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+<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" lang="en">
+ <head>
+ <title>
+ An Inquiry Into the Nature and Progress of Rent, by The Rev. T. R. Malthus
+ </title>
+ <style type="text/css" xml:space="preserve">
+
+ body { margin:5%; background:#faebd0; text-align:justify}
+ P { text-indent: 1em; margin-top: .25em; margin-bottom: .25em; }
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+ hr { width: 50%; text-align: center;}
+ .foot { margin-left: 20%; margin-right: 20%; text-align: justify; text-indent: -3em; font-size: 90%; }
+ blockquote {font-size: 97%; font-style: italic; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%;}
+ .mynote {background-color: #DDE; color: #000; padding: .5em; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-family: sans-serif; font-size: 95%;}
+ .toc { margin-left: 10%; margin-bottom: .75em;}
+ .toc2 { margin-left: 20%;}
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+<pre xml:space="preserve">
+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Nature and Progress of Rent, by Thomas Malthus
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Nature and Progress of Rent
+
+Author: Thomas Malthus
+
+Release Date: January 12, 2010 [EBook #4336]
+Last Updated: February 6, 2013
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NATURE AND PROGRESS OF RENT ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Charles Aldarondo, and David Widger
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+ <p>
+ <br /><br />
+ </p>
+ <h1>
+ AN INQUIRY INTO THE NATURE AND PROGRESS OF RENT
+ </h1>
+ <h2>
+ AND THE PRINCIPLES BY WHICH IT IS REGULATED.
+ </h2>
+ <p>
+ <br />
+ </p>
+ <h2>
+ By The Rev. T. R. Malthus
+ </h2>
+ <h4>
+ <i>Professor of History and Political Economy <br />In the East India
+ College, Hertfordshire</i>
+ </h4>
+ <p>
+ <br /><br />
+ </p>
+ <h5>
+ LONDON: <br /> <br /> PRINTED FOR JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET. <br /> <br />
+ 1815.
+ </h5>
+ <p>
+ <br /> <br />
+ </p>
+ <hr />
+ <p>
+ <br /> <br />
+ </p>
+ <table summary="" style="margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto">
+ <tr>
+ <td>
+ <p class="toc">
+ <a href="#link2H_4_0001"> Advertisement </a>
+ </p>
+ <br />
+ <p class="toc">
+ <a href="#link2H_4_0002"> <b>RENT &amp;c.</b> </a>
+ </p>
+ <br />
+ <p class="toc">
+ <a href="#link2H_FOOT"> FOOTNOTES </a>
+ </p>
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+ </table>
+ <p>
+ <br /> <br />
+ </p>
+ <hr />
+ <p>
+ <br /> <br /> <a name="link2H_4_0001" id="link2H_4_0001">
+ <!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
+ </p>
+ <div style="height: 4em;">
+ <br /><br /><br /><br />
+ </div>
+ <h2>
+ Advertisement
+ </h2>
+ <p>
+ The following tract contains the substance of some notes on rent, which,
+ with others on different subjects relating to political economy, I have
+ collected in the course of my professional duties at the East India
+ College. It has been my intention, at some time or other, to put them in a
+ form for publication; and the very near connection of the subject of the
+ present inquiry, with the topics immediately under discussion, has induced
+ me to hasten its appearance at the present moment. It is the duty of those
+ who have any means of contributing to the public stock of knowledge, not
+ only to do so, but to do it at the time when it is most likely to be
+ useful. If the nature of the disquisition should appear to the reader
+ hardly to suit the form of a pamphlet, my apology must be, that it was not
+ originally intended for so ephemeral a shape.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <br /> <br />
+ </p>
+ <hr />
+ <p>
+ <br /> <br /> <a name="link2H_4_0002" id="link2H_4_0002">
+ <!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
+ </p>
+ <h1>
+ RENT &amp;c.
+ </h1>
+ <p>
+ <br />
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The rent of land is a portion of the national revenue, which has always
+ been considered as of very high importance.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ According to Adam Smith, it is one of the three original sources of
+ wealth, on which the three great divisions of society are supported.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ By the Economists it is so pre-eminently distinguished, that it is
+ considered as exclusively entitled to the name of riches, and the sole
+ fund which is capable of supporting the taxes of the state, and on which
+ they ultimately fall.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ And it has, perhaps, a particular claim to our attention at the present
+ moment, on account of the discussions which are going on respecting the
+ corn laws, and the effects of rent on the price of raw produce, and the
+ progress of agricultural improvement.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The rent of land may be defined to be that portion of the value of the
+ whole produce which remains to the owner of the land, after all the
+ outgoings belonging to its cultivation, of whatever kind, have been paid,
+ including the profits of the capital employed, estimated according to the
+ usual and ordinary rate of the profits of agricultural stock at the time
+ being.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It sometimes happens, that from accidental and temporary circumstances,
+ the farmer pays more, or less, than this; but this is the point towards
+ which the actual rents paid are constantly gravitating, and which is
+ therefore always referred to when the term is used in a general sense.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The immediate cause of rent is obviously the excess of price above the
+ cost of production at which raw produce sells in the market.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The first object therefore which presents itself for inquiry, is the cause
+ or causes of the high price of raw produce.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ After very careful and repeated revisions of the subject, I do not find
+ myself able to agree entirely in the view taken of it, either by Adam
+ Smith, or the Economists; and still less, by some more modern writers.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Almost all these writers appear to me to consider rent as too nearly
+ resembling in its nature, and the laws by which it is governed, the excess
+ of price above the cost of production, which is the characteristic of a
+ monopoly.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Adam Smith, though in some parts of the eleventh chapter of his first book
+ he contemplates rent quite in its true light, <a href="#linknote-1"
+ name="linknoteref-1" id="linknoteref-1">1</a> and has interspersed through
+ his work more just observations on the subject than any other writer, has
+ not explained the most essential cause of the high price of raw produce
+ with sufficient distinctness, though he often touches on it; and by
+ applying occasionally the term monopoly to the rent of land, without
+ stopping to mark its more radical peculiarities, he leaves the reader
+ without a definite impression of the real difference between the cause of
+ the high price of the necessaries of life, and of monopolized commodities.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Some of the views which the Economists have taken of the nature of rent
+ appear to me, in like manner, to be quite just; but they have mixed them
+ with so much error, and have drawn such preposterous and contradictory
+ conclusions from them, that what is true in their doctrines, has been
+ obscured and lost in the mass of superincumbent error, and has in
+ consequence produced little effect. Their great practical conclusion,
+ namely, the propriety of taxing exclusively the net rents of the
+ landlords, evidently depends upon their considering these rents as
+ completely disposable, like that excess of price above the cost of
+ production which distinguishes a common monopoly.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ M. Say, in his valuable treatise on political economy, in which he has
+ explained with great clearness many points which have not been
+ sufficiently developed by Adam Smith, has not treated the subject of rent
+ in a manner entirely satisfactory. In speaking of the different natural
+ agents which, as well as the land, co-operate with the labours of man, he
+ observes, 'Heureusement personne n'a pu dire le vent et le soleil
+ m'appartiennent, et le service qu'ils rendent doit m'etre paye.' <a
+ href="#linknote-2" name="linknoteref-2" id="linknoteref-2">2</a> And,
+ though he acknowledges that, for obvious reasons, property in land is
+ necessary, yet he evidently considers rent as almost exclusively owing to
+ such appropriation, and to external demand.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In the excellent work of M. de Sismondi, De la richesse commerciale, he
+ says in a note on the subject of rent, 'Cette partie de la rente fonciere
+ est celle que les Economistes ont decoree du nom du produit net comme
+ etant le seul fruit du travail qui aj outat quelquechose a la richesse
+ nationale. On pourrait au contraire soutenir contre eux, que c'est la
+ seule partie du produit du travail, dont la valeur soit purement nominale,
+ et n'ait rien de reelle: c'est en effet le resultat de l'augmentation de
+ prix qu'obtient un vendeur en vertu de son privilege, sans que la chose
+ vendue en vaille reellement d'avantage.' <a href="#linknote-3"
+ name="linknoteref-3" id="linknoteref-3">3</a> The prevailing opinions
+ among the more modern writers in our own country, have appeared to me to
+ incline towards a similar view of the subject; and, not to multiply
+ citations, I shall only add, that in a very respectable edition of the
+ Wealth of nations, lately published by Mr Buchanan, of Edinburgh, the idea
+ of monopoly is pushed still further. And while former writers, though they
+ considered rent as governed by the laws of monopoly, were still of opinion
+ that this monopoly in the case of land was necessary and useful, Mr
+ Buchanan sometimes speaks of it even as prejudicial, and as depriving the
+ consumer of what it gives to the landlord.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In treating of productive and unproductive labour in the last volume, he
+ observes, <a href="#linknote-4" name="linknoteref-4" id="linknoteref-4">4</a>
+ that, 'The net surplus by which the Economists estimate the utility of
+ agriculture, plainly arises from the high price of its produce, which,
+ however advantageous to the landlord who receives it, is surely no
+ advantage to the consumer who pays it. Were the produce of agriculture to
+ be sold for a lower price, the same net surplus would not remain, after
+ defraying the expenses of cultivation; but agriculture would be still
+ equally productive to the general stock; and the only difference would be,
+ that as the landlord was formerly enriched by the high price, at the
+ expense of the community, the community would now profit by the low price
+ at the expense of the landlord. The high price in which the rent or net
+ surplus originates, while it enriches the landlord who has the produce of
+ agriculture to sell, diminishes in the same proportion the wealth of those
+ who are its purchasers; and on this account it is quite inaccurate to
+ consider the landlord's rent as a clear addition to the national wealth.'
+ In other parts of his work he uses the same, or even stronger language,
+ and in a note on the subject of taxes, he speaks of the high price of the
+ produce of land as advantageous to those who receive it, it but
+ proportionably injurious to those who pay it. 'In this view,' he adds, 'it
+ can form no general addition to the stock of the community, as the net
+ surplus in question is nothing more than a revenue transferred from one
+ class to another, and from the mere circumstance of its thus changing
+ hands, it is clear that no fund can arise out of which to pay taxes. The
+ revenue which pays for the produce of land exists already in the hands of
+ those who purchase that produce; and, if the price of subsistence were
+ lower, it would still remain in their hands, where it would be just as
+ available for taxation, as when by a higher price it is transferred to the
+ landed proprietor.' <a href="#linknote-5" name="linknoteref-5"
+ id="linknoteref-5">5</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ That there are some circumstances connected with rent, which have an
+ affinity to a natural monopoly, will be readily allowed. The extent of the
+ earth itself is limited, and cannot be enlarged by human demand. And the
+ inequality of soils occasions, even at an early period of society a
+ comparative scarcity of the best lands; and so far is undoubtedly one of
+ the causes of rent properly so called. On this account, perhaps, the term
+ partial monopoly might be fairly applicable. But the scarcity of land,
+ thus implied, is by no means alone sufficient to produce the effects
+ observed. And a more accurate investigation of the subject will show us
+ how essentially different the high price of raw produce is, both in its
+ nature and origin, and the laws by which it is governed, from the high
+ price of a common monopoly.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The causes of the high price of raw produce may be stated to be three.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ First, and mainly, that quality of the earth, by which it can be made to
+ yield a greater portion of the necessaries of life than is required for
+ the maintenance of the persons employed on the land.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Secondly, that quality peculiar to the necessaries of life of being able
+ to create their own demand, or to raise up a number of demanders in
+ proportion to the quantity of necessaries produced.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ And, thirdly, the comparative scarcity of the most fertile land.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The qualities of the soil and of its products, here noticed as the primary
+ causes of the high price of raw produce, are the gifts of nature to man.
+ They are quite unconnected with monopoly, and yet are so absolutely
+ essential to the existence of rent, that without them, no degree of
+ scarcity or monopoly could have occasioned that excess of the price of raw
+ produce, above the cost of production, which shows itself in this form.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ If, for instance, the soil of the earth had been such, that, however well
+ directed might have been the industry of man, he could not have produced
+ from it more than was barely sufficient to maintain those, whose labour
+ and attention were necessary to its products; though, in this case, food
+ and raw materials would have been evidently scarcer than at present, and
+ the land might have been, in the same manner, monopolized by particular
+ owners; vet it is quite clear, that neither rent, nor any essential
+ surplus produce of the land in the form of high profits, could have
+ existed.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It is equally clear, that if the necessaries of life the most important
+ products of land&mdash;had not the property of creating an increase of
+ demand proportioned to their increased quantity, such increased quantity
+ would occasion a fall in their exchangeable value. However abundant might
+ be the produce of a country, its population might remain stationary And
+ this abundance, without a proportionate demand, and with a very high corn
+ price of labour, which would naturally take place under these
+ circumstances, might reduce the price of raw produce, like the price of
+ manufactures, to the cost of production.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It has been sometimes argued, that it is mistaking the principle of
+ population, to imagine, that the increase of food, or of raw produce
+ alone, can occasion a proportionate increase of population. This is no
+ doubt true; but it must be allowed, as has been justly observed by Adam
+ Smith, that 'when food is provided, it is comparatively easy to find the
+ necessary clothing and lodging. And it should always be recollected, that
+ land does not produce one commodity alone, but in addition to that most
+ indispensable of all commodities&mdash;food&mdash;it produces also the
+ materials for the other necessaries of life; and the labour required to
+ work up these materials is of course never excluded from the
+ consideration. <a href="#linknote-6" name="linknoteref-6"
+ id="linknoteref-6">6</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It is, therefore, strictly true, that land produces the necessaries of
+ life, produces food, materials, and labour, produces the means by which,
+ and by which alone, an increase of people may be brought into being, and
+ supported. In this respect it is fundamentally different from every other
+ kind of machine known to man; and it is natural to suppose, that it should
+ be attended with some peculiar effects.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ If the cotton machinery, in this country, were to go on increasing at its
+ present rate, or even much faster; but instead of producing one particular
+ sort of substance which may be used for some parts of dress and furniture,
+ etc. had the qualities of land, and could yield what, with the assistance
+ of a little labour, economy, and skill, could furnish food, clothing, and
+ lodging, in such proportions as to create an increase of population equal
+ to the increased supply of these necessaries; the demand for the products
+ of such improved machinery would continue in excess above the cost of
+ production, and this excess would no longer exclusively belong to the
+ machinery of the land. <a href="#linknote-7" name="linknoteref-7"
+ id="linknoteref-7">7</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ There is a radical difference in the cause of a demand for those objects
+ which are strictly necessary to the support of human life, and a demand
+ for all other commodities. In all other commodities the demand is exterior
+ to, and independent of, the production itself; and in the case of a
+ monopoly, whether natural or artificial, the excess of price is in
+ proportion to the smallness of the supply compared with the demand, while
+ this demand is comparatively unlimited. In the case of strict necessaries,
+ the existence and increase of the demand, or of the number of demanders,
+ must depend upon the existence and increase of these necessaries
+ themselves; and the excess of their price above the cost of their
+ production must depend upon, and is permanently limited by, the excess of
+ their quantity above the quantity necessary to maintain the labour
+ required to produce them; without which excess of quantity no demand could
+ have existed, according to the laws of nature, for more than was necessary
+ to support the producers.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It has been stated, in the new edition of the Wealth of nations, that the
+ cause of the high price of raw produce is, that such price is required to
+ proportion the consumption to the supply. <a href="#linknote-8"
+ name="linknoteref-8" id="linknoteref-8">8</a> This is also true, but it
+ affords no solution of the point in question. We still want to know why
+ the consumption and supply are such as to make the price so greatly exceed
+ the cost of production, and the main cause is evidently the fertility of
+ the earth in producing the necessaries of life. Diminish this plenty,
+ diminish the fertility of the soil, and the excess will diminish; diminish
+ it still further, and it will disappear. The cause of the high price of
+ the necessaries of life above the cost of production, is to be found in
+ their abundance, rather than their scarcity; and is not only essentially
+ different from the high price occasioned by artificial monopolies, but
+ from the high price of those peculiar products of the earth, not connected
+ with food, which may be called natural and necessary monopolies.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The produce of certain vineyards in France, which, from the peculiarity of
+ their soil and situation, exclusively yield wine of a certain flavour, is
+ sold of course at a price very far exceeding the cost of production. And
+ this is owing to the greatness of the competition for such wine, compared
+ with the scantiness of its supply; which confines the use of it to so
+ small a number of persons, that they are able, and rather than go without
+ it, willing, to give an excessively high price. But if the fertility of
+ these lands were increased, so as very considerably to increase the
+ produce, this produce might so fall in value as to diminish most
+ essentially the excess of its price above the cost of production. While,
+ on the other hand, if the vineyards were to become less productive, this
+ excess might increase to almost any extent.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The obvious cause of these effects is, that in all monopolies, properly so
+ called, whether natural or artificial, the demand is exterior to, and
+ independent of, the production itself. The number of persons who might
+ have a taste for scarce wines, and would be desirous of entering into a
+ competition for the purchase of them, might increase almost indefinitely,
+ while the produce itself was decreasing; and its price, therefore, would
+ have no other limit than the numbers, powers, and caprices, of the
+ competitors for it.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In the production of the necessaries of life, on the contrary, the demand
+ is dependent upon the produce itself; and the effects are, in consequence,
+ widely different. In this case, it is physically impossible that the
+ number of demanders should increase, while the quantity of produce
+ diminishes, as the demanders only exist by means of this produce. The
+ fertility of soil, and consequent abundance of produce from a certain
+ quantity of land, which, in the former case, diminished the excess of
+ price above the cost of production, is, in the present case, the specific
+ cause of such excess; and the diminished fertility, which in the former
+ case might increase the price to almost any excess above the cost of
+ production, may be safely asserted to be the sole cause which could
+ permanently maintain the necessaries of life at a price not exceeding the
+ cost of production.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Is it, then, possible to consider the price of the necessaries of life as
+ regulated upon the principle of a common monopoly? Is it possible, with M.
+ de Sismondi, to regard rent as the sole produce of labour, which has a
+ value purely nominal, and the mere result of that augmentation of price
+ which a seller obtains in consequence of a peculiar privilege; or, with Mr
+ Buchanan, to consider it as no addition to the national wealth, but merely
+ as a transfer of value, advantageous only to the landlords, and
+ proportionately injurious to the consumers?
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Is it not, on the contrary, a clear indication of a most inestimable
+ quality in the soil, which God has bestowed on man&mdash;the quality of
+ being able to maintain more persons than are necessary to work it? Is it
+ not a part, and we shall see further on that it is an absolutely necessary
+ part, of that surplus produce from the land, <a href="#linknote-9"
+ name="linknoteref-9" id="linknoteref-9">9</a> which has been justly stated
+ to be the source of all power and enjoyment; and without which, in fact,
+ there would be no cities, no military or naval force, no arts, no
+ learning, none of the finer manufactures, none of the conveniences and
+ luxuries of foreign countries, and none of that cultivated and polished
+ society, which not only elevates and dignifies individuals, but which
+ extends its beneficial influence through the whole mass of the people?
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In the early periods of society, or more remarkably perhaps, when the
+ knowledge and capital of an old society are employed upon fresh and
+ fertile land, this surplus produce, this bountiful gift of providence,
+ shows itself chiefly in extraordinary high profits, and extraordinary high
+ wages, and appears but little in the shape of rent. While fertile land is
+ in abundance, and may be had by whoever asks for it, nobody of course will
+ pay a rent to a landlord. But it is not consistent with the laws of
+ nature, and the limits and quality of the earth, that this state of things
+ should continue. Diversities of soil and situation must necessarily exist
+ in all countries. All land cannot be the most fertile: all situations
+ cannot be the nearest to navigable rivers and markets. But the
+ accumulation of capital beyond the means of employing it on land of the
+ greatest natural fertility, and the greatest advantage of situation, must
+ necessarily lower profits; while the tendency of population to increase
+ beyond the means of subsistence must, after a certain time, lower the
+ wages of labour.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The expense of production will thus be diminished, but the value of the
+ produce, that is, the quantity of labour, and of the other products of
+ labour besides corn, which it can command, instead of diminishing, will be
+ increased. There will be an increasing number of people demanding
+ subsistence, and ready to offer their services in any way in which they
+ can be useful. The exchangeable value of food will, therefore, be in
+ excess above the cost of production, including in this cost the full
+ profits of the stock employed upon the land, according to the actual rate
+ of profits, at the time being. And this excess is rent.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Nor is it possible that these rents should permanently remain as parts of
+ the profits of stock, or of the wages of labour. If such an accumulation
+ were to take place, as decidedly to lower the general profits of stock,
+ and, consequently, the expenses of cultivation, so as to make it answer to
+ cultivate poorer land; the cultivators of the richer land, if they paid no
+ rent, would cease to be mere farmers, or persons living upon the profits
+ of agricultural stock. They would unite the characters of farmers and
+ landlords&mdash;a union by no means uncommon; but which does not alter, in
+ any degree, the nature of rent, or its essential separation from profits.
+ If the general profits of stock were 20 per cent and particular portions
+ of land would yield 30 per cent on the capital employed, 10 per cent of
+ the 30 would obviously be rent, by whomsoever received.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It happens, indeed, sometimes, that from bad government, extravagant
+ habits, and a faulty constitution of society, the accumulation of capital
+ is stopped, while fertile land is in considerable plenty, in which case
+ profits may continue permanently very high; but even in this case wages
+ must necessarily fall, which by reducing the expenses of cultivation must
+ occasion rents. There is nothing so absolutely unavoidable in the progress
+ of society as the fall of wages, that is such a fall as, combined with the
+ habits of the labouring classes, will regulate the progress of population
+ according to the means of subsistence. And when, from the want of an
+ increase of capital, the increase of produce is checked, and the means of
+ subsistence come to a stand, the wages of labour must necessarily fall so
+ low, as only just to maintain the existing population, and to prevent any
+ increase.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ We observe in consequence, that in all those countries, such as Poland,
+ where, from the want of accumulation, the profits of stock remain very
+ high, and the progress of cultivation either proceeds very slowly, or is
+ entirely stopped, the wages of labour are extremely low. And this
+ cheapness of labour, by diminishing the expenses of cultivation, as far as
+ labour is concerned, counteracts the effects of the high profits of stock,
+ and generally leaves a larger rent to the landlord than in those
+ countries, such as America, where, by a rapid accumulation of stock, which
+ can still find advantageous employment, and a great demand for labour,
+ which is accompanied by an adequate increase of produce and population,
+ profits cannot be low, and labour for some considerable time remains very
+ high.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It may be laid down, therefore, as an incontrovertible truth, that as a
+ nation reaches any considerable degree of wealth, and any considerable
+ fullness of population, which of course cannot take place without a great
+ fall both in the profits of stock and the wages of labour, the separation
+ of rents, as a kind of fixture upon lands of a certain quality, is a law
+ as invariable as the action of the principle of gravity. And that rents
+ are neither a mere nominal value, nor a value unnecessarily and
+ injuriously transferred from one set of people to another; but a most real
+ and essential part of the whole value of the national property, and placed
+ by the laws of nature where they are, on the land, by whomsoever
+ possessed, whether the landlord, the crown, or the actual cultivator.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Rent then has been traced to the same common nature with that general
+ surplus from the land, which is the result of certain qualities of the
+ soil and its products; and it has been found to commence its separation
+ from profits, as soon as profits and wages fall, owing to the comparative
+ scarcity of fertile land in the natural progress of a country towards
+ wealth and population.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Having examined the nature and origin of rent, it remains for us to
+ consider the laws by which it is governed, and by which its increase or
+ decrease is regulated.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ When capital has accumulated, and labour fallen on the most eligible lands
+ of a country, other lands less favourably circumstanced with respect to
+ fertility or situation, may be occupied with advantage. The expenses of
+ cultivation, including profits, having fallen, poorer land, or land more
+ distant from markets, though yielding at first no rent, may fully repay
+ these expenses, and fully answer to the cultivator. And again, when either
+ the profits of stock or the wages of labour, or both, have still further
+ fallen, land still poorer, or still less favourably situated, may be taken
+ into cultivation. And, at every step, it is clear, that if the price of
+ produce does not fall, the rents of land will rise. And the price of
+ produce will not fall, as long as the industry and ingenuity of the
+ labouring classes, assisted by the capitals of those not employed upon the
+ land, can find something to give in exchange to the cultivators and
+ landlords, which will stimulate them to continue undiminished their
+ agricultural exertions, and maintain their increasing excess of produce.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In tracing more particularly the laws which govern the rise and fall of
+ rents, the main causes which diminish the expenses of cultivation, or
+ reduce the cost of the instruments of production, compared with the price
+ of produce, require to be more specifically enumerated. The principal of
+ these seem to be four: first, such an accumulation of capital as will
+ lower the profits of stock; secondly, such an increase of population as
+ will lower the wages of labour; thirdly, such agricultural improvements,
+ or such increase of exertions, as will diminish the number of labourers
+ necessary to produce a given effect; and fourthly, such an increase in the
+ price of agricultural produce, from increased demand, as without nominally
+ lowering the expense of production, will increase the difference between
+ this expense and the price of produce.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The operation of the three first causes in lowering the expenses of
+ cultivation, compared with the price of produce, are quite obvious; the
+ fourth requires a few further observations.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ If a great and continued demand should arise among surrounding nations for
+ the raw produce of a particular country, the price of this produce would
+ of course rise considerably; and the expenses of cultivation, rising only
+ slowly and gradually to the same proportion, the price of produce might
+ for a long time keep so much ahead, as to give a prodigious stimulus to
+ improvement, and encourage the employment of much capital in bringing
+ fresh land under cultivation, and rendering the old much more productive.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Nor would the effect be essentially different in a country which continued
+ to feed its own people, if instead of a demand for its raw produce, there
+ was the same increasing demand for its manufactures. These manufactures,
+ if from such a demand the value of their amount in foreign countries was
+ greatly to increase, would bring back a great increase of value in return,
+ which increase of value could not fail to increase the value of the raw
+ produce. The demand for agricultural as well as manufactured produce would
+ be augmented; and a considerable stimulus, though not perhaps to the same
+ extent as in the last case, would be given to every kind of improvement on
+ the land.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ A similar effect would be produced by the introduction of new machinery,
+ and a more judicious division of labour in manufactures. It almost always
+ happens in this case, not only that the quantity of manufactures is very
+ greatly increased, but that the value of the whole mass is augmented, from
+ the great extension of the demand for them, occasioned by their cheapness.
+ We see, in consequence, that in all rich manufacturing and commercial
+ countries, the value of manufactured and commercial products bears a very
+ high proportion to the raw products; <a href="#linknote-10"
+ name="linknoteref-10" id="linknoteref-10">10</a> whereas, in comparatively
+ poor countries, without much internal trade and foreign commerce, the
+ value of their raw produce constitutes almost the whole of their wealth.
+ If we suppose the wages of labour so to rise with the rise of produce, as
+ to give the labourer the same command of the means of subsistence as
+ before, yet if he is able to purchase a greater quantity of other
+ necessaries and conveniencies, both foreign and domestic, with the price
+ of a given quantity of corn, he may be equally well fed, clothed, and
+ lodged, and population may be equally encouraged, although the wages of
+ labour may not rise so high in proportion as the price of produce.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ And even when the price of labour does really rise in proportion to the
+ price of produce, which is a very rare case, and can only happen when the
+ demand for labour precedes, or is at least quite contemporary with the
+ demand for produce; it is so impossible that all the other outgoings in
+ which capital is expended, should rise precisely in the same proportion,
+ and at the same time, such as compositions for tithes, parish rates,
+ taxes, manure, and the fixed capital accumulated under the former low
+ prices, that a period of some continuance can scarcely fail to occur, when
+ the difference between the price of produce and the cost of production is
+ increased.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In some of these cases, the increase in the price of agricultural produce,
+ compared with the cost of the instruments of production, appears from what
+ has been said to be only temporary; and in these instances it will often
+ give a considerable stimulus to cultivation, by an increase of
+ agricultural profits, without showing itself much in the shape of rent. It
+ hardly ever fails, however, to increase rent ultimately. The increased
+ capital, which is employed in consequence of the opportunity of making
+ great temporary profits, can seldom if ever be entirely removed from the
+ land, at the expiration of the current leases; and, on the renewal of
+ these leases, the landlord feels the benefit of it in the increase of his
+ rents.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Whenever then, by the operation of the four causes above mentioned, the
+ difference between the price of produce and the cost of the instruments of
+ production increases, the rents of land will rise.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It is, however, not necessary that all these four causes should operate at
+ the same time; it is only necessary that the difference here mentioned
+ should increase. If, for instance, the price of produce were to rise,
+ while the wages of labour, and the price of the other branches of capital
+ did not rise in proportion, and at the same time improved modes of
+ agriculture were coming into general use, it is evident that this
+ difference might be increased, although the profits of agricultural stock
+ were not only undiminished, but were to rise decidedly higher.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Of the great additional quantity of capital employed upon the land in this
+ country, during the last twenty years, by far the greater part is supposed
+ to have been generated on the soil, and not to have been brought from
+ commerce or manufactures. And it was unquestionably the high profits of
+ agricultural stock, occasioned by improvements in the modes of
+ agriculture, and by the constant rise of prices, followed only slowly by a
+ proportionate rise in the different branches of capital, that afforded the
+ means of so rapid and so advantageous an accumulation.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In this case cultivation has been extended, and rents have risen, although
+ one of the instruments of production, capital, has been dearer.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In the same manner a fall of profits and improvements in agriculture, or
+ even one of them separately, might raise rents, notwithstanding a rise of
+ wages.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It may be laid down then as a general truth, that rents naturally rise as
+ the difference between the price of produce and the cost of the
+ instruments of production increases.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It is further evident, that no fresh land can be taken into cultivation
+ till rents have risen, or would allow of a rise upon what is already
+ cultivated.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Land of an inferior quality requires a great quantity of capital to make
+ it yield a given produce; and, if the actual price of this produce be not
+ such as fully to compensate the cost of production, including the existing
+ rate of profits, the land must remain uncultivated. It matters not whether
+ this compensation is effected by an increase in the money price of raw
+ produce, without a proportionate increase in the money price of the
+ instruments of production, or by a decrease in the price of the
+ instruments of production, without a proportionate decrease in the price
+ of produce. What is absolutely necessary, is a greater relative cheapness
+ of the instruments of production, to make up for the quantity of them
+ required to obtain a given produce from poor land.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ But whenever, by the operation of one or more of the causes before
+ mentioned, the instruments of production become cheaper, and the
+ difference between the price of produce and the expenses of cultivation
+ increases, rents naturally rise. It follows therefore as a direct and
+ necessary consequence, that it can never answer to take fresh land of a
+ poorer quality into cultivation, till rents have risen or would allow of a
+ rise, on what is already cultivated.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It is equally true, that without the same tendency to a rise of rents,
+ occasioned by the operation of the same causes, it cannot answer to lay
+ out fresh capital in the improvement of old land&mdash;at least upon the
+ supposition, that each farm is already furnished with as much capital as
+ can be laid out to advantage, according to the actual rate of profits.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It is only necessary to state this proposition to make its truth appear.
+ It certainly may happen, and I fear it happens frequently, that farmers
+ are not provided with all the capital which could be employed upon their
+ farms, at the actual rate of agricultural profits. But supposing they are
+ so provided, it implies distinctly, that more could not be applied without
+ loss, till, by the operation of one or more of the causes above
+ enumerated, rents had tended to rise.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It appears then, that the power of extending cultivation and increasing
+ produce, both by the cultivation of fresh land and the improvement of the
+ old, depends entirely upon the existence of such prices, compared with the
+ expense of production, as would raise rents in the actual state of
+ cultivation.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ But though cultivation cannot be extended, and the produce of the country
+ increased, but in such a state of things as would allow of a rise of
+ rents, yet it is of importance to remark, that this rise of rents will be
+ by no means in proportion to the extension of cultivation, or the increase
+ of produce. Every relative fall in the price of the instruments of
+ production, may allow of the employment of a considerable quantity of
+ additional capital; and when either new land is taken into cultivation, or
+ the old improved, the increase of produce may be considerable, though the
+ increase of rents be trifling. We see, in consequence, that in the
+ progress of a country towards a high state of cultivation, the quantity of
+ capital employed upon the land, and the quantity of produce yielded by it,
+ bears a constantly increasing proportion to the amount of rents, unless
+ counterbalanced by extraordinary improvements in the modes of cultivation.
+ <a href="#linknote-11" name="linknoteref-11" id="linknoteref-11">11</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ According to the returns lately made to the Board of Agriculture, the
+ average proportion which rent bears to the value of the whole produce,
+ seems not to exceed one fifth; <a href="#linknote-12" name="linknoteref-12"
+ id="linknoteref-12">12</a> whereas formerly, when there was less capital
+ employed, and less value produced, the proportion amounted to one fourth,
+ one third, or even two fifths. Still, however, the numerical difference
+ between the price of produce and the expenses of cultivation, increases
+ with the progress of improvement; and though the landlord has a less share
+ of the whole produce, yet this less share, from the very great increase of
+ the produce, yields a larger quantity, and gives him a greater command of
+ corn and labour. If the produce of land be represented by the number six,
+ and the landlord has one fourth of it, his share will be represented by
+ one and a half. If the produce of land be as ten, and the landlord has one
+ fifth of it, his share will be represented by two. In the latter case,
+ therefore, though the proportion of the landlord's share to the whole
+ produce is greatly diminished, his real rent, independently of nominal
+ price, will be increased in the proportion of from three to four. And in
+ general, in all cases of increasing produce, if the landlord's share of
+ this produce do not diminish in the same proportion, which though it often
+ happens during the currency of leases, rarely or never happens on the
+ renewal of them, the real rents of land must rise.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ We see then, that a progressive rise of rents seems to be necessarily
+ connected with the progressive cultivation of new land, and the
+ progressive improvement of the old: and that this rise is the natural and
+ necessary consequence of the operation of four causes, which are the most
+ certain indications of increasing prosperity and wealth&mdash;namely, the
+ accumulation of capital, the increase of population, improvements in
+ agriculture, and the high price of raw produce, occasioned by the
+ extension of our manufactures and commerce.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ On the other hand, it will appear, that a fall of rents is as necessarily
+ connected with the throwing of inferior land out of cultivation, and the
+ continued deterioration of the land of a superior quality; and that it is
+ the natural and necessary consequence of causes, which are the certain
+ indications of poverty and decline, namely, diminished capital, diminished
+ population, a bad system of cultivation, and the low price of raw produce.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ If it be true, that cultivation cannot be extended but under such a state
+ of prices, compared with the expenses of production, as will allow of an
+ increase of rents, it follows naturally that under such a state of
+ relative prices as will occasion a fall of rents, cultivation must
+ decline. If the instruments of production become dearer, compared with the
+ price of produce, it is a certain sign that they are relatively scarce;
+ and in all those cases where a large quantity of them is required, as in
+ the cultivation of poor land, the means of procuring them will be
+ deficient, and the land will be thrown out of employment.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It appeared, that in the progress of cultivation and of increasing rents,
+ it was not necessary that all the instruments of production should fall in
+ price at the same time; and that the difference between the price of
+ produce and the expense of cultivation might increase, although either the
+ profits of stock or the wages of labour might be higher, instead of lower.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In the same manner, when the produce of a country is declining, and rents
+ are falling, it is not necessary that all the instruments of production
+ should be dearer. In a declining or stationary country, one most important
+ instrument of production is always cheap, namely, labour; but this
+ cheapness of labour does not counterbalance the disadvantages arising from
+ the dearness of capital; a bad system of culture; and, above all, a fall
+ in the price of raw produce, greater than in the price of the other
+ branches of expenditure, which, in addition to labour, are necessary to
+ cultivation.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It has appeared also, that in the progress of cultivation and of
+ increasing rents, rent, though greater in positive amount, bears a less,
+ and lesser proportion to the quantity of capital employed upon the land,
+ and the quantity of produce derived from it. According to the same
+ principle, when produce diminishes and rents fall, though the amount of
+ rent will always be less, the proportion which it bears to capital and
+ produce will always be greater. And, as in the former case, the diminished
+ proportion of rent was owing to the necessity of yearly taking fresh land
+ of an inferior quality into cultivation, and proceeding in the improvement
+ of old land, when it would return only the common profits of stock, with
+ little or no rent; so, in the latter case, the high proportion of rent is
+ owing to the impossibility of obtaining produce, whenever a great
+ expenditure is required, and the necessity of employing the reduced
+ capital of the country, in the exclusive cultivation of its richest lands.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In proportion, therefore, as the relative state of prices is such as to
+ occasion a progressive fall of rents, more and more lands will be
+ gradually thrown out of cultivation, the remainder will be worse
+ cultivated, and the diminution of produce will proceed still faster than
+ the diminution of rents.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ If the doctrine here laid down, respecting the laws which govern the rise
+ and fall of rents, be near the truth, the doctrine which maintains that,
+ if the produce of agriculture were sold at such a price as to yield less
+ net surplus, agriculture would be equally productive to the general stock,
+ must be very far from the truth.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ With regard to my own conviction, indeed, I feel no sort of doubt that if,
+ under the impression that the high price of raw produce, which occasions
+ rent, is as injurious to the consumer as it is advantageous to the
+ landlord, a rich and improved nation were determined by law, to lower the
+ price of produce, till no surplus in the shape of rent anywhere remained;
+ it would inevitably throw not only all the poor land, but all, except the
+ very best land, out of cultivation, and probably reduce its produce and
+ population to less than one tenth of their former amount.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ From the preceding account of the progress of rent, it follows, that the
+ actual state of the natural rent of land is necessary to the actual
+ produce; and that the price of produce, in every progressive country, must
+ be just about equal to the cost of production on land of the poorest
+ quality actually in use; or to the cost of raising additional produce on
+ old land, which yields only the usual returns of agricultural stock with
+ little or no rent.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It is quite obvious that the price cannot be less; or such land would not
+ be cultivated, nor such capital employed. Nor can it ever much exceed this
+ price, because the poor land progressively taken into cultivation, yields
+ at first little or no rent; and because it will always answer to any
+ farmer who can command capital, to lay it out on his land, if the
+ additional produce resulting from it will fully repay the profits of his
+ stock, although it yields nothing to his landlord.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It follows then, that the price of raw produce, in reference to the whole
+ quantity raised, is sold at the natural or necessary price, that is, at
+ the price necessary to obtain the actual amount of produce, although by
+ far the largest part is sold at a price very much above that which is
+ necessary to its production, owing to this part being produced at less
+ expense, while its exchangeable value remains undiminished.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The difference between the price of corn and the price of manufactures,
+ with regard to natural or necessary price, is this; that if the price of
+ any manufacture were essentially depressed, the whole manufacture would be
+ entirely destroyed; whereas, if the price of corn were essentially
+ depressed, the quantity of it only would be diminished. There would be
+ some machinery in the country still capable of sending the commodity to
+ market at the reduced price.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The earth has been sometimes compared to a vast machine, presented by
+ nature to man for the production of food and raw materials; but, to make
+ the resemblance more just, as far as they admit of comparison, we should
+ consider the soil as a present to man of a great number of machines, all
+ susceptible of continued improvement by the application of capital to
+ them, but yet of very different original qualities and powers.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ This great inequality in the powers of the machinery employed in procuring
+ raw produce, forms one of the most remarkable features which distinguishes
+ the machinery of the land from the machinery employed in manufactures.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ When a machine in manufactures is invented, which will produce more
+ finished work with less labour and capital than before, if there be no
+ patent, or as soon as the patent is over, a sufficient number of such
+ machines may be made to supply the whole demand, and to supersede entirely
+ the use of all the old machinery. The natural consequence is, that the
+ price is reduced to the price of production from the best machinery, and
+ if the price were to be depressed lower, the whole of the commodity would
+ be withdrawn from the market.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The machines which produce corn and raw materials on the contrary, are the
+ gifts of nature, not the works of man; and we find, by experience, that
+ these gifts have very different qualities and powers. The most fertile
+ lands of a country, those which, like the best machinery in manufactures,
+ yield the greatest products with the least labour and capital, are never
+ found sufficient to supply the effective demand of an increasing
+ population. The price of raw produce, therefore, naturally rises till it
+ becomes sufficiently high to pay the cost of raising it with inferior
+ machines, and by a more expensive process; and, as there cannot be two
+ prices for corn of the same quality, all the other machines, the working
+ of which requires less capital compared with the produce, must yield rents
+ in proportion to their goodness.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Every extensive country may thus be considered as possessing a gradation
+ of machines for the production of corn and raw materials, including in
+ this gradation not only all the various qualities of poor land, of which
+ every large territory has generally an abundance, but the inferior
+ machinery which may be said to be employed when good land is further and
+ further forced for additional produce. As the price of raw produce
+ continues to rise, these inferior machines are successively called into
+ action; and, as the price of raw produce continues to fall, they are
+ successively thrown out of action. The illustration here used serves to
+ show at once the necessity of the actual price of corn to the actual
+ produce, and the different effect which would attend a great reduction in
+ the price of any particular manufacture, and a great reduction in the
+ price of raw produce.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ I hope to be excused for dwelling a little, and presenting to the reader
+ in various forms the doctrine, that corn in reference to the quantity
+ actually produced is sold at its necessary price like manufactures,
+ because I consider it as a truth of the highest importance, which has been
+ entirely overlooked by the Economists, by Adam Smith, and all those
+ writers who have represented raw produce as selling always at a monopoly
+ price.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Adam Smith has very clearly explained in what manner the progress of
+ wealth and improvement tends to raise the price of cattle, poultry, the
+ materials of clothing and lodging, the most useful minerals, etc., etc.
+ compared with corn; but he has not entered into the explanation of the
+ natural causes which tend to determine the price of corn. He has left the
+ reader, indeed, to conclude, that he considers the price of corn as
+ determined only by the state of the mines which at the time supply the
+ circulating medium of the commercial world. But this is a cause obviously
+ inadequate to account for the actual differences in the price of grain,
+ observable in countries at no great distance from each other, and at
+ nearly the same distance from the mines.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ I entirely agree with him, that it is of great use to inquire into the
+ causes of high price; as, from the result of such inquiry, it may turn
+ out, that the very circumstance of which we complain, may be the necessary
+ consequence and the most certain sign of increasing wealth and prosperity.
+ But, of all inquiries of this kind, none surely can be so important, or so
+ generally interesting, as an inquiry into the causes which affect the
+ price of corn, and which occasion the differences in this price, so
+ observable in different countries.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ I have no hesitation in stating that, independently of irregularities in
+ the currency of a country, <a href="#linknote-13" name="linknoteref-13"
+ id="linknoteref-13">13</a> and other temporary and accidental
+ circumstances, the cause of the high comparative money price of corn is
+ its high comparative real price, or the greater quantity of capital and
+ labour which must be employed to produce it: and that the reason why the
+ real price of corn is higher and continually rising in countries which are
+ already rich, and still advancing in prosperity and population, is to be
+ found in the necessity of resorting constantly to poorer land&mdash;to
+ machines which require a greater expenditure to work them&mdash;and which
+ consequently occasion each fresh addition to the raw produce of the
+ country to be purchased at a greater cost&mdash;in short, it is to be
+ found in the important truth that corn, in a progressive country, is sold
+ at the price necessary to yield the actual supply; and that, as this
+ supply becomes more and more difficult, the price rises in proportion. <a
+ href="#linknote-14" name="linknoteref-14" id="linknoteref-14">14</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The price of corn, as determined by these causes, will of course be
+ greatly modified by other circumstances; by direct and indirect taxation;
+ by improvements in the modes of cultivation; by the saving of labour on
+ the land; and particularly by the importations of foreign corn. The latter
+ cause, indeed, may do away, in a considerable degree, the usual effects of
+ great wealth on the price of corn; and this wealth will then show itself
+ in a different form.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Let us suppose seven or eight large countries not very distant from each
+ other, and not very differently situated with regard to the mines. Let us
+ suppose further, that neither their soils nor their skill in agriculture
+ are essentially unlike; that their currencies are in a natural state;
+ their taxes nothing; and that every trade is free, except the trade in
+ corn. Let us now suppose one of them very greatly to increase in capital
+ and manufacturing skill above the rest, and to become in consequence much
+ more rich and populous. I should say, that this great comparative increase
+ of riches could not possibly take place, without a great comparative
+ advance in the price of raw produce; and that such advance of price would,
+ under the circumstances supposed, be the natural sign and absolutely
+ necessary consequence, of the increased wealth and population of the
+ country in question.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Let us now suppose the same countries to have the most perfect freedom of
+ intercourse in corn, and the expenses of freight, etc. to be quite
+ inconsiderable. And let us still suppose one of them to increase very
+ greatly above the rest, in manufacturing capital and skill, in wealth and
+ population. I should then say, that as the importation of corn would
+ prevent any great difference in the price of raw produce, it would prevent
+ any great difference in the quantity of capital laid out upon the land,
+ and the quantity of corn obtained from it; that, consequently, the great
+ increase of wealth could not take place without a great dependence on the
+ other nations for corn; and that this dependence, under the circumstances
+ supposed, would be the natural sign, and absolutely necessary consequence
+ of the increased wealth and population of the country in question.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ These I consider as the two alternatives necessarily belonging to a great
+ comparative increase of wealth; and the supposition here made will, with
+ proper restrictions, apply to the state of Europe.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In Europe, the expenses attending the carriage of corn are often
+ considerable. They form a natural barrier to importation; and even the
+ country which habitually depends upon foreign corn, must have the price of
+ its raw produce considerably higher than the general level. Practically,
+ also, the prices of raw produce, in the different countries of Europe,
+ will be variously modified by very different soils, very different degrees
+ of taxation, and very different degrees of improvement in the science of
+ agriculture. Heavy taxation, and a poor soil, may occasion a high
+ comparative price of raw produce, or a considerable dependence on other
+ countries, without great wealth and population; while great improvements
+ in agriculture and a good soil may keep the price of produce low, and the
+ country independent of foreign corn, in spite of considerable wealth. But
+ the principles laid down are the general principles on the subject; and in
+ applying them to any particular case, the particular circumstances of such
+ case must always be taken into consideration.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ With regard to improvements in agriculture, which in similar soils is the
+ great cause which retards the advance of price compared with the advance
+ of produce; although they are sometimes very powerful, they are rarely
+ found sufficient to balance the necessity of applying to poorer land, or
+ inferior machines. In this respect, raw produce is essentially different
+ from manufactures.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The real price of manufactures, the quantity of labour and capital
+ necessary to produce a given quantity of them, is almost constantly
+ diminishing; while the quantity of labour and capital, necessary to
+ procure the last addition that has been made to the raw produce of a rich
+ and advancing country, is almost constantly increasing. We see in
+ consequence, that in spite of continued improvements in agriculture, the
+ money price of corn is ceteris paribus the highest in the richest
+ countries, while in spite of this high price of corn, and consequent high
+ price of labour, the money price of manufactures still continues lower
+ than in poorer countries.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ I cannot then agree with Adam Smith, in thinking that the low value of
+ gold and silver is no proof of the wealth and flourishing state of the
+ country, where it takes place. Nothing of course can be inferred from it,
+ taken absolutely, except the abundance of the mines; but taken relatively,
+ or in comparison with the state of other countries, much may be inferred
+ from it. If we are to measure the value of the precious metals in
+ different countries, and at different periods in the same country, by the
+ price of corn and labour, which appears to me to be the nearest practical
+ approximation that can be adopted [and in fact corn is the measure used by
+ Adam Smith himself], it appears to me to follow, that in countries which
+ have a frequent commercial intercourse with each other, which are nearly
+ at the same distance from the mines, and are not essentially different in
+ soil; there is no more certain sign, or more necessary consequence of
+ superiority of wealth, than the low value of the precious metals, or the
+ high price of raw produce. <a href="#linknote-15" name="linknoteref-15"
+ id="linknoteref-15">15</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It is of importance to ascertain this point; that we may not complain of
+ one of the most certain proofs of the prosperous condition of a country.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It is not of course meant to be asserted, that the high price of raw
+ produce is, separately taken, advantageous to the consumer; but that it is
+ the necessary concomitant of superior and increasing wealth, and that one
+ of them cannot be had without the other. <a href="#linknote-16"
+ name="linknoteref-16" id="linknoteref-16">16</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ With regard to the labouring classes of society, whose interests as
+ consumers may be supposed to be most nearly concerned, it is a very
+ short-sighted view of the subject, which contemplates, with alarm, the
+ high price of corn as certainly injurious to them. The essentials to their
+ well being are their own prudential habits, and the increasing demand for
+ labour. And I do not scruple distinctly to affirm, that under similar
+ habits, and a similar demand for labour, the high price of corn, when it
+ has had time to produce its natural effects, so far from being a
+ disadvantage to them, is a positive and unquestionable advantage. To
+ supply the same demand for labour, the necessary price of production must
+ be paid, and they must be able to command the same quantities of the
+ necessaries of life, whether they are high or low in price. <a
+ href="#linknote-17" name="linknoteref-17" id="linknoteref-17">17</a> But
+ if they are able to command the same quantity of necessaries, and receive
+ a money price for their labour, proportioned to their advanced price,
+ there is no doubt that, with regard to all the objects of convenience and
+ comfort, which do not rise in proportion to corn [and there are many such
+ consumed by the poor], their condition will be most decidedly improved.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The reader will observe in what manner I have guarded the proposition. I
+ am well aware, and indeed have myself stated in another place, that the
+ price of provisions often rises, without a proportionate rise of labour:
+ but this cannot possibly happen for any length of time, if the demand for
+ labour continues increasing at the same rate, and the habits of the
+ labourer are not altered, either with regard to prudence, or the quantity
+ of work which he is disposed to perform.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The peculiar evil to be apprehended is, that the high money price of
+ labour may diminish the demand for it; and that it has this tendency will
+ be readily allowed, particularly as it tends to increase the prices of
+ exportable commodities. But repeated experience has shown us that such
+ tendencies are continually counterbalanced, and more than counterbalanced
+ by other circumstances. And we have witnessed, in our own country, a
+ greater and more rapid extension of foreign commerce, than perhaps was
+ ever known, under the apparent disadvantage of a very great increase in
+ the price of corn and labour, compared with the prices of surrounding
+ countries.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ On the other hand, instances everywhere abound of a very low money price
+ of labour, totally failing to produce an increasing demand for it. And
+ among the labouring classes of different countries, none certainly are so
+ wretched as those, where the demand for labour, and the population are
+ stationary, and yet the prices of provisions extremely low, compared with
+ manufactures and foreign commodities. However low they may be, it is
+ certain, that under such circumstances, no more will fall to the share of
+ the labourer than is necessary just to maintain the actual population; and
+ his condition will be depressed, not only by the stationary demand for
+ labour, but by the additional evil of being able to command but a small
+ portion of manufactures or foreign commodities, with the little surplus
+ which he may possess. If, for instance, under a stationary population, we
+ suppose, that in average families two thirds of the wages estimated in
+ corn are spent in necessary provisions, it will make a great difference in
+ the condition of the poor, whether the remaining one third will command
+ few or many conveniencies and comforts; and almost invariably, the higher
+ is the price of corn, the more indulgences will a given surplus purchase.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The high or low price of provisions, therefore, in any country is
+ evidently a most uncertain criterion of the state of the poor in that
+ country. Their condition obviously depends upon other more powerful
+ causes; and it is probably true, that it is as frequently good, or perhaps
+ more frequently so, in countries where corn is high, than where it is low.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ At the same time it should be observed, that the high price of corn,
+ occasioned by the difficulty of procuring it, may be considered as the
+ ultimate check to the indefinite progress of a country in wealth and
+ population. And, although the actual progress of countries be subject to
+ great variations in their rate of movement, both from external and
+ internal causes, and it would be rash to say that a state which is well
+ peopled and proceeding rather slowly at present, may not proceed rapidly
+ forty years hence; yet it must be owned, that the chances of a future
+ rapid progress are diminished by the high prices of corn and labour,
+ compared with other countries.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It is, therefore, of great importance, that these prices should be
+ increased as little as possible artificially, that is, by taxation. But
+ every tax which falls upon agricultural capital tends to check the
+ application of such capital, to the bringing of fresh land under
+ cultivation, and the improvement of the old. It was shown, in a former
+ part of this inquiry, that before such application of capital could take
+ place, the price of produce, compared with the instruments of production,
+ must rise sufficiently to pay the farmer. But, if the increasing
+ difficulties to be overcome are aggravated by taxation, it is necessary,
+ that before the proposed improvements are undertaken, the price should
+ rise sufficiently, not only to pay the farmer, but also the government.
+ And every tax, which falls on agricultural capital, either prevents a
+ proposed improvement, or causes it to be purchased at a higher price.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ When new leases are let, these taxes are generally thrown off upon the
+ landlord. The farmer so makes his bargain, or ought so to make it, as to
+ leave himself, after every expense has been paid, the average profits of
+ agricultural stock in the actual circumstances of the country, whatever
+ they may be, and in whatever manner they may have been affected by taxes,
+ particularly by so general a one as the property tax. The farmer,
+ therefore, by paying a less rent to his landlord on the renewal of his
+ lease, is relieved from any peculiar pressure, and may go on in the common
+ routine of cultivation with the common profits. But his encouragement to
+ lay out fresh capital in improvements is by no means restored by his new
+ bargain. This encouragement must depend, both with regard to the farmer
+ and the landlord himself, exclusively on the price of produce, compared
+ with the price of the instruments of production; and, if the price of
+ these instruments have been raised by taxation, no diminution of rent can
+ give relief. It is, in fact, a question, in which rent is not concerned.
+ And, with a view to progressive improvements, it may be safely asserted,
+ that the total abolition of rents would be less effectual than the removal
+ of taxes which fall upon agricultural capital.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ I believe it to be the prevailing opinion, that the greatest expense of
+ growing corn in this country is almost exclusively owing to the weight of
+ taxation. Of the tendency of many of our taxes to increase the expenses of
+ cultivation and the price of corn, I feel no doubt; but the reader will
+ see from the course of argument pursued in this inquiry, that I think a
+ part of this price, and perhaps no inconsiderable part, arises from a
+ cause which lies deeper, and is in fact the necessary result of the great
+ superiority of our wealth and population, compared with the quality of our
+ natural soil and the extent of our territory.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ This is a cause which can only be essentially mitigated by the habitual
+ importation of foreign corn, and a diminished cultivation of it at home.
+ The policy of such a system has been discussed in another place; but, of
+ course, every relief from taxation must tend, under any system, to make
+ the price of corn less high, and importation less necessary.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In the progress of a country towards a high state of improvement, the
+ positive wealth of the landlord ought, upon the principles which have been
+ laid down, gradually to increase; although his relative condition and
+ influence in society will probably rather diminish, owing to the
+ increasing number and wealth of those who live upon a still more important
+ surplus <a href="#linknote-18" name="linknoteref-18" id="linknoteref-18">18</a>
+ &mdash;the profits of stock.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The progressive fall, with few exceptions, in the value of the precious
+ metals throughout Europe; the still greater fall, which has occurred in
+ the richest countries, together with the increase of produce which has
+ been obtained from the soil, must all conduce to make the landlord expect
+ an increase of rents on the renewal of his leases. But, in reletting his
+ farms, he is liable to fall into two errors, which are almost equally
+ prejudicial to his own interests, and to those of his country.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In the first place, he may be induced, by the immediate prospect of an
+ exorbitant rent, offered by farmers bidding against each other, to let his
+ land to a tenant without sufficient capital to cultivate it in the best
+ way, and make the necessary improvements upon it. This is undoubtedly a
+ most short-sighted policy, the bad effects of which have been strongly
+ noticed by the most intelligent land surveyors in the evidence lately
+ brought before Parliament; and have been particularly remarkable in
+ Ireland, where the imprudence of the landlords in this respect, combined,
+ perhaps, with some real difficulty of finding substantial tenants, has
+ aggravated the discontents of the country, and thrown the most serious
+ obstacles in the way of an improved system of cultivation. The consequence
+ of this error is the certain loss of all that future source of rent to the
+ landlord, and wealth to the country, which arises from increase of
+ produce.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The second error to which the landlord is liable, is that of mistaking a
+ mere temporary rise of prices, for a rise of sufficient duration to
+ warrant an increase of rents. It frequently happens, that a scarcity of
+ one or two years, or an unusual demand arising from any other cause, may
+ raise the price of raw produce to a height, at which it cannot be
+ maintained. And the farmers, who take land under the influence of such
+ prices, will, in the return of a more natural state of things, probably
+ break, and leave their farms in a ruined and exhausted state. These short
+ periods of high price are of great importance in generating capital upon
+ the land, if the farmers are allowed to have the advantage of them; but,
+ if they are grasped at prematurely by the landlord, capital is destroyed,
+ instead of being accumulated; and both the landlord and the country incur
+ a loss, instead of gaining a benefit.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ A similar caution is necessary in raising rents, even when the rise of
+ prices seems as if it would be permanent. In the progress of prices and
+ rents, rent ought always to be a little behind; not only to afford the
+ means of ascertaining whether the rise be temporary or permanent, but even
+ in the latter case, to give a little time for the accumulation of capital
+ on the land, of which the landholder is sure to feel the full benefit in
+ the end.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ There is no just reason to believe, that if the lands were to give the
+ whole of their rents to their tenants, corn would be more plentiful and
+ cheaper. If the view of the subject, taken in the preceding inquiry, be
+ correct, the last additions made to our home produce are sold at the cost
+ of production, and the same quantity could not be produced from our own
+ soil at a less price, even without rent. The effect of transferring all
+ rents to tenants, would be merely the turning them into gentlemen, and
+ tempting them to cultivate their farms under the superintendence of
+ careless and uninterested bailiffs, instead of the vigilant eye of a
+ master, who is deterred from carelessness by the fear of ruin, and
+ stimulated to exertion by the hope of a competence. The most numerous
+ instances of successful industry, and well-directed knowledge, have been
+ found among those who have paid a fair rent for their lands; who have
+ embarked the whole of their capital in their undertaking; and who feel it
+ their duty to watch over it with unceasing care, and add to it whenever it
+ is possible. But when this laudable spirit prevails among a tenantry, it
+ is of the very utmost importance to the progress of riches, and the
+ permanent increase of rents, that it should have the power as well as the
+ will to accumulate; and an interval of advancing prices, not immediately
+ followed by a proportionate rise of rents, furnishes the most effective
+ powers of this kind. These intervals of advancing prices, when not
+ succeeded by retrograde movements, most powerfully contribute to the
+ progress of national wealth. And practically I should say, that when once
+ a character of industry and economy has been established, temporary high
+ profits are a more frequent and powerful source of accumulation, than
+ either an increased spirit of saving, or any other cause that can be
+ named. <a href="#linknote-19" name="linknoteref-19" id="linknoteref-19">19</a>
+ It is the only cause which seems capable of accounting for the prodigious
+ accumulation among individuals, which must have taken place in this
+ country during the last twenty years, and which has left us with a greatly
+ increased capital, notwithstanding our vast annual destruction of stock,
+ for so long a period.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Among the temporary causes of high price, which may sometimes mislead the
+ landlord, it is necessary to notice irregularities in the currency. When
+ they are likely to be of short duration, they must be treated by the
+ landlord in the same manner as years of unusual demand. But when they
+ continue so long as they have done in this country, it is impossible for
+ the landlord to do otherwise than proportion his rent accordingly, and
+ take the chance of being obliged to lessen it again, on the return of the
+ currency to its natural state.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The present fall in the price of bullion, and the improved state of our
+ exchanges, proves, in my opinion, that a much greater part of the
+ difference between gold and paper was owing to commercial causes, and a
+ peculiar demand for bullion than was supposed by many persons; but they by
+ no means prove that the issue of paper did not allow of a higher rise of
+ prices than could be permanently maintained. Already a retrograde
+ movement, not exclusively occasioned by the importations of corn, has been
+ sensibly felt; and it must go somewhat further before we can return to
+ payments in specie. Those who let their lands during the period of the
+ greatest difference between notes and bullion, must probably lower them,
+ whichever system may be adopted with regard to the trade in corn. These
+ retrograde movements are always unfortunate; and high rents, partly
+ occasioned by causes of this kind, greatly embarrass the regular march of
+ prices, and confound the calculations both of the farmer and landlord.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ With the cautions here noticed in letting farms, the landlord may fairly
+ look forward to a gradual and permanent increase of rents; and, in
+ general, not only to an increase proportioned to the rise in the price of
+ produce, but to a still further increase, arising from an increase in the
+ quantity of produce.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ If in taking rents, which are equally fair for the landlord and tenant, it
+ is found that in successive lettings they do not rise rather more than in
+ proportion to the price of produce, it will generally be owing to heavy
+ taxation.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Though it is by no means true, as stated by the Economists, that all taxes
+ fall on the net rents of the landlords, yet it is certainly true that they
+ are more frequently taxed both indirectly as well as directly, and have
+ less power of relieving themselves, than any other order of the state. And
+ as they pay, as they certainly do, many of the taxes which fall on the
+ capital of the farmer and the wages of the labourer, as well as those
+ directly imposed on themselves; they must necessarily feel it in the
+ diminution of that portion of the whole produce, which under other
+ circumstances would have fallen to their share. But the degree in which
+ the different classes of society are affected by taxes, is in itself a
+ copious subject, belonging to the general principles of taxation, and
+ deserves a separate inquiry.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <a name="link2H_FOOT" id="link2H_FOOT">
+ <!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
+ </p>
+ <div style="height: 4em;">
+ <br /><br /><br /><br />
+ </div>
+ <h2>
+ FOOTNOTES:
+ </h2>
+ <p>
+ <a name="linknote-1" id="linknote-1">
+ <!-- Note --></a>
+ </p>
+ <p class="foot">
+ 1 (<a href="#linknoteref-1">return</a>)<br /> [ I cannot, however, agree
+ with him in thinking that all land which yields food must necessarily
+ yield rent. The land which is successively taken into cultivation in
+ improving countries, may only pay profits and labour. A fair profit on the
+ stock employed, including, of course, the payment of labour, will always
+ be a sufficient inducement to cultivate.]
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <a name="linknote-2" id="linknote-2">
+ <!-- Note --></a>
+ </p>
+ <p class="foot">
+ 2 (<a href="#linknoteref-2">return</a>)<br /> [ Vol II. p. 124. Of this
+ work a new and much improved edition has lately been published, which is
+ highly worthy the attention of all those who take an interest in these
+ subjects.]
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <a name="linknote-3" id="linknote-3">
+ <!-- Note --></a>
+ </p>
+ <p class="foot">
+ 3 (<a href="#linknoteref-3">return</a>)<br /> [ Vol. I. p. 49.]
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <a name="linknote-4" id="linknote-4">
+ <!-- Note --></a>
+ </p>
+ <p class="foot">
+ 4 (<a href="#linknoteref-4">return</a>)<br /> [ Vol IV. p. 134.]
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <a name="linknote-5" id="linknote-5">
+ <!-- Note --></a>
+ </p>
+ <p class="foot">
+ 5 (<a href="#linknoteref-5">return</a>)<br /> [ Vol. III. p. 272.]
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <a name="linknote-6" id="linknote-6">
+ <!-- Note --></a>
+ </p>
+ <p class="foot">
+ 6 (<a href="#linknoteref-6">return</a>)<br /> [ It is, however, certain,
+ that if either these materials be wanting, or the skill and capital
+ necessary to work them up be prevented from forming, owing to the
+ insecurity of property, to any other cause, the cultivators will soon
+ slacken in their exertions, and the motives to accumulate and to increase
+ their produce, will greatly diminish. But in this case there will be a
+ very slack demand for labour; and, whatever may be the nominal cheapness
+ of provisions, the labourer will not really be able to command such a
+ portion of the necessaries of life, including, of course, clothing,
+ lodging, etc. as will occasion an increase of population.]
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <a name="linknote-7" id="linknote-7">
+ <!-- Note --></a>
+ </p>
+ <p class="foot">
+ 7 (<a href="#linknoteref-7">return</a>)<br /> [ I have supposed some check
+ to the supply of the cotton machinery in this case. If there was no check
+ whatever, the effects wold show themselves in excessive profits and
+ excessive wages, without an excess above the cost of production.]
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <a name="linknote-8" id="linknote-8">
+ <!-- Note --></a>
+ </p>
+ <p class="foot">
+ 8 (<a href="#linknoteref-8">return</a>)<br /> [ Vol. iv. p. 35.]
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <a name="linknote-9" id="linknote-9">
+ <!-- Note --></a>
+ </p>
+ <p class="foot">
+ 9 (<a href="#linknoteref-9">return</a>)<br /> [ The more general surplus
+ here alluded to is meant to include the profits of the farmer, as well as
+ the rents of the landlord; and, therefore, includes the whole fund for the
+ support of those who are not directly employed upon the land. Profits are,
+ in reality, a surplus, as they are in no respect proportioned (as
+ intimated by the Economists) to the wants and necessities of the owners of
+ capital. But they take a different course in the progress of society from
+ rents, and it is necessary, in general, to keep them quite separate.]
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <a name="linknote-10" id="linknote-10">
+ <!-- Note --></a>
+ </p>
+ <p class="foot">
+ 10 (<a href="#linknoteref-10">return</a>)<br /> [ According to the
+ calculations of Mr Colquhoun, the value of our trade, foreign and
+ domestic, and of our manufactures, exclusive of raw materials, is nearly
+ equal to the gross value derived from the land. In no other large country
+ probably is this the case. P. Colquhoun, Treatise on the wealth, power,
+ and resources of the British Empire, 2nd ed. 1815, p. 96. The whole annual
+ produce is estimated at about 430 millions, and the products of
+ agriculture at about 216 millions.]
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <a name="linknote-11" id="linknote-11">
+ <!-- Note --></a>
+ </p>
+ <p class="foot">
+ 11 (<a href="#linknoteref-11">return</a>)<br /> [ To the honour of Scotch
+ cultivators, it should be observed, that they have applied their capitals
+ so very skilfully and economically, that at the same time that they have
+ prodigiously increased the produce, they have increase the landlord's
+ proportion ot it. The difference between the landlord's share of the
+ produce in Scotland and in England is quite extraordinary&mdash;much
+ greater than can be accounted for, either by the natural soil or the
+ absence of tithes and poor's rates. See Sir John Sinclair's valuable An
+ account of husbandry in Scotland, (Edinburgh) not long since published&mdash;works
+ replete with the most useful and interesting information on agricultural
+ subjects.]
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <a name="linknote-12" id="linknote-12">
+ <!-- Note --></a>
+ </p>
+ <p class="foot">
+ 12 (<a href="#linknoteref-12">return</a>)<br /> [ See Evidence before the
+ House of Lords, given in by Arthur Young. p. 66.]
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <a name="linknote-13" id="linknote-13">
+ <!-- Note --></a>
+ </p>
+ <p class="foot">
+ 13 (<a href="#linknoteref-13">return</a>)<br /> [ In all our discussions we
+ should endeavour, as well as we can, to separate that part of high price,
+ which arises from excess of currency, from that part, which is natural,
+ and arises from permanent causes. In the whole course of this argument, it
+ is particularly necessary to do this.]
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <a name="linknote-14" id="linknote-14">
+ <!-- Note --></a>
+ </p>
+ <p class="foot">
+ 14 (<a href="#linknoteref-14">return</a>)<br /> [ It will be observed, that
+ I have said in a progressive country; that is, in a country which requires
+ yearly the employment of a greater capital on the land, to support an
+ increasing population. If there were no question about fresh capital, or
+ an increase of people, and all the land were good, it would not then be
+ true that corn must be sold at its necessary price. The actual price might
+ be diminished; and if the rents of land were diminished in proportion, the
+ cultivation might go on as before, and the same quantity be produced. It
+ very rarely happens, however, that all the lands of a country actually
+ occupied are good, and yield a good net rent. And in all cases, a fall of
+ prices must destroy agricultural capital during the currency of leases;
+ and on their renewal there would not be the same power of production.]
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <a name="linknote-15" id="linknote-15">
+ <!-- Note --></a>
+ </p>
+ <p class="foot">
+ 15 (<a href="#linknoteref-15">return</a>)<br /> [ This conclusion may
+ appear to contradict the doctrine of the level of the precious metals. And
+ so it does, if by level be meant level of value estimated in the usual
+ way. I consider the doctrine, indeed, as quite unsupported by facts, and
+ the comparison of the precious metals to water perfectly inaccurate. The
+ precious metals are always tending to a state of rest, or such a state of
+ things as to make their movement unnecessary. But when this state of rest
+ has been nearly attained, and the exchanges of all countries are nearly at
+ par, the value of the precious metals in different countries, estimated in
+ corn and labour, or the mass of commodities, is very far indeed from being
+ the same. To be convinced of this, it is only necessary to look at
+ England, France, Poland, Russia, and India, when the exchanges are at par.
+ That Adam Smith, who proposes labour as the true measure of value at all
+ times and in all places, could look around him, and yet say that the
+ precious metals were always the highest in value in the richest countries,
+ has always appeared to me most unlike his usual attention to found his
+ theories on facts.]
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <a name="linknote-16" id="linknote-16">
+ <!-- Note --></a>
+ </p>
+ <p class="foot">
+ 16 (<a href="#linknoteref-16">return</a>)<br /> [ Even upon the system of
+ importation, in the actual state and situation of the countries of Europe,
+ higher prices must accompany superior and increasing wealth.]
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <a name="linknote-17" id="linknote-17">
+ <!-- Note --></a>
+ </p>
+ <p class="foot">
+ 17 (<a href="#linknoteref-17">return</a>)<br /> [ We must not be so far
+ deceived by the evidence before Parliament, relating to the want of
+ connection between the prices of corn and of labour, as to suppose that
+ they are really independent of each other. The price of the necessaries of
+ life is, in fact, the cost of producing labour. The supply cannot proceed,
+ if it be not paid; and though there will always be a little latitude,
+ owing to some variations of industry and habits, and the distance of time
+ between the encouragement to population and the period of the results
+ appearing in the markets: yet it is a still greater error, to suppose the
+ price of labour unconnected with the price of corn, than to suppose that
+ the price of corn immediately and completely regulates it. Corn and labour
+ rarely march quite abreast; but there is an obvious limit, beyond which
+ they cannot be separated. With regard to the unusual exertions made by the
+ labouring classes in periods of dearness, which produce the fall of wages
+ noticed in the evidence, they are most meritorious in the individuals, and
+ certainly favour the growth of capital. But no man of humanity could wish
+ to see them constant and unremitted. They are most admirable as a
+ temporary relief; but if they were constantly in action, effects of a
+ similar kind would result from them, as from the population of a country
+ being pushed to the very extreme limits of its food. There would be no
+ resources in a scarcity. I own I do not see, with pleasure, the great
+ extension of the practice of task work. To work really hard during twelve
+ or fourteen hours in the day, for any length of time, is too much for a
+ human being. Some intervals of ease are necessary to health and happiness:
+ and the occasional abuse of such intervals is no valid argument against
+ their use.]
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <a name="linknote-18" id="linknote-18">
+ <!-- Note --></a>
+ </p>
+ <p class="foot">
+ 18 (<a href="#linknoteref-18">return</a>)<br /> [ I have hinted before, in
+ a note, that profits may, without impropriety, be called a surplus. But,
+ whether surplus or not, they are the most important source of wealth, as
+ they are, beyond all question, the main source of accumulation.]
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <a name="linknote-19" id="linknote-19">
+ <!-- Note --></a>
+ </p>
+ <p class="foot">
+ 19 (<a href="#linknoteref-19">return</a>)<br /> [ Adam Smith notices the
+ bad effects of high profits on the habits of the capitalist. They may
+ perhaps sometimes occasion extravagance; but generally, I should say, that
+ extravagant habits were a more frequent cause of a scarcity of capital and
+ high profits, than high profits of extravagant habits.]
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <br /> <br />
+ </p>
+ <hr />
+ <p>
+ <br /> <br />
+ </p>
+<pre xml:space="preserve">
+
+
+
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+</html>
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Nature and Progress of Rent, by Thomas Malthus
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Nature and Progress of Rent
+
+Author: Thomas Malthus
+
+Release Date: August, 2003 [Etext# 4336]
+Posting Date: January 12, 2010
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NATURE AND PROGRESS OF RENT ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Charles Aldarondo Aldarondo
+
+
+
+
+
+AN INQUIRY INTO THE NATURE AND PROGRESS OF RENT
+
+AND THE PRINCIPLES BY WHICH IT IS REGULATED.
+
+By The Rev. T. R. Malthus
+
+_Professor of History and Political Economy In the East India College,
+Hertfordshire_
+
+LONDON:
+
+PRINTED FOR JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET.
+
+1815.
+
+
+Contents:
+
+ Advertisement
+
+ Rent
+
+
+
+
+Advertisement
+
+
+The following tract contains the substance of some notes on rent, which,
+with others on different subjects relating to political economy, I have
+collected in the course of my professional duties at the East India
+College. It has been my intention, at some time or other, to put them in
+a form for publication; and the very near connection of the subject of
+the present inquiry, with the topics immediately under discussion, has
+induced me to hasten its appearance at the present moment. It is the
+duty of those who have any means of contributing to the public stock of
+knowledge, not only to do so, but to do it at the time when it is most
+likely to be useful. If the nature of the disquisition should appear to
+the reader hardly to suit the form of a pamphlet, my apology must be,
+that it was not originally intended for so ephemeral a shape.
+
+
+
+
+
+RENT &c.
+
+
+The rent of land is a portion of the national revenue, which has always
+been considered as of very high importance.
+
+According to Adam Smith, it is one of the three original sources of
+wealth, on which the three great divisions of society are supported.
+
+By the Economists it is so pre-eminently distinguished, that it is
+considered as exclusively entitled to the name of riches, and the sole
+fund which is capable of supporting the taxes of the state, and on which
+they ultimately fall.
+
+And it has, perhaps, a particular claim to our attention at the present
+moment, on account of the discussions which are going on respecting the
+corn laws, and the effects of rent on the price of raw produce, and the
+progress of agricultural improvement.
+
+The rent of land may be defined to be that portion of the value of the
+whole produce which remains to the owner of the land, after all the
+outgoings belonging to its cultivation, of whatever kind, have been
+paid, including the profits of the capital employed, estimated according
+to the usual and ordinary rate of the profits of agricultural stock at
+the time being.
+
+It sometimes happens, that from accidental and temporary circumstances,
+the farmer pays more, or less, than this; but this is the point towards
+which the actual rents paid are constantly gravitating, and which is
+therefore always referred to when the term is used in a general sense.
+
+The immediate cause of rent is obviously the excess of price above the
+cost of production at which raw produce sells in the market.
+
+The first object therefore which presents itself for inquiry, is the
+cause or causes of the high price of raw produce.
+
+After very careful and repeated revisions of the subject, I do not find
+myself able to agree entirely in the view taken of it, either by Adam
+Smith, or the Economists; and still less, by some more modern writers.
+
+Almost all these writers appear to me to consider rent as too nearly
+resembling in its nature, and the laws by which it is governed,
+the excess of price above the cost of production, which is the
+characteristic of a monopoly.
+
+Adam Smith, though in some parts of the eleventh chapter of his
+first book he contemplates rent quite in its true light, [1] and has
+interspersed through his work more just observations on the subject than
+any other writer, has not explained the most essential cause of the
+high price of raw produce with sufficient distinctness, though he often
+touches on it; and by applying occasionally the term monopoly to the
+rent of land, without stopping to mark its more radical peculiarities,
+he leaves the reader without a definite impression of the real
+difference between the cause of the high price of the necessaries of
+life, and of monopolized commodities.
+
+Some of the views which the Economists have taken of the nature of rent
+appear to me, in like manner, to be quite just; but they have mixed them
+with so much error, and have drawn such preposterous and contradictory
+conclusions from them, that what is true in their doctrines, has been
+obscured and lost in the mass of superincumbent error, and has in
+consequence produced little effect. Their great practical conclusion,
+namely, the propriety of taxing exclusively the net rents of the
+landlords, evidently depends upon their considering these rents as
+completely disposable, like that excess of price above the cost of
+production which distinguishes a common monopoly.
+
+M. Say, in his valuable treatise on political economy, in which he
+has explained with great clearness many points which have not been
+sufficiently developed by Adam Smith, has not treated the subject of
+rent in a manner entirely satisfactory. In speaking of the different
+natural agents which, as well as the land, co-operate with the labours
+of man, he observes, 'Heureusement personne n'a pu dire le vent et le
+soleil m'appartiennent, et le service qu'ils rendent doit m'etre paye.'
+[2] And, though he acknowledges that, for obvious reasons, property in
+land is necessary, yet he evidently considers rent as almost exclusively
+owing to such appropriation, and to external demand.
+
+In the excellent work of M. de Sismondi, De la richesse commerciale,
+he says in a note on the subject of rent, 'Cette partie de la rente
+fonciere est celle que les Economistes ont decoree du nom du produit
+net comme etant le seul fruit du travail qui aj outat quelquechose a la
+richesse nationale. On pourrait au contraire soutenir contre eux,
+que c'est la seule partie du produit du travail, dont la valeur soit
+purement nominale, et n'ait rien de reelle: c'est en effet le resultat
+de l'augmentation de prix qu'obtient un vendeur en vertu de son
+privilege, sans que la chose vendue en vaille reellement d'avantage.'
+[3] The prevailing opinions among the more modern writers in our own
+country, have appeared to me to incline towards a similar view of the
+subject; and, not to multiply citations, I shall only add, that in a
+very respectable edition of the Wealth of nations, lately published by
+Mr Buchanan, of Edinburgh, the idea of monopoly is pushed still further.
+And while former writers, though they considered rent as governed by the
+laws of monopoly, were still of opinion that this monopoly in the case
+of land was necessary and useful, Mr Buchanan sometimes speaks of it
+even as prejudicial, and as depriving the consumer of what it gives to
+the landlord.
+
+In treating of productive and unproductive labour in the last volume,
+he observes, [4] that, 'The net surplus by which the Economists estimate
+the utility of agriculture, plainly arises from the high price of its
+produce, which, however advantageous to the landlord who receives it,
+is surely no advantage to the consumer who pays it. Were the produce of
+agriculture to be sold for a lower price, the same net surplus would
+not remain, after defraying the expenses of cultivation; but agriculture
+would be still equally productive to the general stock; and the only
+difference would be, that as the landlord was formerly enriched by the
+high price, at the expense of the community, the community would now
+profit by the low price at the expense of the landlord. The high price
+in which the rent or net surplus originates, while it enriches the
+landlord who has the produce of agriculture to sell, diminishes in the
+same proportion the wealth of those who are its purchasers; and on this
+account it is quite inaccurate to consider the landlord's rent as a
+clear addition to the national wealth.' In other parts of his work he
+uses the same, or even stronger language, and in a note on the subject
+of taxes, he speaks of the high price of the produce of land as
+advantageous to those who receive it, it but proportionably injurious
+to those who pay it. 'In this view,' he adds, 'it can form no general
+addition to the stock of the community, as the net surplus in question
+is nothing more than a revenue transferred from one class to another,
+and from the mere circumstance of its thus changing hands, it is clear
+that no fund can arise out of which to pay taxes. The revenue which
+pays for the produce of land exists already in the hands of those who
+purchase that produce; and, if the price of subsistence were lower, it
+would still remain in their hands, where it would be just as available
+for taxation, as when by a higher price it is transferred to the landed
+proprietor.' [5]
+
+That there are some circumstances connected with rent, which have an
+affinity to a natural monopoly, will be readily allowed. The extent of
+the earth itself is limited, and cannot be enlarged by human demand. And
+the inequality of soils occasions, even at an early period of society a
+comparative scarcity of the best lands; and so far is undoubtedly one
+of the causes of rent properly so called. On this account, perhaps, the
+term partial monopoly might be fairly applicable. But the scarcity
+of land, thus implied, is by no means alone sufficient to produce the
+effects observed. And a more accurate investigation of the subject will
+show us how essentially different the high price of raw produce is, both
+in its nature and origin, and the laws by which it is governed, from the
+high price of a common monopoly.
+
+The causes of the high price of raw produce may be stated to be three.
+
+First, and mainly, that quality of the earth, by which it can be made to
+yield a greater portion of the necessaries of life than is required for
+the maintenance of the persons employed on the land.
+
+Secondly, that quality peculiar to the necessaries of life of being
+able to create their own demand, or to raise up a number of demanders in
+proportion to the quantity of necessaries produced.
+
+And, thirdly, the comparative scarcity of the most fertile land.
+
+The qualities of the soil and of its products, here noticed as the
+primary causes of the high price of raw produce, are the gifts of
+nature to man. They are quite unconnected with monopoly, and yet are
+so absolutely essential to the existence of rent, that without them, no
+degree of scarcity or monopoly could have occasioned that excess of the
+price of raw produce, above the cost of production, which shows itself
+in this form.
+
+If, for instance, the soil of the earth had been such, that, however
+well directed might have been the industry of man, he could not have
+produced from it more than was barely sufficient to maintain those,
+whose labour and attention were necessary to its products; though, in
+this case, food and raw materials would have been evidently scarcer
+than at present, and the land might have been, in the same manner,
+monopolized by particular owners; vet it is quite clear, that neither
+rent, nor any essential surplus produce of the land in the form of high
+profits, could have existed.
+
+It is equally clear, that if the necessaries of life the most important
+products of land--had not the property of creating an increase of demand
+proportioned to their increased quantity, such increased quantity would
+occasion a fall in their exchangeable value. However abundant might be
+the produce of a country, its population might remain stationary And
+this abundance, without a proportionate demand, and with a very high
+corn price of labour, which would naturally take place under these
+circumstances, might reduce the price of raw produce, like the price of
+manufactures, to the cost of production.
+
+It has been sometimes argued, that it is mistaking the principle of
+population, to imagine, that the increase of food, or of raw produce
+alone, can occasion a proportionate increase of population. This is no
+doubt true; but it must be allowed, as has been justly observed by Adam
+Smith, that 'when food is provided, it is comparatively easy to find
+the necessary clothing and lodging. And it should always be recollected,
+that land does not produce one commodity alone, but in addition to
+that most indispensable of all commodities--food--it produces also the
+materials for the other necessaries of life; and the labour required
+to work up these materials is of course never excluded from the
+consideration. [6]
+
+It is, therefore, strictly true, that land produces the necessaries of
+life, produces food, materials, and labour, produces the means by which,
+and by which alone, an increase of people may be brought into being,
+and supported. In this respect it is fundamentally different from every
+other kind of machine known to man; and it is natural to suppose, that
+it should be attended with some peculiar effects.
+
+If the cotton machinery, in this country, were to go on increasing at
+its present rate, or even much faster; but instead of producing one
+particular sort of substance which may be used for some parts of dress
+and furniture, etc. had the qualities of land, and could yield what,
+with the assistance of a little labour, economy, and skill, could
+furnish food, clothing, and lodging, in such proportions as to create
+an increase of population equal to the increased supply of these
+necessaries; the demand for the products of such improved machinery
+would continue in excess above the cost of production, and this excess
+would no longer exclusively belong to the machinery of the land. [7]
+
+There is a radical difference in the cause of a demand for those objects
+which are strictly necessary to the support of human life, and a demand
+for all other commodities. In all other commodities the demand is
+exterior to, and independent of, the production itself; and in the case
+of a monopoly, whether natural or artificial, the excess of price is
+in proportion to the smallness of the supply compared with the demand,
+while this demand is comparatively unlimited. In the case of strict
+necessaries, the existence and increase of the demand, or of the number
+of demanders, must depend upon the existence and increase of these
+necessaries themselves; and the excess of their price above the cost of
+their production must depend upon, and is permanently limited by, the
+excess of their quantity above the quantity necessary to maintain the
+labour required to produce them; without which excess of quantity no
+demand could have existed, according to the laws of nature, for more
+than was necessary to support the producers.
+
+It has been stated, in the new edition of the Wealth of nations, that
+the cause of the high price of raw produce is, that such price is
+required to proportion the consumption to the supply. [8] This is also
+true, but it affords no solution of the point in question. We still want
+to know why the consumption and supply are such as to make the price so
+greatly exceed the cost of production, and the main cause is evidently
+the fertility of the earth in producing the necessaries of life.
+Diminish this plenty, diminish the fertility of the soil, and the excess
+will diminish; diminish it still further, and it will disappear. The
+cause of the high price of the necessaries of life above the cost
+of production, is to be found in their abundance, rather than their
+scarcity; and is not only essentially different from the high price
+occasioned by artificial monopolies, but from the high price of those
+peculiar products of the earth, not connected with food, which may be
+called natural and necessary monopolies.
+
+The produce of certain vineyards in France, which, from the peculiarity
+of their soil and situation, exclusively yield wine of a certain
+flavour, is sold of course at a price very far exceeding the cost of
+production. And this is owing to the greatness of the competition for
+such wine, compared with the scantiness of its supply; which confines
+the use of it to so small a number of persons, that they are able, and
+rather than go without it, willing, to give an excessively high
+price. But if the fertility of these lands were increased, so as very
+considerably to increase the produce, this produce might so fall in
+value as to diminish most essentially the excess of its price above the
+cost of production. While, on the other hand, if the vineyards were to
+become less productive, this excess might increase to almost any extent.
+
+The obvious cause of these effects is, that in all monopolies, properly
+so called, whether natural or artificial, the demand is exterior to, and
+independent of, the production itself. The number of persons who might
+have a taste for scarce wines, and would be desirous of entering into
+a competition for the purchase of them, might increase almost
+indefinitely, while the produce itself was decreasing; and its price,
+therefore, would have no other limit than the numbers, powers, and
+caprices, of the competitors for it.
+
+In the production of the necessaries of life, on the contrary, the
+demand is dependent upon the produce itself; and the effects are, in
+consequence, widely different. In this case, it is physically impossible
+that the number of demanders should increase, while the quantity
+of produce diminishes, as the demanders only exist by means of this
+produce. The fertility of soil, and consequent abundance of produce from
+a certain quantity of land, which, in the former case, diminished the
+excess of price above the cost of production, is, in the present case,
+the specific cause of such excess; and the diminished fertility, which
+in the former case might increase the price to almost any excess above
+the cost of production, may be safely asserted to be the sole cause
+which could permanently maintain the necessaries of life at a price not
+exceeding the cost of production.
+
+Is it, then, possible to consider the price of the necessaries of life
+as regulated upon the principle of a common monopoly? Is it possible,
+with M. de Sismondi, to regard rent as the sole produce of labour, which
+has a value purely nominal, and the mere result of that augmentation of
+price which a seller obtains in consequence of a peculiar privilege; or,
+with Mr Buchanan, to consider it as no addition to the national wealth,
+but merely as a transfer of value, advantageous only to the landlords,
+and proportionately injurious to the consumers?
+
+Is it not, on the contrary, a clear indication of a most inestimable
+quality in the soil, which God has bestowed on man--the quality of being
+able to maintain more persons than are necessary to work it? Is it not
+a part, and we shall see further on that it is an absolutely necessary
+part, of that surplus produce from the land, [9] which has been justly
+stated to be the source of all power and enjoyment; and without which,
+in fact, there would be no cities, no military or naval force, no arts,
+no learning, none of the finer manufactures, none of the conveniences
+and luxuries of foreign countries, and none of that cultivated and
+polished society, which not only elevates and dignifies individuals,
+but which extends its beneficial influence through the whole mass of the
+people?
+
+In the early periods of society, or more remarkably perhaps, when the
+knowledge and capital of an old society are employed upon fresh and
+fertile land, this surplus produce, this bountiful gift of providence,
+shows itself chiefly in extraordinary high profits, and extraordinary
+high wages, and appears but little in the shape of rent. While fertile
+land is in abundance, and may be had by whoever asks for it, nobody of
+course will pay a rent to a landlord. But it is not consistent with the
+laws of nature, and the limits and quality of the earth, that this
+state of things should continue. Diversities of soil and situation must
+necessarily exist in all countries. All land cannot be the most fertile:
+all situations cannot be the nearest to navigable rivers and markets.
+But the accumulation of capital beyond the means of employing it on
+land of the greatest natural fertility, and the greatest advantage
+of situation, must necessarily lower profits; while the tendency of
+population to increase beyond the means of subsistence must, after a
+certain time, lower the wages of labour.
+
+The expense of production will thus be diminished, but the value of the
+produce, that is, the quantity of labour, and of the other products of
+labour besides corn, which it can command, instead of diminishing, will
+be increased. There will be an increasing number of people demanding
+subsistence, and ready to offer their services in any way in which they
+can be useful. The exchangeable value of food will, therefore, be in
+excess above the cost of production, including in this cost the full
+profits of the stock employed upon the land, according to the actual
+rate of profits, at the time being. And this excess is rent.
+
+Nor is it possible that these rents should permanently remain as
+parts of the profits of stock, or of the wages of labour. If such an
+accumulation were to take place, as decidedly to lower the general
+profits of stock, and, consequently, the expenses of cultivation, so
+as to make it answer to cultivate poorer land; the cultivators of the
+richer land, if they paid no rent, would cease to be mere farmers, or
+persons living upon the profits of agricultural stock. They would unite
+the characters of farmers and landlords--a union by no means uncommon;
+but which does not alter, in any degree, the nature of rent, or its
+essential separation from profits. If the general profits of stock were
+20 per cent and particular portions of land would yield 30 per cent on
+the capital employed, 10 per cent of the 30 would obviously be rent, by
+whomsoever received.
+
+It happens, indeed, sometimes, that from bad government, extravagant
+habits, and a faulty constitution of society, the accumulation of
+capital is stopped, while fertile land is in considerable plenty, in
+which case profits may continue permanently very high; but even in this
+case wages must necessarily fall, which by reducing the expenses
+of cultivation must occasion rents. There is nothing so absolutely
+unavoidable in the progress of society as the fall of wages, that is
+such a fall as, combined with the habits of the labouring classes,
+will regulate the progress of population according to the means of
+subsistence. And when, from the want of an increase of capital, the
+increase of produce is checked, and the means of subsistence come to a
+stand, the wages of labour must necessarily fall so low, as only just to
+maintain the existing population, and to prevent any increase.
+
+We observe in consequence, that in all those countries, such as Poland,
+where, from the want of accumulation, the profits of stock remain very
+high, and the progress of cultivation either proceeds very slowly, or
+is entirely stopped, the wages of labour are extremely low. And this
+cheapness of labour, by diminishing the expenses of cultivation, as far
+as labour is concerned, counteracts the effects of the high profits of
+stock, and generally leaves a larger rent to the landlord than in those
+countries, such as America, where, by a rapid accumulation of stock,
+which can still find advantageous employment, and a great demand for
+labour, which is accompanied by an adequate increase of produce and
+population, profits cannot be low, and labour for some considerable time
+remains very high.
+
+It may be laid down, therefore, as an incontrovertible truth, that as a
+nation reaches any considerable degree of wealth, and any considerable
+fullness of population, which of course cannot take place without a
+great fall both in the profits of stock and the wages of labour, the
+separation of rents, as a kind of fixture upon lands of a certain
+quality, is a law as invariable as the action of the principle of
+gravity. And that rents are neither a mere nominal value, nor a value
+unnecessarily and injuriously transferred from one set of people to
+another; but a most real and essential part of the whole value of the
+national property, and placed by the laws of nature where they are, on
+the land, by whomsoever possessed, whether the landlord, the crown, or
+the actual cultivator.
+
+Rent then has been traced to the same common nature with that general
+surplus from the land, which is the result of certain qualities of the
+soil and its products; and it has been found to commence its separation
+from profits, as soon as profits and wages fall, owing to the
+comparative scarcity of fertile land in the natural progress of a
+country towards wealth and population.
+
+Having examined the nature and origin of rent, it remains for us to
+consider the laws by which it is governed, and by which its increase or
+decrease is regulated.
+
+When capital has accumulated, and labour fallen on the most eligible
+lands of a country, other lands less favourably circumstanced with
+respect to fertility or situation, may be occupied with advantage. The
+expenses of cultivation, including profits, having fallen, poorer land,
+or land more distant from markets, though yielding at first no rent,
+may fully repay these expenses, and fully answer to the cultivator. And
+again, when either the profits of stock or the wages of labour, or both,
+have still further fallen, land still poorer, or still less favourably
+situated, may be taken into cultivation. And, at every step, it is
+clear, that if the price of produce does not fall, the rents of land
+will rise. And the price of produce will not fall, as long as the
+industry and ingenuity of the labouring classes, assisted by the
+capitals of those not employed upon the land, can find something to give
+in exchange to the cultivators and landlords, which will stimulate them
+to continue undiminished their agricultural exertions, and maintain
+their increasing excess of produce.
+
+In tracing more particularly the laws which govern the rise and fall of
+rents, the main causes which diminish the expenses of cultivation, or
+reduce the cost of the instruments of production, compared with the
+price of produce, require to be more specifically enumerated. The
+principal of these seem to be four: first, such an accumulation of
+capital as will lower the profits of stock; secondly, such an increase
+of population as will lower the wages of labour; thirdly, such
+agricultural improvements, or such increase of exertions, as will
+diminish the number of labourers necessary to produce a given effect;
+and fourthly, such an increase in the price of agricultural produce,
+from increased demand, as without nominally lowering the expense of
+production, will increase the difference between this expense and the
+price of produce.
+
+The operation of the three first causes in lowering the expenses of
+cultivation, compared with the price of produce, are quite obvious; the
+fourth requires a few further observations.
+
+If a great and continued demand should arise among surrounding nations
+for the raw produce of a particular country, the price of this produce
+would of course rise considerably; and the expenses of cultivation,
+rising only slowly and gradually to the same proportion, the price
+of produce might for a long time keep so much ahead, as to give a
+prodigious stimulus to improvement, and encourage the employment of much
+capital in bringing fresh land under cultivation, and rendering the old
+much more productive.
+
+Nor would the effect be essentially different in a country which
+continued to feed its own people, if instead of a demand for its raw
+produce, there was the same increasing demand for its manufactures.
+These manufactures, if from such a demand the value of their amount
+in foreign countries was greatly to increase, would bring back a great
+increase of value in return, which increase of value could not fail to
+increase the value of the raw produce. The demand for agricultural as
+well as manufactured produce would be augmented; and a considerable
+stimulus, though not perhaps to the same extent as in the last case,
+would be given to every kind of improvement on the land.
+
+A similar effect would be produced by the introduction of new machinery,
+and a more judicious division of labour in manufactures. It almost
+always happens in this case, not only that the quantity of manufactures
+is very greatly increased, but that the value of the whole mass is
+augmented, from the great extension of the demand for them, occasioned
+by their cheapness. We see, in consequence, that in all rich
+manufacturing and commercial countries, the value of manufactured and
+commercial products bears a very high proportion to the raw products;
+[10] whereas, in comparatively poor countries, without much internal
+trade and foreign commerce, the value of their raw produce constitutes
+almost the whole of their wealth. If we suppose the wages of labour
+so to rise with the rise of produce, as to give the labourer the same
+command of the means of subsistence as before, yet if he is able to
+purchase a greater quantity of other necessaries and conveniencies, both
+foreign and domestic, with the price of a given quantity of corn, he may
+be equally well fed, clothed, and lodged, and population may be equally
+encouraged, although the wages of labour may not rise so high in
+proportion as the price of produce.
+
+And even when the price of labour does really rise in proportion to the
+price of produce, which is a very rare case, and can only happen when
+the demand for labour precedes, or is at least quite contemporary with
+the demand for produce; it is so impossible that all the other outgoings
+in which capital is expended, should rise precisely in the same
+proportion, and at the same time, such as compositions for tithes,
+parish rates, taxes, manure, and the fixed capital accumulated under the
+former low prices, that a period of some continuance can scarcely fail
+to occur, when the difference between the price of produce and the cost
+of production is increased.
+
+In some of these cases, the increase in the price of agricultural
+produce, compared with the cost of the instruments of production,
+appears from what has been said to be only temporary; and in these
+instances it will often give a considerable stimulus to cultivation, by
+an increase of agricultural profits, without showing itself much in
+the shape of rent. It hardly ever fails, however, to increase rent
+ultimately. The increased capital, which is employed in consequence of
+the opportunity of making great temporary profits, can seldom if ever be
+entirely removed from the land, at the expiration of the current leases;
+and, on the renewal of these leases, the landlord feels the benefit of
+it in the increase of his rents.
+
+Whenever then, by the operation of the four causes above mentioned, the
+difference between the price of produce and the cost of the instruments
+of production increases, the rents of land will rise.
+
+It is, however, not necessary that all these four causes should
+operate at the same time; it is only necessary that the difference here
+mentioned should increase. If, for instance, the price of produce were
+to rise, while the wages of labour, and the price of the other branches
+of capital did not rise in proportion, and at the same time improved
+modes of agriculture were coming into general use, it is evident that
+this difference might be increased, although the profits of agricultural
+stock were not only undiminished, but were to rise decidedly higher.
+
+Of the great additional quantity of capital employed upon the land in
+this country, during the last twenty years, by far the greater part
+is supposed to have been generated on the soil, and not to have been
+brought from commerce or manufactures. And it was unquestionably the
+high profits of agricultural stock, occasioned by improvements in the
+modes of agriculture, and by the constant rise of prices, followed only
+slowly by a proportionate rise in the different branches of capital,
+that afforded the means of so rapid and so advantageous an accumulation.
+
+In this case cultivation has been extended, and rents have risen,
+although one of the instruments of production, capital, has been dearer.
+
+In the same manner a fall of profits and improvements in agriculture, or
+even one of them separately, might raise rents, notwithstanding a rise
+of wages.
+
+It may be laid down then as a general truth, that rents naturally rise
+as the difference between the price of produce and the cost of the
+instruments of production increases.
+
+It is further evident, that no fresh land can be taken into cultivation
+till rents have risen, or would allow of a rise upon what is already
+cultivated.
+
+Land of an inferior quality requires a great quantity of capital to make
+it yield a given produce; and, if the actual price of this produce be
+not such as fully to compensate the cost of production, including the
+existing rate of profits, the land must remain uncultivated. It matters
+not whether this compensation is effected by an increase in the money
+price of raw produce, without a proportionate increase in the money
+price of the instruments of production, or by a decrease in the price of
+the instruments of production, without a proportionate decrease in the
+price of produce. What is absolutely necessary, is a greater relative
+cheapness of the instruments of production, to make up for the quantity
+of them required to obtain a given produce from poor land.
+
+But whenever, by the operation of one or more of the causes before
+mentioned, the instruments of production become cheaper, and the
+difference between the price of produce and the expenses of cultivation
+increases, rents naturally rise. It follows therefore as a direct and
+necessary consequence, that it can never answer to take fresh land of a
+poorer quality into cultivation, till rents have risen or would allow of
+a rise, on what is already cultivated.
+
+It is equally true, that without the same tendency to a rise of rents,
+occasioned by the operation of the same causes, it cannot answer to
+lay out fresh capital in the improvement of old land--at least upon the
+supposition, that each farm is already furnished with as much capital as
+can be laid out to advantage, according to the actual rate of profits.
+
+It is only necessary to state this proposition to make its truth appear.
+It certainly may happen, and I fear it happens frequently, that farmers
+are not provided with all the capital which could be employed upon their
+farms, at the actual rate of agricultural profits. But supposing they
+are so provided, it implies distinctly, that more could not be applied
+without loss, till, by the operation of one or more of the causes above
+enumerated, rents had tended to rise.
+
+It appears then, that the power of extending cultivation and increasing
+produce, both by the cultivation of fresh land and the improvement of
+the old, depends entirely upon the existence of such prices, compared
+with the expense of production, as would raise rents in the actual state
+of cultivation.
+
+But though cultivation cannot be extended, and the produce of the
+country increased, but in such a state of things as would allow of a
+rise of rents, yet it is of importance to remark, that this rise of
+rents will be by no means in proportion to the extension of cultivation,
+or the increase of produce. Every relative fall in the price of the
+instruments of production, may allow of the employment of a considerable
+quantity of additional capital; and when either new land is taken
+into cultivation, or the old improved, the increase of produce may
+be considerable, though the increase of rents be trifling. We see, in
+consequence, that in the progress of a country towards a high state of
+cultivation, the quantity of capital employed upon the land, and
+the quantity of produce yielded by it, bears a constantly increasing
+proportion to the amount of rents, unless counterbalanced by
+extraordinary improvements in the modes of cultivation. [11]
+
+According to the returns lately made to the Board of Agriculture, the
+average proportion which rent bears to the value of the whole produce,
+seems not to exceed one fifth; [12] whereas formerly, when there was
+less capital employed, and less value produced, the proportion amounted
+to one fourth, one third, or even two fifths. Still, however, the
+numerical difference between the price of produce and the expenses of
+cultivation, increases with the progress of improvement; and though the
+landlord has a less share of the whole produce, yet this less share,
+from the very great increase of the produce, yields a larger quantity,
+and gives him a greater command of corn and labour. If the produce of
+land be represented by the number six, and the landlord has one fourth
+of it, his share will be represented by one and a half. If the produce
+of land be as ten, and the landlord has one fifth of it, his share
+will be represented by two. In the latter case, therefore, though the
+proportion of the landlord's share to the whole produce is greatly
+diminished, his real rent, independently of nominal price, will be
+increased in the proportion of from three to four. And in general, in
+all cases of increasing produce, if the landlord's share of this produce
+do not diminish in the same proportion, which though it often happens
+during the currency of leases, rarely or never happens on the renewal of
+them, the real rents of land must rise.
+
+We see then, that a progressive rise of rents seems to be necessarily
+connected with the progressive cultivation of new land, and the
+progressive improvement of the old: and that this rise is the natural
+and necessary consequence of the operation of four causes, which are the
+most certain indications of increasing prosperity and wealth--namely,
+the accumulation of capital, the increase of population, improvements
+in agriculture, and the high price of raw produce, occasioned by the
+extension of our manufactures and commerce.
+
+On the other hand, it will appear, that a fall of rents is as
+necessarily connected with the throwing of inferior land out of
+cultivation, and the continued deterioration of the land of a superior
+quality; and that it is the natural and necessary consequence of causes,
+which are the certain indications of poverty and decline, namely,
+diminished capital, diminished population, a bad system of cultivation,
+and the low price of raw produce.
+
+If it be true, that cultivation cannot be extended but under such a
+state of prices, compared with the expenses of production, as will allow
+of an increase of rents, it follows naturally that under such a state
+of relative prices as will occasion a fall of rents, cultivation must
+decline. If the instruments of production become dearer, compared with
+the price of produce, it is a certain sign that they are relatively
+scarce; and in all those cases where a large quantity of them is
+required, as in the cultivation of poor land, the means of procuring
+them will be deficient, and the land will be thrown out of employment.
+
+It appeared, that in the progress of cultivation and of increasing
+rents, it was not necessary that all the instruments of production
+should fall in price at the same time; and that the difference between
+the price of produce and the expense of cultivation might increase,
+although either the profits of stock or the wages of labour might be
+higher, instead of lower.
+
+In the same manner, when the produce of a country is declining, and
+rents are falling, it is not necessary that all the instruments of
+production should be dearer. In a declining or stationary country, one
+most important instrument of production is always cheap, namely, labour;
+but this cheapness of labour does not counterbalance the disadvantages
+arising from the dearness of capital; a bad system of culture; and,
+above all, a fall in the price of raw produce, greater than in the price
+of the other branches of expenditure, which, in addition to labour, are
+necessary to cultivation.
+
+It has appeared also, that in the progress of cultivation and of
+increasing rents, rent, though greater in positive amount, bears a less,
+and lesser proportion to the quantity of capital employed upon the
+land, and the quantity of produce derived from it. According to the same
+principle, when produce diminishes and rents fall, though the amount of
+rent will always be less, the proportion which it bears to capital
+and produce will always be greater. And, as in the former case, the
+diminished proportion of rent was owing to the necessity of yearly
+taking fresh land of an inferior quality into cultivation, and
+proceeding in the improvement of old land, when it would return only the
+common profits of stock, with little or no rent; so, in the latter case,
+the high proportion of rent is owing to the impossibility of obtaining
+produce, whenever a great expenditure is required, and the necessity
+of employing the reduced capital of the country, in the exclusive
+cultivation of its richest lands.
+
+In proportion, therefore, as the relative state of prices is such as
+to occasion a progressive fall of rents, more and more lands will
+be gradually thrown out of cultivation, the remainder will be worse
+cultivated, and the diminution of produce will proceed still faster than
+the diminution of rents.
+
+If the doctrine here laid down, respecting the laws which govern the
+rise and fall of rents, be near the truth, the doctrine which maintains
+that, if the produce of agriculture were sold at such a price as to
+yield less net surplus, agriculture would be equally productive to the
+general stock, must be very far from the truth.
+
+With regard to my own conviction, indeed, I feel no sort of doubt that
+if, under the impression that the high price of raw produce, which
+occasions rent, is as injurious to the consumer as it is advantageous
+to the landlord, a rich and improved nation were determined by law,
+to lower the price of produce, till no surplus in the shape of rent
+anywhere remained; it would inevitably throw not only all the poor land,
+but all, except the very best land, out of cultivation, and probably
+reduce its produce and population to less than one tenth of their former
+amount.
+
+From the preceding account of the progress of rent, it follows, that
+the actual state of the natural rent of land is necessary to the actual
+produce; and that the price of produce, in every progressive country,
+must be just about equal to the cost of production on land of the
+poorest quality actually in use; or to the cost of raising additional
+produce on old land, which yields only the usual returns of agricultural
+stock with little or no rent.
+
+It is quite obvious that the price cannot be less; or such land would
+not be cultivated, nor such capital employed. Nor can it ever much
+exceed this price, because the poor land progressively taken into
+cultivation, yields at first little or no rent; and because it will
+always answer to any farmer who can command capital, to lay it out on
+his land, if the additional produce resulting from it will fully repay
+the profits of his stock, although it yields nothing to his landlord.
+
+It follows then, that the price of raw produce, in reference to the
+whole quantity raised, is sold at the natural or necessary price, that
+is, at the price necessary to obtain the actual amount of produce,
+although by far the largest part is sold at a price very much above that
+which is necessary to its production, owing to this part being produced
+at less expense, while its exchangeable value remains undiminished.
+
+The difference between the price of corn and the price of manufactures,
+with regard to natural or necessary price, is this; that if the price of
+any manufacture were essentially depressed, the whole manufacture would
+be entirely destroyed; whereas, if the price of corn were essentially
+depressed, the quantity of it only would be diminished. There would be
+some machinery in the country still capable of sending the commodity to
+market at the reduced price.
+
+The earth has been sometimes compared to a vast machine, presented by
+nature to man for the production of food and raw materials; but, to make
+the resemblance more just, as far as they admit of comparison, we should
+consider the soil as a present to man of a great number of machines, all
+susceptible of continued improvement by the application of capital to
+them, but yet of very different original qualities and powers.
+
+This great inequality in the powers of the machinery employed in
+procuring raw produce, forms one of the most remarkable features which
+distinguishes the machinery of the land from the machinery employed in
+manufactures.
+
+When a machine in manufactures is invented, which will produce more
+finished work with less labour and capital than before, if there be no
+patent, or as soon as the patent is over, a sufficient number of such
+machines may be made to supply the whole demand, and to supersede
+entirely the use of all the old machinery. The natural consequence
+is, that the price is reduced to the price of production from the best
+machinery, and if the price were to be depressed lower, the whole of the
+commodity would be withdrawn from the market.
+
+The machines which produce corn and raw materials on the contrary, are
+the gifts of nature, not the works of man; and we find, by experience,
+that these gifts have very different qualities and powers. The most
+fertile lands of a country, those which, like the best machinery in
+manufactures, yield the greatest products with the least labour and
+capital, are never found sufficient to supply the effective demand of
+an increasing population. The price of raw produce, therefore, naturally
+rises till it becomes sufficiently high to pay the cost of raising it
+with inferior machines, and by a more expensive process; and, as
+there cannot be two prices for corn of the same quality, all the other
+machines, the working of which requires less capital compared with the
+produce, must yield rents in proportion to their goodness.
+
+Every extensive country may thus be considered as possessing a gradation
+of machines for the production of corn and raw materials, including in
+this gradation not only all the various qualities of poor land, of
+which every large territory has generally an abundance, but the inferior
+machinery which may be said to be employed when good land is further
+and further forced for additional produce. As the price of raw produce
+continues to rise, these inferior machines are successively called into
+action; and, as the price of raw produce continues to fall, they are
+successively thrown out of action. The illustration here used serves
+to show at once the necessity of the actual price of corn to the actual
+produce, and the different effect which would attend a great reduction
+in the price of any particular manufacture, and a great reduction in the
+price of raw produce.
+
+I hope to be excused for dwelling a little, and presenting to the reader
+in various forms the doctrine, that corn in reference to the quantity
+actually produced is sold at its necessary price like manufactures,
+because I consider it as a truth of the highest importance, which has
+been entirely overlooked by the Economists, by Adam Smith, and all those
+writers who have represented raw produce as selling always at a monopoly
+price.
+
+Adam Smith has very clearly explained in what manner the progress of
+wealth and improvement tends to raise the price of cattle, poultry, the
+materials of clothing and lodging, the most useful minerals, etc., etc.
+compared with corn; but he has not entered into the explanation of the
+natural causes which tend to determine the price of corn. He has left
+the reader, indeed, to conclude, that he considers the price of corn as
+determined only by the state of the mines which at the time supply
+the circulating medium of the commercial world. But this is a cause
+obviously inadequate to account for the actual differences in the price
+of grain, observable in countries at no great distance from each other,
+and at nearly the same distance from the mines.
+
+I entirely agree with him, that it is of great use to inquire into the
+causes of high price; as, from the result of such inquiry, it may
+turn out, that the very circumstance of which we complain, may be the
+necessary consequence and the most certain sign of increasing wealth and
+prosperity. But, of all inquiries of this kind, none surely can be so
+important, or so generally interesting, as an inquiry into the causes
+which affect the price of corn, and which occasion the differences in
+this price, so observable in different countries.
+
+I have no hesitation in stating that, independently of irregularities
+in the currency of a country, [13] and other temporary and accidental
+circumstances, the cause of the high comparative money price of corn is
+its high comparative real price, or the greater quantity of capital and
+labour which must be employed to produce it: and that the reason why the
+real price of corn is higher and continually rising in countries which
+are already rich, and still advancing in prosperity and population, is
+to be found in the necessity of resorting constantly to poorer land--to
+machines which require a greater expenditure to work them--and which
+consequently occasion each fresh addition to the raw produce of the
+country to be purchased at a greater cost--in short, it is to be found
+in the important truth that corn, in a progressive country, is sold at
+the price necessary to yield the actual supply; and that, as this supply
+becomes more and more difficult, the price rises in proportion. [14]
+
+The price of corn, as determined by these causes, will of course
+be greatly modified by other circumstances; by direct and indirect
+taxation; by improvements in the modes of cultivation; by the saving
+of labour on the land; and particularly by the importations of foreign
+corn. The latter cause, indeed, may do away, in a considerable degree,
+the usual effects of great wealth on the price of corn; and this wealth
+will then show itself in a different form.
+
+Let us suppose seven or eight large countries not very distant from each
+other, and not very differently situated with regard to the mines.
+Let us suppose further, that neither their soils nor their skill in
+agriculture are essentially unlike; that their currencies are in a
+natural state; their taxes nothing; and that every trade is free,
+except the trade in corn. Let us now suppose one of them very greatly
+to increase in capital and manufacturing skill above the rest, and to
+become in consequence much more rich and populous. I should say, that
+this great comparative increase of riches could not possibly take place,
+without a great comparative advance in the price of raw produce; and
+that such advance of price would, under the circumstances supposed, be
+the natural sign and absolutely necessary consequence, of the increased
+wealth and population of the country in question.
+
+Let us now suppose the same countries to have the most perfect freedom
+of intercourse in corn, and the expenses of freight, etc. to be quite
+inconsiderable. And let us still suppose one of them to increase very
+greatly above the rest, in manufacturing capital and skill, in wealth
+and population. I should then say, that as the importation of corn
+would prevent any great difference in the price of raw produce, it would
+prevent any great difference in the quantity of capital laid out upon
+the land, and the quantity of corn obtained from it; that, consequently,
+the great increase of wealth could not take place without a great
+dependence on the other nations for corn; and that this dependence,
+under the circumstances supposed, would be the natural sign, and
+absolutely necessary consequence of the increased wealth and population
+of the country in question.
+
+These I consider as the two alternatives necessarily belonging to a
+great comparative increase of wealth; and the supposition here made
+will, with proper restrictions, apply to the state of Europe.
+
+In Europe, the expenses attending the carriage of corn are often
+considerable. They form a natural barrier to importation; and even the
+country which habitually depends upon foreign corn, must have the
+price of its raw produce considerably higher than the general level.
+Practically, also, the prices of raw produce, in the different countries
+of Europe, will be variously modified by very different soils, very
+different degrees of taxation, and very different degrees of improvement
+in the science of agriculture. Heavy taxation, and a poor soil, may
+occasion a high comparative price of raw produce, or a considerable
+dependence on other countries, without great wealth and population;
+while great improvements in agriculture and a good soil may keep the
+price of produce low, and the country independent of foreign corn,
+in spite of considerable wealth. But the principles laid down are
+the general principles on the subject; and in applying them to any
+particular case, the particular circumstances of such case must always
+be taken into consideration.
+
+With regard to improvements in agriculture, which in similar soils is
+the great cause which retards the advance of price compared with the
+advance of produce; although they are sometimes very powerful, they are
+rarely found sufficient to balance the necessity of applying to poorer
+land, or inferior machines. In this respect, raw produce is essentially
+different from manufactures.
+
+The real price of manufactures, the quantity of labour and capital
+necessary to produce a given quantity of them, is almost constantly
+diminishing; while the quantity of labour and capital, necessary to
+procure the last addition that has been made to the raw produce of a
+rich and advancing country, is almost constantly increasing. We see in
+consequence, that in spite of continued improvements in agriculture,
+the money price of corn is ceteris paribus the highest in the richest
+countries, while in spite of this high price of corn, and consequent
+high price of labour, the money price of manufactures still continues
+lower than in poorer countries.
+
+I cannot then agree with Adam Smith, in thinking that the low value of
+gold and silver is no proof of the wealth and flourishing state of the
+country, where it takes place. Nothing of course can be inferred from
+it, taken absolutely, except the abundance of the mines; but taken
+relatively, or in comparison with the state of other countries, much
+may be inferred from it. If we are to measure the value of the precious
+metals in different countries, and at different periods in the same
+country, by the price of corn and labour, which appears to me to be the
+nearest practical approximation that can be adopted [and in fact corn
+is the measure used by Adam Smith himself], it appears to me to follow,
+that in countries which have a frequent commercial intercourse with each
+other, which are nearly at the same distance from the mines, and are not
+essentially different in soil; there is no more certain sign, or more
+necessary consequence of superiority of wealth, than the low value of
+the precious metals, or the high price of raw produce. [15]
+
+It is of importance to ascertain this point; that we may not complain of
+one of the most certain proofs of the prosperous condition of a country.
+
+It is not of course meant to be asserted, that the high price of raw
+produce is, separately taken, advantageous to the consumer; but that it
+is the necessary concomitant of superior and increasing wealth, and that
+one of them cannot be had without the other. [16]
+
+With regard to the labouring classes of society, whose interests as
+consumers may be supposed to be most nearly concerned, it is a very
+short-sighted view of the subject, which contemplates, with alarm, the
+high price of corn as certainly injurious to them. The essentials to
+their well being are their own prudential habits, and the increasing
+demand for labour. And I do not scruple distinctly to affirm, that under
+similar habits, and a similar demand for labour, the high price of corn,
+when it has had time to produce its natural effects, so far from being
+a disadvantage to them, is a positive and unquestionable advantage. To
+supply the same demand for labour, the necessary price of production
+must be paid, and they must be able to command the same quantities of
+the necessaries of life, whether they are high or low in price. [17]
+But if they are able to command the same quantity of necessaries, and
+receive a money price for their labour, proportioned to their advanced
+price, there is no doubt that, with regard to all the objects of
+convenience and comfort, which do not rise in proportion to corn [and
+there are many such consumed by the poor], their condition will be most
+decidedly improved.
+
+The reader will observe in what manner I have guarded the proposition. I
+am well aware, and indeed have myself stated in another place, that the
+price of provisions often rises, without a proportionate rise of labour:
+but this cannot possibly happen for any length of time, if the demand
+for labour continues increasing at the same rate, and the habits of
+the labourer are not altered, either with regard to prudence, or the
+quantity of work which he is disposed to perform.
+
+The peculiar evil to be apprehended is, that the high money price of
+labour may diminish the demand for it; and that it has this tendency
+will be readily allowed, particularly as it tends to increase the prices
+of exportable commodities. But repeated experience has shown us
+that such tendencies are continually counterbalanced, and more than
+counterbalanced by other circumstances. And we have witnessed, in our
+own country, a greater and more rapid extension of foreign commerce,
+than perhaps was ever known, under the apparent disadvantage of a very
+great increase in the price of corn and labour, compared with the prices
+of surrounding countries.
+
+On the other hand, instances everywhere abound of a very low money price
+of labour, totally failing to produce an increasing demand for it. And
+among the labouring classes of different countries, none certainly are
+so wretched as those, where the demand for labour, and the population
+are stationary, and yet the prices of provisions extremely low, compared
+with manufactures and foreign commodities. However low they may be,
+it is certain, that under such circumstances, no more will fall to the
+share of the labourer than is necessary just to maintain the actual
+population; and his condition will be depressed, not only by the
+stationary demand for labour, but by the additional evil of being able
+to command but a small portion of manufactures or foreign commodities,
+with the little surplus which he may possess. If, for instance, under a
+stationary population, we suppose, that in average families two thirds
+of the wages estimated in corn are spent in necessary provisions, it
+will make a great difference in the condition of the poor, whether the
+remaining one third will command few or many conveniencies and comforts;
+and almost invariably, the higher is the price of corn, the more
+indulgences will a given surplus purchase.
+
+The high or low price of provisions, therefore, in any country is
+evidently a most uncertain criterion of the state of the poor in that
+country. Their condition obviously depends upon other more powerful
+causes; and it is probably true, that it is as frequently good, or
+perhaps more frequently so, in countries where corn is high, than where
+it is low.
+
+At the same time it should be observed, that the high price
+of corn, occasioned by the difficulty of procuring it, may be considered
+as the ultimate check to the indefinite progress of a country in wealth
+and population. And, although the actual progress of countries be
+subject to great variations in their rate of movement, both from
+external and internal causes, and it would be rash to say that a state
+which is well peopled and proceeding rather slowly at present, may
+not proceed rapidly forty years hence; yet it must be owned, that the
+chances of a future rapid progress are diminished by the high prices of
+corn and labour, compared with other countries.
+
+It is, therefore, of great importance, that these prices should be
+increased as little as possible artificially, that is, by taxation.
+But every tax which falls upon agricultural capital tends to check
+the application of such capital, to the bringing of fresh land under
+cultivation, and the improvement of the old. It was shown, in a former
+part of this inquiry, that before such application of capital could
+take place, the price of produce, compared with the instruments of
+production, must rise sufficiently to pay the farmer. But, if the
+increasing difficulties to be overcome are aggravated by taxation, it
+is necessary, that before the proposed improvements are undertaken, the
+price should rise sufficiently, not only to pay the farmer, but also the
+government. And every tax, which falls on agricultural capital, either
+prevents a proposed improvement, or causes it to be purchased at a
+higher price.
+
+When new leases are let, these taxes are generally thrown off upon the
+landlord. The farmer so makes his bargain, or ought so to make it, as to
+leave himself, after every expense has been paid, the average profits of
+agricultural stock in the actual circumstances of the country, whatever
+they may be, and in whatever manner they may have been affected by
+taxes, particularly by so general a one as the property tax. The farmer,
+therefore, by paying a less rent to his landlord on the renewal of his
+lease, is relieved from any peculiar pressure, and may go on in
+the common routine of cultivation with the common profits. But his
+encouragement to lay out fresh capital in improvements is by no means
+restored by his new bargain. This encouragement must depend, both with
+regard to the farmer and the landlord himself, exclusively on the price
+of produce, compared with the price of the instruments of production;
+and, if the price of these instruments have been raised by taxation, no
+diminution of rent can give relief. It is, in fact, a question, in which
+rent is not concerned. And, with a view to progressive improvements, it
+may be safely asserted, that the total abolition of rents would be
+less effectual than the removal of taxes which fall upon agricultural
+capital.
+
+I believe it to be the prevailing opinion, that the greatest expense of
+growing corn in this country is almost exclusively owing to the weight
+of taxation. Of the tendency of many of our taxes to increase the
+expenses of cultivation and the price of corn, I feel no doubt; but the
+reader will see from the course of argument pursued in this inquiry,
+that I think a part of this price, and perhaps no inconsiderable part,
+arises from a cause which lies deeper, and is in fact the necessary
+result of the great superiority of our wealth and population, compared
+with the quality of our natural soil and the extent of our territory.
+
+This is a cause which can only be essentially mitigated by the habitual
+importation of foreign corn, and a diminished cultivation of it at home.
+The policy of such a system has been discussed in another place; but, of
+course, every relief from taxation must tend, under any system, to make
+the price of corn less high, and importation less necessary.
+
+In the progress of a country towards a high state of improvement, the
+positive wealth of the landlord ought, upon the principles which have
+been laid down, gradually to increase; although his relative condition
+and influence in society will probably rather diminish, owing to
+the increasing number and wealth of those who live upon a still more
+important surplus [18] --the profits of stock.
+
+The progressive fall, with few exceptions, in the value of the precious
+metals throughout Europe; the still greater fall, which has occurred in
+the richest countries, together with the increase of produce which
+has been obtained from the soil, must all conduce to make the landlord
+expect an increase of rents on the renewal of his leases. But, in
+reletting his farms, he is liable to fall into two errors, which are
+almost equally prejudicial to his own interests, and to those of his
+country.
+
+In the first place, he may be induced, by the immediate prospect of an
+exorbitant rent, offered by farmers bidding against each other, to let
+his land to a tenant without sufficient capital to cultivate it in
+the best way, and make the necessary improvements upon it. This is
+undoubtedly a most short-sighted policy, the bad effects of which have
+been strongly noticed by the most intelligent land surveyors in the
+evidence lately brought before Parliament; and have been particularly
+remarkable in Ireland, where the imprudence of the landlords in this
+respect, combined, perhaps, with some real difficulty of finding
+substantial tenants, has aggravated the discontents of the country, and
+thrown the most serious obstacles in the way of an improved system of
+cultivation. The consequence of this error is the certain loss of all
+that future source of rent to the landlord, and wealth to the country,
+which arises from increase of produce.
+
+The second error to which the landlord is liable, is that of mistaking
+a mere temporary rise of prices, for a rise of sufficient duration to
+warrant an increase of rents. It frequently happens, that a scarcity of
+one or two years, or an unusual demand arising from any other cause,
+may raise the price of raw produce to a height, at which it cannot be
+maintained. And the farmers, who take land under the influence of such
+prices, will, in the return of a more natural state of things, probably
+break, and leave their farms in a ruined and exhausted state. These
+short periods of high price are of great importance in generating
+capital upon the land, if the farmers are allowed to have the advantage
+of them; but, if they are grasped at prematurely by the landlord,
+capital is destroyed, instead of being accumulated; and both the
+landlord and the country incur a loss, instead of gaining a benefit.
+
+A similar caution is necessary in raising rents, even when the rise of
+prices seems as if it would be permanent. In the progress of prices and
+rents, rent ought always to be a little behind; not only to afford the
+means of ascertaining whether the rise be temporary or permanent, but
+even in the latter case, to give a little time for the accumulation of
+capital on the land, of which the landholder is sure to feel the full
+benefit in the end.
+
+There is no just reason to believe, that if the lands were to give the
+whole of their rents to their tenants, corn would be more plentiful and
+cheaper. If the view of the subject, taken in the preceding inquiry,
+be correct, the last additions made to our home produce are sold at the
+cost of production, and the same quantity could not be produced from our
+own soil at a less price, even without rent. The effect of transferring
+all rents to tenants, would be merely the turning them into gentlemen,
+and tempting them to cultivate their farms under the superintendence
+of careless and uninterested bailiffs, instead of the vigilant eye of
+a master, who is deterred from carelessness by the fear of ruin, and
+stimulated to exertion by the hope of a competence. The most numerous
+instances of successful industry, and well-directed knowledge, have been
+found among those who have paid a fair rent for their lands; who have
+embarked the whole of their capital in their undertaking; and who
+feel it their duty to watch over it with unceasing care, and add to it
+whenever it is possible. But when this laudable spirit prevails among a
+tenantry, it is of the very utmost importance to the progress of riches,
+and the permanent increase of rents, that it should have the power as
+well as the will to accumulate; and an interval of advancing prices,
+not immediately followed by a proportionate rise of rents, furnishes the
+most effective powers of this kind. These intervals of advancing prices,
+when not succeeded by retrograde movements, most powerfully contribute
+to the progress of national wealth. And practically I should say, that
+when once a character of industry and economy has been established,
+temporary high profits are a more frequent and powerful source of
+accumulation, than either an increased spirit of saving, or any other
+cause that can be named. [19] It is the only cause which seems capable
+of accounting for the prodigious accumulation among individuals, which
+must have taken place in this country during the last twenty years, and
+which has left us with a greatly increased capital, notwithstanding our
+vast annual destruction of stock, for so long a period.
+
+Among the temporary causes of high price, which may sometimes mislead
+the landlord, it is necessary to notice irregularities in the currency.
+When they are likely to be of short duration, they must be treated by
+the landlord in the same manner as years of unusual demand. But
+when they continue so long as they have done in this country, it is
+impossible for the landlord to do otherwise than proportion his rent
+accordingly, and take the chance of being obliged to lessen it again, on
+the return of the currency to its natural state.
+
+The present fall in the price of bullion, and the improved state of
+our exchanges, proves, in my opinion, that a much greater part of the
+difference between gold and paper was owing to commercial causes, and a
+peculiar demand for bullion than was supposed by many persons; but they
+by no means prove that the issue of paper did not allow of a higher rise
+of prices than could be permanently maintained. Already a retrograde
+movement, not exclusively occasioned by the importations of corn, has
+been sensibly felt; and it must go somewhat further before we can return
+to payments in specie. Those who let their lands during the period of
+the greatest difference between notes and bullion, must probably lower
+them, whichever system may be adopted with regard to the trade in corn.
+These retrograde movements are always unfortunate; and high rents,
+partly occasioned by causes of this kind, greatly embarrass the regular
+march of prices, and confound the calculations both of the farmer and
+landlord.
+
+With the cautions here noticed in letting farms, the landlord may fairly
+look forward to a gradual and permanent increase of rents; and, in
+general, not only to an increase proportioned to the rise in the price
+of produce, but to a still further increase, arising from an increase in
+the quantity of produce.
+
+If in taking rents, which are equally fair for the landlord and tenant,
+it is found that in successive lettings they do not rise rather more
+than in proportion to the price of produce, it will generally be owing
+to heavy taxation.
+
+Though it is by no means true, as stated by the Economists, that all
+taxes fall on the net rents of the landlords, yet it is certainly true
+that they are more frequently taxed both indirectly as well as directly,
+and have less power of relieving themselves, than any other order of the
+state. And as they pay, as they certainly do, many of the taxes which
+fall on the capital of the farmer and the wages of the labourer, as well
+as those directly imposed on themselves; they must necessarily feel
+it in the diminution of that portion of the whole produce, which under
+other circumstances would have fallen to their share. But the degree
+in which the different classes of society are affected by taxes, is
+in itself a copious subject, belonging to the general principles of
+taxation, and deserves a separate inquiry.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 1: I cannot, however, agree with him in thinking that all land
+which yields food must necessarily yield rent. The land which is
+successively taken into cultivation in improving countries, may only pay
+profits and labour. A fair profit on the stock employed, including, of
+course, the payment of labour, will always be a sufficient inducement to
+cultivate.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Vol II. p. 124. Of this work a new and much improved
+edition has lately been published, which is highly worthy the attention
+of all those who take an interest in these subjects.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Vol. I. p. 49.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Vol IV. p. 134.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Vol. III. p. 272.]
+
+[Footnote 6: It is, however, certain, that if either these materials be
+wanting, or the skill and capital necessary to work them up be prevented
+from forming, owing to the insecurity of property, to any other cause,
+the cultivators will soon slacken in their exertions, and the motives to
+accumulate and to increase their produce, will greatly diminish. But in
+this case there will be a very slack demand for labour; and, whatever
+may be the nominal cheapness of provisions, the labourer will not really
+be able to command such a portion of the necessaries of life, including,
+of course, clothing, lodging, etc. as will occasion an increase of
+population.]
+
+[Footnote 7: I have supposed some check to the supply of the cotton
+machinery in this case. If there was no check whatever, the effects wold
+show themselves in excessive profits and excessive wages, without an
+excess above the cost of production.]
+
+[Footnote 8: Vol. iv. p. 35.]
+
+[Footnote 9: The more general surplus here alluded to is meant to
+include the profits of the farmer, as well as the rents of the landlord;
+and, therefore, includes the whole fund for the support of those who are
+not directly employed upon the land. Profits are, in reality, a surplus,
+as they are in no respect proportioned (as intimated by the Economists)
+to the wants and necessities of the owners of capital. But they take a
+different course in the progress of society from rents, and it is
+necessary, in general, to keep them quite separate.]
+
+[Footnote 10: According to the calculations of Mr Colquhoun, the value
+of our trade, foreign and domestic, and of our manufactures, exclusive
+of raw materials, is nearly equal to the gross value derived from the
+land. In no other large country probably is this the case. P. Colquhoun,
+Treatise on the wealth, power, and resources of the British Empire, 2nd
+ed. 1815, p. 96. The whole annual produce is estimated at
+about 430 millions, and the products of agriculture at about 216
+millions.]
+
+[Footnote 11: To the honour of Scotch cultivators, it should be
+observed, that they have applied their capitals so very skilfully and
+economically, that at the same time that they have prodigiously
+increased the produce, they have increase the landlord's proportion ot
+it. The difference between the landlord's share of the produce in
+Scotland and in England is quite extraordinary--much greater than can be
+accounted for, either by the natural soil or the absence of tithes and
+poor's rates. See Sir John Sinclair's valuable An account of husbandry
+in Scotland, (Edinburgh) not long since published--works replete with
+the most useful and interesting information on agricultural subjects.]
+
+[Footnote 12: See Evidence before the House of Lords, given in by Arthur
+Young. p. 66.]
+
+[Footnote 13: In all our discussions we should endeavour, as well as we
+can, to separate that part of high price, which arises from excess of
+currency, from that part, which is natural, and arises from permanent
+causes. In the whole course of this argument, it is particularly
+necessary to do this.]
+
+[Footnote 14: It will be observed, that I have said in a progressive
+country; that is, in a country which requires yearly the employment of a
+greater capital on the land, to support an increasing population. If
+there were no question about fresh capital, or an increase of people,
+and all the land were good, it would not then be true that corn must be
+sold at its necessary price. The actual price might be diminished; and
+if the rents of land were diminished in proportion, the cultivation
+might go on as before, and the same quantity be produced. It very rarely
+happens, however, that all the lands of a country actually occupied are
+good, and yield a good net rent. And in all cases, a fall of prices must
+destroy agricultural capital during the currency of leases; and on their
+renewal there would not be the same power of production.]
+
+[Footnote 15: This conclusion may appear to contradict the doctrine of
+the level of the precious metals. And so it does, if by level be meant
+level of value estimated in the usual way. I consider the doctrine,
+indeed, as quite unsupported by facts, and the comparison of the
+precious metals to water perfectly inaccurate. The precious metals are
+always tending to a state of rest, or such a state of things as to make
+their movement unnecessary. But when this state of rest has been nearly
+attained, and the exchanges of all countries are nearly at par, the
+value of the precious metals in different countries, estimated in corn
+and labour, or the mass of commodities, is very far indeed from being
+the same. To be convinced of this, it is only necessary to look at
+England, France, Poland, Russia, and India, when the exchanges are at
+par. That Adam Smith, who proposes labour as the true measure of value
+at all times and in all places, could look around him, and yet say that
+the precious metals were always the highest in value in the richest
+countries, has always appeared to me most unlike his usual attention to
+found his theories on facts.]
+
+[Footnote 16: Even upon the system of importation, in the actual state
+and situation of the countries of Europe, higher prices must accompany
+superior and increasing wealth.]
+
+[Footnote 17: We must not be so far deceived by the evidence before
+Parliament, relating to the want of connection between the prices of
+corn and of labour, as to suppose that they are really independent of
+each other. The price of the necessaries of life is, in fact, the cost
+of producing labour. The supply cannot proceed, if it be not paid; and
+though there will always be a little latitude, owing to some variations
+of industry and habits, and the distance of time between the
+encouragement to population and the period of the results appearing in
+the markets: yet it is a still greater error, to suppose the price of
+labour unconnected with the price of corn, than to suppose that the
+price of corn immediately and completely regulates it. Corn and labour
+rarely march quite abreast; but there is an obvious limit, beyond which
+they cannot be separated. With regard to the unusual exertions made by
+the labouring classes in periods of dearness, which produce the fall of
+wages noticed in the evidence, they are most meritorious in the
+individuals, and certainly favour the growth of capital. But no man of
+humanity could wish to see them constant and unremitted. They are most
+admirable as a temporary relief; but if they were constantly in action,
+effects of a similar kind would result from them, as from the population
+of a country being pushed to the very extreme limits of its food. There
+would be no resources in a scarcity. I own I do not see, with pleasure,
+the great extension of the practice of task work. To work really hard
+during twelve or fourteen hours in the day, for any length of time, is
+too much for a human being. Some intervals of ease are necessary to
+health and happiness: and the occasional abuse of such intervals is no
+valid argument against their use.]
+
+[Footnote 18: I have hinted before, in a note, that profits may, without
+impropriety, be called a surplus. But, whether surplus or not, they are
+the most important source of wealth, as they are, beyond all question,
+the main source of accumulation.]
+
+[Footnote 19: Adam Smith notices the bad effects of high profits on the
+habits of the capitalist. They may perhaps sometimes occasion
+extravagance; but generally, I should say, that extravagant habits were
+a more frequent cause of a scarcity of capital and high profits, than
+high profits of extravagant habits.]
+
+
+
+
+
+
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+The Project Gutenberg Etext of Nature and Progress of Rent, by Thomas Malthus
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+Title: Nature and Progress of Rent
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+Author: Thomas Malthus
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+
+
+Edited by Charles Aldarondo Aldarondo @yahoo.com
+
+
+
+
+AN
+INQUIRY
+INTO
+THE NATURE AND PROGRESS
+OF
+RENT,
+AND THE
+PRINCIPLES BY WHICH IT IS REGULATED.
+
+BY
+THE REV. T. R. MALTHUS,
+_Professor of History and Political Economy In the East India College,
+Hertfordshire_
+
+LONDON:
+PRINTED FOR JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET.
+1815.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+Advertisement
+
+
+
+
+
+The following tract contains the substance of some notes on
+rent, which, with others on different subjects relating to
+political economy, I have collected in the course of my
+professional duties at the East India College. It has been my
+intention, at some time or other, to put them in a form for
+publication; and the very near connection of the subject of the
+present inquiry, with the topics immediately under discussion,
+has induced me to hasten its appearance at the present moment. It
+is the duty of those who have any means of contributing to the
+public stock of knowledge, not only to do so, but to do it at the
+time when it is most likely to be useful. If the nature of the
+disquisition should appear to the reader hardly to suit the form
+of a pamphlet, my apology must be, that it was not originally
+intended for so ephemeral a shape.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+RENT, &c.
+
+
+
+
+
+The rent of land is a portion of the national revenue, which
+has always been considered as of very high importance.
+
+According to Adam Smith, it is one of the three original
+sources of wealth, on which the three great divisions of society
+are supported.
+
+By the Economists it is so pre-eminently distinguished, that
+it is considered as exclusively entitled to the name of riches,
+and the sole fund which is capable of supporting the taxes of the
+state, and on which they ultimately fall.
+
+And it has, perhaps, a particular claim to our attention at
+the present moment, on account of the discussions which are going
+on respecting the corn laws, and the effects of rent on the price
+of raw produce, and the progress of agricultural improvement.
+
+The rent of land may be defined to be that portion of the
+value of the whole produce which remains to the owner of the
+land, after all the outgoings belonging to its cultivation, of
+whatever kind, have been paid, including the profits of the
+capital employed, estimated according to the usual and ordinary
+rate of the profits of agricultural stock at the time being.
+
+It sometimes happens, that from accidental and temporary
+circumstances, the farmer pays more, or less, than this; but this
+is the point towards which the actual rents paid are constantly
+gravitating, and which is therefore always referred to when the
+term is used in a general sense.
+
+The immediate cause of rent is obviously the excess of price
+above the cost of production at which raw produce sells in the
+market.
+
+The first object therefore which presents itself for inquiry,
+is the cause or causes of the high price of raw produce.
+
+After very careful and repeated revisions of the subject, I
+do not find myself able to agree entirely in the view taken of
+it, either by Adam Smith, or the Economists; and still less, by
+some more modern writers.
+
+Almost all these writers appear to me to consider rent as too
+nearly resembling in its nature, and the laws by which it is
+governed, the excess of price above the cost of production, which
+is the characteristic of a monopoly.
+
+Adam Smith, though in some parts of the eleventh chapter of
+his first book he contemplates rent quite in its true light,(1)
+and has interspersed through his work more just observations on
+the subject than any other writer, has not explained the most
+essential cause of the high price of raw produce with sufficient
+distinctness, though he often touches on it; and by applying
+occasionally the term monopoly to the rent of land, without
+stopping to mark its more radical peculiarities, he leaves the
+reader without a definite impression of the real difference
+between the cause of the high price of the necessaries of life,
+and of monopolized commodities.
+
+Some of the views which the Economists have taken of the
+nature of rent appear to me, in like manner, to be quite just;
+but they have mixed them with so much error, and have drawn such
+preposterous and contradictory conclusions from them, that what
+is true in their doctrines, has been obscured and lost in the
+mass of superincumbent error, and has in consequence produced
+little effect. Their great practical conclusion, namely, the
+propriety of taxing exclusively the net rents of the landlords,
+evidently depends upon their considering these rents as
+completely disposable, like that excess of price above the cost
+of production which distinguishes a common monopoly.
+
+M. Say, in his valuable treatise on political economy, in
+which he has explained with great clearness many points which
+have not been sufficiently developed by Adam Smith, has not
+treated the subject of rent in a manner entirely satisfactory. In
+speaking of the different natural agents which, as well as the
+land, co-operate with the labours of man, he observes,
+'Heureusement personne n'a pu dire le vent et le soleil
+m'appartiennent, et le service qu'ils rendent doit m'etre
+paye.'(2) And, though he acknowledges that, for obvious reasons,
+property in land is necessary, yet he evidently considers rent as
+almost exclusively owing to such appropriation, and to external
+demand.
+
+In the excellent work of M. de Sismondi, De la richesse
+commerciale, he says in a note on the subject of rent, 'Cette
+partie de la rente fonciere est celle que les Economistes ont
+decoree du nom du produit net comme etant le seul fruit du
+travail qui aj outat quelquechose a la richesse nationale. On
+pourrait au contraire soutenir contre eux, que c'est la seule
+partie du produit du travail, dont la valeur soit purement
+nominale, et n'ait rien de reelle: c'est en effet le resultat de
+l'augmentation de prix qu'obtient un vendeur en vertu de son
+privilege, sans que la chose vendue en vaille reellement
+d'avantage.'(3) The prevailing opinions among the more modern
+writers in our own country, have appeared to me to incline
+towards a similar view of the subject; and, not to multiply
+citations, I shall only add, that in a very respectable edition
+of the Wealth of nations, lately published by Mr Buchanan, of
+Edinburgh, the idea of monopoly is pushed still further. And
+while former writers, though they considered rent as governed by
+the laws of monopoly, were still of opinion that this monopoly in
+the case of land was necessary and useful, Mr Buchanan sometimes
+speaks of it even as prejudicial, and as depriving the consumer
+of what it gives to the landlord.
+
+In treating of productive and unproductive labour in the last
+volume, he observes,(4) that, 'The net surplus by which the
+Economists estimate the utility of agriculture, plainly arises
+from the high price of its produce, which, however advantageous
+to the landlord who receives it, is surely no advantage to the
+consumer who pays it. Were the produce of agriculture to be sold
+for a lower price, the same net surplus would not remain, after
+defraying the expenses of cultivation; but agriculture would be
+still equally productive to the general stock; and the only
+difference would be, that as the landlord was formerly enriched
+by the high price, at the expense of the community, the community
+would now profit by the low price at the expense of the landlord.
+The high price in which the rent or net surplus originates, while
+it enriches the landlord who has the produce of agriculture to
+sell, diminishes in the same proportion the wealth of those who
+are its purchasers; and on this account it is quite inaccurate to
+consider the landlord's rent as a clear addition to the national
+wealth.' In other parts of his work he uses the same, or even
+stronger language, and in a note on the subject of taxes, he
+speaks of the high price of the produce of land as advantageous
+to those who receive it, it but proportionably injurious to those
+who pay it. 'In this view,' he adds, 'it can form no general
+addition to the stock of the community, as the net surplus in
+question is nothing more than a revenue transferred from one
+class to another, and from the mere circumstance of its thus
+changing hands, it is clear that no fund can arise out of which
+to pay taxes. The revenue which pays for the produce of land
+exists already in the hands of those who purchase that produce;
+and, if the price of subsistence were lower, it would still
+remain in their hands, where it would be just as available for
+taxation, as when by a higher price it is transferred to the
+landed proprietor.'(5)
+
+That there are some circumstances connected with rent, which
+have an affinity to a natural monopoly, will he readily allowed.
+The extent of the earth itself is limited, and cannot be enlarged
+by human demand. And the inequality of soils occasions, even at
+an early period of society a comparative scarcity of the best
+lands; and so far is undoubtedly one of the causes of rent
+properly so called. On this account, perhaps, the term partial
+monopoly might be fairly applicable. But the scarcity of land,
+thus implied, is by no means alone sufficient to produce the
+effects observed. And a more accurate investigation of the
+subject will show us how essentially different the high price of
+raw produce is, both in its nature and origin, and the laws by
+which it is governed, from the high price of a common monopoly.
+
+The causes of the high price of raw produce may be stated to
+be three.
+
+First, and mainly, that quality of the earth, by which it can
+be made to yield a greater portion of the necessaries of life
+than is required for the maintenance of the persons employed on
+the land.
+
+Secondly, that quality peculiar to the necessaries of life of
+being able to create their own demand, or to raise up a number of
+demanders in proportion to the quantity of necessaries produced.
+
+And, thirdly, the comparative scarcity of the most fertile
+land.
+
+The qualities of the soil and of its products, here noticed
+as the primary causes of the high price of raw produce, are the
+gifts of nature to man. They are quite unconnected with monopoly,
+and yet are so absolutely essential to the existence of rent,
+that without them, no degree of scarcity or monopoly could have
+occasioned that excess of the price of raw produce, above the
+cost of production, which shows itself in this form.
+
+If, for instance, the soil of the earth had been such, that,
+however well directed might have been the industry of man, he
+could not have produced from it more than was barely sufficient
+to maintain those, whose labour and attention were necessary to
+its products; though, in this case, food and raw materials would
+have been evidently scarcer than at present, and the land might
+have been, in the same manner, monopolized by particular owners;
+vet it is quite clear, that neither rent, nor any essential
+surplus produce of the land in the form of high profits, could
+have existed.
+
+It is equally clear, that if the necessaries of life the most
+important products of land - had not the property of creating an
+increase of demand proportioned to their increased quantity, such
+increased quantity would occasion a fall in their exchangeable
+value. However abundant might be the produce of a country, its
+population might remain stationary And this abundance, without a
+proportionate demand, and with a very high corn price of labour,
+which would naturally take place under these circumstances, might
+reduce the price of raw produce, like the price of manufactures,
+to the cost of production.
+
+It has been sometimes argued, that it is mistaking the
+principle of population, to imagine, that the increase of food,
+or of raw produce alone, can occasion a proportionate increase of
+population. This is no doubt true; but it must be allowed, as has
+been justly observed by Adam Smith, that 'when food is provided,
+it is comparatively easy to find the necessary clothing and
+lodging. And it should always be recollected, that land does not
+produce one commodity alone, but in addition to that most
+indispensable of all commodities - food - it produces also the
+materials for the other necessaries of life; and the labour
+required to work up these materials is of course never excluded
+from the consideration.(6)
+
+It is, therefore, strictly true, that land produces the
+necessaries of life, produces food, materials, and labour,
+produces the means by which, and by which alone, an increase of
+people may be brought into being, and supported. In this respect
+it is fundamentally different from every other kind of machine
+known to man; and it is natural to suppose, that it should be
+attended with some peculiar effects.
+
+If the cotton machinery, in this country, were to go on
+increasing at its present rate, or even much faster; but instead
+of producing one particular sort of substance which may be used
+for some parts of dress and furniture, etc. had the qualities of
+land, and could yield what, with the assistance of a little
+labour, economy, and skill, could furnish food, clothing, and
+lodging, in such proportions as to create an increase of
+population equal to the increased supply of these necessaries;
+the demand for the products of such improved machinery would
+continue in excess above the cost of production, and this excess
+would no longer exclusively belong to the machinery of the
+land.(7)
+
+There is a radical difference in the cause of a demand for
+those objects which are strictly necessary to the support of
+human life, and a demand for all other commodities. In all other
+commodities the demand is exterior to, and independent of, the
+production itself; and in the case of a monopoly, whether natural
+or artificial, the excess of price is in proportion to the
+smallness of the supply compared with the demand, while this
+demand is comparatively unlimited. In the case of strict
+necessaries, the existence and increase of the demand, or of the
+number of demanders, must depend upon the existence and increase
+of these necessaries themselves; and the excess of their price
+above the cost of their production must depend upon, and is
+permanently limited by, the excess of their quantity above the
+quantity necessary to maintain the labour required to produce
+them; without which excess of quantity no demand could have
+existed, according to the laws of nature, for more than was
+necessary to support the producers.
+
+It has been stated, in the new edition of the Wealth of
+nations, that the cause of the high price of raw produce is, that
+such price is required to proportion the consumption to the
+supply.(8) This is also true, but it affords no solution of the
+point in question. We still want to know why the consumption and
+supply are such as to make the price so greatly exceed the cost
+of production, and the main cause is evidently the fertility of
+the earth in producing the necessaries of life. Diminish this
+plenty, diminish the fertility of the soil, and the excess will
+diminish; diminish it still further, and it will disappear. The
+cause of the high price of the necessaries of life above the cost
+of production, is to be found in their abundance, rather than
+their scarcity; and is not only essentially different from the
+high price occasioned by artificial monopolies, but from the high
+price of those peculiar products of the earth, not connected with
+food, which may be called natural and necessary monopolies.
+
+The produce of certain vineyards in France, which, from the
+peculiarity of their soil and situation, exclusively yield wine
+of a certain flavour, is sold of course at a price very far
+exceeding the cost of production. And this is owing to the
+greatness of the competition for such wine, compared with the
+scantiness of its supply; which confines the use of it to so
+small a number of persons, that they are able, and rather than go
+without it, willing, to give an excessively high price. But if
+the fertility of these lands were increased, so as very
+considerably to increase the produce, this produce might so fall
+in value as to diminish most essentially the excess of its price
+above the cost of production. While, on the other hand, if the
+vineyards were to become less productive, this excess might
+increase to almost any extent.
+
+The obvious cause of these effects is, that in all
+monopolies, properly so called, whether natural or artificial,
+the demand is exterior to, and independent of, the production
+itself. The number of persons who might have a taste for scarce
+wines, and would be desirous of entering into a competition for
+the purchase of them, might increase almost indefinitely, while
+the produce itself was decreasing; and its price, therefore,
+would have no other limit than the numbers, powers, and caprices,
+of the competitors for it.
+
+In the production of the necessaries of life, on the
+contrary, the demand is dependent upon the produce itself; and
+the effects are, in consequence, widely different. In this case,
+it is physically impossible that the number of demanders should
+increase, while the quantity of produce diminishes, as the
+demanders only exist by means of this produce. The fertility of
+soil, and consequent abundance of produce from a certain quantity
+of land, which, in the former case, diminished the excess of
+price above the cost of production, is, in the present case, the
+specific cause of such excess; and the diminished fertility,
+which in the former case might increase the price to almost any
+excess above the cost of production, may be safely asserted to be
+the sole cause which could permanently maintain the necessaries
+of life at a price not exceeding the cost of production.
+
+Is it, then, possible to consider the price of the
+necessaries of life as regulated upon the principle of a common
+monopoly? Is it possible, with M. de Sismondi, to regard rent as
+the sole produce of labour, which has a value purely nominal, and
+the mere result of that augmentation of price which a seller
+obtains in consequence of a peculiar privilege; or, with Mr
+Buchanan, to consider it as no addition to the national wealth,
+but merely as a transfer of value, advantageous only to the
+landlords, and proportionately injurious to the consumers?
+
+Is it not, on the contrary, a clear indication of a most
+inestimable quality in the soil, which God has bestowed on man -
+the quality of being able to maintain more persons than are
+necessary to work it? Is it not a part, and we shall see further
+on that it is an absolutely necessary part, of that surplus
+produce from the land,(9) which has been justly stated to be the
+source of all power and enjoyment; and without which, in fact,
+there would be no cities, no military or naval force, no arts, no
+learning, none of the finer manufactures, none of the
+conveniences and luxuries of foreign countries, and none of that
+cultivated and polished society, which not only elevates and
+dignifies individuals, but which extends its beneficial influence
+through the whole mass of the people?
+
+In the early periods of society, or more remarkably perhaps,
+when the knowledge and capital of an old society are employed
+upon fresh and fertile land, this surplus produce, this bountiful
+gift of providence, shows itself chiefly in extraordinary high
+profits, and extraordinary high wages, and appears but little in
+the shape of rent. While fertile land is in abundance, and may be
+had by whoever asks for it, nobody of course will pay a rent to a
+landlord. But it is not consistent with the laws of nature, and
+the limits and quality of the earth, that this state of things
+should continue. Diversities of soil and situation must
+necessarily exist in all countries. All land cannot be the most
+fertile: all situations cannot be the nearest to navigable rivers
+and markets. But the accumulation of capital beyond the means of
+employing it on land of the greatest natural fertility, and the
+greatest advantage of situation, must necessarily lower profits;
+while the tendency of population to increase beyond the means of
+subsistence must, after a certain time, lower the wages of
+labour.
+
+The expense of production will thus be diminished, but the
+value of the produce, that is, the quantity of labour, and of the
+other products of labour besides corn, which it can command,
+instead of diminishing, will be increased. There will be an
+increasing number of people demanding subsistence, and ready to
+offer their services in any way in which they can be useful. The
+exchangeable value of food will, therefore, be in excess above
+the cost of production, including in this cost the full profits
+of the stock employed upon the land, according to the actual rate
+of profits, at the time being. And this excess is rent.
+
+Nor is it possible that these rents should permanently remain
+as parts of the profits of stock, or of the wages of labour. If
+such an accumulation were to take place, as decidedly to lower
+the general profits of stock, and, consequently, the expenses of
+cultivation, so as to make it answer to cultivate poorer land;
+the cultivators of the richer land, if they paid no rent, would
+cease to be mere farmers, or persons living upon the profits of
+agricultural stock. They would unite the characters of farmers
+and landlords - a union by no means uncommon; but which does not
+alter, in any degree, the nature of rent, or its essential
+separation from profits. If the general profits of stock were 20
+per cent and particular portions of land would yield 30 per cent
+on the capital employed, 10 per cent of the 30 would obviously be
+rent, by whomsoever received.
+
+It happens, indeed, sometimes, that from bad government,
+extravagant habits, and a faulty constitution of society, the
+accumulation of capital is stopped, while fertile land is in
+considerable plenty, in which case profits may continue
+permanently very high; but even in this case wages must
+necessarily fall, which by reducing the expenses of cultivation
+must occasion rents. There is nothing so absolutely unavoidable
+in the progress of society as the fall of wages, that is such a
+fall as, combined with the habits of the labouring classes, will
+regulate the progress of population according to the means of
+subsistence. And when, from the want of an increase of capital,
+the increase of produce is checked, and the means of subsistence
+come to a stand, the wages of labour must necessarily fall so
+low, as only just to maintain the existing population, and to
+prevent any increase.
+
+We observe in consequence, that in all those countries, such
+as Poland, where, from the want of accumulation, the profits of
+stock remain very high, and the progress of cultivation either
+proceeds very slowly, or is entirely stopped, the wages of labour
+are extremely low. And this cheapness of labour, by diminishing
+the expenses of cultivation, as far as labour is concerned,
+counteracts the effects of the high profits of stock, and
+generally leaves a larger rent to the landlord than in those
+countries, such as America, where, by a rapid accumulation of
+stock, which can still find advantageous employment, and a great
+demand for labour, which is accompanied by an adequate increase
+of produce and population, profits cannot be low, and labour for
+some considerable time remains very high.
+
+It may be laid down, therefore, as an incontrovertible truth,
+that as a nation reaches any considerable degree of wealth, and
+any considerable fullness of population, which of course cannot
+take place without a great fall both in the profits of stock and
+the wages of labour, the separation of rents, as a kind of
+fixture upon lands of a certain quality, is a law as invariable
+as the action of the principle of gravity. And that rents are
+neither a mere nominal value, nor a value unnecessarily and
+injuriously transferred from one set of people to another; but a
+most real and essential part of the whole value of the national
+property, and placed by the laws of nature where they are, on the
+land, by whomsoever possessed, whether the landlord, the crown,
+or the actual cultivator.
+
+Rent then has been traced to the same common nature with that
+general surplus from the land, which is the result of certain
+qualities of the soil and its products; and it has been found to
+commence its separation from profits, as soon as profits and
+wages fall, owing to the comparative scarcity of fertile land in
+the natural progress of a country towards wealth and population.
+
+Having examined the nature and origin of rent, it remains for
+us to consider the laws by which it is governed, and by which its
+increase or decrease is regulated.
+
+When capital has accumulated, and labour fallen on the most
+eligible lands of a country, other lands less favourably
+circumstanced with respect to fertility or situation, may be
+occupied with advantage. The expenses of cultivation, including
+profits, having fallen, poorer land, or land more distant from
+markets, though yielding at first no rent, may fully repay these
+expenses, and fully answer to the cultivator. And again, when
+either the profits of stock or the wages of labour, or both, have
+still further fallen, land still poorer, or still less favourably
+situated, may be taken into cultivation. And, at every step, it
+is clear, that if the price of produce does not fall, the rents
+of land will rise. And the price of produce will not fall, as
+long as the industry and ingenuity of the labouring classes,
+assisted by the capitals of those not employed upon the land, can
+find something to give in exchange to the cultivators and
+landlords, which will stimulate them to continue undiminished
+their agricultural exertions, and maintain their increasing
+excess of produce.
+
+In tracing more particularly the laws which govern the rise
+and fall of rents, the main causes which diminish the expenses of
+cultivation, or reduce the cost of the instruments of production,
+compared with the price of produce, require to be more
+specifically enumerated. The principal of these seem to be four:
+first, such an accumulation of capital as will lower the profits
+of stock; secondly, such an increase of population as will lower
+the wages of labour; thirdly, such agricultural improvements, or
+such increase of exertions, as will diminish the number of
+labourers necessary to produce a given effect; and fourthly, such
+an increase in the price of agricultural produce, from increased
+demand, as without nominally lowering the expense of production,
+will increase the difference between this expense and the price
+of produce.
+
+The operation of the three first causes in lowering the
+expenses of cultivation, compared with the price of produce, are
+quite obvious; the fourth requires a few further observations.
+
+If a great and continued demand should arise among
+surrounding nations for the raw produce of a particular country,
+the price of this produce would of course rise considerably; and
+the expenses of cultivation, rising only slowly and gradually to
+the same proportion, the price of produce might for a long time
+keep so much ahead, as to give a prodigious stimulus to
+improvement, and encourage the employment of much capital in
+bringing fresh land under cultivation, and rendering the old much
+more productive.
+
+Nor would the effect be essentially different in a country
+which continued to feed its own people, if instead of a demand
+for its raw produce, there was the same increasing demand for its
+manufactures. These manufactures, if from such a demand the value
+of their amount in foreign countries was greatly to increase,
+would bring back a great increase of value in return, which
+increase of value could not fail to increase the value of the raw
+produce. The demand for agricultural as well as manufactured
+produce would be augmented; and a considerable stimulus, though
+not perhaps to the same extent as in the last case, would be
+given to every kind of improvement on the land.
+
+A similar effect would be produced by the introduction of new
+machinery, and a more judicious division of labour in
+manufactures. It almost always happens in this case, not only
+that the quantity of manufactures is very greatly increased, but
+that the value of the whole mass is augmented, from the great
+extension of the demand for them, occasioned by their cheapness.
+We see, in consequence, that in all rich manufacturing and
+commercial countries, the value of manufactured and commercial
+products bears a very high proportion to the raw products;(10)
+whereas, in comparatively poor countries, without much internal
+trade and foreign commerce, the value of their raw produce
+constitutes almost the whole of their wealth. If we suppose the
+wages of labour so to rise with the rise of produce, as to give
+the labourer the same command of the means of subsistence as
+before, yet if he is able to purchase a greater quantity of other
+necessaries and conveniencies, both foreign and domestic, with
+the price of a given quantity of corn, he may be equally well
+fed, clothed, and lodged, and population may be equally
+encouraged, although the wages of labour may not rise so high in
+proportion as the price of produce.
+
+And even when the price of labour does really rise in
+proportion to the price of produce, which is a very rare case,
+and can only happen when the demand for labour precedes, or is at
+least quite contemporary with the demand for produce; it is so
+impossible that all the other outgoings in which capital is
+expended, should rise precisely in the same proportion, and at
+the same time, such as compositions for tithes, parish rates,
+taxes, manure, and the fixed capital accumulated under the former
+low prices, that a period of some continuance can scarcely fail
+to occur, when the difference between the price of produce and
+the cost of production is increased.
+
+In some of these cases, the increase in the price of
+agricultural produce, compared with the cost of the instruments
+of production, appears from what has been said to be only
+temporary; and in these instances it will often give a
+considerable stimulus to cultivation, by an increase of
+agricultural profits, without showing itself much in the shape of
+rent. It hardly ever fails, however, to increase rent ultimately.
+The increased capital, which is employed in consequence of the
+opportunity of making great temporary profits, can seldom if ever
+be entirely removed from the land, at the expiration of the
+current leases; and, on the renewal of these leases, the landlord
+feels the benefit of it in the increase of his rents.
+
+Whenever then, by the operation of the four causes above
+mentioned, the difference between the price of produce and the
+cost of the instruments of production increases, the rents of
+land will rise.
+
+It is, however, not necessary that all these four causes
+should operate at the same time; it is only necessary that the
+difference here mentioned should increase. If, for instance, the
+price of produce were to rise, while the wages of labour, and the
+price of the other branches of capital did not rise in
+proportion, and at the same time improved modes of agriculture
+were coming into general use, it is evident that this difference
+might be increased, although the profits of agricultural stock
+were not only undiminished, but were to rise decidedly higher.
+
+Of the great additional quantity of capital employed upon the
+land in this country, during the last twenty years, by far the
+greater part is supposed to have been generated on the soil, and
+not to have been brought from commerce or manufactures. And it
+was unquestionably the high profits of agricultural stock,
+occasioned by improvements in the modes of agriculture, and by
+the constant rise of prices, followed only slowly by a
+proportionate rise in the different branches of capital, that
+afforded the means of so rapid and so advantageous an
+accumulation.
+
+In this case cultivation has been extended, and rents have
+risen, although one of the instruments of production, capital,
+has been dearer.
+
+In the same manner a fall of profits and improvements in
+agriculture, or even one of them separately, might raise rents,
+notwithstanding a rise of wages.
+
+It may be laid down then as a general truth, that rents
+naturally rise as the difference between the price of produce and
+the cost of the instruments of production increases.
+
+It is further evident, that no fresh land can be taken into
+cultivation till rents have risen, or would allow of a rise upon
+what is already cultivated.
+
+Land of an inferior quality requires a great quantity of
+capital to make it yield a given produce; and, if the actual
+price of this produce be not such as fully to compensate the cost
+of production, including the existing rate of profits, the land
+must remain uncultivated. It matters not whether this
+compensation is effected by an increase in the money price of raw
+produce, without a proportionate increase in the money price of
+the instruments of production, or by a decrease in the price of
+the instruments of production, without a proportionate decrease
+in the price of produce. What is absolutely necessary, is a
+greater relative cheapness of the instruments of production, to
+make up for the quantity of them required to obtain a given
+produce from poor land.
+
+But whenever, by the operation of one or more of the causes
+before mentioned, the instruments of production become cheaper,
+and the difference between the price of produce and the expenses
+of cultivation increases, rents naturally rise. It follows
+therefore as a direct and necessary consequence, that it can
+never answer to take fresh land of a poorer quality into
+cultivation, till rents have risen or would allow of a rise, on
+what is already cultivated.
+
+It is equally true, that without the same tendency to a rise
+of rents, occasioned by the operation of the same causes, it
+cannot answer to lay out fresh capital in the improvement of old
+land - at least upon the supposition, that each farm is already
+furnished with as much capital as can be laid out to advantage,
+according to the actual rate of profits.
+
+It is only necessary to state this proposition to make its
+truth appear. It certainly may happen, and I fear it happens
+frequently, that farmers are not provided with all the capital
+which could be employed upon their farms, at the actual rate of
+agricultural profits. But supposing they are so provided, it
+implies distinctly, that more could not be applied without loss,
+till, by the operation of one or more of the causes above
+enumerated, rents had tended to rise.
+
+It appears then, that the power of extending cultivation and
+increasing produce, both by the cultivation of fresh land and the
+improvement of the old, depends entirely upon the existence of
+such prices, compared with the expense of production, as would
+raise rents in the actual state of cultivation.
+
+But though cultivation cannot be extended, and the produce of
+the country increased, but in such a state of things as would
+allow of a rise of rents, yet it is of importance to remark, that
+this rise of rents will be by no means in proportion to the
+extension of cultivation, or the increase of produce. Every
+relative fall in the price of the instruments of production, may
+allow of the employment of a considerable quantity of additional
+capital; and when either new land is taken into cultivation, or
+the old improved, the increase of produce may be considerable,
+though the increase of rents be trifling. We see, in consequence,
+that in the progress of a country towards a high state of
+cultivation, the quantity of capital employed upon the land, and
+the quantity of produce yielded by it, bears a constantly
+increasing proportion to the amount of rents, unless
+counterbalanced by extraordinary improvements in the modes of
+cultivation.(11)
+
+According to the returns lately made to the Board of
+Agriculture, the average proportion which rent bears to the value
+of the whole produce, seems not to exceed one fifth;(12) whereas
+formerly, when there was less capital employed, and less value
+produced, the proportion amounted to one fourth, one third, or
+even two fifths. Still, however, the numerical difference between
+the price of produce and the expenses of cultivation, increases
+with the progress of improvement; and though the landlord has a
+less share of the whole produce, yet this less share, from the
+very great increase of the produce, yields a larger quantity, and
+gives him a greater command of corn and labour. If the produce of
+land be represented by the number six, and the landlord has one
+fourth of it, his share will be represented by one and a half. If
+the produce of land be as ten, and the landlord has one fifth of
+it, his share will be represented by two. In the latter case,
+therefore, though the proportion of the landlord's share to the
+whole produce is greatly diminished, his real rent, independently
+of nominal price, will be increased in the proportion of from
+three to four. And in general, in all cases of increasing
+produce, if the landlord's share of this produce do not diminish
+in the same proportion, which though it often happens during the
+currency of leases, rarely or never happens on the renewal of
+them, the real rents of land must rise.
+
+We see then, that a progressive rise of rents seems to be
+necessarily connected with the progressive cultivation of new
+land, and the progressive improvement of the old: and that this
+rise is the natural and necessary consequence of the operation of
+four causes, which are the most certain indications of increasing
+prosperity and wealth - namely, the accumulation of capital, the
+increase of population, improvements in agriculture, and the high
+price of raw produce, occasioned by the extension of our
+manufactures and commerce.
+
+On the other hand, it will appear, that a fall of rents is as
+necessarily connected with the throwing of inferior land out of
+cultivation, and the continued deterioration of the land of a
+superior quality; and that it is the natural and necessary
+consequence of causes, which are the certain indications of
+poverty and decline, namely, diminished capital, diminished
+population, a bad system of cultivation, and the low price of raw
+produce.
+
+If it be true, that cultivation cannot be extended but under
+such a state of prices, compared with the expenses of production,
+as will allow of an increase of rents, it follows naturally that
+under such a state of relative prices as will occasion a fall of
+rents, cultivation must decline. If the instruments of production
+become dearer, compared with the price of produce, it is a
+certain sign that they are relatively scarce; and in all those
+cases where a large quantity of them is required, as in the
+cultivation of poor land, the means of procuring them will be
+deficient, and the land will be thrown out of employment.
+
+It appeared, that in the progress of cultivation and of
+increasing rents, it was not necessary that all the instruments
+of production should fall in price at the same time; and that the
+difference between the price of produce and the expense of
+cultivation might increase, although either the profits of stock
+or the wages of labour might be higher, instead of lower.
+
+In the same manner, when the produce of a country is
+declining, and rents are falling, it is not necessary that all
+the instruments of production should be dearer. In a declining or
+stationary country, one most important instrument of production
+is always cheap, namely, labour; but this cheapness of labour
+does not counterbalance the disadvantages arising from the
+dearness of capital; a bad system of culture; and, above all, a
+fall in the price of raw produce, greater than in the price of
+the other branches of expenditure, which, in addition to labour,
+are necessary to cultivation.
+
+It has appeared also, that in the progress of cultivation and
+of increasing rents, rent, though greater in positive amount,
+bears a less, and lesser proportion to the quantity of capital
+employed upon the land, and the quantity of produce derived from
+it. According to the same principle, when produce diminishes and
+rents fall, though the amount of rent will always be less, the
+proportion which it bears to capital and produce will always be
+greater. And, as in the former case, the diminished proportion of
+rent was owing to the necessity of yearly taking fresh land of an
+inferior quality into cultivation, and proceeding in the
+improvement of old land, when it would return only the common
+profits of stock, with little or no rent; so, in the latter case,
+the high proportion of rent is owing to the impossibility of
+obtaining produce, whenever a great expenditure is required, and
+the necessity of employing the reduced capital of the country, in
+the exclusive cultivation of its richest lands.
+
+In proportion, therefore, as the relative state of prices is
+such as to occasion a progressive fall of rents, more and more
+lands will be gradually thrown out of cultivation, the remainder
+will be worse cultivated, and the diminution of produce will
+proceed still faster than the diminution of rents.
+
+If the doctrine here laid down, respecting the laws which
+govern the rise and fall of rents, be near the truth, the
+doctrine which maintains that, if the produce of agriculture were
+sold at such a price as to yield less net surplus, agriculture
+would be equally productive to the general stock, must be very
+far from the truth.
+
+With regard to my own conviction, indeed, I feel no sort of
+doubt that if, under the impression that the high price of raw
+produce, which occasions rent, is as injurious to the consumer as
+it is advantageous to the landlord, a rich and improved nation
+were determined by law, to lower the price of produce, till no
+surplus in the shape of rent anywhere remained; it would
+inevitably throw not only all the poor land, but all, except the
+very best land, out of cultivation, and probably reduce its
+produce and population to less than one tenth of their former
+amount.
+
+From the preceding account of the progress of rent, it
+follows, that the actual state of the natural rent of land is
+necessary to the actual produce; and that the price of produce,
+in every progressive country, must be just about equal to the
+cost of production on land of the poorest quality actually in
+use; or to the cost of raising additional produce on old land,
+which yields only the usual returns of agricultural stock with
+little or no rent.
+
+It is quite obvious that the price cannot be less; or such
+land would not be cultivated, nor such capital employed. Nor can
+it ever much exceed this price, because the poor land
+progressively taken into cultivation, yields at first little or
+no rent; and because it will always answer to any farmer who can
+command capital, to lay it out on his land, if the additional
+produce resulting from it will fully repay the profits of his
+stock, although it yields nothing to his landlord.
+
+It follows then, that the price of raw produce, in reference
+to the whole quantity raised, is sold at the natural or necessary
+price, that is, at the price necessary to obtain the actual
+amount of produce, although by far the largest part is sold at a
+price very much above that which is necessary to its production,
+owing to this part being produced at less expense, while its
+exchangeable value remains undiminished.
+
+The difference between the price of corn and the price of
+manufactures, with regard to natural or necessary price, is this;
+that if the price of any manufacture were essentially depressed,
+the whole manufacture would be entirely destroyed; whereas, if
+the price of corn were essentially depressed, the quantity of it
+only would be diminished. There would be some machinery in the
+country still capable of sending the commodity to market at the
+reduced price.
+
+The earth has been sometimes compared to a vast machine,
+presented by nature to man for the production of food and raw
+materials; but, to make the resemblance more just, as far as they
+admit of comparison, we should consider the soil as a present to
+man of a great number of machines, all susceptible of continued
+improvement by the application of capital to them, but yet of
+very different original qualities and powers.
+
+This great inequality in the powers of the machinery employed
+in procuring raw produce, forms one of the most remarkable
+features which distinguishes the machinery of the land from the
+machinery employed in manufactures.
+
+When a machine in manufactures is invented, which will
+produce more finished work with less labour and capital than
+before, if there be no patent, or as soon as the patent is over,
+a sufficient number of such machines may be made to supply the
+whole demand, and to supersede entirely the use of all the old
+machinery. The natural consequence is, that the price is reduced
+to the price of production from the best machinery, and if the
+price were to be depressed lower, the whole of the commodity
+would be withdrawn from the market.
+
+The machines which produce corn and raw materials on the
+contrary, are the gifts of nature, not the works of man; and we
+find, by experience, that these gifts have very different
+qualities and powers. The most fertile lands of a country, those
+which, like the best machinery in manufactures, yield the
+greatest products with the least labour and capital, are never
+found sufficient to supply the effective demand of an increasing
+population. The price of raw produce, therefore, naturally rises
+till it becomes sufficiently high to pay the cost of raising it
+with inferior machines, and by a more expensive process; and, as
+there cannot be two prices for corn of the same quality, all the
+other machines, the working of which requires less capital
+compared with the produce, must yield rents in proportion to
+their goodness.
+
+Every extensive country may thus be considered as possessing
+a gradation of machines for the production of corn and raw
+materials, including in this gradation not only all the various
+qualities of poor land, of which every large territory has
+generally an abundance, but the inferior machinery which may be
+said to be employed when good land is further and further forced
+for additional produce. As the price of raw produce continues to
+rise, these inferior machines are successively called into
+action; and, as the price of raw produce continues to fall, they
+are successively thrown out of action. The illustration here used
+serves to show at once the necessity of the actual price of corn
+to the actual produce, and the different effect which would
+attend a great reduction in the price of any particular
+manufacture, and a great reduction in the price of raw produce.
+
+I hope to be excused for dwelling a little, and presenting to
+the reader in various forms the doctrine, that corn in reference
+to the quantity actually produced is sold at its necessary price
+like manufactures, because I consider it as a truth of the
+highest importance, which has been entirely overlooked by the
+Economists, by Adam Smith, and all those writers who have
+represented raw produce as selling always at a monopoly price.
+
+Adam Smith has very clearly explained in what manner the
+progress of wealth and improvement tends to raise the price of
+cattle, poultry, the materials of clothing and lodging, the most
+useful minerals, etc., etc. compared with corn; but he has not
+entered into the explanation of the natural causes which tend to
+determine the price of corn. He has left the reader, indeed, to
+conclude, that he considers the price of corn as determined only
+by the state of the mines which at the time supply the
+circulating medium of the commercial world. But this is a cause
+obviously inadequate to account for the actual differences in the
+price of grain, observable in countries at no great distance from
+each other, and at nearly the same distance from the mines.
+
+I entirely agree with him, that it is of great use to inquire
+into the causes of high price; as, from the result of such
+inquiry, it may turn out, that the very circumstance of which we
+complain, may be the necessary consequence and the most certain
+sign of increasing wealth and prosperity. But, of all inquiries
+of this kind, none surely can be so important, or so generally
+interesting, as an inquiry into the causes which affect the price
+of corn, and which occasion the differences in this price, so
+observable in different countries.
+
+I have no hesitation in stating that, independently of
+irregularities in the currency of a country,(13) and other
+temporary and accidental circumstances, the cause of the high
+comparative money price of corn is its high comparative real
+price, or the greater quantity of capital and labour which must
+be employed to produce it: and that the reason why the real price
+of corn is higher and continually rising in countries which are
+already rich, and still advancing in prosperity and population,
+is to be found in the necessity of resorting constantly to poorer
+land - to machines which require a greater expenditure to work
+them - and which consequently occasion each fresh addition to the
+raw produce of the country to be purchased at a greater cost - in
+short, it is to be found in the important truth that corn, in a
+progressive country, is sold at the price necessary to yield the
+actual supply; and that, as this supply becomes more and more
+difficult, the price rises in proportion.(14)
+
+The price of corn, as determined by these causes, will of
+course be greatly modified by other circumstances; by direct and
+indirect taxation; by improvements in the modes of cultivation;
+by the saving of labour on the land; and particularly by the
+importations of foreign corn. The latter cause, indeed, may do
+away, in a considerable degree, the usual effects of great wealth
+on the price of corn; and this wealth will then show itself in a
+different form.
+
+Let us suppose seven or eight large countries not very
+distant from each other, and not very differently situated with
+regard to the mines. Let us suppose further, that neither their
+soils nor their skill in agriculture are essentially unlike; that
+their currencies are in a natural state; their taxes nothing; and
+that every trade is free, except the trade in corn. Let us now
+suppose one of them very greatly to increase in capital and
+manufacturing skill above the rest, and to become in consequence
+much more rich and populous. I should say, that this great
+comparative increase of riches could not possibly take place,
+without a great comparative advance in the price of raw produce;
+and that such advance of price would, under the circumstances
+supposed, be the natural sign and absolutely necessary
+consequence, of the increased wealth and population of the
+country in question.
+
+Let us now suppose the same countries to have the most
+perfect freedom of intercourse in corn, and the expenses of
+freight, etc. to be quite inconsiderable. And let us still
+suppose one of them to increase very greatly above the rest, in
+manufacturing capital and skill, in wealth and population. I
+should then say, that as the importation of corn would prevent
+any great difference in the price of raw produce, it would
+prevent any great difference in the quantity of capital laid out
+upon the land, and the quantity of corn obtained from it; that,
+consequently, the great increase of wealth could not take place
+without a great dependence on the other nations for corn; and
+that this dependence, under the circumstances supposed, would be
+the natural sign, and absolutely necessary consequence of the
+increased wealth and population of the country in question.
+
+These I consider as the two alternatives necessarily
+belonging to a great comparative increase of wealth; and the
+supposition here made will, with proper restrictions, apply to
+the state of Europe.
+
+In Europe, the expenses attending the carriage of corn are
+often considerable. They form a natural barrier to importation;
+and even the country which habitually depends upon foreign corn,
+must have the price of its raw produce considerably higher than
+the general level. Practically, also, the prices of raw produce,
+in the different countries of Europe, will be variously modified
+by very different soils, very different degrees of taxation, and
+very different degrees of improvement in the science of
+agriculture. Heavy taxation, and a poor soil, may occasion a high
+comparative price of raw produce, or a considerable dependence on
+other countries, without great wealth and population; while great
+improvements in agriculture and a good soil may keep the price of
+produce low, and the country independent of foreign corn, in
+spite of considerable wealth. But the principles laid down are
+the general principles on the subject; and in applying them to
+any particular case, the particular circumstances of such case
+must always be taken into consideration.
+
+With regard to improvements in agriculture, which in similar
+soils is the great cause which retards the advance of price
+compared with the advance of produce; although they are sometimes
+very powerful, they are rarely found sufficient to balance the
+necessity of applying to poorer land, or inferior machines. In
+this respect, raw produce is essentially different from
+manufactures.
+
+The real price of manufactures, the quantity of labour and
+capital necessary to produce a given quantity of them, is almost
+constantly diminishing; while the quantity of labour and capital,
+necessary to procure the last addition that has been made to the
+raw produce of a rich and advancing country, is almost constantly
+increasing. We see in consequence, that in spite of continued
+improvements in agriculture, the money price of corn is ceteris
+paribus the highest in the richest countries, while in spite of
+this high price of corn, and consequent high price of labour, the
+money price of manufactures still continues lower than in poorer
+countries.
+
+I cannot then agree with Adam Smith, in thinking that the low
+value of gold and silver is no proof of the wealth and
+flourishing state of the country, where it takes place. Nothing
+of course can be inferred from it, taken absolutely, except the
+abundance of the mines; but taken relatively, or in comparison
+with the state of other countries, much may be inferred from it.
+If we are to measure the value of the precious metals in
+different countries, and at different periods in the same
+country, by the price of corn and labour, which appears to me to
+be the nearest practical approximation that can be adopted (and
+in fact corn is the measure used by Adam Smith himself), it
+appears to me to follow, that in countries which have a frequent
+commercial intercourse with each other, which are nearly at the
+same distance from the mines, and are not essentially different
+in soil; there is no more certain sign, or more necessary
+consequence of superiority of wealth, than the low value of the
+precious metals, or the high price of raw produce.(15)
+
+It is of importance to ascertain this point; that we may not
+complain of one of the most certain proofs of the prosperous
+condition of a country.
+
+It is not of course meant to be asserted, that the high price
+of raw produce is, separately taken, advantageous to the
+consumer; but that it is the necessary concomitant of superior
+and increasing wealth, and that one of them cannot be had without
+the other.(16)
+
+With regard to the labouring classes of society, whose
+interests as consumers may be supposed to be most nearly
+concerned, it is a very short-sighted view of the subject, which
+contemplates, with alarm, the high price of corn as certainly
+injurious to them. The essentials to their well being are their
+own prudential habits, and the increasing demand for labour. And
+I do not scruple distinctly to affirm, that under similar habits,
+and a similar demand for labour, the high price of corn, when it
+has had time to produce its natural effects, so far from being a
+disadvantage to them, is a positive and unquestionable advantage.
+To supply the same demand for labour, the necessary price of
+production must be paid, and they must be able to command the
+same quantities of the necessaries of life, whether they are high
+or low in price.(17) But if they are able to command the same
+quantity of necessaries, and receive a money price for their
+labour, proportioned to their advanced price, there is no doubt
+that, with regard to all the objects of convenience and comfort,
+which do not rise in proportion to corn (and there are many such
+consumed by the poor), their condition will be most decidedly
+improved.
+
+The reader will observe in what manner I have guarded the
+proposition. I am well aware, and indeed have myself stated in
+another place, that the price of provisions often rises, without
+a proportionate rise of labour: but this cannot possibly happen
+for any length of time, if the demand for labour continues
+increasing at the same rate, and the habits of the labourer are
+not altered, either with regard to prudence, or the quantity of
+work which he is disposed to perform.
+
+The peculiar evil to be apprehended is, that the high money
+price of labour may diminish the demand for it; and that it has
+this tendency will be readily allowed, particularly as it tends
+to increase the prices of exportable commodities. But repeated
+experience has shown us that such tendencies are continually
+counterbalanced, and more than counterbalanced by other
+circumstances. And we have witnessed, in our own country, a
+greater and more rapid extension of foreign commerce, than
+perhaps was ever known, under the apparent disadvantage of a very
+great increase in the price of corn and labour, compared with the
+prices of surrounding countries.
+
+On the other hand, instances everywhere abound of a very low
+money price of labour, totally failing to produce an increasing
+demand for it. And among the labouring classes of different
+countries, none certainly are so wretched as those, where the
+demand for labour, and the population are stationary, and yet the
+prices of provisions extremely low, compared with manufactures
+and foreign commodities. However low they may be, it is certain,
+that under such circumstances, no more will fall to the share of
+the labourer than is necessary just to maintain the actual
+population; and his condition will be depressed, not only by the
+stationary demand for labour, but by the additional evil of being
+able to command but a small portion of manufactures or foreign
+commodities, with the little surplus which he may possess. If,
+for instance, under a stationary population, we suppose, that in
+average families two thirds of the wages estimated in corn are
+spent in necessary provisions, it will make a great difference in
+the condition of the poor, whether the remaining one third will
+command few or many conveniencies and comforts; and almost
+invariably, the higher is the price of corn, the more indulgences
+will a given surplus purchase.
+
+The high or low price of provisions, therefore, in any
+country is evidently a most uncertain criterion of the state of
+the poor in that country. Their condition obviously depends upon
+other more powerful causes; and it is probably true, that it is
+as frequently good. or perhaps more frequently so, in countries
+where corn is high, than where it is low.
+
+ At the same time it should be observed, that the high price
+of corn, occasioned by the difficulty of procuring it, may be
+considered as the ultimate check to the indefinite progress of a
+country in wealth and population. And, although the actual
+progress of countries be subject to great variations in their
+rate of movement, both from external and internal causes, and it
+would be rash to say that a state which is well peopled and
+proceeding rather slowly at present, may not proceed rapidly
+forty years hence; yet it must be owned, that the chances of a
+future rapid progress are diminished by the high prices of corn
+and labour, compared with other countries.
+
+It is, therefore, of great importance, that these prices
+should be increased as little as possible artificially, that is,
+by taxation. But every tax which falls upon agricultural capital
+tends to check the application of such capital, to the bringing
+of fresh land under cultivation, and the improvement of the old.
+It was shown, in a former part of this inquiry, that before such
+application of capital could take place, the price of produce,
+compared with the instruments of production, must rise
+sufficiently to pay the farmer. But, if the increasing difficulties
+to be overcome are aggravated by taxation, it is necessary,
+that before the proposed improvements are undertaken, the
+price should rise sufficiently, not only to pay the farmer,
+but also the government. And every tax, which falls on
+agricultural capital, either prevents a proposed improvement, or
+causes it to be purchased at a higher price.
+
+When new leases are let, these taxes are generally thrown off
+upon the landlord. The farmer so makes his bargain, or ought so
+to make it, as to leave himself, after every expense has been
+paid, the average profits of agricultural stock in the actual
+circumstances of the country, whatever they may be, and in
+whatever manner they may have been affected by taxes,
+particularly by so general a one as the property tax. The farmer,
+therefore, by paying a less rent to his landlord on the renewal
+of his lease, is relieved from any peculiar pressure, and may go
+on in the common routine of cultivation with the common profits.
+But his encouragement to lay out fresh capital in improvements is
+by no means restored by his new bargain. This encouragement must
+depend, both with regard to the farmer and the landlord himself,
+exclusively on the price of produce, compared with the price of
+the instruments of production; and, if the price of these
+instruments have been raised by taxation, no diminution of rent
+can give relief. It is, in fact, a question, in which rent is not
+concerned. And, with a view to progressive improvements, it may
+be safely asserted, that the total abolition of rents would be
+less effectual than the removal of taxes which fall upon
+agricultural capital.
+
+I believe it to be the prevailing opinion, that the greatest
+expense of growing corn in this country is almost exclusively
+owing to the weight of taxation. Of the tendency of many of our
+taxes to increase the expenses of cultivation and the price of
+corn, I feel no doubt; but the reader will see from the course of
+argument pursued in this inquiry, that I think a part of this
+price, and perhaps no inconsiderable part, arises from a cause
+which lies deeper, and is in fact the necessary result of the
+great superiority of our wealth and population, compared with the
+quality of our natural soil and the extent of our territory.
+
+This is a cause which can only be essentially mitigated by
+the habitual importation of foreign corn, and a diminished
+cultivation of it at home. The policy of such a system has been
+discussed in another place; but, of course, every relief from
+taxation must tend, under any system, to make the price of corn
+less high, and importation less necessary.
+
+In the progress of a country towards a high state of
+improvement, the positive wealth of the landlord ought, upon the
+principles which have been laid down, gradually to increase;
+although his relative condition and influence in society will
+probably rather diminish, owing to the increasing number and
+wealth of those who live upon a still more important surplus(18)
+- the profits of stock.
+
+The progressive fall, with few exceptions, in the value of
+the precious metals throughout Europe; the still greater fall,
+which has occurred in the richest countries, together with the
+increase of produce which has been obtained from the soil, must
+all conduce to make the landlord expect an increase of rents on
+the renewal of his leases. But, in reletting his farms, he is
+liable to fall into two errors, which are almost equally
+prejudicial to his own interests, and to those of his country.
+
+In the first place, he may be induced, by the immediate
+prospect of an exorbitant rent, offered by farmers bidding
+against each other, to let his land to a tenant without
+sufficient capital to cultivate it in the best way, and make the
+necessary improvements upon it. This is undoubtedly a most
+short-sighted policy, the bad effects of which have been strongly
+noticed by the most intelligent land surveyors in the evidence
+lately brought before Parliament; and have been particularly
+remarkable in Ireland, where the imprudence of the landlords in
+this respect, combined, perhaps, with some real difficulty of
+finding substantial tenants, has aggravated the discontents of
+the country, and thrown the most serious obstacles in the way of
+an improved system of cultivation. The consequence of this error
+is the certain loss of all that future source of rent to the
+landlord, and wealth to the country, which arises from increase
+of produce.
+
+The second error to which the landlord is liable, is that of
+mistaking a mere temporary rise of prices, for a rise of
+sufficient duration to warrant an increase of rents. It
+frequently happens, that a scarcity of one or two years, or an
+unusual demand arising from any other cause, may raise the price
+of raw produce to a height, at which it cannot be maintained. And
+the farmers, who take land under the influence of such prices,
+will, in the return of a more natural state of things, probably
+break, and leave their farms in a ruined and exhausted state.
+These short periods of high price are of great importance in
+generating capital upon the land, if the farmers are allowed to
+have the advantage of them; but, if they are grasped at
+prematurely by the landlord, capital is destroyed, instead of
+being accumulated; and both the landlord and the country incur a
+loss, instead of gaining a benefit.
+
+A similar caution is necessary in raising rents, even when
+the rise of prices seems as if it would be permanent. In the
+progress of prices and rents, rent ought always to be a little
+behind; not only to afford the means of ascertaining whether the
+rise be temporary or permanent, but even in the latter case, to
+give a little time for the accumulation of capital on the land,
+of which the landholder is sure to feel the full benefit in the
+end.
+
+There is no just reason to believe, that if the lands were to
+give the whole of their rents to their tenants, corn would be
+more plentiful and cheaper. If the view of the subject, taken in
+the preceding inquiry, be correct, the last additions made to our
+home produce are sold at the cost of production, and the same
+quantity could not be produced from our own soil at a less price,
+even without rent. The effect of transferring all rents to
+tenants, would be merely the turning them into gentlemen, and
+tempting them to cultivate their farms under the superintendence
+of careless and uninterested bailiffs, instead of the vigilant
+eye of a master, who is deterred from carelessness by the fear of
+ruin, and stimulated to exertion by the hope of a competence. The
+most numerous instances of successful industry, and well-directed
+knowledge, have been found among those who have paid a fair rent
+for their lands; who have embarked the whole of their capital in
+their undertaking; and who feel it their duty to watch over it
+with unceasing care, and add to it whenever it is possible. But
+when this laudable spirit prevails among a tenantry, it is of the
+very utmost importance to the progress of riches, and the
+permanent increase of rents, that it should have the power as
+well as the will to accumulate; and an interval of advancing
+prices, not immediately followed by a proportionate rise of
+rents, furnishes the most effective powers of this kind. These
+intervals of advancing prices, when not succeeded by retrograde
+movements, most powerfully contribute to the progress of national
+wealth. And practically I should say, that when once a character
+of industry and economy has been established, temporary high
+profits are a more frequent and powerful source of accumulation,
+than either an increased spirit of saving, or any other cause
+that can be named.(19) It is the only cause which seems capable
+of accounting for the prodigious accumulation among individuals,
+which must have taken place in this country during the last
+twenty years, and which has left us with a greatly increased
+capital, notwithstanding our vast annual destruction of stock,
+for so long a period.
+
+Among the temporary causes of high price, which may sometimes
+mislead the landlord, it is necessary to notice irregularities in
+the currency. When they are likely to be of short duration, they
+must be treated by the landlord in the same manner as years of
+unusual demand. But when they continue so long as they have done
+in this country, it is impossible for the landlord to do
+otherwise than proportion his rent accordingly, and take the
+chance of being obliged to lessen it again, on the return of the
+currency to its natural state.
+
+The present fall in the price of bullion, and the improved
+state of our exchanges, proves, in my opinion, that a much
+greater part of the difference between gold and paper was owing
+to commercial causes, and a peculiar demand for bullion than was
+supposed by many persons; but they by no means prove that the
+issue of paper did not allow of a higher rise of prices than
+could be permanently maintained. Already a retrograde movement,
+not exclusively occasioned by the importations of corn, has been
+sensibly felt; and it must go somewhat further before we can
+return to payments in specie. Those who let their lands during
+the period of the greatest difference between notes and bullion,
+must probably lower them, whichever system may be adopted with
+regard to the trade in corn. These retrograde movements are
+always unfortunate; and high rents, partly occasioned by causes
+of this kind, greatly embarrass the regular march of prices, and
+confound the calculations both of the farmer and landlord.
+
+With the cautions here noticed in letting farms, the landlord
+may fairly look forward to a gradual and permanent increase of
+rents; and, in general, not only to an increase proportioned to
+the rise in the price of produce, but to a still further
+increase, arising from an increase in the quantity of produce.
+
+If in taking rents, which are equally fair for the landlord
+and tenant, it is found that in successive lettings they do not
+rise rather more than in proportion to the price of produce, it
+will generally be owing to heavy taxation.
+
+Though it is by no means true, as stated by the Economists,
+that all taxes fall on the net rents of the landlords, yet it is
+certainly true that they are more frequently taxed both
+indirectly as well as directly, and have less power of relieving
+themselves, than any other order of the state. And as they pay,
+as they certainly do, many of the taxes which fall on the capital
+of the farmer and the wages of the labourer, as well as those
+directly imposed on themselves; they must necessarily feel it in
+the diminution of that portion of the whole produce, which under
+other circumstances would have fallen to their share. But the
+degree in which the different classes of society are affected by
+taxes, is in itself a copious subject, belonging to the general
+principles of taxation, and deserves a separate inquiry.
+
+NOTES:
+
+1. I cannot, however, agree with him in thinking that all land
+which yields food must necessarily yield rent. The land which is
+successively taken into cultivation in improving countries, may
+only pay profits and labour. A fair profit on the stock employed,
+including, of course, the payment of labour, will always be a
+sufficient inducement to cultivate.
+
+2. Vol II. p. 124. Of this work a new and much improved edition
+has lately been published, which is highly worthy the attention
+of all those who take an interest in these subjects.
+
+3. Vol. I. p. 49.
+
+4. Vol IV. p. 134.
+
+5. Vol. III. p. 272.
+
+6. It is, however, certain, that if either these materials be
+wanting, or the skill and capital necessary to work them up be
+prevented from forming, owing to the insecurity of property, to
+any other cause, the cultivators will soon slacken in their
+exertions, and the motives to accumulate and to increase their
+produce, will greatly diminish. But in this case there will be a
+very slack demand for labour; and, whatever may be the nominal
+cheapness of provisions, the labourer will not really be able to
+command such a portion of the necessaries of life, including, of
+course, clothing, lodging, etc. as will occasion an increase of
+population.
+
+7. I have supposed some check to the supply of the cotton
+machinery in this case. If there was no check whatever, the
+effects wold show themselves in excessive profits and excessive
+wages, without an excess above the cost of production.
+
+8. Vol. iv. p. 35.
+
+9. The more general surplus here alluded to is meant to include
+the profits of the farmer, as well as the rents of the landlord;
+and, therefore, includes the whole fund for the support of those
+who are not directly employed upon the land. Profits are, in
+reality, a surplus, as they are in no respect proportioned (as
+intimated by the Economists) to the wants and necessities of the
+owners of capital. But they take a different course in the
+progress of society from rents, and it is necessary, in general,
+to keep them quite separate.
+
+10. According to the calculations of Mr Colquhoun, the value of
+our trade, foreign and domestic, and of our manufactures,
+exclusive of raw materials, is nearly equal to the gross value
+derived from the land. In no other large country probably is this
+the case. P. Colquhoun, Treatise on the wealth, power, and
+resources of the British Empire, 2nd ed. (1815), p. 96. The whole
+annual produce is estimated at about 430 millions, and the
+products of agriculture at about 216 millions.
+
+11. To the honour of Scotch cultivators, it should be observed,
+that they have applied their capitals so very skilfully and
+economically, that at the same time that they have prodigiously
+increased the produce, they have increase the landlord's
+proportion ot it. The difference between the landlord's share of
+the produce in Scotland and in England is quite extraordinary--
+much greater than can be accounted for, either by the natural
+soil or the absence of tithes and poor's rates. See Sir John
+Sinclair's valuable An account of husbandry in Scotland
+(Edinburgh, 1812) and General Report, 4 vols. (Edinburgh, 1814)
+not long since published--works replete with the most useful
+and interesting information on agricultural subjects.
+
+12. See Evidence before the House of Lords, given in by Arthur
+Young. p. 66.
+
+13. In all our discussions we should endeavour, as well as we
+can, to separate that part of high price, which arises from
+excess of currency, from that part, which is natural, and arises
+from permanent causes. In the whole course of this argument, it
+is particularly necessary to do this.
+
+14. It will be observed, that l have said in a progressive
+country; that is, in a country which requires yearly the
+employment of a greater capital on the land, to support an
+increasing population. If there were no question about fresh
+capital, or an increase of people, and all the land were good, it
+would not then be true that corn must be sold at its necessary
+price. The actual price might be diminished; and if the rents of
+land were diminished in proportion. the cultivation might go on
+as before, and the same quantity be produced. It very rarely
+happens, however, that all the lands of a country actually
+occupied are good, and yield a good net rent. And in all cases, a
+fall of prices must destroy agricultural capital during the
+currency of leases; and on their renewal there would not be the
+same power of production.
+
+15. This conclusion may appear to contradict the doctrine of the
+level of the precious metals. And so it does, if by level be
+meant level of value estimated in the usual way. I consider the
+doctrine, indeed, as quite unsupported by facts, and the
+comparison of the precious metals to water perfectly inaccurate.
+The precious metals are always tending to a state of rest, or
+such a state of things as to make their movement unnecessary. But
+when this state of rest has been nearly attained, and the
+exchanges of all countries are nearly at par, the value of the
+precious metals in different countries, estimated in corn and
+labour, or the mass of commodities, is very far indeed from being
+the same. To be convinced of this, it is only necessary to look
+at England, France, Poland, Russia, and India, when the exchanges
+are at par. That Adam Smith. who proposes labour as the true
+measure of value at all times and in all places, could look
+around him, and vet say that the precious metals were always the
+highest in value in the richest countries, has always appeared to
+me most unlike his usual attention to found his theories on
+facts.
+
+16. Even upon the system of importation, in the actual state and
+situation of the countries of Europe, higher prices must
+accompany superior and increasing wealth.
+
+17. We must not be so far deceived by the evidence before
+Parliament, relating to the want of connection between the prices
+of corn and of labour, as to suppose that they are really
+independent of each other. The price of the necessaries of life
+is, in fact, the cost of producing labour. The supply cannot
+proceed, if it be not paid; and though there will always be a
+little latitude, owing to some variations of industry and habits,
+and the distance of time between the encouragement to population
+and the period of the results appearing in the markets: yet it is
+a still greater error, to suppose the price of labour unconnected
+with the price of corn, than to suppose that the price of corn
+immediately and completely regulates it. Corn and labour rarely
+march quite abreast; but there is an obvious limit, beyond which
+they cannot be separated. With regard to the unusual exertions
+made by the labouring classes in periods of dearness, which
+produce the fall of wages noticed in the evidence, they are most
+meritorious in the individuals, and certainly favour the growth
+of capital. But no man of humanity could wish to see them
+constant and unremitted. They are most admirable as a temporary
+relief; but if they were constantly in action, effects of a
+similar kind would result from them, as from the population of a
+country being pushed to the very extreme limits of its food.
+There would be no resources in a scarcity. I own I do not see,
+with pleasure, the great extension of the practice of task work.
+To work really hard during twelve or fourteen hours in the day,
+for any length of time, is too much for a human being. Some
+intervals of ease are necessary to health and happiness: and the
+occasional abuse of such intervals is no valid argument against
+their use.
+
+18. I have hinted before, in a note, that profits may, without
+impropriety, be called a surplus. But, whether surplus or not,
+they are the most important source of wealth, as they are, beyond
+all question, the main source of accumulation.
+
+19. Adam Smith notices the bad effects of high profits on the
+habits of the capitalist. They may perhaps sometimes occasion
+extravagance; but generally, I should say, that extravagant
+habits were a more frequent cause of a scarcity of capital and
+high profits, than high profits of extravagant habits.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of Project Gutenberg's Nature and Progress of Rent, by Thomas Malthus
+
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