time, and the necessary preliminary to the -introduction of a science of Anthropology. - -Whilst, however, deprecating the influence of forgone conclusions, -there are certain principles already established by science which we -cannot afford to disregard, even at the outset of inquiries of this -nature. It would be sheer moonshine, in the present state of knowledge, -to study Anthropology on any other basis than the basis of development; -nor must we, in studying development, fail to distinguish between -racial development and the development of culture. The affinity of -certain races for particular phases of culture, owing to the hereditary -transmission of faculties, constitutes an important element of inquiry -to be weighed in the balance with other things, just as the farmer -weighs in the balance of probabilities the nature of the soil in which -his turnips are growing; but when particular branches of culture do run -in the same channel with the distribution of particular races, this -is always a coincidence to be investigated and explained, each by the -light of its own history. It would be just as reasonable to assume with -the ancients, that the knowledge of every art was originally inculcated -by the gods, as to assume that particular arts and particular ideas -arise spontaneously and as a necessary consequence of the possession of -particular pigments beneath the skin. - -Nobody doubts that there must be affinities and interdependencies -between the race and the crop of ideas that is grown upon it; but the -law, _ex nihilo nihil fit_, is as true of ideas as it is of races, and -in the relations between them it is as true and has the same value, -neither more nor less, as the statement that potatoes do spring out -of the ground where no potatoes have been sown. To study culture is, -therefore, to trace the history of its development, as well as the -qualities of the people amongst whom it flourishes. In doing this -it is not sufficient to deal with generalities, as, for example, to -ascertain that one people employ bark canoes, whilst another use -rafts. It is necessary to consider the details of construction, -because it is by means of these details that we are sometimes able -to determine whether the idea has been of home growth or derived from -without. The difficulty is to obtain the necessary details for the -purpose. Travellers do not give them, as a rule, especially modern -travellers. The older books are more valuable, both because they deal -with nations in a more primitive condition, and also because they are -more detailed; books were fewer, and men took more pains with them; now -the traveller writes for a circulating library, and for the unthinking -portion of mankind, who will not be bothered with details. I have been -careful to give the dates to the authors quoted. But we must endeavour -to remedy this evil before it is too late. The _Notes and Queries -on Anthropology_[221], published by the Committee of the British -Association, are drawn up with this object. It is to be hoped that they -will receive attention, but I fear not much, for the reasons already -mentioned; the supply will be equal to the demand. As long as we have a -large Geographical Society and a small Anthropological Society, so long -travellers will bring home accurate geographical details, abundance of -information about the flow of water all over the world, but the flow of -human races and human ideas will receive little attention. With these -preliminary remarks I pass on to the subject of my paper. - - -_Modes of Navigation._ - -Following out the principle adopted in Parts 1 and 2 of my Catalogue, -of employing the constructive arts of existing savages as survivals -to represent successive stages in the development of the same arts in -prehistoric times, it may be advisable, in order to study the history -of each part of a canoe or primitive sailing vessel, to divide the -subject under seven heads, as follows: viz.--(1) Solid trunks or -dug-out canoes, developing into (2) Vessels on which the planks are -laced or sewn together, and these developing into such as are pinned -with plugs of wood, and ultimately nailed with iron or copper; (3) Bark -canoes; (4) Vessels of skins and wicker-work; (5) Rafts, developing -into (6) Outrigger canoes, and ultimately into vessels of broader beam, -to which may be added (7) rudders, sails, and contrivances which gave -rise to parts of a more advanced description of vessel, such as the -_oculus_, _aplustre_, _forecastle_, and _poop_. - - -1. _Solid Trunks and Dug-out Canoes._ - -It requires but little imagination to conceive an idea of the process -by which a wooden support in the water forced itself upon the notice -of mankind. The great floods to which the valleys of many large rivers -are subject, more especially those which have their sources in tropical -regions, sometimes devastate the whole country within miles of their -banks, and by their suddenness frequently overtake and carry down -numbers of both men and animals, together with large quantities of -timber which had grown upon the sides of the valleys. The remembrances -of such deluges are preserved in the traditions of many savage races, -and there can be little doubt that it was by this means that the human -race first learnt to make use of floating timber as a support for the -body. The wide distribution of the word signifying ship--Latin _navis_; -Greek ~naus~; Sanskrit _nau_; Celtic _nao_; Assam _nao_; Port Jackson, -Australia, _nao_--attests the antiquity of the term. In Bible history -the same term has been employed to personify the tradition of the first -shipbuilder, _Noah_. - -It is even said, though with what truth I am not aware, that the -American grey squirrel (_Sciurus migratorius_), which migrates in large -numbers, crossing large rivers, has been known to embark on a piece of -floating timber, and paddle itself across (Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_, -1862, vol. i. p. 147). - -The North American Indians frequently cross rivers by clasping the left -arm and leg round the trunk of a tree, and swimming with the right -(Steinitz, _History of the Ship_, Pl. 2). - -The next stage in the development of the canoe would consist in -pointing the ends, so as to afford less resistance to the water. In -this stage we find it represented on the NW. coast of Australia. -Gregory, in the year 1861, says that his ship was visited on this -coast by two natives, who had paddled off on logs of wood shaped like -canoes, not hollowed, but very buoyant, about 7 feet long, and 1 foot -thick, which they propelled with their hands only, their legs resting -on a little rail made of small sticks driven in on each side. Mr. -T. Baines, also, in a letter quoted by the Rev. J. G. Wood, in his -_Natural History of Man_ (vol. ii. p. 7), speaks of some canoes which -he saw in North Australia as being 'mere logs of wood, capable of -carrying a couple of men'. Others used on the north coast are dug out, -but as these are provided with an outrigger, they have probably been -derived from New Guinea. The canoes used by the Australians on the -rivers consist either of a bundle of rushes bound together and pointed -at the ends, or else they are formed of bark in a very simple manner; -but on the south-east coast, near Cape Howe, Captain Cook, in his first -voyage, found numbers of canoes in use by the natives on the seashore. -These he described as being very like the smaller sort used in New -Zealand, which were hollowed out by means of fire. One of these was of -a size to be carried on the shoulders of four men. - -It has been thought that the use of hollowed canoes may have arisen -from observing the effect of a split reed or bamboo upon the water. The -nautilus is also said to have given the first idea of a ship to man; -and Pliny, Diodorus, and Strabo have stated that large tortoise-shells -were used by primitive races of mankind (Kitto, _Pictorial Bible_). It -has also been supposed that the natural decay of trees may have first -suggested the employment of hollow trees for canoes, but such trees are -not easily removed entire. It is difficult to conceive how so great an -advance in the art of shipbuilding was first introduced, but there can -be no doubt that the agent first employed for this purpose was fire. - -I have noticed when travelling in Bulgaria that the gipsies and others -who roam over that country usually select the foot of a dry tree to -light their cooking fire; the dry wood of the tree, combined with the -sticks collected at the foot of it, makes a good blaze, and the tree -throws forward the heat like a fireplace. Successive parties camping on -the same ground, attracted thither by the vicinity of water, use the -same fireplaces, and the result is that the trees by degrees become -hollowed out for some distance from the foot, the hollow part formed -by the fire serving the purpose of a semi-cylindrical chimney. Such a -tree, torn up by the roots, or cut off below the part excavated by the -fire, would form a very serviceable canoe, the parts not excavated by -the fire being sound and hard. The Andaman islanders use a tree in this -manner as an oven, the fire being kept constantly burning in the hollow -formed by the flames. - -One of the best accounts of the process of digging out a canoe by -means of fire is that described by Kalm, on the Delaware river, in -1747. He says that, when the Indians intend to fell a tree, for want -of proper instruments they employ fire; they set fire to a quantity -of wood at the roots of the tree, and in order that the fire might -not reach further up than they would have it, they fasten some rags -to a pole, dip them in water, and keep continually washing the tree a -little above the fire until the lower part is burnt nearly through; it -is then pulled down. When they intend to hollow a tree for a canoe, -they lay dry branches along the stem of the tree as far as it must be -hollowed out, set them on fire, and replace them by others. While these -parts are burning, they keep pouring water on those parts that are not -to be burnt at the sides and ends. When the interior is sufficiently -burnt out, they take their stone hatchets and shells and scoop out -the burnt wood. These canoes are usually 30 or 40 feet long. In the -account of one of the expeditions sent out by Raleigh in 1584 a similar -description is given of the process adopted by the Indians of Virginia, -except that, instead of sticks, resin is laid on to the parts to be -excavated and set fire to: canoes capable of holding twenty persons -were formed in this manner. - -The Waraus of Guiana employ fire for excavating their canoes; and when -Columbus discovered the Island of Guanahani or San Salvador, in the -West Indies, he found [fire] employed for this purpose by the natives, -who called their boats '_canoe_', a term which has ever since been -employed by Europeans to express this most primitive class of vessel. - -Dr. Mouat says that, in Blair's time, the Andaman islanders excavated -their canoes by the agency of fire; but it is not employed for that -purpose now, the whole operation being performed by hand. Symes, in -1800, speaks of the Burmese war-boats, which were excavated partly by -fire and partly by cutting. Nos. 1276 and 1277 of my collection are -models of these boats. In New Caledonia, Turner, in 1845, says that the -natives felled their trees by means of a slow fire at the foot, taking -three or four days to do it. In excavating a canoe, he says, they -kindle a fire over the part to be burnt out, and keep dropping water -over the sides and ends, so as to confine the fire to the required -spot, the burnt wood being afterwards scraped out with stone tools. -The New Zealanders, and probably the Australians also, employ fire for -this purpose [Cook]. The canoes of the Krumen in West Africa are also -excavated by means of fire. - -A further improvement in the development of the dug-out canoe consists -in bending the sides into the required form after it has been dug out. -This process of fire-bending has already been described on p. 87 of my -_Catalogue_ (Parts i and ii), when speaking of the methods employed by -the Esquimaux and Australians in straightening their wooden spears and -arrow-shafts. The application of this process to canoe-building by the -Ahts of the north-west coast of North America is thus described by Mr. -Wood in his _Natural History of Man_, vol. ii. p. 732. The canoe is -carved out of a solid trunk of cedar (_Thuja gigantea_). It is hollowed -out, not by fire, but by hand, and by means of an adze formed of a -large mussel-shell; the trunk is split lengthwise by wedges. All is -done by the eye. When it is roughly hollowed it is filled with water, -and red-hot stones put in until it boils. This is continued until the -wood is quite soft, and then a number of cross-pieces are driven into -the interior, so as to force the canoe into its proper shape, which -it ever afterwards retains. While the canoe is still soft and pliant, -several slight cross-pieces are inserted, so as to counteract any -tendency towards warping. The outside of the vessel is then hardened -by fire, so as to enable it to resist the attacks of insects, and also -to prevent it cracking when exposed to the sun. The inside is then -painted some bright colour, and the outside is usually black and highly -polished. This is produced by rubbing it with oil after the fire has -done its work. Lastly, a pattern is painted on its bow. There is no -keel to the boat. The red pattern of the painting is obtained by a -preparation of _anato_. For boring holes the Ahts use a drill formed by -a bone of a bird fixed in a wooden handle. - -A precisely similar process to this is employed in the formation of -the Burmese dug-out canoes, and has thus been described to me by Capt. -O'Callaghan, who witnessed the process during the Burmese War in 1852. -A trunk of a tree of suitable length, though much less in diameter -than the intended width of the boat, is cut into the usual form, and -hollowed out. It is then filled with water, and fires are lit, a short -distance from it, along its sides. The water gradually swells the -inside, while the fire contracts the outside, till the width is greatly -increased. The effect thus produced is rendered permanent by thwarts -being placed so as to prevent the canoe from contracting in width as -it dries; the depth of the boat is increased by a plank at each side, -reaching as far as the ends of the hollowed part. Canoes generally -show traces of the fire and water treatment just described, the inner -surface being soft and full of superficial cracks, while the outer is -hard and close. - -It is probable that this mode of bending canoes has been discovered -during the process of cooking, in which red-hot stones are used in many -countries to boil the water in vessels of skin or wood, in which the -meat is cooked. No. 1256 of my collection is a model of an Aht canoe, -painted as here described. No. 1257 is a full-sized canoe from this -region, made out of a single trunk; it is not painted, so that the -grain of the wood can be seen. - -The distribution of the dug-out canoe appears to be almost universal. -It is especially used in southern and equatorial regions. Leaving -Australia, we find it employed with the outrigger, which will be -described hereafter (pp. 218-9), in many parts of the Polynesian and -Asiatic islands, including New Guinea, New Zealand, New Caledonia, -and the Sandwich Islands. It was not used by the natives of Tasmania, -who employed a float consisting of a bundle of bark and rushes, which -will be described in another place (p. 203). Wilkes speaks of it in -Samoa, at Manilla, and the Sooloo Archipelago. De Guignes in 1796 and -De Morga in 1609 saw them in the Philippines, where they are called -_pangues_, some carrying from two to three and others from twelve to -fifteen persons. They are (or were) also used in the Pelew, Nicobar, -and Andaman Isles. In the India Museum there is a model of one from -Assam, used as a mail boat, and called _dak nao_. In Burmah, Symes, in -1795, describes the war-boats of the Irrawaddy as 80 to 100 feet long, -but seldom exceeding 8 feet in width, and this only by additions to the -sides; carrying fifty to sixty rowers, who use short oars that work -on a spindle, and who row instead of paddling. Captain O'Callaghan, -however, informs me that they sometimes use paddles (Nos. 1276 and -1277). They are made of one piece of the teak tree. The king had -five hundred of these vessels of war. They are easily upset, but the -rowers are taught to avoid being struck on the broadside; they draw -only 3 feet of water. On the Menan, in Siam, Turpin, in 1771, says -that the king's _ballons_ are made of a single tree, and will contain -150 rowers; the two ends are very much elevated, and the rowers sit -cross-legged, by which they lose a great deal of power. The river -vessels in Cochin China are also described as being of the same long, -narrow kind. At Ferhabad, in Persia, Pietro della Valle, in 1614, -describes the canoes as being flat-bottomed, hollow trees, carrying ten -to twelve persons. - -In Africa, Duarte Barbosa, in 1514, saw the Moors at Zuama make use of -boats, _almadias_, hollowed out of a single trunk, to bring clothes and -other merchandise from Angos. Livingstone says the canoes of the Bayeye -of South Africa are hollow trees, made for use and not for speed. -If formed of a crooked stem they become crooked vessels, conforming -to the line of the timber. On the Benuwe, at its junction with the -[Yola], Barth, for the first time in his travels southward, saw what -he describes as rude little shells hollowed out of a single tree; they -measured 25 to 30 feet in length, 1 to 1-1/2 foot in height, and 16 -inches in width; one of them, he says, was quite crooked. On the White -Nile, in Unyoro, Grant says that the largest canoe carried a ton and -a half, and was hollowed out of a trunk. On the Kitangule, west of -Lake Victoria Nyanza, near Karague, he describes the canoes as being -hollowed out of a log of timber 15 feet long and the breadth of an -easy-chair. These kind of canoes are also used by the Makoba east of -Lake Ngami, by the Apingi and Camma, and the Krumen of the West African -coast; of which last, No. 1272 of my collection is a model. - -In South America the Patagonians use no canoes, but in the northern -parts of the continent dug-out canoes are common. One described by -Condamine, in 1743, was from 42 to 44 feet long, and only 3 feet wide. -They are also used in Guiana, and Professor Wilson says that the -dug-out canoe is used throughout the West Indian Archipelago. According -to Bartram, who is quoted by Schoolcraft, the large canoes formed out -of the trunks of cypress trees, which descended the rivers of Florida, -crossed the Gulf, and extended their navigation to the Bahama Isles, -and even as far as Cuba, carrying twenty to thirty warriors. Kalm, in -1747, gives some details respecting their construction on the Delaware -river already referred to (p. 191), and says that the materials chiefly -employed in North America are the red juniper, red cedar, white cedar, -chestnut, white oak, and tulip tree. Canoes of red and white cedar are -the best, because lighter, and they will last as much as twenty years, -whereas the white oak barely lasts above six years. In Canada these -dug-outs were made of the white fir. The process of construction on the -west coast of North America has been already described (p. 192). - -In Europe Pliny mentions the use of canoes hollowed out of a single -tree by the Germans. Amongst the ancient Swiss lake-dwellers at -Robenhausen, associated with objects of the stone age, a dug-out canoe, -or _Einbaum_, made of a single trunk 12 feet long and 2-1/2 wide, was -discovered (Keller, _Lake Dwellings_, Lee^2, p. 45). In Ireland, Sir -William Wilde says that amongst the ancient Irish dug-out canoes were -of three kinds. One was small, trough-shaped, and square at the ends, -having a projection at either end to carry it by; the paddlers sat -flat at the bottom and paddled, there being no rowlocks to the boat. A -second kind was 20 feet in length and 2 in breadth, flat-bottomed, with -round prow and square stern, strengthened by thwarts carved out of the -solid and running across the boat, two near the stem and one near the -stern. The prow was turned up; one of these was discovered in a bog on -the coast of Wexford, 12 feet beneath the surface. The third sort was -sharp at both ends, 21 feet long, 12 inches broad, and 8 inches deep, -and flat-bottomed. These canoes are often found in the neighbourhood -of the crannoges, or ancient lake-habitations of the country, and -were used to communicate with the land; also in the beds of the Boyne -and Bann. Ware says, that dug-out canoes were used in some of the -Irish rivers in his time, and to this day I have seen paddles used on -the Blackwater, in the south of Ireland. Professor Wilson says that -several dug-out canoes have been found in the ancient river-deposits -of the Clyde, and also in the neighbourhood of Falkirk. In one of -those discovered in the Clyde deposits, at a depth of 25 feet from the -surface, a stone almond-shaped celt was found. Others have been found -in the ancient river-deposits of Sussex and elsewhere, in positions -which show that the rivers must probably have formed arms of the sea, -at the time they were sunk. - - -_2. Vessels in which the Planks are Stitched to each Other._ - -All vessels of the dug-out class are necessarily long and narrow, -and very liable to upset; the width being limited by the size of the -tree, extension can only be given to them by increasing their length. -In order to give greater height and width to these boats, planks are -sometimes added at the sides and stitched on to the body of the canoe -by means of strings or cords, composed frequently of the bark or leaves -of the tree of which the body is made. In proportion as these laced-on -gunwales were found to answer the purpose of increasing the stability -of the vessel, their number was increased; two such planks were added -instead of one, and as the joint between the planks was by this -means brought beneath the water line, means were taken to caulk the -seams with leaves, pitch, resin, and other substances. Gradually the -number of side planks increased and the solid hull diminished, until, -ultimately, it dwindled into a bottom-board, or keel, at the bottom of -the boat, serving as a centre-piece on which the sides of the vessel -were built. Still the vessel was without ribs or framework; ledges on -the sides were carved out of the solid substance of each plank, by -means of which they were fastened to the ledges of the adjoining plank, -and the two contiguous ledges served as ribs to strengthen the boat; -finally, a framework of vertical ribs was added to the interior and -fastened to the planks by cords. Ultimately the stitching was replaced -by wooden pins, and the side planks pinned to each other and to the -ribs; and these wooden pins in their turn were supplanted by iron nails. - -In different countries we find representations of the canoe in all -these several stages of development. Of the first stage, in which side -planks were added to the body of the dug-out canoe, to heighten it, -the New Zealand canoe, No. 1259 of my collection, is an example. Capt. -Cook describes this as solid, the largest containing from thirty men -upwards. One measured 70 feet in length, 6 in width, and 4 deep. Each -of the side pieces was formed of an entire plank, about 12 inches wide, -and about 1-1/2 inch thick, laced on to the hollow trunk of the tree by -flaxen cords, and united to the plank on the opposite side by thwarts -across the boat. These canoes have names given to them like European -vessels. - -On the Benuwe, in Central Africa, Barth describes a vessel in this same -early stage of departure from the original dug-out trunk. It consisted -of 'two very large trunks joined together with cordage, just like the -stitching of a shirt, and without pitching, the holes being merely -stuffed with grass. It was not water-tight, but had the advantage,' he -says, 'over the dug-out canoes used on the same river, in not breaking -if it came upon a rock, being, to a certain degree, pliable. It was 35 -feet long, and 26 inches wide in the middle.' No. 1258 of my collection -is a model of one of these. The single plank added to the side of the -Burmese dug-out canoe has been already noticed (p. 193). Although my -informant does not tell me that these side planks are sewn on, I have -no doubt, judging by analogy, that this either is or was formerly the -case. - -The Waraus of Guiana are the chief canoe-builders of this part of South -America, and to them other tribes resort from considerable distances. -Their canoe is hollowed out of a trunk of a tree, and forced into -its proper shape partly by means of fire and partly by wedges, upon -a similar system to that described in speaking of the Ahts of North -America (p. 192) and the Burmese; the largest have the sides made -higher by a narrow plank of soft wood, which is laced upon the gunwale, -and the seam caulked. This canoe is alike at both ends, the stem and -stern being pointed, curved, and rising out of the water; there is no -keel, and it draws but a few inches of water. This appears to be the -most advanced stage to which the built-up canoe has arrived on either -continent of America, with the exception of Tierra del Fuego, where -Commodore Byron, in 1765, saw canoes in the Straits of Magellan made -of planks sewn together with thongs of raw hide; these vessels are -considerably raised at the bow and stern, and the larger ones are 15 -feet in length by 1 yard wide. They have also been described by more -recent travellers. Under what conditions have these miserable Fuegians -been led to the employment of a more complex class of vessel than their -more advanced congeners of the north? - -In order to trace the further development of the canoe in this -direction, we must return to Africa and the South Seas. On the island -of Zanzibar, Barbosa, in 1514, says that the inhabitants of this -island, and also Penda and Manfia, who are Arabs, trade with the -mainland by means of 'small vessels very loosely and badly made, -without decks, and with a single mast; all their planks are sewn -together with cords of reed or matting, and the sails are of palm -mats.' On the river Yeou, near Lake Tchad, in Central Africa, Denham -and Clapperton saw canoes 'formed of planks, rudely shaped with a -small hatchet, and strongly fastened together by cords passed through -holes bored in them, and a wisp of straw between, which the people -say effectually keeps out the water; they have high poops like the -Grecian boats, and would hold twenty or thirty persons.' On the Logon, -south-east of Lake Tchad, Barth says the boats are built 'in the same -manner as those of the Budduma, except that the planks consist of -stronger wood, mostly _Birgem_, and generally of larger size, whilst -those of the Budduma consist of the frailest material, viz. _Fogo_. -In both, the joints of the planks are provided with holes, through -which ropes are passed, overlaid with bands of reed tightly fastened -upon them by smaller ropes, which are again passed through small holes -stuffed with grass.' On the Victoria Nyanza, in East Central Africa, -Grant speaks of 'a canoe of five planks sewn together, and having four -cross-bars or seats. The bow and stern are pointed, standing for a yard -over the water, with a broad central plank from stem to stern, rounded -outside (the vestige of the dug-out trunk), and answering for a keel.' - -Thus far we have found the planks of the vessels spoken of, merely -fastened by cords passed through holes in the planks, and stuffed with -grass or some other material, and the accounts speak of their being -rarely water-tight. Such a mode of constructing canoes might serve well -enough for river navigation, but would be unserviceable for sea craft. -Necessity is the mother of invention, and accordingly we must seek for -a further development of the system of water-tight stitching, amongst -those races in a somewhat similar condition of culture, which inhabit -the islands of the Pacific and the borders of the ocean between it and -the continent of Africa. - -The majority of those vessels now to be described are furnished with -the outrigger; but as the distribution of this contrivance will be -traced subsequently (p. 218 ff.), it will not be necessary to describe -it in speaking of the stitched plank-work. - -In the Friendly Isles Captain Cook, in 1773, says 'the canoes are -built of several pieces sewed together with bandage in so neat a -manner that on the outside it is difficult to see the joints. All the -fastenings are on the inside, and pass through _kants_ or ridges, -which are wrought on the edges and ends of the several boards which -compose the vessel.' At Otaheite he speaks of the same process, -and says that the chief parts are formed separately without either -saw, plane, or other tool. La Perouse gives an illustration of an -outrigger canoe from Easter Island, the sides of which are formed -of drift-wood sewn together in this manner. At Wytoohee, one of the -Paumotu, or Low Archipelago, Wilkes, in 1838, says that the canoes -are formed of strips of cocoa-nut tree sewed together. Speaking of -those of Samoa, he describes the process more fully. 'The planks are -fastened together with _sennit_; the pieces are of no regular size -or shape. On the inside edge of each plank is a ledge or projection, -which serves to attach the sennit, and connect and bind it closely -to the adjoining one. It is surprising,' he says, 'to see the labour -bestowed on uniting so many small pieces together, when large and -good planks might be obtained. Before the pieces are joined, the gum -from the husk of the bread-fruit tree is used to cement them close, -and prevent leakage. These canoes retain their form much more truly -than one would have imagined; I saw few whose original model had -been impaired by service. On the outside the pieces are so closely -fitted as frequently to require close examination before the seams -can be detected. The perfection of workmanship is astonishing to -those who see the tools with which it is effected. They consist now -of nothing more than a piece of iron tied to a stick, and used as an -adze; this, with a gimlet, is all they have, and before they obtained -their iron tools, they used adzes made of hard stone and fish-bone.' -The construction of the Fiji canoe, called _drua_, is described by -Williams in great detail. A keel or bottom board is laid in two or -three pieces, carefully scarfed together. From this the sides are built -up, without ribs, in a number of pieces varying from three to twenty -feet. The edges of these pieces are fastened by ledges, tied together -in the manner already described. A white pitch from the bread-fruit -tree, prepared with an extract from the coco-nut kernel, is spread -uniformly on both edges, and a fine strip of _masi_ laid between. -The binding of sennit with which the boards, or _vanos_, as they are -called, are stitched together is made tighter by small wooden wedges -inserted between the binding and the wood, in opposite directions. -The ribs seen in the interior of these canoes are not used to bring -the planks into shape, but are the last things inserted, and are for -uniting the deck more firmly with the body of the canoe. The carpenters -in Fiji constitute a distinct class, and have chiefs of their own. -The Tongan canoes were inferior to those of Fiji in Captain Cook's -time, but they have since adopted Fiji patterns. The Tongans are -better sailors than the Fijians. Wilkes describes a similar method of -building vessels in the Kingsmill Islands, but with varieties in the -details of construction. 'Each canoe has six or eight timbers in its -construction; they are well modelled, built in frames, and have much -sheer. The boards are cut from the coco-nut tree, from a few inches to -six or eight feet long, and vary from five to seven inches in width. -These are arranged as the planking of a vessel, and very neatly put -together, being sewed with sennit. For the purpose of making them -water-tight they use a slip of pandanus leaf, inserted as our coopers -do in plugging a cask. They have evinced much ingenuity,' he says, 'in -attaching the uprights to the flat timbers.' It is difficult, without -the aid of drawings, to understand exactly the peculiarities of this -variety of construction, but he says they are secured so as to have all -the motion of a double joint, which gives them ease, and comparative -security in a seaway. - -Turning now to the Malay Archipelago, Wallace speaks of a Malay -_prahau_ in which he sailed from Macassar to New Guinea, a distance -of 1,000 miles, and says that similar but smaller vessels had not a -single nail in them. The largest of these, he says, are from Macassar, -and the Bugi countries of the Celebes and Boutong. Smaller ones sail -from Ternate, Pidore, East Ceram, and Garam. The majority of these, -he says, have stitched planks. No. 1268 of my collection is a model -of a vessel employed in those seas. Wallace says that the inhabitants -of Ke Island, west of New Guinea, are the best boat-builders in the -archipelago, and several villages are constantly employed at the work. -The planks here, as in the Polynesian Islands, are all cut out of -the solid wood, with a series of projecting ledges on their edges in -the inside. But here we find an advance upon the Polynesian system, -for the ledges of the planks are pegged to each other with wooden -pegs. The planks, however, are still fastened to the ribs by means of -_rattans_. The principles of construction are the same as in those -of the Polynesian Islands, and the main support of the vessel still -consists in the planks and their ledges, the ribs being a subsequent -addition; for he says that after the first year the rattan-tied ribs -are generally taken out and replaced by new ones, fitted to the planks -and nailed, and the vessel then becomes equal to those of the best -European workmanship. This constitutes a remarkable example of the -persistency with which ancient customs are retained, when we find each -vessel systematically constructed, in the first instance, upon the old -system, and the improvement introduced in after years. I wonder whether -any parallel to this could be found in a British arsenal. The psychical -aspect of the proceeding seems not altogether un-English. - -Extending our researches northward, we find that Dampier, in 1686, -mentions, in the Bashee Islands, the use of vessels in which the planks -are fastened with wooden pins. On the Menan, in Siam, Turpin, in 1771, -speaks of long, narrow boats, in the construction of which neither -nails nor iron are employed, the parts being fastened together with -roots and twigs which withstand the destructive action of the water. -They have the precaution, he says, to insert between the planks a -light, porous wood, which swells by being wet, and prevents the water -from penetrating into the vessel. When they have not this wood, they -rub the chinks, by which the water enters, with clay. In the India -Museum there is a model of a very early form of vessel from Burmah, -described as a trading vessel. The bottom is dug out, and the sides -formed of planks laced together. A large stone is employed for an -anchor. Here we see that an inferior description of craft has survived, -upon the rivers, in the midst of a higher civilization which has -produced a superior class of vessel upon the seas. - -Turning westward, we have the surf-boat of Madras, called _massoola_, -which, on account of its elasticity, is still used on the seashore. -Its parts are stitched together in the manner represented in the -model, No. 1267 of my collection. On the Malabar coast the ships of -the Pardesy, who consisted of Arabs, Persians, and others who have -settled in the kingdom of Malabar, are described by Barbosa in 1514. -They build ships, he says, of 200 tons, which have keels like the -Portuguese, but have no nails. They sew their planks with neat cords, -very well pitched, and the timber very good. Ten or twelve of these -ships, laden with goods, sail every year in February for the Red Sea, -some for Aden and some for Jeddah, the port of Mecca, where they sell -their merchandise to others, who transmit it to Cairo, and thence to -Alexandria. The ships return to Calicut between August and October of -the same year. The earliest description we have of these vessels in -this part of the world, in historic times, is in the account of the -travels of two Mahomedans in the ninth century. In these travels it is -related that there were people in the Gulf of Oman who cross over to -the islands that produce coco-nuts, taking with them their tools, and -make ships out of it. With the bark they make the cordage to sew the -planks together, and of the leaves they make sails; and having thus -completed the vessel, they load it with coco-nuts and set sail. Marco -Polo, at the commencement of the fourteenth century, confirms this, -and says, speaking of the ships at Ormuz, in the Persian Gulf, that -they do not use nails, but wooden pins, and fasten them with threads -made of the Indian nut. These threads endure the force of the water, -and are not easily corrupted thereby. These ships have one mast, one -sail, _and one beam_, and are covered with but one deck. They are not -caulked with pitch, but with the oil and fat of fishes. When they cross -to India they lose many ships, because the sea is very tempestuous, and -they are not strengthened with iron. In the Red Sea, Father Lobo, in -1622, describes the vessels called _gelves_, which, he says, are made -almost entirely of the coco-nut tree. The trunk is sawn into planks, -the planks are sewn together with thread which is spun from the bark, -and the sails are made of the leaves stitched together. They are more -convenient, he says, than other vessels, because they will not split if -thrown upon banks or against rocks. - -We have now arrived in the region which is usually regarded as the -cradle of Western civilization, certainly the land in which Western -culture first began to put forth its strong shoots; and we must expect -to find that the art of shipbuilding advanced in the same ratio as -other trades. But, unlike the Phoenicians, the Egyptians confined their -navigation chiefly to the Nile, and had an abhorrence of Typhon, as -they termed the sea, because it swallowed up the great river, which, -being the chief source of their prosperity, they regarded as a god. - -Here it may be desirable to digress for one moment from the chain of -continuity which we have been following, in order to say a few words -about the most primitive form of vessel used on the Nile, viz. that -mentioned by Isaiah (xviii. 2) as being of Ethiopian origin, the -vessel of bulrushes to which the mother of Moses entrusted her infant -progeny. What the coco-nut tree was to the navigators on the eastern -seas, the papyrus was to the Egyptians, and from it every part of the -vessel--rope, planks, masts, and sails--was constructed. Adverting to -the earliest and simplest of these papyrus vessels, the common use for -a bundle of faggots, for such it was, is not, perhaps, one of those -coincidences which, viewed by the light of modern culture, we should -select as evidence of connexion between distant lands. And yet there -are peculiarities of form which make the bulrush float of the Egyptians -worthy of comparison with those used in the rivers of Australia. - -The Australian float, as represented by a model in the British Museum, -consisted of a bundle of bark and rushes, pointed and elevated at -the ends, and bound round with girdles of the same material. The -only vessel, according to Mr. Calder, used in Tasmania, on the west -coast, is thus described by him in the _Journal of the Anthropological -Institute_, iii. 22. 'It was of considerable size, and something -like a whale-boat, that is, sharp-sterned, but a solid structure, -and the natives, in their aquatic adventures, sat on the top of it. -It was generally made by the buoyant and soft, velvety bark of the -swamp tea-tree (_Melaluca_ sp.), and consisted of a multitude of small -strips bound together.' Professor Wilson says that the Californian -canoe consists of a mere rude float, made of rushes, 'in the form of -a lashed-up hammock.' A woodcut in Sir Gardner Wilkinson's _Ancient -Egypt_, No. 399 of his work, represents three persons making one of -these papyrus floats. It is the _baris_, or Memphite bark, bound -together with papyrus, spoken of by Lucan, and it is of precisely -similar form to those above described, elevated and pointed at the -ends, and the men are in the act of binding it round with girdles. This -is the kind of boat in which Plutarch describes Isis going in search of -the body of Osiris through the fenny country; a bark made of papyrus. -Pliny attributes the origin of shipbuilding to these vessels (vii. 56); -and speaks (vi. 22) of their crossing the sea and visiting the Island -of Taprobane (Ceylon, according to Sir G. Wilkinson); but it seems -probable that he must refer to a more advanced form of vessel than the -mere bulrush float. - -The racial connexion between the Australians and the Egyptians, first -put forward by Professor Huxley, has hardly met with general acceptance -as yet; but, startling as it at first sight appeared, the more we look -into the evidence bearing upon it, the less improbable, to say the -least, it becomes, when viewed by the light of comparative culture. -I have already shown, in another place,[222] how closely some of the -Australian weapons correspond to some of those still used on the Upper -Nile, and the remarkable resemblance here pointed out in a class of -vessels which might well have been used in passing short distances -from island to island of the now submerged fragments of land that are -supposed to have formerly existed in parts of the southern hemisphere, -is, at least, worthy of attention amongst other evidence of the same -kind that may be collected, although I fully admit that it is not of a -character to stand alone. I will not exceed my province by attempting -to defend the theory of the Australioid origin of the Egyptians on -physical grounds, preferring to leave the defence of that theory in the -hands of its author, who is so well able to support his own views; -but I may take this opportunity of commenting on some remarks made by -Professor Owen in his valuable paper, published in the last number of -our _Journal_, on the psychical evidence of connexion between them and -the black races of the southern hemisphere. Adverting to the fresco -painting, in the British Museum, of the ancient Egyptian fowler, who -holds in his hand a stick, which he is in the act of throwing at a -flock of birds, I am inclined to agree with Professor Owen in thinking -there is nothing in its shape to denote that it is a boomerang. Other -figures, however, in Rosellini's _Egyptian Monuments_, show the -resemblance more clearly, and if these are not enough, the specimen -of the weapon itself in the glass case in the Egyptian room of the -British Museum proves the identity of the weapon beyond possibility of -doubt. I have elsewhere stated at length,[223] that having made several -facsimiles of this weapon from careful measurements, so as to obtain -the exact size, form, and weight of the original, for the purpose -of experiment, I found that it possessed all the properties of the -Australian boomerang, rising in the air, and returning in some cases to -within a few paces of the position from which it was thrown. In fact, -it was easier to obtain the return flight from this weapon than from -many varieties of the Australian boomerang, with which I experimented -at the same time. - -But supposing the ancient Egyptian to be 'convicted of the boomerang', -says the learned professor, 'common sense repudiates the notion of the -necessity of inheritance in relation to such operations.' Against this -I would urge, that the application of the general quality of common -sense to the determination of questions of psychical connexion, between -races so far removed from us, as the Australians or the predecessors -of the earliest Egyptian kings, is inconsistent with all that we -know of the phenomena of mental evolution in man, seeing that there -must necessarily be many stages of disparity between them and any -intelligent member of the Anthropological Institute to whose common -sense this appeal was made. - -If the common sense of the nineteenth century does not repudiate the -fact that the steam engine, the electric telegraph, vaccination, free -trade, and a thousand other contrivances for the benefit of our race, -have sprung from special centres, and have been inherited, or otherwise -received, by the highly cultivated races to which they have spread -in modern times, neither would the common sense of the Australian -or prehistoric Egyptian, after its kind, bar the likelihood of such -contrivances as the boomerang, the parrying-shield, or the 'baris' -having been handed from one savage people to another in a similar -manner. Wherever two or three concurrent chains of connexion, whether -of race, language, or the arts, can be traced along the same channel, -such evidence is admissible, and is indeed frequently the only evidence -available in dealing with prehistoric times. - -The peculiar elevated ends of the papyrus floats are almost identical -in form, but not in structure, with those now used in parts of India, -especially on the Ganges; and the word _junk_ is said to be related -to _juncus_, a bulrush. Somewhat similar rafts, but flat, turned up -in front but not behind, and called _tankwa_, are described by Lieut. -Prideaux as being still used on Lake Tsana, in Soudan, and they are -also used by the Shillooks, who make them of a wood as light as cork, -called _ambads_ (_Anemone mirabilis_). A paper by Mr. John Hogg, in -the _Magazine of Natural History_ (1829, ii. p. 324 ff.), to which -my attention has been kindly drawn by Mr. John Jeremiah, contains -some useful information on the subject of Egyptian papyrus vessels. -Denon describes and figures a very primitive float of this sort, -consisting of a bundle of straw or stalks, pointed and turned up in -front, and says that the inhabitants of the Upper Nile go up and down -the river upon it astride, the legs serving for oars; they use also -a short double-bladed paddle. It is worthy of notice that the only -other localities, that I am aware of, in which this double paddle is -used, are the Sooloo Archipelago and among the Esquimaux. Belzoni -also describes the same kind of vessel. Mr. Hogg, in his paper, gives -several illustrations of improved forms of these solid papyrus floats, -derived from a mosaic pavement discovered in the Temple of Fortune at -Praeneste. From these it seems that they were bound round with thongs, -pointed, and turned up and over at both ends. But Bruce, in 1790, -describes more particularly the class of vessel used in Abyssinia in -his time, called _tankwa_, or, as he writes it, _tancoa_, and says -that it corresponds exactly to the description of Pliny (_Nat. Hist._, -xiii. 2, compare v. 9). His description appears possibly to indicate -that there was a separate line of development of hollow vessels derived -from the flat raft. A piece of acacia tree was put in the bottom -to serve as a keel, to which plants were joined, being first sewed -together, then gathered up at the ends and stern, and the ends of -the plant tied fast there. On Lake Tsana they are only turned up in -front: see above. Belzoni describes a similar kind of vessel on Lake -Moeris, which seems clearly to be hollow. The outer shell or hulk was -composed of rough pieces of wood, scarcely joined, and fastened by four -other pieces wrapped together by four more across, which formed the -deck; no tar, no pitch, either inside or out, and the only preventive -against the water coming in was a kind of weed which had settled in the -joints of the wood. The only other locality, that I know of, in which -similar vessels to these are used, is Formosa, a description of which -is given by Mr. J. Thomson (_The Straits of Malacca, Indo-China, and -China_, London, 1875, p. 304), for the sight of which I am indebted -to Mr. W. L. Distant. He says: 'We went ashore in a catamaran, a sort -of raft made of poles of the largest species of bamboo. These poles -are bent by fire, so as to impart a hollow shape to the raft, and are -lashed together with rattan. There is not a nail used in the whole -contrivance.' - -But the boats 'woven of' the papyrus, mentioned by Pliny, certainly -refer to something more complex than the papyrus bundle above -described. Lucan describes them as being sewn with bands of papyrus, -and Herodotus describes them more fully. This passage has been -variously translated by different authors, but the version given by Sir -Gardner Wilkinson is as follows:--'they cut planks measuring about two -cubits, and having arranged them like bricks, they build the boat in -the following manner: they fasten the planks round firm long pegs, and, -after this, stretch over the surface a series of girths, _but without -any ribs_, and the whole is bound _within_ by bands of papyrus.' The -exact meaning of this is obscure; but I would suggest, that as the -'fastening within' clearly shows it was not a solid structure, the -more reasonable interpretation of it is by supposing that the planks, -arranged in brick fashion, were fastened on the inside by cords, in -the manner practised in the South Sea Islands and elsewhere. What the -long pins were is uncertain; but as Sir Gardner Wilkinson says that the -models found in the tombs show that ribs were used at a time probably -subsequent to this, these pins may have been rudimentary ribs of some -kind, and they also may have been 'bound within' to the planks in the -same manner. It seems not unlikely that these boats may have also been -bound round on the outside to give them additional strength, after the -manner of the papyrus floats above described.[224] With this vessel, -which was called _baris_, they used a sort of anchor, consisting of a -stone with a hole in it, similar to one on a Burmese vessel, of which a -model is in the India Museum. - -The larger class of Egyptian vessels were of superior build, the planks -being fastened with wooden pins and nails, and their construction -somewhat similar to those still used on the Nile. - -Returning now to the link of the chain to which we have appended this -digression, and carrying our inquiries further northward into the area -of Western civilization, it is to be expected that we should lose all -trace of this primitive mode of ship-building. The earliest vessels -recorded in classical history were fastened with nails. In Homer's -description of the vessel built by Odysseus, both nails and ribs were -employed, and it had a round or a flat bottom (Smith's _Dict._). No -trace of any earlier form of ship has been discovered in Europe, until -we come to the neighbourhood of the North Sea. Here, in the Nydam Moss, -in Slesvic, in 1863, was discovered a large boat, seventy-seven feet -long, ten feet ten inches broad in the middle, flat at the bottom, but -higher and sharper at both ends, having a prow at both ends, like those -described by Tacitus as having been built by the Suiones, who inhabited -this country and Sweden in ancient times. This vessel, from its -associated remains, has been attributed to the third century A. D. The -bottom consisted of a broad plank, about two feet broad in the middle, -but diminishing in width towards each end. A small keel, eight inches -broad and one deep, was carved on the under side of the plank, which -corresponds to the bottom plank, which, in Africa and the Polynesian -Islands, we have shown to be the vestige of the dug-out trunk. On to -this bottom plank, five side planks, running the whole length of the -vessel, were built, but they differed from those previously described -in overlapping, being clinker-built, and attached to each other, not by -strings or wooden pins, but by large iron bolts. The planks, however, -resembled those of the southern hemisphere, in having clamps or ledges -carved out of the solid on the inside; these ledges were perforated, -and their position corresponded to rows of vertical ribs, to which, -like the vessels at Ke Island, and elsewhere in the Pacific, they -were _tied_ by means of cords passing through corresponding holes in -the ribs. Each rib was carved out of one piece, and, like those of Ke -Island in the Asiatic Archipelago, could easily have been taken out and -replaced by others after the vessel was completed. In short, the vessel -represented the particular stage of development which may be described -as plank-nailed and rib-tied, or which might be characterized as having -removable ribs; differing in this respect from the more advanced system -of modern times, in which the ribs, together with the keel, form a -framework to which the planks are afterwards bent and fastened. - -This mode of fastening the ribs to ledges carved out of the planking, -Mr. Engelhardt, to whom we are indebted for the accurate drawings and -description of this vessel,[225] remarks, is a most surprising fact, -considering that the people who constructed the boat are proved by the -associated remains to have been not only familiar with the use of iron, -but to have been able to produce damascened sword-blades. But this -fact, which, taken by itself, has been justly described as surprising, -analogy leads us to account for, by supposing these particular parts -of the vessel to have been survivals from a universally prevalent -primitive mode of fastening, the nearest southern representative of -which, at the present time, is to be found in the Red Sea and adjoining -oceans. Nor can there be any reason to doubt, I think, that this -mode of constructing vessels may have been used in the intervening -countries, which have been the scene of the rise of Western -civilization since the earliest times, but which have now lost all -trace of the most primitive phases of the art of ship-building. - -Mr. Engelhardt, however, traces a connexion between this ancient -vessel, found in the Nydam Moss, and the Northland boats now used on -the coast of Norway and the Shetland Isles, the peculiar rowlocks of -which, and also the clincher-nails by which the sides are fastened, -correspond very closely to those of the Nydam boat. Here also, and -in Finland and Lapland, we find survivals of a still earlier mode of -ship-building, corresponding to the more primitive plank-stitched -vessels, before described, in so many places in the southern -hemisphere. Regnard, in 1681, describes the Finland boats as being -twelve feet long and three broad. They are made of fir, and fastened -together with the sinew of the reindeer; this makes them, he says, so -light that one man can carry one on his shoulders; others are fastened -together with thread made of hemp, rubbed with glue, and their cords -are of birch bark or the root of the fir. Outhier, in 1736, confirms -this account of the manner in which they are sewn together, and says -that it renders them very flexible, and suitable for passing cataracts, -on account of their lightness, and because they do not break when they -are cast against a rock. The Lapland sledge called _pulea_ is also -described by Regnard as being of the same construction--boat-shaped, -and the parts sewn together with the sinew of the reindeer, without -a single nail. I have not as yet been able to trace this mode of -fastening vessels continuously in Russia; but Bell, in 1719, says that -the long, flat-bottomed barks used on the Volga for carrying salt have -not a single iron nail in their whole fabric; and Atkinson describes -vessels on the Tchoussowaia which are built without nails, but these -are fastened with wooden pins. - - -3. _Bark canoes._ - -The use of bark for canoes might have been suggested by the hollowed -trunk; but, on the other hand, we find this material employed in -Australia, where the hollowed trunk is not in general use. Bark is -employed for a variety of purposes, such as clothing, materials for -huts, and so forth. Some of the Australian shields are constructed of -the bark of trees. The simplest form of canoe in Australia consists, -as already mentioned (p. 203), of a mere bundle of reeds and bark -pointed at the ends. It is possible that the use of large pieces of -bark in this manner may have suggested the employment of the bark -alone. Belzoni mentions crossing to the island of Elephantine, on -the Nile, in a ferry-boat which was made of branches of palm trees, -fastened together with cords, and covered on the outside with a mat -pitched all over. The solid papyrus boats represented on the pavement -at Praeneste, before mentioned, have evidently some other substance on -the outside of them; and Bruce imagines that the junks of the Red Sea -were of papyrus, covered with leather.[226] The outer covering would -prevent the water from soaking into the bundle of sticks, and thus -rendering it less buoyant. Bark, if used in the same manner, would -serve a like purpose, and thus suggest its use for canoe-building. -Otherwise I am unable to conceive any way in which bark canoes can have -originated, except by imitation of the dug-out canoe. - -For crossing rivers, the Australian savage simply goes to the nearest -stringy-bark tree, chops a circle round the tree at the foot, and -another seven or eight feet higher, makes a longitudinal cut on each -side, and strips off bark enough by this means to make two canoes. If -he is only going to cross the river by himself, he simply ties the bark -together at the ends, paddles across, and abandons the piece of bark -on the other side, knowing that he can easily provide another. If it -is to carry another besides himself, he stops up the tied ends with -clay; but if it is to be permanently employed, he sews up the ends more -carefully, and keeps it in shape by cross-pieces, thereby producing a -vessel which closely resembles the bark canoe of North America (Wood, -_Nat. Hist. of Man_, ii. 103). I have not been able to trace the use of -the bark canoe further north than Australia on this side of the world, -probably owing to its being ill adapted for sea navigation; nor do I -find representatives of it in any part of Europe or Africa, although -bark is extensively used, in the Polynesian Islands and elsewhere, for -other purposes. - -It is the two continents of America which must be regarded as the home -of the bark canoe. - -The Fuegian canoe has been described by Wilkes, Pritchard, and others. -It is sewn with shreds of whalebone, sealskin, and twigs, and supported -by a number of stretchers lashed to the gunwale; the joints are stopped -with rushes, and, without, smeared with resin. In Guiana the canoe -is made of the bark of the purple-heart tree, stripped off and tied -together at the ends. The ends are stopped with clay, as with the -Australians. This mode of caulking is not very effectual, however, and -the water is sure to come in sooner or later. - -The nature of the material does not admit of much variety in the -construction; suffice it to say that it is in general use in North -America, up to the Esquimaux frontier. Its value in these regions -consists in the facility with which it is taken out of the water and -carried over the numerous rapids that prevail in the North American -rivers. The Algonquins were famous for the construction of them. Some -carry only two people, but the _canot de maitre_ was thirty-six feet in -length, and required fourteen paddlers. Kalm, in 1747, gives a detailed -account of the construction of them on the Hudson river, and Lahontan, -in 1684, gives an equally detailed description of those used in Canada. -The bark is peeled off the tree by means of hot water. They are very -fragile, and every day some hole in the bottom has to be stopped with -gum. - -Mr. T. G. B. Lloyd, in an excellent paper descriptive of the Beothucs -of Newfoundland, published in _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._ (vol. iv. pp. -26-8), has described the remarkable bark canoe of these people. Its -form is different from any other canoe of this or any other region -that I have heard of, the line of the gunwale rising in the middle, as -well as at the ends, and the vessel being V-shaped in section, with a -straight wooden keel at the bottom. Its form is so singular, that the -only idea of continuity which I can set up for it is, that it must -have been copied from some European child's paper boat, capable, by -a single additional fold, of being converted into a cocked hat; the -central pyramidal portion of the paper boat having given the form to -the pyramidal sides of the Beothuc vessel. If this be rejected, then -its history has yet to be told, for no native tribe ever employed such -a peculiar form unless by inheritance. - -Nos. 1248 and 1249 of my collection are South American bark canoes; -Nos. 1250 to 1252 are bark canoes from North America. - - -4. _Canoes of Wicker and Skin._ - -As we approach the Arctic regions, the dug-out and bark canoes are -replaced by canoes of skin and wicker. As we have already seen, in the -case of the bow, and other arts of savages, vegetable materials supply -the wants of man in southern and equatorial regions, whilst animal -materials supply their place in the north. - -The origin of skin coverings has been already suggested when speaking -of bark canoes. The accidental dropping of a skin bottle into the -water might suggest the use of such vessels as a means of recovering -the harpoon, which, as I have already shown elsewhere, was almost -universally used for fishing in the earliest stages of culture. The -Esquimaux lives with the harpoon and its attached bladder almost -continually by his side. The Esquimaux _kayak_, Nos. 1253 and 1254 of -my collection, in which he traverses the ocean, although admirable in -its workmanship, and, like all the works of the Esquimaux, ingenious -in construction, is in principle nothing more than a large, pointed -bladder, similar to that which is lashed to the harpoon at its side; -the man in this case occupying the opening which, in the bladder, is -filled by the wooden pin that serves for a cork. - -This is, I believe, a very primitive form of vessel, although there -can be no doubt that many links in the history of its development have -been lost. Unlike the dug-out canoe, such a fragile contrivance as the -wicker canoe perishes quickly, and no direct evidence of its ancestry -can be traced at the present time. It is only by means of survivals -that we can build up the past history of its development; and these -are, for the most part, wanting. - -The skin of an animal, flayed off the body with but one incision, -served, as I have elsewhere shown, a variety of purposes: from it -the bellows was derived, the bagpipes, water-vessels, and pouches of -various kinds; and, filled with air, it served the purpose of a float. -Steinitz, in his _History of the Ship_, gives an illustration of an -inflated ox skin, which in India is used to cross rivers; the owner -riding upon the back of the animal and paddling with his hands, as if -it had been a living ox. - -In the Assyrian sculptures there are numerous illustrations -representing men floating upon skins of this kind, which they clasp -with the left hand, like the tree trunks, already mentioned, that are -used by the American Indians, and swim with the right. Layard says this -manner of crossing rivers is still practised in Mesopotamia. He also -describes the raft, composed of a number of such floats, made of the -skins of sheep flayed off with as few incisions as possible; a square -framework of poplar beams is placed over a number of these, and tied -together with osier and other twigs. The mouths of the sheep-skins -are placed upwards, so that they can be opened and refilled by the -raft-men. On these rafts the merchandise is floated down the river to -Baghdad; the materials are then disposed of and the skins packed on -mules, to return for another voyage. On the Nile similar rafts are -used, the skins being supplanted by earthen pots, which, like the skins -on the Euphrates, serve only a temporary purpose, and after the voyage -down the river are disposed of in the bazaars. - -This mode of floating upon skins I should conjecture to be of northern -origin, and to be practised chiefly by nomadic races; but we find it -employed on the Morbeya, in Morocco, by the Moors, who no doubt had it -from the East. It is thus described by Lempriere, in 1789. A raft is -formed of eight sheep-skins filled with air, and tied together with -small cords; a few slender poles are laid over them, to which they -are fastened, and that is the only means used at Buluane to convey -travellers, with their baggage, over the river. As soon as the raft is -loaded, a man strips, jumps into the water, and swims with one hand, -whilst he pulls the raft after him with the other; another swims and -pushes behind. This reminds us of the custom of the Gran Chaco Indians -of South America, who, in crossing rivers, use a square boat or tub of -bull's hide, called _pelota_. It is attached by a rope to the tail of -a horse, which swims in front; or the rope is taken in the mouth of an -expert swimmer. - -I have not traced the distribution of these rafts of inflated skins as -continuously as, I have no doubt, they might be traced amongst nomadic -and pastoral races, moving with their flocks and herds, the skins of -which would be employed in this way; nor have I been able to trace -the connexion which, I have no doubt, existed between the inflated -skin and the open 'curragh' of wicker covered with skins. Where one is -found, the other is often found with it. Herodotus describes the boats -used by the people who came down the river to Babylon, and says they -are constructed in Armenia, and in the parts above Assyria, thereby -connecting them with the north. 'The ribs of these vessels,' he says, -'are formed of willow boughs and branches, and covered externally with -skin. They are round, like a shield, there being no distinction between -head and stern. They line the bottom with reeds and straw, and taking -on board merchandise, chiefly palm wine, float down the stream. The -boats have two oars, one to each man: one pulls and the other pushes. -They are of different dimensions, some having a single ass on board -and others several. On their arrival at Babylon the boatmen dispose of -their goods, and offer for sale the ribs and straw; _they then load -the asses with the skins_, and return with them to Armenia, where they -construct new boats'--just as is now done with the inflated skins of -the rafts at Baghdad. - -In the Pictorial Bible an illustration is given from the Sassanian -sculptures at Takht-i-Bostan of several of these round vessels, -probably of wicker, covered with skins. In one of these the principal -figure carries a composite bow, which, as I have elsewhere shown, is of -northern origin. Mr. Layard discovered in Nimroud a sculpture in which -one of these boats is represented. It is round, like those described -by Herodotus; back and stern alike; carrying two people, one of whom -pulls and the other pushes; and in the same sculpture are represented -men swimming on the inflated sheep-skins. He says that these same -round vessels are still used at Baghdad, built of boughs and timber -covered with skins, over which bitumen is smeared to render it more -water-tight. [Hamilton] also speaks of the same vessels (of reeds -and bitumen) on the Euphrates, at the commencement of the eighteenth -century. - -On the Cavery, in Mysore, Buchanan, in 1800, describes ferry-boats -that are called _donies_, which are circular baskets covered with -leather; but whether these vessels, like the composite bow used in the -same region, can be traced to a northern origin I have not the means -of determining, nor have I as yet sufficient materials to enable me -to ascertain whether such vessels are employed in the north of Asia -at the present time. What the inflated skin is to these circular -vessels, the _kayak_ is to the _baidar_ of the Esquimaux. Throughout -the whole region occupied by this race, these two kinds of vessels are -used, differing only in minute varieties of detail in the different -localities. According to Dr. King, whose valuable paper, 'On the -Industrial Arts of the Esquimaux,' was published in the first volume of -the _Journal of the Ethnological Society_ (1848), the varieties of the -_kayak_ in the different localities consist merely in the elevation and -shape of the rim of the hole in which the man sits. In Prince William -Sound, on the NW. coast, the _kayak_ is frequently built with two or -three holes to contain two or three men. The bow has two beaks, one of -which turns up, according to Captain Cook, like the head of a violin, -as represented in No. 1254 of my collection. This is also used in the -Aleutian Isles. The meaning of this double beak I have not been able to -ascertain. The _baidar_ used on this coast has also a double beak, as -represented in No. 1255 of my collection. - -In the British Museum there is a _kayak_ with a single opening, from -Behring Straits, which differs but little from another in the same -museum from Greenland; the _kayak_ of Greenland has a knob of ivory at -each end to protect the sharp point. The _baidar_ is used at Ochotsk -and Kamtschatka, on the Asiatic coast, and all along the northern coast -of America, eastward from Behring Strait. Models of both _baidar_ and -_kayak_ are in the British Museum, from Kotzebue Sound. In Frobisher -Strait, Frobisher, in 1577, says the boats are of two kinds of leather -stretched on frames, the greater sort open, and carrying sixteen or -twenty people (the _baidar_), and the lesser, to carry one man, covered -over, except in one place where the man sits (the _kayak_). In Hudson's -Straits and Greenland, where the larger vessels are called _oomiak_, -they are flat-sided and flat-bottomed, about three feet high, and -nearly square at the bow and stern, whereas this sort on the north-west -coast is sometimes pointed at bow and stern. Kerguelen, in 1767, -mentions both kinds in Greenland; and Kalm, in 1747, speaks of both, -though not from personal observation, on the coast of Labrador. The -Esquimaux canoe has been known to have drifted from Greenland across -the north of Scotland, and has been picked up, with the man still alive -in it, on the coast of Aberdeen (Wilson). - -In Britain the _coracle_ of osier, covered with skin, is mentioned -by Caesar, and in Britain, Gaul, and Italy by Lucan (A.D. 39-65). In -Scotland, Bellenden, in the sixteenth century, speaks of the _currock_ -of wands, covered with bulls' hide, as being in use in the sixteenth -century, and its representative is still used in the west of Ireland. -Sir William Wilde says that, under the name of _curragh_, it is still -made of leather, stretched over a wooden frame, on the Boyne, and in -Arran, on the west coast, of light timber, covered with painted canvas, -which has superseded the use of leather. I have seen these vessels at -Dingle, on the south-west coast, where they go by the name of _nevog_; -they are there 23 feet in length by 4 in width, and 1 ft. 9 inches -deep, made of laths, and covered with painted canvas; they are used, -from Valentia, along the west coast as far as Galway. In the south -they are larger than in the north, where they are called _curraghs_, -and a single man can carry one on his back, as the ancient Briton did -his _coracle_. Their continuance is caused by their cheapness, costing -only L6 when new. Here also they were, until recently, constructed of -leather. They have a small triangular sail, and, like the most ancient -forms of vessels, they are guided, when sailing, by means of oars, one -on each side. - - -5. _Rafts._ - -The trunks of trees, united by mutual attraction, as they floated down -the stream, would suggest the idea of a raft. The women of Australia -use rafts made of layers of reeds, from which they dive to obtain -mussel-shells. In New Guinea the catamaran, or small raft formed of -three planks lashed together with rattan, is the commonest vessel used. -Others are larger, containing ten or twelve persons, and consist of -three logs lashed together in five places, the centre log being the -longest, and projecting at both ends. - -This is exactly like the catamaran used on the coast of Madras, a -model of one of which is in the Indian Museum; they are also used on -the Ganges, and in the Asiatic isles. At Manilla they are known by -the name of _saraboas_; but the perfection of raft navigation is on -the coast of Peru. Ulloa, in 1735, describes the _balzas_ used on the -Guayaquil, in Ecuador, and on the coast as far south as Paita. They are -called by the Indians of the Guayaquil _jungadas_, and by the Darien -Indians _puero_. They are made of a wood so light that a boy can easily -carry a log 1 foot in diameter and 3 or 4 yards long. They are always -made of an odd number of beams, like the New Guinea and Indian rafts, -the longest and thickest in the centre, and the others lashed on each -side. Some are 70 ft. in length and 20 broad. When sailing, they are -guided by a system of planks, called _guaras_, which are shoved down -between the beams in different parts of the raft as they are wanted, -the breadth of the plank being in the direction of the lines of the -timbers. By means of these they are able to sail near the wind, and to -luff up, bear away, and tack at pleasure. When a _guara_ is put down in -the fore part of the raft, it luffs up, and when in the hinder part, it -bears away. This system of steering, he says, the Indians have learnt -empirically, 'their uncultivated minds never having examined into the -_rationale_ of the thing.' - -It was one of these vessels which Bartolomew Ruiz, pilot of the second -expedition for the discovery of Peru, met with; and which so astonished -the sailors, who had never before seen any vessel on the coast of -America provided with a sail. Condamine speaks of the rafts in 1743, -on the Chinchipe, in Peru. They are also used on the coast of Brazil, -where they are also called _jungadas_, from which locality there is -a model of one in the British Museum, and another in the Christy -collection. Professor Wilson thinks it was by means of these vessels, -driven off the coast of America westward, that the Polynesian and Malay -islands were peopled; and this brings us to the consideration of the -peculiar class of vessel which is distributed over a continuous area -in the Pacific and adjoining seas, viz. the outrigger canoe, which, I -shall endeavour to show, was derived from the raft. - - -6. _Outrigger-canoes._ - -The sailing properties of the _balza_, or any other similar raft, must -have been greatly impeded by the resistance offered to the water by the -ends of its numerous beams. In order to diminish the resistance, the -obvious remedy was to use only two beams, placed parallel to each other -at a distance apart, with a platform laid on cross-poles between them. - -Of this kind we find a vessel used by the Tasmanians, and described -by Mr. Bonwick, on the authority of Lieut. Jeffreys. The natives, he -says, would select two good stems of trees and place them parallel to -each other, but a couple of yards apart; cross-pieces of small size -were laid on these, and secured to the trees by scraps of tough bark. -A stronger cross-timber, of greater thickness, was laid across the -centre, and the whole was then covered by wicker-work. Such a float -would be thirty feet long, and would hold from six to ten persons -(Herbert Spencer, _Descriptive Sociology_ (London, 1874), No. 3, Table -V). - -In Fiji, Williams describes a kind of vessel called _ulatoka_, a raised -platform, floating on two logs, which must evidently be a vessel of the -same description as that used in Tasmania. - -From these two logs were derived the double canoe on the one hand, and -the canoe with the outrigger on the other. - -A link between the catamaran and the outrigger canoe is seen in a model -in the India Museum, from Madras. It consists of the usual catamaran, -already described, of three beams lashed together, the longest being -in the centre, across which are attached, their ends extending on one -side, long outrigger poles, to the extremities of which, parallel, and -at some distance from the catamaran, is fastened an outrigger log, of -smaller size and length, pointed at both ends, and boat-shaped, exactly -like those used with the outrigger canoes to be hereafter described. -When the art of hollowing out canoes was introduced, then one canoe -and one log, or two canoes, were employed, as the case might be. This -I consider to be a more natural sequence than to suppose the outrigger -invented as a means of steadying the dug-out canoe. - -The outrigger canoe, and its accompanying double canoe, is used over -the whole of the Polynesian and Asiatic islands--from Easter Island -on the east, to Ceylon and the Andamans on the west. Their varieties -are also, in some cases, continuous; and I will endeavour to trace -the distribution of each, commencing with the canoe with the single -outrigger. - -Towards the eastern and northern extremities of the Polynesian Islands -we find that the canoes have a single outrigger, and that the ends -of the outrigger poles are attached directly to the outrigger log, -instead of being connected with it by upright supports, as is the case -elsewhere. As the outrigger log is on a lower level than the line of -the gunwales of the canoe, across which the other ends of the outrigger -poles are lashed, they are generally curved downwards to meet the -outrigger. - -This is the form described by La Perouse in Easter Island. It is -the same in the drawings of canoes from Marquesas; also in the one, -figured by Wilkes, from Wytoohee or Disappointment Isle, in the Low -Archipelago; and in the one from Tahiti, Society Isles; also in those -of the Sandwich Isles and the Kingsmill Isles; and it reappears again -on the extreme west of the group in Ceylon, No. 1265 of my collection. - -But whilst this peculiarity appears to be constant in the -above-mentioned region, the form of the body of the canoe differs in -each group of islands. In the Marquesas the bow turns up very much, in -the Sandwich Islands only slightly (No. 1264); in Disappointment Isle -there is a projecting part before and behind, by which they step into -it; in Tahiti they have a similar projection over the stern only, which -is used for a similar purpose. - -To the westward of these, in a group extending over the centre of the -region in question, all the outriggers that I have seen described, -either by means of models or drawings, have upright supports on the -upper side, and on these the outrigger poles rest, so as to be on the -level of the line of the gunwales. This is the case in Nuie or Savage -Island; in Samoa (No. 1262); in the Caroline Isles; in Bowditch Island, -one of the Union group; in Tonga and Fiji; in New Guinea; in the -Louisiade Archipelago, and in North Australia. - -Another peculiarity in this central region deserves notice. The ends -of the canoe are covered with a deck extending over about one-third of -its length fore and aft, and on this deck there is a row of upright -pegs, carved out of the same piece as the deck, and running down the -centre of it. Each peg is surmounted by a white _Cypraea ovula_ shell -tied on. The origin and meaning of this custom is unknown, but it was -probably adopted originally as insignia of the rank of the owner. Its -distribution is limited to a group of islands lying between about -the 10th and 20th parallel of south latitude, and 170 deg. and 180 deg. west -longitude. Cook, in 1773, speaks of it in the Friendly Isles; and -Wilkes, in 1838, mentions it in Samoa, Fiji, and Bowditch Island. -The canoes of the Solomon Isles and other islands are, however, also -ornamented with shells in different parts. - -The canoe with the single outrigger is also used in [Garret Dennis -Island], which is described by Dampier in 1686; in the Ladrones, by -Pigafetta, 1519; in the Pelew Islands; in Borneo; in Ceylon; in the -Nicobar and Andaman Islands. - -In Kingsmill and the Caroline Islands, to the north, the outrigger is -somewhat smaller than elsewhere, its length not exceeding one-third of -the length of the canoe. In the adjoining groups of the Kingsmill and -Ladrone Islands we have a variety of this vessel in which the canoe, on -the outrigger side, is nearly flat, having a belly only on the opposite -side. This is described by Wilkes in 1838, and Dampier in 1686. - -The double canoe represents a variety in which both logs of the -double-logged raft have developed into canoes. The two canoes are -placed side by side, at a little distance apart, and transverse spars -are lashed across the gunwales of both; a platform being built upon the -cross spars; No. 1266 of my collection. - -Double canoes of this kind were used in New Zealand formerly, also in -New Caledonia. Mr. Baines mentions it in North Australia, but I am not -aware that it is used in New Guinea. Cook speaks of it in the Friendly -Isles, Wilkes in Fiji. It was formerly used in Samoa, but Wilkes says -it has been discontinued, and the single outrigger only is now used; in -Tahiti; in the Low Archipelago, the inhabitants of which group are very -expert sailors, steering by the stars, and seldom making any material -error; in the Sandwich Isles; also in Ceylon, where it is called a -_paddy boat_; in Burmah and in some of the Indian rivers; at Mosapore, -where it goes by the name of _langardy_; and in Cochin, on the southern -portion of the Malabar coast, where it is employed as a ferry-boat. It -also appears, by a model in the India Museum, that it is used as high -up as Patna, on the Ganges. - -In Fiji we find a connecting link between the double canoe and the -canoe with the single outrigger. Here the outrigger consists of a boat, -similar in construction to the large one to which it is attached, -but smaller, and connected with the platform between them by upright -supports. - -Contrivances for sailing near the wind with the single outrigger canoe -have led to the introduction of several other varieties of this class -of vessel. It is necessary that the outrigger should always be on the -windward side. The outrigger acts as a weight on the windward side, to -prevent the narrow canoe from being blown over on the opposite side. -When it blows very hard, the men run out on to the outrigger, to give -it the additional weight of their bodies. Wilkes says that whenever -the outrigger gets to the leeward side, there is almost invariably an -upset. The outrigger probably is pressed too deeply into the water, -and meeting with too much resistance, breaks the poles. To meet this -difficulty both the canoe and outrigger are, in some parts, made -pointed at both ends. When they wish to tack, instead of luffing and -coming about, they bear away, until the vessel gets on the opposite -quarter, and then, by shifting the sail, they sail away again stern -first. This system is pursued in Fiji, in parts of New Guinea, and -northward, in Kingsmill Islands (Wilkes). - -Another mode of meeting this difficulty consists in having two -outriggers, one on each side. This is employed in the Louisiade -Archipelago (No. 1260), in parts of New Guinea, and to the north, in -the Sooloo Archipelago. Yet another method remains to be described. In -Samoa the canoes are built with bow and stern, and the outrigger is -pointed towards the fore part only. As these vessels can only sail one -way, the outrigger, in tacking, must necessarily be sometimes on the -leeward side; to meet this, they rig out a platform corresponding to -the outrigger platform on the opposite side; this, for distinction's -sake, we may term a _weather platform_. It has no outrigger log, nor -does it touch the water, but when the wind blows so heavily as to -press the outrigger down on the lee side, they run out on the weather -platform, and counterbalance the effect of the wind by their weight. -This contrivance is used in some parts of New Guinea, where, it may -be observed, the varieties of the outrigger canoe are more numerous -than in most of the other islands. It is also used in the Solomon -Isles, where the weather platform is of the same width as the outrigger -platform; and probably in some of the other islands to the north. - -Finally we have, in the Asiatic Archipelago, a contrivance which may -be said to be derived partly from the double outrigger, and partly -from the weather platform last described. In proportion as the simple -dug-out canoe began to be converted into a built-up vessel, and to -acquire greater beam, they began to depend less and less on the -support of the outrigger. The double outrigger necessarily presented -considerable resistance to the water, but the vessel was still too -narrow to sail by itself. A weather platform had, however, been -found sufficient to balance the vessel on one side, and the next -step was to knock off the outrigger log on the other side, thereby -converting the outrigger platform into a weather platform; the two -platforms projecting one on each side of the vessel, on the level of -the gunwales, without touching the water, and thereby acting on the -principle of the balancing-pole of a tight-rope dancer, whilst the -resistance to the water was by this means confined to that of the hull -of the vessel itself. These double weather-platform boats were also -found more convenient in inland waters, in the canals in Manilla, and -elsewhere. - -De Guignes, in 1796, mentions a contrivance of this sort in the -Philippines, but from the account, it is not quite clear whether he -refers to a double weather platform, or a vessel with an outrigger -and a weather platform. He says that the boats at Manilla are very -sharply built, and furnished with yards, which serve as _balances_, -on the windward side of which, when the wind blows hard, the sailors -place themselves to counterpoise the effect of the wind on the sails. -This contrivance does not, however, always ensure safety, for at times -the bamboos which form the balance break, in which case the boat -founders and the crew are lost. Dampier, however, in 1686, clearly -speaks of the double weather platform at Manilla. He says that the -difference between these Manilla boats and those at Guam, in the -Ladrones, is that, whereas at Guam there is a little boat, fastened to -the outriggers, that lies in the water, the beams or bamboos here are -fastened transverse-wise to the outlayers on each side, and touch not -the water like boats, but one, three, or four feet above the water, and -serve for the canoe-men to sit and row and paddle upon. He says, that -when the vessel reels, the ends of the platform dip into the water, -and the vessel rights itself. Still further north, at Rangoon, on the -Irrawaddy, we find the same contrivance described by Symes in 1795. -He says that the boats are long and narrow, sixty feet in length, and -not more than twelve in the widest place; they require a good deal of -ballast, and would have been in constant danger of upsetting, had they -not been provided with outriggers which, composed of thin boards, or -oftener of buoyant bamboos, make a platform that extends horizontally -six or seven feet on the outside of the boat from stem to stern. Thus -secure, he says, the vessel can incline no further than until the -platform touches the surface of the water, when she immediately rights; -on this stage the boatmen ply their oars. - -This constitutes one out of many points of evidence that might be -mentioned, serving to show that the arts and culture of the Burmese, -and of all this part of Asia, have been derived from the Malay -Archipelago more probably than the reverse. - -The outrigger canoe itself has never, I believe, been known on the -Irrawaddy within the memory of man, but, as already seen, it is used in -the Nicobar and Andaman Isles and on the coast to the south. - -These outriggers, or balancing platforms, appear gradually to have -diminished in size as the vessel increased in beam, and there can be -little doubt that the rude stages or balconies outside the gunwales -represented in the models of many of the larger vessels used in these -seas are the last vestiges of the outrigger. No. 1278 of my collection -is an example of this. - - -7. _Rudders, Sails, and other Contrivances._ - -All the various items of evidence which I have collected, and -endeavoured to elucidate by means of survivals, whether in relation to -modes of navigation or other branches of industry, appear to me to tend -towards establishing a gradual development of culture as we advance -northward. Although Buddhism and its concomitant civilization may have -come from the north, there has been an earlier and prehistoric flow of -culture in the opposite direction--northward--from the primaeval and -now submerged cradle of the human family in the southern hemisphere. -This, I venture to think, will establish itself more and more clearly, -in proportion as we divest ourselves of the numerous errors which -have arisen from our acceptance of the Noachian deluge as a universal -catastrophe. - -As human culture developed northward from the equator toward the 40th -parallel of latitude, civilization began to bud out in Egypt, India, -and China, and a great highway of nations was established by means of -ships along the southern margin of the land, from China to the Red Sea. - -Along this ocean highway may be traced many connexions in ship forms -which have survived from the earliest times. The _oculus_, which, -on the sacred boats of the Egyptians, represented the eye of Osiris -guiding the mummy of the departed across the sacred lake, is still seen -eastward--in India and China--converted into an ornamental device, -whilst westward it lived through the period of the Roman and Grecian -_biremes_ and _triremes_, and has survived to this day on the Maltese -rowing-boats and the _xebecque_ of Calabria, or has been converted -into a hawser-hole in modern European craft. The function of the -rudder--which in the primitive vessels of the southern world is still -performed by the paddlers, whilst paddling with their faces to the -prow--was confided, as sails began to be introduced, to the rearmost -oars. In some of the Egyptian sculptures the three hindermost rowers on -each side are seen steering the vessel with their oars. Ultimately one -greatly developed oar on each side of the stern performed this duty; -the _loom_ of which was attached to an upright beam on the deck, as -is still the case in some parts of India. In some of the larger Malay -_prahaus_ there are openings or windows in the stern, considerably -below the deck, by which the steersmen have access to two large -rudders, one on each side; each rudder being the vestige of a side oar. - -Throughout the Polynesian Islands the steering is performed with -either one or two greatly developed paddles. Both in the rudder of the -Egyptian sculptures and in the _gubernaculum_ of the Roman vessels, -we see the transition from the large double oar, one on each side, -to the single oar at the stern. The ship of Ptolemaeus Philopator -had four rudders, each thirty cubits in length (Smith's _Dict._, s. -v. 'Navis'). The Chinese and Japanese rudder is but a modification -of the oar, worked through large holes in the stern of the vessel; -which large holes, in the case of the Japanese, owe their preservation -to the orders of the Tycoon, who caused them to be retained in all -his vessels, in order to prevent his subjects from venturing far to -sea. The _buccina_, or shell trumpet, which is used especially on -board all canoes in the Pacific, from the coast of Peru to Ceylon, is -represented, together with the _gubernaculum_, in the hands of Tritons -in Roman sculptures (Smith's _Dict._, s. v. 'Navis'), and the shell -form of it was preserved in its metallic representatives. - -The sail, in its simplest form, consists of a triangular mat, with -bamboos lashed to the two longer sides. In New Guinea and some of the -other islands, this sail, which is here seen in its simplest form, is -simply put up on deck, with the apex downwards and the broad end up, -and kept up by stays fore and aft. When a separate mast was introduced, -this sail was hauled up by a halyard attached to one of the bamboos, -at the distance of about one-fifth of its length from the broad end, -the apex of the bamboo-edged mat being fastened forward by means of -a tack. By taking away the lower bamboo the sail became the _lateen_ -sail of the Malay pirate _proa_, the singular resemblance of which to -that of the Maltese galley of the eighteenth century (a resemblance -shared by all other parts of the two vessels) may be seen by two models -placed side by side in the Royal United Service Institution. Professor -Wilson observes that the use of the sail appears to be almost unknown -on either continent of America, and the surprise of the Spaniards on -first seeing one used on board a Peruvian _balza_ arose from this known -peculiarity of early American navigation (p. 218). Lahontan, however, -in 1684, says that the Canadian bark canoes, though usually propelled -by paddles, sometimes carried a small sail. He does not, however, say -whether the knowledge of these has been derived from Europeans. Mr. -Lloyd also mentions small sails used with bark canoes in Newfoundland. - -The _crow's-nest_, which in the Egyptian vessels served to contain -a slinger or an archer at the top of the mast, and which is also -represented in the Assyrian sculptures, was still used for the same -purpose in Europe in the fifteenth century, was modified in the -sixteenth century, and became the mast-head so well known to midshipmen -in our own time. The two raised platforms, which in the Egyptian -vessels served to contain the man with the fathoming pole in the fore -part, and the steersman behind, became the _prora_ and the _puppis_ -of the Romans, and the _forecastle_ and _poop_ of modern European -vessels. The _aplustre_, which, in the form of a lotus, ornamented the -stern of the Egyptian war-craft, gave the form to the _aplustre_ of the -Greeks and Romans, and may still be seen on the stern of the Burmese -war-boats at the present time. - - * * * * * - -All these numerous examples serve to show that where civilization has -advanced the forms have been gradually changed; where, on the other -hand, it has not advanced, they have remained unchanged. Sir Gardner -Wilkinson and others have pointed out the striking resemblance between -the boats of the ancient Egyptians and those of modern India. 'The -form of the stern, the principle and construction of the rudder, the -cabins, the square sail, the copper eye on each side of the head, the -line of small squares at the side, like false windows, and the shape -of the oars of boats used on the Ganges, forcibly call to mind,' he -says, 'those of the Nile, represented in the paintings of the Theban -tombs.' We have also seen (p. 214) that the inflated sheep-skin still -serves to transport the Mesopotamian peasant across the Euphrates, as -it did when Nimroud was a thriving city. The skin and wicker tub-shaped -vessels still float down the Euphrates with their cargoes to Baghdad, -are broken up, and the skins carried up the river again on mules, as -they were in the time of Herodotus, upwards of 2,000 years ago. What -is there to prevent our believing that the primitive vessels which we -have been describing in the southern hemisphere, the representatives of -some of which have been discovered in river deposits of the stone age -in Europe, may have been in use in the countries in which they are now -found, as long, and longer--far longer? - -What reason is there to doubt that the rude bark-float of the -Australian, the Tasmanian, and the Ethiopian; the catamaran of the -Papuan; the dug-out of the New Zealander; the built-up canoe of -the Samoan; and the improved ribbed vessel of the Ke islander, are -survivals representing successive stages in the development of the art -of ship-building, not lapses to ruder methods of construction as the -result of degradation; that each stage supplies us with examples of -what was at one time the perfection of the art, inconceivable ages ago? -Some, as we have seen, especially the more primitive kinds, spread -nearly all over the world, whilst others had a more limited area of -distribution. Taken together, they enable us to trace back the history -of ship-building from the time of the earliest Egyptian sculptures to -the commencement of the art. - -Nor does the interest of this inquiry confine itself to the development -of ship-building. As affecting the means of locomotion, it throws light -on the development of other branches of culture in early times. For -even if we set aside exceptional instances in which individual canoes -have been driven away to great distances--such as the case in which -an Esquimaux in his kayak was picked up off the coast of Aberdeen, or -that of a Chinese junk having been wrecked on the north-west coast of -America, which might or might not have produced permanent results--and -confine ourselves to those cases in which the distribution of like -forms of vessels proves that there must probably have been frequent -communication between shore and shore; and if we further assume, as I -propose to do, that the existing means of communication in the Pacific -in a great measure represents the amount of intercourse that took place -across the sea in prehistoric times, that is to say, in times prior to -the earliest Egyptian sculptures, we find no difficulty in accounting, -by this means, for the striking similarity observable in the arts and -ideas of savages in distant lands; for not only have these vessels -been the means of conveying from place to place the material form of -implements, such as celts, stone knives, and so forth, which, being -imperishable, have been handed down to us unchanged, and the forms of -which we know to have spread over large geographic areas; but also each -voyage has conveyed a boat-load of ideas, of which no material record -remains, in the shape of myths, religions, and superstitions, which -have been emptied out upon the seashore, to seek affinity with other -chatter that was indigenous to the place. - -Thus, by means of intercommunication, no less than by spontaneous -development, have been formed those numerous combinations which so -greatly puzzle the student of culture at the present time. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[219] A Paper read at the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain -and Ireland on December 22, 1874, and published in the _Journal_ of -the Institute, vol. iv (1875), pp. 399-435. (N.B.--This paper was -not furnished by the author with either plates or references. The -latter have been supplied, so far as possible, on pp. 229 ff.: for -illustrations, reference should be made to the section on Navigation in -the Pitt-Rivers Museum, Oxford.--ED.) - -[220] (The _Catalogue of the Anthropological Collection lent by Col. -Lane Fox to Bethnal Green Museum_ (London, 1874, parts i and ii) only -contains 'Weapons'; part iii was never issued.--ED.) - -[221] _Notes and Queries on Anthropology, for the Use of Travellers -and Residents in Uncivilized Lands_, drawn up by a Committee appointed -by the British Association for the Advancement of Science (1874); 3rd -edition, 1899, published by the Anthropological Institute, 3 Hanover -Square, W. - -[222] 'Primitive Warfare,' pp. 127-30, 148-51, above. - -[223] Address to the Anthropological Department at the Brighton meeting -of the British Association, 1872. _Report Brit. Assoc._ (London, 1873), -p. 161. - -[224] Since writing this I have seen the illustration in Sir H. -Rawlinson's note to this passage, in which he gives it as his opinion -that this is the meaning and use to be ascribed to these pins; and he -says that this system is still employed in Egypt, where they raise an -extra bulwark above the gunwale. Rawlinson, _Herodotus_ (1862), vol. -ii. p. 132. - -[225] _Denmark in the Early Iron Age_, by Conrad Engelhardt (London, -1866), p. 31. - -[226] 'On Vessels of Papyrus,' by John Hogg, Esq., M.A., F.L.S.; -_Magazine of Nat. Hist._, vol. ii (1829), pp. 324-32: cf. p. 206, above. - - - - -NOTES TO 'EARLY MODES OF NAVIGATION' - - -P. 189. Steinitz, _The Ship: its Origin and Progress_ (London, 1849), -Pl. ii (frontispiece): cf. pp. ix, 4. - - Gregory, 'Expedition to the NW. coast of Australia,' _Roy. Geogr. - Soc. Journal_, xxxii. (1862) p. 376. - -P. 190. Cook, _Voyages_ (ed. London, 1842), vol. i. p. 204. - - Kitto, _Pictorial Bible_, note on 2 Sam. xix. 18. - - Pliny, ix. 10 (cf. vi. 24); Diodorus, iii. 21, 5; Strabo, p. 773; - turtle-shell boats were in actual use among the 'Turtle-eaters' - (_Chelonophagi_) of Carmania and the islands of the Red Sea. - -P. 191. Kalm, _Travels into North America_ (London, 1771), vol. ii. pp. -38-9. - - Raleigh's Expedition; Amadas and Barlawe, _The First Voyage to the - Coasts of America_ (= Pinkerton (1811), vol. xii. p. 567). - - Columbus, _The Journal of Christopher Columbus, &c._; transl. - Markham (Hakluyt Society, 1893), p. 39, mentions dug-out canoes - (cf. pp. 58, 94), but not the use of fire. - - Mouat, _Adventures and Researches among the Andaman Islanders_ - (London, 1863), pp. 315-6; only hand-hollowing in use in his time: - no mention of Blair here: perhaps a verbal communication to the - author. - - Symes, _An Account of an Embassy to the Kingdom of Ava_ in 1795 - (London, 1800), p. 320 (= Pinkerton (1811), vol. ix. p. 500). - - Turner, _Nineteen Years in Polynesia_ (London, 1861), pp. 425-6. - -P. 192. Wood, _Natural History of Man_ (London, 1868-70), vol. ii. p. -732. - -P. 193. Wilkes, _United States Exploring Expedition_ (Philadelphia, -1845), vol. ii. p. 150 (Samoa); vol. v. p. 322 (Manilla); vol. v. p. -353 (Sooloo). - - De Guignes, _Voyages a Peking, Manille, et l'Ile de France_ (Paris, - 1808), vol. iii. p. 402. - - De Morga, _The Philippine Islands_ (1609); transl. by Hon. H. E. - Stanley (Hakluyt Society, 1868), p. 272; two types, (_a_) 'made - of one very large tree'; (_b_) 'also _vireys_ and _barangays_ ... - joined together with wooden bolts.' - - Symes, _An Account of an Embassy to the Kingdom of Ava_ in 1795 - (London, 1800), p. 320 (= Pinkerton (1811), vol. ix. p. 500). - -P. 194. Turpin, _Histoire de Siam_ (Paris, 1771), vol. i. pp. 34-6. - - Pietro della Valle, _Viaggi_ (Brighton, 1843), vol. i. pp. 602-3. - - Duarte Barbosa (Magellan), _A Description of the Coasts of East - Africa and Malabar_ (1514); transl. by Hon. H. E. Stanley (Hakluyt - Society, 1866), p. 9. - - Livingstone, _Missionary Travels and Researches in South Africa_ - (London, 1857), p. 64. - - Barth, _Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa_ - (London, 1857), vol. ii. p. 469; the tributary is the _Faro_; Yola - is the adjacent town. - - Grant, _Walk across Africa_ (London, 1864), p. 304. - - Condamine, M. de la, _Relation abregee d'un voyage fait dans - l'interieur de l'Amerique meridionale_ (Paris, 1745), p. 63 (at - Laguna). - -P. 195. Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_ (London, 1862), vol. i. p. 169. - - Bartram, _Travels through N. and S. Carolina, Georgia, &c._ - (London, 1792), p. 225. - - Kalm, _Travels into N. America_ (London, 1771), vol. ii. pp. 240-2. - - Pliny, xvi. 40 _Germaniae praedones singulis arboribus cavatis - navigant, quarum quaedam et triginta homines ferunt._ - - Keller, _Lake Dwellings of Switzerland_ (transl. by J. E. Lee, 2nd - ed., 1878), p. 45, Pl. x. 8. - - Sir W. Wilde, _Catalogue of the Antiquities of the Museum of the - Royal Irish Academy_ (Dublin, 1863), vol. i. pp. 202-4. - - Ware, _The Antiquities and History of Ireland_ (London, 1705), p. - 47. - - Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_ (London, 1862), vol. i. pp. 153, 160. - -P. 197. Cook, _Voyages_ (London, 1842), vol. i. p. 193. - -P. 197. Barth, _Travels_ (London, 1857), vol. ii. p. 469. - - Byron, _An Account of the Voyages undertaken ... for making - Discoveries in the Southern Hemisphere ... by Commodore Byron, - &c._, by John Hawksworth (London, 1773), vol. i. p. 79. - -P. 198. Duarte Barbosa, _A Description_, &c. (Hakluyt Society, 1866), -pp. 14-15. - - Denham and Clapperton, _Travels in Northern and Central Africa_ - (London, 1826), p. 60 (Denham). - - Barth, _Travels_ (London, 1857), vol. iii. p. 293. - - Grant, _Walk across Africa_ (London, 1864), p. 196. - -P. 199. Cook, _Voyages_ (1842), vol. i. p. 425 (Friendly Islands); pp. -95-7 (Otaheite). - - La Perouse, _Voyage autour du monde_ (Paris, 1897), Atlas, No. 61. - - Wilkes, _United States Exploring Expedition_ (Philadelphia, 1845), - vol. i. pp. 331-2 (Wytoohee); vol. ii. p. 157 (Samoa). - -P. 200. Williams, _Fiji and the Fijians_ (London, 1858), vol. i. pp. -71-6. - - Wilkes, l. c., vol. v. p. 52. - - Wallace, _The Malay Archipelago_ (London, 1869), vol. ii. p. 159 - (the long journey); p. 92 (nail-less boats); pp. 183-6 (the Ke - islanders). [The author's text has been amended to conform with the - statements of Wallace.--ED.] - -P. 201. Dampier, _A New Voyage round the World_ (London, 1729), vol. i. -p. 429. - - Turpin, _Histoire de Siam_ (Paris, 1771), vol. i. p. 36. - -P. 202. Duarte Barbosa (Magellan), _A Description_, &c. (Hakluyt, -1866), pp. 147-8. - - Marco Polo, _Travels_, transl. by Sir H. Yule (London, 1903), vol. - i. p. 108. - -P. 203. Lobo, _A Voyage to Abyssinia_ (London, 1735), p. 24. - - Isaiah xviii. 2; see Kitto's _Pictorial Bible_, note on 2 Sam. xix. - 18. - -P. 204. Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_ (1862), vol. i. p. 169. - - Sir Gardner Wilkinson, _The Manners and Customs of Ancient Egypt_, - 3rd ed., 1878, vol. ii. p. 208, No. 403 (No. 399, 1st ed.). - - Lucan, _Pharsalia_, iv. 136 _Conseritur bibula Memphitica cymba - papyro._ - - Plutarch, _de Iride et Osiride_, 18. - - Pliny, vii. 56 _Nave primus in Graeciam ex Aegypto Danaus advenit: - ante ratibus navigabatur, inventis in Mari Rubro inter insulas a - rege Erythra_ (cf. ix. 10, and note on p. 190 above). _Reperiuntur, - qui Mysos et Troianos priores excogitasse, cum transirent adversus - Thracas. Etiam nunc in Britannico Oceano vitiles corio circumsutae - fiunt: in Nilo ex papyro, et scirpo, et arundine._ [The quotation, - as given in _J.A.I._, iv. 414, is inaccurate.--ED.] - - Huxley, _Trans. Int. Congr. Preh. Arch._, Norwich, 1868 (London, - 1869), p. 92; see also p. 147 above. - -P. 205. Owen, _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._, vol. iv. p. 240. - - Rosellini, _Monumenti dell' Egitto e della Nubia_ (Pisa, 1834), - Mon. Civ., Pl. cxix. 1, cxvii. 3 (= Plate XV. 109-11 herewith). - -P. 206. Prideaux; Markham, _A History of the Abyssinian Expedition, -with a chapter ... by Lieut. W. F. Prideaux_ (London, 1869), p. 101. - - Denon, _Voyages dans la Basse et la Haute Egypte_ (London, 1807), - vol. ii. p. 72. - - Belzoni, _Narrative of Operations and Recent Discoveries ... in - Egypt and Nubia_ (London, 1820), p. 62; (holds nine persons). - - Bruce, _Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile_ (London, 1790), - vol. v. p. 6. - -P. 207. Pliny, xiii. 2 refers to wooden boats; v. 2 to wickerwork: -_ibi Aethiopicae conveniunt naves: namque eas plicatiles humeris -transferunt, quoties ad cataractas ventum est_. - - Belzoni, _Narrative of Operations_ (London, 1820), pp. 380-1. - - Pliny, v. 2 (above). Lucan, _Phars._ iv. 136 (above). - - Herodotus, ii. 96. Wilkinson (Birch), 3rd ed., vol. ii. p. 307. - -P. 208. Homer, _Odyssey_, v. 241-261. Smith, _Dict. Gr. and Rom. -Antiq._, s. v. 'Navis.' - - Nydam boat. Engelhardt, _Denmark in the Early Iron Age_ (London, - 1866), pp. 29-39, Pl. i-iv. - - Tacitus, _Germania_, 44. - -P. 210. Regnard, _OEuvres_ (Paris, 1854), vol. i, _Voyage de Laponie_, -pp. 51, 100. - - Outhier, _Journal d'un Voyage au Nord, en 1736 et 1737_ (Paris, - 1744), pp. 60-1. - - Bell, _Travels from St. Petersburg in Russia to diverse parts of - Asia_ (Glasgow, 1763), vol. i. p. 168 ff. - - Atkinson, _Oriental and Western Siberia_ (London, 1858), pp. 14-15. - -P. 211. Belzoni, _Narrative of Operations, &c. ... in Egypt and Nubia_ -(1820), p. 62. - -P. 212. Wilkes, _U. S. Exploring Expedition_ (Philadelphia, 1845), vol. -i. p. 127. [Pritchard.] - - Kalm, _Travels into North America_ (London, 1771), vol. ii. p. 298. - - Lahontan, _New Voyages to North America_ (London, 1735), vol. i. - pp. 26-9. - -P. 213. Lane-Fox (Pitt-Rivers), _Report of the British Association_, -Brighton, 1872 (London, 1873), p. 163. - - Steinitz, _The Ship: its Origin and Progress_ (London, 1849), Pl. - xvi. 6. - -P. 214. Layard, _Nineveh and its Remains_ (7th ed., London, 1848), vol. -ii. pp. 381-2. Cf. Herodotus, i. 194. - - Lempriere, _A Tour from Gibraltar to Tangier_ (London, 1793), p. - 421. - -P. 215. Herodotus, i. 194. - - Kitto, _Pictorial Bible_, note on 2 Sam. xix. 18. Layard, l. c. - - Hamilton (Alexander), _A New Account of the East Indies, 1688-1723_ - (Edinb. 1727), vol. i. p. 88. They are described, even later, by - Sir R. K. Porter, _Travels in Georgia_, &c., 1817-20 (London, - 1821-2), vol. ii. p. 260; and figured in Rawlinson, _Herodotus_ - (1862), vol. i. p. 268, after Chesney, _Expedition for the Survey - of the Euphrates and Tigris_ (London, 1850), vol. ii. - - Buchanan, _A Journey from Madras through the countries of Mysore, - Canara, and Malabar_ (London, 1807), vol. ii. pp. 121, 141, 151, - 163. - -P. 216. Cook, _Voyages_ (London, 1842), vol. ii. pp. 303-4. - - Frobisher, _The Three Voyages of Martin Frobisher_, ed. Collinson - (Hakluyt Society, 1867), p. 384. - - Kerguelen, _Relation d'un voyage dans la mer du Nord_ (Paris, - 1771), pp. 178-9. - - Kalm, _Travels into North America_ (London, 1771), vol. ii. p. 241; - iii. p. 16. - - Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_ (London, 1862), vol. i. p. 148. - -P. 217. Caesar, _de Bello Civili_, i. 54. - - Lucan, _Pharsalia_, iii. 131-5. - - Bellenden, _The History and Chronicles of Scotland_, &c. 1536 - (Edinburgh, 1821), vol. i. p. lix. - - Sir W. Wilde, _Catalogue ... of the Royal Irish Academy_ (Dublin, - 1863), vol. i. p. 204. - - Ulloa, _A Voyage to South America, 1735_ (London, 1807), vol. i. - pp. 182-5. - -P. 218. Bartolomew Ruiz. See Benzoni, _Historia del Mondo Nuovo_ -(Venice, 1572), p. 165 (figure): reproduced in Benzoni (ed. Smyth: -Hakluyt Soc., 1857), p. 243: cf. Winsor, _Narrative and Critical -History of America_ (London, 1886), vol. ii. p. 508 (figure). - - Condamine, M. de la, _Relation abregee d'un voyage fait dans - l'interieur de l'Amerique meridionale_ (Paris, 1745), p. 30 (on the - Maranon, not the Chinchipe R.). 'Un expres que j'avois depeche de - Tupenda ... avoit franchi tous ces obstacles sur un petit radeau - fait avec deux ou trois pieces de bois, ce qui suffit a un Indien - nud et excellent nageur, comme ils le sont tous.' - - Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_ (London, 1862), vol. i. p. 177. - -P. 219. Bonwick, _Daily Life of the Tasmanians_ (London, 1870), p. 51. - - Williams, _Fiji and the Fijians_ (London, 1858), vol. i. p. 76. - -P. 220. La Perouse, _Voyage autour du monde_ (Paris, 1797), vol. ii. p. -94. - - Wilkes, _U. S. Exploring Expedition_ (Philadelphia, 1845), vol. i. - p. 331. - - Cook, _Voyages_ (London, 1842), vol. i. p. 425. - - Wilkes, l. c, vol. ii. p. 151 (Samoa); iii. pp. 365-6 (Fiji); v. - pp. 11-12 (Bowditch Island). - -P. 221. Dampier, _A New Voyage round the World_ (London, 1729), vol. -i. p. 215 (at Guam in the Ladrones; elsewhere he notes them 'only at -Mindanao' in the Philippines, pp. 298-300). - -P. 221. Pigafetta, _Voyage round the World_ (= Pinkerton (1811), vol. -xi. p. 325). - - Wilkes, _U.S. Explor. Exped._ (Philadelphia, 1845), vol. v. p. 52 - (Kingsmill Is.). - - Dampier, _A New Voyage, &c._ (1729), vol. i. p. 298 (Kingsmill Is., - and Ladrones). - - Baines, quoted in Wood, _Nat. Hist. of Man_ (London, 1868), vol. - ii. p. 8. - - Cook, _Voyages_ (London, 1842), vol. i. p. 425. - - Wilkes, l. c., vol. iii. p. 365 (Fiji); ii. p. 151 (Samoa). - -P. 222. Wilkes, l. c., vol. iii. p. 365 (Fiji); v. p. 52 (Kingsmill). - -P. 223. De Guignes, _Voyages a Peking, Manille, et l'Ile de France_ -(Paris, 1808), vol. iii. p. 402. - - Dampier, _A New Voyage round the World_ (London, 1729), pp. 298-300. - - Symes, _An Account of an Embassy to the Kingdom of Ava_ in 1795 - (London, 1800), p. 223 (= Pinkerton (1811), vol. ix. p. 455). - -P. 226. Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_ (London, 1862), vol. i. p. 175. - - Lahontan, _New Voyage to North America_ (London, 1735), vol. i. p. - 28. - - Lloyd, _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._, vol. iv. p. 28. - -P. 227. Wilkinson (Birch), _Manners and Customs of the Ancient -Egyptians_ (3rd ed., London, 1878), vol. ii. p. 219. - - - - -Oxford: Printed at the Clarendon Press by HORACE HART, M.A. - - - - - * * * * * - - - - -Transcriber's Note - - -Illustrations have been moved next to the text which they illustrate. - - -The following apparent mistakes have been corrected: - -p. xvi "parodoxical" changed to "paradoxical" - -p. 35 "haves hown" changed to "have shown" - -p. 46 "which I I am" changed to "which I am" - -p. 51 "which they resemble." changed to "which they resemble.[19]" - -p. 56 (note) "172-80" changed to "172-80." - -p. 62 (note) "DC." changed to "D.C." - -p. 76 "glaves" changed to "glaives" - -Plate XVI. "AUSTRALIAN SHIELDS" changed to "AUSTRALIAN SHIELDS." - -p. 158 "Pescheira" changed to "Peschiera" - -p. 172 "the Caucasus:" changed to "the Caucasus;" - -p. 186 (note) "The former" changed to "The latter" - -p. 198 "mats'." changed to "mats.'" - -p. 198 "persons'." changed to "persons.'" - -p. 214 "Bagdad" changed to "Baghdad" - - -The following possible mistakes have been left as printed: - -p. 31 use it. - -p. 72 (1846), vol. ii. 1. p. - - -The following are used inconsistently in the text: - -blowpipe and blow-pipe - -Butan and Bootan - -cocoa-nut and coco-nut - -firearms and fire-arms - -gipsies and Gipsies - -pl. and Pl. - -sheepskin and sheep-skin - -shipbuilding and ship-building - -wickerwork and wicker-work - -Inconsistent punctuation in plates XV and XVI has been retained. - - - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Evolution of Culture, by -Augustus Henry Lane-Fox Pitt-Rivers - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE EVOLUTION OF CULTURE *** - -***** This file should be named 44844.txt or 44844.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/4/8/4/44844/ - -Produced by Henry Flower and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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