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diff --git a/43302-0.txt b/43302-0.txt index 64a3e3f..e0e0607 100644 --- a/43302-0.txt +++ b/43302-0.txt @@ -1,40 +1,4 @@ -Project Gutenberg's The Kingdom of God is Within You, by Count Leo Tolstoy - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The Kingdom of God is Within You - Christianity Not as a Mystic Religion But as a New Theory of Life - -Author: Count Leo Tolstoy - -Translator: Constance Garnett - -Release Date: July 26, 2013 [EBook #43302] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE KINGDOM OF GOD IS WITHIN YOU *** - - - - -Produced by David Edwards and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - - +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 43302 *** "THE KINGDOM OF GOD IS WITHIN YOU" @@ -12916,361 +12880,4 @@ Table of Contents from 279 to 278. 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You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The Kingdom of God is Within You - Christianity Not as a Mystic Religion But as a New Theory of Life - -Author: Count Leo Tolstoy - -Translator: Constance Garnett - -Release Date: July 26, 2013 [EBook #43302] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE KINGDOM OF GOD IS WITHIN YOU *** - - - - -Produced by David Edwards and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - "THE KINGDOM OF GOD IS - WITHIN YOU" - - [Illustration: titlepage] - - "THE KINGDOM OF GOD IS - WITHIN YOU" - - _CHRISTIANITY NOT AS A MYSTIC RELIGION - BUT AS A NEW THEORY OF LIFE_ - - TRANSLATED FROM THE RUSSIAN OF - COUNT LEO TOLSTOY - - BY - CONSTANCE GARNETT - - NEW YORK - THE CASSELL PUBLISHING CO. - 31 EAST 17TH ST. (UNION SQUARE) - - - - - COPYRIGHT, 1894, BY - THE CASSELL PUBLISHING CO. - - _All rights reserved._ - - THE MERSHON COMPANY PRESS, - RAHWAY, N. J. - - - - -TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. - - -The book I have had the privilege of translating is, undoubtedly, -one of the most remarkable studies of the social and psychological -condition of the modern world which has appeared in Europe for many -years, and its influence is sure to be lasting and far reaching. -Tolstoy's genius is beyond dispute. The verdict of the civilized -world has pronounced him as perhaps the greatest novelist of our -generation. But the philosophical and religious works of his later -years have met with a somewhat indifferent reception. They have -been much talked about, simply because they were his work, but, as -Tolstoy himself complains, they have never been seriously discussed. -I hardly think that he will have to repeat the complaint in regard -to the present volume. One may disagree with his views, but no one -can seriously deny the originality, boldness, and depth of the social -conception which he develops with such powerful logic. The novelist -has shown in this book the religious fervor and spiritual insight -of the prophet; yet one is pleased to recognize that the artist is -not wholly lost in the thinker. The subtle intuitive perception of -the psychological basis of the social position, the analysis of the -frame of mind of oppressors and oppressed, and of the intoxication of -Authority and Servility, as well as the purely descriptive passages -in the last chapter--these could only have come from the author of -"War and Peace." - -The book will surely give all classes of readers much to think of, -and must call forth much criticism. It must be refuted by those who -disapprove of its teaching, if they do not want it to have great -influence. - -One cannot of course anticipate that English people, slow as they are -to be influenced by ideas, and instinctively distrustful of all that -is logical, will take a leap in the dark and attempt to put Tolstoy's -theory of life into practice. But one may at least be sure that his -destructive criticism of the present social and political _régime_ -will become a powerful force in the work of disintegration and social -reconstruction which is going on around us. Many earnest thinkers -who, like Tolstoy, are struggling to find their way out of the -contradictions of our social order will hail him as their spiritual -guide. The individuality of the author is felt in every line of his -work, and even the most prejudiced cannot resist the fascination -of his genuineness, sincerity, and profound earnestness. Whatever -comes from a heart such as his, swelling with anger and pity at the -sufferings of humanity, cannot fail to reach the hearts of others. No -reader can put down the book without feeling himself better and more -truth-loving for having read it. - -Many readers may be disappointed with the opening chapters of the -book. Tolstoy disdains all attempt to captivate the reader. He -begins by laying what he considers to be the logical foundation -of his doctrines, stringing together quotations from little-known -theological writers, and he keeps his own incisive logic for the -later part of the book. - -One word as to the translation. Tolstoy's style in his religious and -philosophical works differs considerably from that of his novels. -He no longer cares about the form of his work, and his style is -often slipshod, involved, and diffuse. It has been my aim to give a -faithful reproduction of the original. - - CONSTANCE GARNETT. - _January, 1894._ - - - - -PREFACE. - - -In the year 1884 I wrote a book under the title "What I Believe," in -which I did in fact make a sincere statement of my beliefs. - -In affirming my belief in Christ's teaching, I could not help -explaining why I do not believe, and consider as mistaken, the -Church's doctrine, which is usually called Christianity. - -Among the many points in which this doctrine falls short of the -doctrine of Christ I pointed out as the principal one the absence of -any commandment of non-resistance to evil by force. The perversion -of Christ's teaching by the teaching of the Church is more clearly -apparent in this than in any other point of difference. - -I know--as we all do--very little of the practice and the spoken and -written doctrine of former times on the subject of non-resistance to -evil. I knew what had been said on the subject by the fathers of the -Church--Origen, Tertullian, and others--I knew too of the existence -of some so-called sects of Mennonites, Herrnhuters, and Quakers, -who do not allow a Christian the use of weapons, and do not enter -military service; but I knew little of what had been done by these -so-called sects toward expounding the question. - -My book was, as I had anticipated, suppressed by the Russian -censorship; but partly owing to my literary reputation, partly -because the book had excited people's curiosity, it circulated -in manuscript and in lithographed copies in Russia and through -translations abroad, and it evoked, on one side, from those who -shared my convictions, a series of essays with a great deal of -information on the subject, on the other side a series of criticisms -on the principles laid down in my book. - -A great deal was made clear to me by both hostile and sympathetic -criticism, and also by the historical events of late years; and I was -led to fresh results and conclusions, which I wish now to expound. - -First I will speak of the information I received on the history of -the question of non-resistance to evil; then of the views of this -question maintained by spiritual critics, that is, by professed -believers in the Christian religion, and also by temporal ones, that -is, those who do not profess the Christian religion; and lastly I -will speak of the conclusions to which I have been brought by all -this in the light of the historical events of late years. - - L. TOLSTOY. - YASNAÏA POLIANA, - _May 14/26, 1893_. - - - - -CONTENTS. - - - CHAPTER PAGE - - I. THE DOCTRINE OF NON-RESISTANCE TO EVIL BY FORCE - HAS BEEN PROFESSED BY A MINORITY OF MEN FROM - THE VERY FOUNDATION OF CHRISTIANITY, 1 - - II. CRITICISMS OF THE DOCTRINE OF NON-RESISTANCE TO - EVIL BY FORCE ON THE PART OF BELIEVERS AND OF - UNBELIEVERS, 29 - - III. CHRISTIANITY MISUNDERSTOOD BY BELIEVERS, 48 - - IV. CHRISTIANITY MISUNDERSTOOD BY MEN OF SCIENCE, 85 - - V. CONTRADICTION BETWEEN OUR LIFE AND OUR CHRISTIAN - CONSCIENCE, 109 - - VI. ATTITUDE OF MEN OF THE PRESENT DAY TO WAR, 133 - - VII. SIGNIFICANCE OF COMPULSORY SERVICE, 164 - - VIII. DOCTRINE OF NON-RESISTANCE TO EVIL BY FORCE MUST - INEVITABLY BE ACCEPTED BY MEN OF THE PRESENT - DAY, 184 - - IX. THE ACCEPTANCE OF THE CHRISTIAN CONCEPTION OF - LIFE WILL EMANCIPATE MEN FROM THE MISERIES - OF OUR PAGAN LIFE, 208 - - X. EVIL CANNOT BE SUPPRESSED BY THE PHYSICAL FORCE - OF THE GOVERNMENT--THE MORAL PROGRESS OF - HUMANITY IS BROUGHT ABOUT NOT ONLY BY INDIVIDUAL - RECOGNITION OF THE TRUTH, BUT ALSO - THROUGH THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A PUBLIC OPINION, 235 - - XI. THE CHRISTIAN CONCEPTION OF LIFE HAS ALREADY - ARISEN IN OUR SOCIETY, AND WILL INFALLIBLY PUT - AN END TO THE PRESENT ORGANIZATION OF OUR LIFE - BASED ON FORCE--WHEN THAT WILL BE, 264 - - XII. CONCLUSION--REPENT YE, FOR THE KINGDOM OF - HEAVEN IS AT HAND, 278 - - - - - "Ye shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you - free."--JOHN viii. 32. - - "Fear not them which kill the body, but are not able to kill the - soul; but rather fear him which is able to destroy both soul and - body in hell."--MATT. x. 28. - - "Ye have been bought with a price; be not ye the servants of - men."--1 COR. vii. 23. - - - - -"THE KINGDOM OF GOD IS WITHIN YOU." - - - - -CHAPTER I. - - THE DOCTRINE OF NON-RESISTANCE TO EVIL BY FORCE HAS BEEN - PROFESSED BY A MINORITY OF MEN FROM THE VERY FOUNDATION OF - CHRISTIANITY. - - Of the Book "What I Believe"--The Correspondence Evoked - by it--Letters from Quakers--Garrison's Declaration--Adin - Ballou, his Works, his Catechism--Helchitsky's "Net of - Faith"--The Attitude of the World to Works Elucidating Christ's - Teaching--Dymond's Book "On War"--Musser's "Non-resistance - Asserted"--Attitude of the Government in 1818 to Men who Refused - to Serve in the Army--Hostile Attitude of Governments Generally - and of Liberals to Those who Refuse to Assist in Acts of State - Violence, and their Conscious Efforts to Silence and Suppress - these Manifestations of Christian Non-resistance. - - -Among the first responses called forth by my book were some letters -from American Quakers. In these letters, expressing their sympathy -with my views on the unlawfulness for a Christian of war and the -use of force of any kind, the Quakers gave me details of their own -so-called sect, which for more than two hundred years has actually -professed the teaching of Christ on non-resistance to evil by force, -and does not make use of weapons in self-defense. The Quakers sent -me also their pamphlets, journals, and books, from which I learnt -how they had, years ago, established beyond doubt the duty for a -Christian of fulfilling the command of non-resistance to evil by -force, and had exposed the error of the Church's teaching in allowing -war and capital punishment. - -In a whole series of arguments and texts showing that war--that is, -the wounding and killing of men--is inconsistent with a religion -founded on peace and good will toward men, the Quakers maintain -and prove that nothing has contributed so much to the obscuring of -Christian truth in the eyes of the heathen, and has hindered so much -the diffusion of Christianity through the world, as the disregard of -this command by men calling themselves Christians, and the permission -of war and violence to Christians. - -"Christ's teaching, which came to be known to men, not by means of -violence and the sword," they say, "but by means of non-resistance to -evil, gentleness, meekness, and peaceableness, can only be diffused -through the world by the example of peace, harmony, and love among -its followers." - -"A Christian, according to the teaching of God himself, can act only -peaceably toward all men, and therefore there can be no authority -able to force the Christian to act in opposition to the teaching of -God and to the principal virtue of the Christian in his relation with -his neighbors." - -"The law of state necessity," they say, "can force only those to -change the law of God who, for the sake of earthly gains, try to -reconcile the irreconcilable; but for a Christian who sincerely -believes that following Christ's teaching will give him salvation, -such considerations of state can have no force." - -Further acquaintance with the labors of the Quakers and their -works--with Fox, Penn, and especially the work of Dymond (published -in 1827)--showed me not only that the impossibility of reconciling -Christianity with force and war had been recognized long, long ago, -but that this irreconcilability had been long ago proved so clearly -and so indubitably that one could only wonder how this impossible -reconciliation of Christian teaching with the use of force, which -has been, and is still, preached in the churches, could have been -maintained in spite of it. - -In addition to what I learned from the Quakers I received about the -same time, also from America, some information on the subject from a -source perfectly distinct and previously unknown to me. - -The son of William Lloyd Garrison, the famous champion of the -emancipation of the negroes, wrote to me that he had read my book, in -which he found ideas similar to those expressed by his father in the -year 1838, and that, thinking it would be interesting to me to know -this, he sent me a declaration or proclamation of "non-resistance" -drawn up by his father nearly fifty years ago. - -This declaration came about under the following circumstances: -William Lloyd Garrison took part in a discussion on the means of -suppressing war in the Society for the Establishment of Peace among -Men, which existed in 1838 in America. He came to the conclusion -that the establishment of universal peace can only be founded on -the open profession of the doctrine of non-resistance to evil by -violence (Matt. v. 39), in its full significance, as understood by -the Quakers, with whom Garrison happened to be on friendly relations. -Having come to this conclusion, Garrison thereupon composed and laid -before the society a declaration, which was signed at the time--in -1838--by many members. - - "DECLARATION OF SENTIMENTS ADOPTED BY THE PEACE CONVENTION. - - "BOSTON, 1838. - - "We, the undersigned, regard it as due to ourselves, to the - cause which we love, to the country in which we live, to - publish a declaration expressive of the purposes we aim to - accomplish and the measures we shall adopt to carry forward the - work of peaceful universal reformation. - - "We do not acknowledge allegiance to any human government. - We recognize but one King and Lawgiver, one Judge and Ruler - of mankind. Our country is the world, our countrymen are all - mankind. We love the land of our nativity only as we love all - other lands. The interests and rights of American citizens are - not dearer to us than those of the whole human race. Hence we - can allow no appeal to patriotism to revenge any national insult - or injury.... - - "We conceive that a nation has no right to defend itself against - foreign enemies or to punish its invaders, and no individual - possesses that right in his own case, and the unit cannot be of - greater importance than the aggregate. If soldiers thronging - from abroad with intent to commit rapine and destroy life may - not be resisted by the people or the magistracy, then ought no - resistance to be offered to domestic troublers of the public - peace or of private security. - - "The dogma that all the governments of the world are approvingly - ordained of God, and that the powers that be in the United - States, in Russia, in Turkey, are in accordance with his will, - is no less absurd than impious. It makes the impartial Author - of our existence unequal and tyrannical. It cannot be affirmed - that the powers that be in any nation are actuated by the spirit - or guided by the example of Christ in the treatment of enemies; - therefore they cannot be agreeable to the will of God, and - therefore their overthrow by a spiritual regeneration of their - subjects is inevitable. - - "We regard as unchristian and unlawful not only all wars, - whether offensive or defensive, but all preparations for - war; every naval ship, every arsenal, every fortification, - we regard as unchristian and unlawful; the existence of any - kind of standing army, all military chieftains, all monuments - commemorative of victory over a fallen foe, all trophies won - in battle, all celebrations in honor of military exploits, all - appropriations for defense by arms; we regard as unchristian and - unlawful every edict of government requiring of its subjects - military service. - - "Hence we deem it unlawful to bear arms, and we cannot hold - any office which imposes on its incumbent the obligation to - compel men to do right on pain of imprisonment or death. We - therefore voluntarily exclude ourselves from every legislative - and judicial body, and repudiate all human politics, worldly - honors, and stations of authority. If we cannot occupy a seat - in the legislature or on the bench, neither can we elect others - to act as our substitutes in any such capacity. It follows that - we cannot sue any man at law to force him to return anything he - may have wrongly taken from us; if he has seized our coat, we - shall surrender him our cloak also rather than subject him to - punishment. - - "We believe that the penal code of the old covenant--an eye for - an eye, and a tooth for a tooth--has been abrogated by Jesus - Christ, and that under the new covenant the forgiveness instead - of the punishment of enemies has been enjoined on all his - disciples in all cases whatsoever. To extort money from enemies, - cast them into prison, exile or execute them, is obviously not - to forgive but to take retribution. - - "The history of mankind is crowded with evidences proving that - physical coercion is not adapted to moral regeneration, and that - the sinful dispositions of men can be subdued only by love; that - evil can be exterminated only by good; that it is not safe to - rely upon the strength of an arm to preserve us from harm; that - there is great security in being gentle, long-suffering, and - abundant in mercy; that it is only the meek who shall inherit - the earth; for those who take up the sword shall perish by the - sword. - - "Hence as a measure of sound policy--of safety to property, - life, and liberty--of public quietude and private enjoyment--as - well as on the ground of allegiance to Him who is King of - kings and Lord of lords, we cordially adopt the non-resistance - principle, being confident that it provides for all possible - consequences, is armed with omnipotent power, and must - ultimately triumph over every assailing force. - - "We advocate no Jacobinical doctrines. The spirit of Jacobinism - is the spirit of retaliation, violence, and murder. It neither - fears God nor regards man. We would be filled with the spirit of - Christ. If we abide by our fundamental principle of not opposing - evil by evil we cannot participate in sedition, treason, - or violence. We shall submit to every ordinance and every - requirement of government, except such as are contrary to the - commands of the Gospel, and in no case resist the operation of - law, except by meekly submitting to the penalty of disobedience. - - "But while we shall adhere to the doctrine of non-resistance - and passive submission to enemies, we purpose, in a moral and - spiritual sense, to assail iniquity in high places and in low - places, to apply our principles to all existing evil, political, - legal, and ecclesiastical institutions, and to hasten the time - when the kingdoms of this world will have become the kingdom of - our Lord Jesus Christ. It appears to us a self-evident truth - that whatever the Gospel is designed to destroy at any period - of the world, being contrary to it, ought now to be abandoned. - If, then, the time is predicted when swords shall be beaten - into plowshares and spears into pruning hooks, and men shall - not learn the art of war any more, it follows that all who - manufacture, sell, or wield these deadly weapons do thus array - themselves against the peaceful dominion of the Son of God on - earth. - - "Having thus stated our principles, we proceed to specify the - measures we propose to adopt in carrying our object into effect. - - "We expect to prevail through the Foolishness of Preaching. We - shall endeavor to promulgate our views among all persons, to - whatever nation, sect, or grade of society they may belong. - Hence we shall organize public lectures, circulate tracts and - publications, form societies, and petition every governing body. - It will be our leading object to devise ways and means for - effecting a radical change in the views, feelings, and practices - of society respecting the sinfulness of war and the treatment of - enemies. - - "In entering upon the great work before us, we are not unmindful - that in its prosecution we may be called to test our sincerity - even as in a fiery ordeal. It may subject us to insult, outrage, - suffering, yea, even death itself. We anticipate no small amount - of misconception, misrepresentation, and calumny. Tumults may - arise against us. The proud and pharisaical, the ambitious and - tyrannical, principalities and powers, may combine to crush - us. So they treated the Messiah whose example we are humbly - striving to imitate. We shall not be afraid of their terror. - Our confidence is in the Lord Almighty and not in man. Having - withdrawn from human protection, what can sustain us but that - faith which overcomes the world? We shall not think it strange - concerning the fiery trial which is to try us, but rejoice - inasmuch as we are partakers of Christ's sufferings. - - "Wherefore we commit the keeping of our souls to God. For every - one that forsakes houses, or brethren, or sisters, or father, or - mother, or wife, or children, or lands for Christ's sake, shall - receive a hundredfold, and shall inherit everlasting life. - - "Firmly relying upon the certain and universal triumph of the - sentiments contained in this declaration, however formidable - may be the opposition arrayed against them, we hereby affix our - signatures to it; commending it to the reason and conscience - of mankind, and resolving, in the strength of the Lord God, to - calmly and meekly abide the issue." - -Immediately after this declaration a Society for Non-resistance -was founded by Garrison, and a journal called the _Non-resistant_, -in which the doctrine of non-resistance was advocated in its full -significance and in all its consequences, as it had been expounded in -the declaration. Further information as to the ultimate destiny of -the society and the journal I gained from the excellent biography of -W. L. Garrison, the work of his son. - -The society and the journal did not exist for long. The greater -number of Garrison's fellow-workers in the movement for the -liberation of the slaves, fearing that the too radical programme -of the journal, the _Non-resistant_, might keep people away from -the practical work of negro-emancipation, gave up the profession -of the principle of non-resistance as it had been expressed in the -declaration, and both society and journal ceased to exist. - -This declaration of Garrison's gave so powerful and eloquent an -expression of a confession of faith of such importance to men, that -one would have thought it must have produced a strong impression on -people, and have become known throughout the world and the subject of -discussion on every side. But nothing of the kind occurred. Not only -was it unknown in Europe, even the Americans, who have such a high -opinion of Garrison, hardly knew of the declaration. - -Another champion of non-resistance has been overlooked in the same -way--the American Adin Ballou, who lately died, after spending fifty -years in preaching this doctrine. How great the ignorance is of -everything relating to the question of non-resistance may be seen -from the fact that Garrison the son, who has written an excellent -biography of his father in four great volumes, in answer to my -inquiry whether there are existing now societies for non-resistance, -and adherents of the doctrine, told me that as far as he knew that -society had broken up, and that there were no adherents of that -doctrine, while at the very time when he was writing to me there was -living, at Hopedale in Massachusetts, Adin Ballou, who had taken part -in the labors of Garrison the father, and had devoted fifty years of -his life to advocating, both orally and in print, the doctrine of -non-resistance. Later on I received a letter from Wilson, a pupil and -colleague of Ballou's, and entered into correspondence with Ballou -himself. I wrote to Ballou, and he answered me and sent me his works. -Here is the summary of some extracts from them: - -"Jesus Christ is my Lord and teacher," says Ballou in one of his -essays exposing the inconsistency of Christians who allowed a right -of self-defense and of warfare. "I have promised, leaving all else, -to follow him, through good and through evil, to death itself. But -I am a citizen of the democratic republic of the United States; and -in allegiance to it I have sworn to defend the Constitution of my -country, if need be, with my life. Christ requires of me to do unto -others as I would they should do unto me. The Constitution of the -United States requires of me to do unto two millions of slaves [at -that time there were slaves; now one might venture to substitute the -word 'laborers'] the very opposite of what I would they should do -unto me--that is, to help to keep them in their present condition of -slavery. And, in spite of this, I continue to elect or be elected, I -propose to vote, I am even ready to be appointed to any office under -government. That will not hinder me from being a Christian. I shall -still profess Christianity, and shall find no difficulty in carrying -out my covenant with Christ and with the government. - -"Jesus Christ forbids me to resist evil doers, and to take from them -an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth, bloodshed for bloodshed, and -life for life. - -"My government demands from me quite the opposite, and bases a system -of self-defense on gallows, musket, and sword, to be used against its -foreign and domestic foes. And the land is filled accordingly with -gibbets, prisons, arsenals, ships of war, and soldiers. - -"In the maintenance and use of these expensive appliances for murder, -we can very suitably exercise to the full the virtues of forgiveness -to those who injure us, love toward our enemies, blessings to those -who curse us, and doing good to those who hate us. - -"For this we have a succession of Christian priests to pray for us -and beseech the blessing of Heaven on the holy work of slaughter. - -"I see all this (_i. e._, the contradiction between profession and -practice), and I continue to profess religion and take part in -government, and pride myself on being at the same time a devout -Christian and a devoted servant of the government. I do not want -to agree with these senseless notions of non-resistance. I cannot -renounce my authority and leave only immoral men in control of the -government. The Constitution says the government has the right to -declare war, and I assent to this and support it, and swear that I -will support it. And I do not for that cease to be a Christian. War, -too, is a Christian duty. Is it not a Christian duty to kill hundreds -of thousands of one's fellow-men, to outrage women, to raze and burn -towns, and to practice every possible cruelty? It is time to dismiss -all these false sentimentalities. It is the truest means of forgiving -injuries and loving enemies. If we only do it in the spirit of love, -nothing can be more Christian than such murder." - -In another pamphlet, entitled "How many Men are Necessary to Change a -Crime into a Virtue?" he says: "One man may not kill. If he kills a -fellow-creature, he is a murderer. If two, ten, a hundred men do so, -they, too, are murderers. But a government or a nation may kill as -many men as it chooses, and that will not be murder, but a great and -noble action. Only gather the people together on a large scale, and a -battle of ten thousand men becomes an innocent action. But precisely -how many people must there be to make it so?--that is the question. -One man cannot plunder and pillage, but a whole nation can. But -precisely how many are needed to make it permissible? Why is it that -one man, ten, a hundred, may not break the law of God, but a great -number may?" - -And here is a version of Ballou's catechism composed for his flock: - - -CATECHISM OF NON-RESISTANCE. - -_Q._ Whence is the word "non-resistance" derived? - -_A._ From the command, "Resist not evil." (M. v. 39.) - -_Q._ What does this word express? - -_A._ It expresses a lofty Christian virtue enjoined on us by Christ. - -_Q._ Ought the word "non-resistance" to be taken in its widest -sense--that is to say, as intending that we should not offer any -resistance of any kind to evil? - -_A._ No; it ought to be taken in the exact sense of our Saviour's -teaching--that is, not repaying evil for evil. We ought to oppose -evil by every righteous means in our power, but not by evil. - -_Q._ What is there to show that Christ enjoined non-resistance in -that sense? - -_A._ It is shown by the words he uttered at the same time. He said: -"Ye have heard, it was said of old, An eye for an eye, and a tooth -for a tooth. But I say unto you Resist not evil. But if one smites -thee on the right cheek, turn him the other also; and if one will go -to law with thee to take thy coat from thee, give him thy cloak also." - -_Q._ Of whom was he speaking in the words, "Ye have heard it was said -of old"? - -_A._ Of the patriarchs and the prophets, contained in the Old -Testament, which the Hebrews ordinarily call the Law and the Prophets. - -_Q._ What utterances did Christ refer to in the words, "It was said -of old"? - -_A._ The utterances of Noah, Moses, and the other prophets, in which -they admit the right of doing bodily harm to those who inflict harm, -so as to punish and prevent evil deeds. - -_Q._ Quote such utterances. - -_A._ "Whoso sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be -shed."--GEN. ix. 6. - -"He that smiteth a man, so that he die, shall be surely put to -death.... And if any mischief follow, then thou shalt give life for -life, eye for eye, tooth for tooth, hand for hand, foot for foot, -burning for burning, wound for wound, stripe for stripe."--EX. xxi. -12 and 23-25. - -"He that killeth any man shall surely be put to death. And if a man -cause a blemish in his neighbor, as he hath done, so shall it be done -unto him: breach for breach, eye for eye, tooth for tooth."--LEV. -xxiv. 17, 19, 20. - -"Then the judges shall make diligent inquisition; and behold, if the -witness be a false witness, and hath testified falsely against his -brother, then shall ye do unto him as he had thought to have done -unto his brother.... And thine eye shall not pity; but life shall -go for life, eye for eye, tooth for tooth, hand for hand, foot for -foot."--DEUT. xix. 18, 21. - -Noah, Moses, and the Prophets taught that he who kills, maims, -or injures his neighbors does evil. To resist such evil, and to -prevent it, the evil doer must be punished with death, or maiming, -or some physical injury. Wrong must be opposed by wrong, murder by -murder, injury by injury, evil by evil. Thus taught Noah, Moses, -and the Prophets. But Christ rejects all this. "I say unto you," is -written in the Gospel, "resist not evil," do not oppose injury with -injury, but rather bear repeated injury from the evil doer. What was -permitted is forbidden. When we understand what kind of resistance -they taught, we know exactly what resistance Christ forbade. - -_Q._ Then the ancients allowed the resistance of injury by injury? - -_A._ Yes. But Jesus forbids it. The Christian has in no case the -right to put to death his neighbor who has done him evil, or to do -him injury in return. - -_Q._ May he kill or maim him in self-defense? - -_A._ No. - -_Q._ May he go with a complaint to the judge that he who has wronged -him may be punished? - -_A._ No. What he does through others, he is in reality doing himself. - -_Q._ Can he fight in conflict with foreign enemies or disturbers of -the peace? - -_A._ Certainly not. He cannot take any part in war or in preparations -for war. He cannot make use of a deadly weapon. He cannot oppose -injury to injury, whether he is alone or with others, either in -person or through other people. - -_Q._ Can he voluntarily vote or furnish soldiers for the government? - -_A._ He can do nothing of that kind if he wishes to be faithful to -Christ's law. - -_Q._ Can he voluntarily give money to aid a government resting on -military force, capital punishment, and violence in general? - -_A._ No, unless the money is destined for some special object, right -in itself, and good both in aim and means. - -_Q._ Can he pay taxes to such a government? - -_A._ No; he ought not voluntarily to pay taxes, but he ought not to -resist the collecting of taxes. A tax is levied by the government, -and is exacted independently of the will of the subject. It is -impossible to resist it without having recourse to violence of some -kind. Since the Christian cannot employ violence, he is obliged to -offer his property at once to the loss by violence inflicted on it by -the authorities. - -_Q._ Can a Christian give a vote at elections, or take part in -government or law business? - -_A._ No; participation in election, government, or law business is -participation in government by force. - -_Q._ Wherein lies the chief significance of the doctrine of -non-resistance? - -_A._ In the fact that it alone allows of the possibility of -eradicating evil from one's own heart, and also from one's -neighbor's. This doctrine forbids doing that whereby evil has endured -for ages and multiplied in the world. He who attacks another and -injures him, kindles in the other a feeling of hatred, the root of -every evil. To injure another because he has injured us, even with -the aim of overcoming evil, is doubling the harm for him and for -oneself; it is begetting, or at least setting free and inciting, that -evil spirit which we should wish to drive out. Satan can never be -driven out by Satan. Error can never be corrected by error, and evil -cannot be vanquished by evil. - -True non-resistance is the only real resistance to evil. It is -crushing the serpent's head. It destroys and in the end extirpates -the evil feeling. - -_Q._ But if that is the true meaning of the rule of non-resistance, -can it always be put into practice? - -_A._ It can be put into practice like every virtue enjoined by the -law of God. A virtue cannot be practiced in all circumstances without -self-sacrifice, privation, suffering, and in extreme cases loss of -life itself. But he who esteems life more than fulfilling the will of -God is already dead to the only true life. Trying to save his life he -loses it. Besides, generally speaking, where non-resistance costs the -sacrifice of a single life or of some material welfare, resistance -costs a thousand such sacrifices. - -Non-resistance is Salvation; Resistance is Ruin. - -It is incomparably less dangerous to act justly than unjustly, to -submit to injuries than to resist them with violence, less dangerous -even in one's relations to the present life. If all men refused to -resist evil by evil our world would be happy. - -_Q._ But so long as only a few act thus, what will happen to them? - -_A._ If only one man acted thus, and all the rest agreed to -crucify him, would it not be nobler for him to die in the glory of -non-resisting love, praying for his enemies, than to live to wear -the crown of Cæsar stained with the blood of the slain? However, one -man, or a thousand men, firmly resolved not to oppose evil by evil -are far more free from danger by violence than those who resort to -violence, whether among civilized or savage neighbors. The robber, -the murderer, and the cheat will leave them in peace, sooner than -those who oppose them with arms, and those who take up the sword -shall perish by the sword, but those who seek after peace, and -behave kindly and harmlessly, forgiving and forgetting injuries, for -the most part enjoy peace, or, if they die, they die blessed. In -this way, if all kept the ordinance of non-resistance, there would -obviously be no evil nor crime. If the majority acted thus they would -establish the rule of love and good will even over evil doers, never -opposing evil with evil, and never resorting to force. If there were -a moderately large minority of such men, they would exercise such -a salutary moral influence on society that every cruel punishment -would be abolished, and violence and feud would be replaced by peace -and love. Even if there were only a small minority of them, they -would rarely experience anything worse than the world's contempt, and -meantime the world, though unconscious of it, and not grateful for -it, would be continually becoming wiser and better for their unseen -action on it. And if in the worst case some members of the minority -were persecuted to death, in dying for the truth they would have -left behind them their doctrine, sanctified by the blood of their -martyrdom. Peace, then, to all who seek peace, and may overruling -love be the imperishable heritage of every soul who obeys willingly -Christ's word, "Resist not evil." - - ADIN BALLOU. - - * * * * * - -For fifty years Ballou wrote and published books dealing principally -with the question of non-resistance to evil by force. In these -works, which are distinguished by the clearness of their thought -and eloquence of exposition, the question is looked at from every -possible side, and the binding nature of this command on every -Christian who acknowledges the Bible as the revelation of God is -firmly established. All the ordinary objections to the doctrine of -non-resistance from the Old and New Testaments are brought forward, -such as the expulsion of the money-changers from the Temple, and -so on, and arguments follow in disproof of them all. The practical -reasonableness of this rule of conduct is shown independently of -Scripture, and all the objections ordinarily made against its -practicability are stated and refuted. Thus one chapter in a book -of his treats of non-resistance in exceptional cases, and he owns -in this connection that if there were cases in which the rule of -non-resistance were impossible of application, it would prove that -the law was not universally authoritative. Quoting these cases, he -shows that it is precisely in them that the application of the rule -is both necessary and reasonable. There is no aspect of the question, -either on his side or on his opponents', which he has not followed up -in his writings. I mention all this to show the unmistakable interest -which such works ought to have for men who make a profession of -Christianity, and because one would have thought Ballou's work would -have been well known, and the ideas expressed by him would have been -either accepted or refuted; but such has not been the case. - -The work of Garrison, the father, in his foundation of the Society of -Non-resistants and his Declaration, even more than my correspondence -with the Quakers, convinced me of the fact that the departure of the -ruling form of Christianity from the law of Christ on non-resistance -by force is an error that has long been observed and pointed out, and -that men have labored, and are still laboring, to correct. Ballou's -work confirmed me still more in this view. But the fate of Garrison, -still more that of Ballou, in being completely unrecognized in -spite of fifty years of obstinate and persistent work in the same -direction, confirmed me in the idea that there exists a kind of tacit -but steadfast conspiracy of silence about all such efforts. - -Ballou died in August, 1890, and there was an obituary notice of him -in an American journal of Christian views (_Religio-philosophical -Journal_, August 23). In this laudatory notice it is recorded that -Ballou was the spiritual director of a parish, that he delivered -from eight to nine thousand sermons, married one thousand couples, -and wrote about five hundred articles; but there is not a single -word said of the object to which he devoted his life; even the word -"non-resistance" is not mentioned. Precisely as it was with all the -preaching of the Quakers for two hundred years, and, too, with the -efforts of Garrison the father, the foundation of his society and -journal, and his Declaration, so it is with the life-work of Ballou. -It seems just as though it did not exist and never had existed. - -We have an astounding example of the obscurity of works which aim at -expounding the doctrine of non-resistance to evil by force, and at -confuting those who do not recognize this commandment, in the book of -the Tsech Helchitsky, which has only lately been noticed and has not -hitherto been printed. - -Soon after the appearance of my book in German, I received a letter -from Prague, from a professor of the university there, informing me -of the existence of a work, never yet printed, by Helchitsky, a Tsech -of the fifteenth century, entitled "The Net of Faith." In this work, -the professor told me, Helchitsky expressed precisely the same view -as to true and false Christianity as I had expressed in my book "What -I Believe." The professor wrote to me that Helchitsky's work was to -be published for the first time in the Tsech language in the _Journal -of The Petersburg Academy of Science_. Since I could not obtain the -book itself, I tried to make myself acquainted with what was known of -Helchitsky, and I gained the following information from a German book -sent me by the Prague professor and from Pypin's history of Tsech -literature. This was Pypin's account: - -"'The Net of Faith' is Christ's teaching, which ought to draw man -up out of the dark depths of the sea of worldliness and his own -iniquity. True faith consists in believing God's Word; but now a time -has come when men mistake the true faith for heresy, and therefore -it is for the reason to point out what the true faith consists in, -if anyone does not know this. It is hidden in darkness from men, and -they do not recognize the true law of Christ. - -"To make this law plain, Helchitsky points to the primitive -organization of Christian society--the organization which, he says, -is now regarded in the Roman Church as an abominable heresy. This -primitive Church was his special ideal of social organization, -founded on equality, liberty, and fraternity. Christianity, in -Helchitsky's view, still preserves these elements, and it is only -necessary for society to return to its pure doctrine to render -unnecessary every other form of social order in which kings and popes -are essential; the law of love would alone be sufficient in every -case. - -"Historically, Helchitsky attributes the degeneration of Christianity -to the times of Constantine the Great, whom the Pope Sylvester -admitted into the Christian Church with all his heathen morals -and life. Constantine, in his turn, endowed the Pope with worldly -riches and power. From that time forward these two ruling powers -were constantly aiding one another to strive for nothing but outward -glory. Divines and ecclesiastical dignitaries began to concern -themselves only about subduing the whole world to their authority, -incited men against one another to murder and plunder, and in creed -and life reduced Christianity to a nullity. Helchitsky denies -completely the right to make war and to inflict the punishment of -death; every soldier, even the 'knight,' is only a violent evil -doer--a murderer." - -The same account is given by the German book, with the addition of a -few biographical details and some extracts from Helchitsky's writings. - -Having learnt the drift of Helchitsky's teaching in this way, I -awaited all the more impatiently the appearance of "The Net of Faith" -in the journal of the Academy. But one year passed, then two and -three, and still the book did not appear. It was only in 1888 that -I learned that the printing of the book, which had been begun, was -stopped. I obtained the proofs of what had been printed and read -them through. It is a marvelous book from every point of view. - -Its general tenor is given with perfect accuracy by Pypin. -Helchitsky's fundamental idea is that Christianity, by allying itself -with temporal power in the days of Constantine, and by continuing -to develop in such conditions, has become completely distorted, and -has ceased to be Christian altogether. Helchitsky gave the title -"The Net of Faith" to his book, taking as his motto the verse of -the Gospel about the calling of the disciples to be fishers of men; -and, developing this metaphor, he says: "Christ, by means of his -disciples, would have caught all the world in his net of faith, but -the greater fishes broke the net and escaped out of it, and all the -rest have slipped through the holes made by the greater fishes, -so that the net has remained quite empty. The greater fishes who -broke the net are the rulers, emperors, popes, kings, who have not -renounced power, and instead of true Christianity have put on what -is simply a mask of it." Helchitsky teaches precisely what has been -and is taught in these days by the non-resistant Mennonites and -Quakers, and in former times by the Bogomilites, Paulicians, and many -others. He teaches that Christianity, expecting from its adherents -gentleness, meekness, peaceableness, forgiveness of injuries, -turning the other cheek when one is struck, and love for enemies, -is inconsistent with the use of force, which is an indispensable -condition of authority. - -The Christian, according to Helchitsky's reasoning, not only cannot -be a ruler or a soldier; he cannot take any part in government nor -in trade, or even be a landowner; he can only be an artisan or a -husbandman. - -This book is one of the few works attacking official Christianity -which has escaped being burned. All such so-called heretical works -were burned at the stake, together with their authors, so that there -are few ancient works exposing the errors of official Christianity. -The book has a special interest for this reason alone. But apart -from its interest from every point of view, it is one of the most -remarkable products of thought for its depth of aim, for the -astounding strength and beauty of the national language in which -it is written, and for its antiquity. And yet for more than four -centuries it has remained unprinted, and is still unknown, except to -a few learned specialists. - -One would have thought that all such works, whether of the Quakers, -of Garrison, of Ballou, or of Helchitsky, asserting and proving as -they do, on the principles of the Gospel, that our modern world takes -a false view of Christ's teaching, would have awakened interest, -excitement, talk, and discussion among spiritual teachers and their -flocks alike. - -Works of this kind, dealing with the very essence of Christian -doctrine, ought, one would have thought, to have been examined -and accepted as true, or refuted and rejected. But nothing of the -kind has occurred, and the same fate has been repeated with all -those works. Men of the most diverse views, believers, and, what is -surprising, unbelieving liberals also, as though by agreement, all -preserve the same persistent silence about them, and all that has -been done by people to explain the true meaning of Christ's doctrine -remains either ignored or forgotten. - -But it is still more astonishing that two other books, of which I -heard on the appearance of my book, should be so little known. I mean -Dymond's book "On War," published for the first time in London in -1824, and Daniel Musser's book on "Non-resistance," written in 1864. -It is particularly astonishing that these books should be unknown, -because, apart from their intrinsic merits, both books treat not so -much of the theory as of the practical application of the theory to -life, of the attitude of Christianity to military service, which is -especially important and interesting now in these days of universal -conscription. - -People will ask, perhaps: How ought a subject to behave who believes -that war is inconsistent with his religion while the government -demands from him that he should enter military service? - -This question is, I think, a most vital one, and the answer to it is -specially important in these days of universal conscription. All--or -at least the great majority of the people--are Christians, and all -men are called upon for military service. How ought a man, as a -Christian, to meet this demand? This is the gist of Dymond's answer: - -"His duty is humbly but steadfastly to refuse to serve." - -There are some people, who, without any definite reasoning about it, -conclude straightway that the responsibility of government measures -rests entirely on those who resolve on them, or that the governments -and sovereigns decide the question of what is good or bad for their -subjects, and the duty of the subjects is merely to obey. I think -that arguments of this kind only obscure men's conscience. I cannot -take part in the councils of government, and therefore I am not -responsible for its misdeeds. Indeed, but we are responsible for our -own misdeeds. And the misdeeds of our rulers become our own, if we, -knowing that they are misdeeds, assist in carrying them out. Those -who suppose that they are bound to obey the government, and that the -responsibility for the misdeeds they commit is transferred from them -to their rulers, deceive themselves. They say: "We give our acts up -to the will of others, and our acts cannot be good or bad; there is -no merit in what is good nor responsibility for what is evil in our -actions, since they are not done of our own will." - -It is remarkable that the very same thing is said in the instructions -to soldiers which they make them learn--that is, that the officer -is alone responsible for the consequences of his command. But -this is not right. A man cannot get rid of the responsibility for -his own actions. And that is clear from the following example. If -your officer commands you to kill your neighbor's child, to kill -your father or your mother, would you obey? If you would not obey, -the whole argument falls to the ground, for if you can disobey -the governors in one case, where do you draw the line up to which -you can obey them? There is no line other than that laid down by -Christianity, and that line is both reasonable and practicable. - -And therefore we consider it the duty of every man who thinks war -inconsistent with Christianity, meekly but firmly to refuse to serve -in the army. And let those whose lot it is to act thus, remember -that the fulfillment of a great duty rests with them. The destiny of -humanity in the world depends, so far as it depends on men at all, on -their fidelity to their religion. Let them confess their conviction, -and stand up for it, and not in words alone, but in sufferings too, -if need be. If you believe that Christ forbade murder, pay no heed -to the arguments nor to the commands of those who call on you to -bear a hand in it. By such a steadfast refusal to make use of force, -you call down on yourselves the blessing promised to those "who hear -these sayings and do them," and the time will come when the world -will recognize you as having aided in the reformation of mankind. - -Musser's book is called "Non-resistance Asserted," or "Kingdom of -Christ and Kingdoms of this World Separated." This book is devoted to -the same question, and was written when the American Government was -exacting military service from its citizens at the time of the Civil -War. And it has, too, a value for all time, dealing with the question -how, in such circumstances, people should and can refuse to enter -military service. Here is the tenor of the author's introductory -remarks: "It is well known that there are many persons in the United -States who refuse to fight on grounds of conscience. They are called -the 'defenseless,' or 'non-resistant' Christians. These Christians -refuse to defend their country, to bear arms, or at the call of -government to make war on its enemies. Till lately this religious -scruple seemed a valid excuse to the government, and those who urged -it were let off service. But at the beginning of our Civil War public -opinion was agitated on this subject. It was natural that persons -who considered it their duty to bear all the hardships and dangers -of war in defense of their country should feel resentment against -those persons who had for long shared with them the advantages of the -protection of the government, and who now in time of need and danger -would not share in bearing the labors and dangers of its defense. It -was even natural that they should declare the attitude of such men -monstrous, irrational, and suspicious." - -A host of orators and writers, our author tells us, arose to oppose -this attitude, and tried to prove the sinfulness of non-resistance, -both from Scripture and on common-sense grounds. And this was -perfectly natural, and in many cases the authors were right--right, -that is, in regard to persons who did not renounce the benefits -they received from the government and tried to avoid the hardships -of military service, but not right in regard to the principle of -non-resistance itself. Above all, our author proves the binding -nature of the rule of non-resistance for a Christian, pointing out -that this command is perfectly clear, and is enjoined upon every -Christian by Christ without possibility of misinterpretation. -"Bethink yourselves whether it is righteous to obey man more than -God," said Peter and John. And this is precisely what ought to be -the attitude of every man who wishes to be Christian to the claim -on him for military service, when Christ has said, "Resist not -evil by force." As for the question of the principle itself, the -author regards that as decided. As to the second question, whether -people have the right to refuse to serve in the army who have not -refused the benefits conferred by a government resting on force, the -author considers it in detail, and arrives at the conclusion that -a Christian following the law of Christ, since he does not go to -war, ought not either to take advantage of any of the institutions -of government, courts of law, or elections, and that in his private -concerns he must not have recourse to the authorities, the police, -or the law. Further on in the book he treats of the relation of -the Old Testament to the New, the value of government for those -who are Christians, and makes some observations on the doctrine of -non-resistance and the attacks made on it. The author concludes his -book by saying: "Christians do not need government, and therefore -they cannot either obey it in what is contrary to Christ's teaching -nor, still less, take part in it." Christ took his disciples out of -the world, he says. They do not expect worldly blessings and worldly -happiness, but they expect eternal life. The Spirit in whom they -live makes them contented and happy in every position. If the world -tolerates them, they are always happy. If the world will not leave -them in peace, they will go elsewhere, since they are pilgrims on the -earth and they have no fixed place of habitation. They believe that -"the dead may bury their dead." One thing only is needful for them, -"to follow their Master." - -Even putting aside the question as to the principle laid down in -these two books as to the Christian's duty in his attitude to war, -one cannot help perceiving the practical importance and the urgent -need of deciding the question. - -There are people, hundreds of thousands of Quakers, Mennonites, -all our Douhobortsi, Molokani, and others who do not belong to -any definite sect, who consider that the use of force--and, -consequently, military service--is inconsistent with Christianity. -Consequently there are every year among us in Russia some men called -upon for military service who refuse to serve on the ground of their -religious convictions. Does the government let them off then? No. -Does it compel them to go, and in case of disobedience punish them? -No. This was how the government treated them in 1818. Here is an -extract from the diary of Nicholas Myravyov of Kars, which was not -passed by the censor, and is not known in Russia: - - "TIFLIS, October 2, 1818. - - "In the morning the commandant told me that five peasants - belonging to a landowner in the Tamboff government had lately - been sent to Georgia. These men had been sent for soldiers, but - they would not serve; they had been several times flogged and - made to run the gauntlet, but they would submit readily to the - cruelest tortures, and even to death, rather than serve. 'Let us - go,' they said, 'and leave us alone; we will not hurt anyone; - all men are equal, and the Tzar is a man like us; why should we - pay him tribute; why should I expose my life to danger to kill - in battle some man who has done me no harm? You can cut us to - pieces and we will not be soldiers. He who has compassion on - us will give us charity, but as for the government rations, we - have not had them and we do not want to have them.' These were - the words of those peasants, who declare that there are numbers - like them in Russia. They brought them four times before the - Committee of Ministers, and at last decided to lay the matter - before the Tzar, who gave orders that they should be taken to - Georgia for correction, and commanded the commander-in-chief - to send him a report every month of their gradual success in - bringing these peasants to a better mind." - -How the correction ended is not known, as the whole episode indeed -was unknown, having been kept in profound secrecy. - -This was how the government behaved seventy-five years ago--this is -how it has behaved in a great number of cases, studiously concealed -from the people. And this is how the government behaves now, except -in the case of the German Mennonites, living in the province of -Kherson, whose plea against military service is considered well -grounded. They are made to work off their term of service in labor in -the forests. - -But in the recent cases of refusal on the part of Mennonites to serve -in the army on religious grounds, the government authorities have -acted in the following manner: - -To begin with, they have recourse to every means of coercion used in -our times to "correct" the culprit and bring him to "a better mind," -and these measures are carried out with the greatest secrecy. I know -that in the case of one man who declined to serve in 1884 in Moscow, -the official correspondence on the subject had two months after his -refusal accumulated into a big folio, and was kept absolutely secret -among the Ministry. - -They usually begin by sending the culprit to the priests, and the -latter, to their shame be it said, always exhort him to obedience. -But since the exhortation in Christ's name to forswear Christ is for -the most part unsuccessful, after he has received the admonitions of -the spiritual authorities, they send him to the gendarmes, and the -latter, finding, as a rule, no political cause for offense in him, -dispatch him back again, and then he is sent to the learned men, to -the doctors, and to the madhouse. During all these vicissitudes he -is deprived of liberty and has to endure every kind of humiliation -and suffering as a convicted criminal. (All this has been repeated -in four cases.) The doctors let him out of the madhouse, and then -every kind of secret shift is employed to prevent him from going -free--whereby others would be encouraged to refuse to serve as he has -done--and at the same time to avoid leaving him among the soldiers, -for fear they too should learn from him that military service is not -at all their duty by the law of God, as they are assured, but quite -contrary to it. - -The most convenient thing for the government would be to kill the -non-resistant by flogging him to death or some other means, as -was done in former days. But to put a man openly to death because -he believes in the creed we all confess is impossible. To let a -man alone who has refused obedience is also impossible. And so -the government tries either to compel the man by ill-treatment -to renounce Christ, or in some way or other to get rid of him -unobserved, without openly putting him to death, and to hide -somehow both the action and the man himself from other people. And -so all kinds of shifts and wiles and cruelties are set on foot -against him. They either send him to the frontier or provoke him to -insubordination, and then try him for breach of discipline and shut -him up in the prison of the disciplinary battalion, where they can -ill treat him freely unseen by anyone, or they declare him mad, and -lock him up in a lunatic asylum. They sent one man in this way to -Tashkend--that is, they pretended to transfer him to the Tashkend -army; another to Omsk; a third they convicted of insubordination and -shut up in prison; a fourth they sent to a lunatic asylum. - -Everywhere the same story is repeated. Not only the government, but -the great majority of liberal, advanced people, as they are called, -studiously turn away from everything that has been said, written, or -done, or is being done by men to prove the incompatibility of force -in its most awful, gross, and glaring form--in the form, that is, -of an army of soldiers prepared to murder anyone, whoever it may -be--with the teachings of Christianity, or even of the humanity which -society professes as its creed. - -So that the information I have gained of the attitude of the higher -ruling classes, not only in Russia but in Europe and America, toward -the elucidation of this question has convinced me that there exists -in these ruling classes a consciously hostile attitude to true -Christianity, which is shown pre-eminently in their reticence in -regard to all manifestations of it. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - - CRITICISMS OF THE DOCTRINE OF NON-RESISTANCE TO EVIL BY FORCE ON - THE PART OF BELIEVERS AND OF UNBELIEVERS. - - Fate of the Book "What I Believe"--Evasive Character of - Religious Criticisms of Principles of my Book--1st Reply: Use - of Force not Opposed to Christianity--2d Reply: Use of Force - Necessary to Restrain Evil Doers--3d Reply: Duty of Using - Force in Defense of One's Neighbor--4th Reply: The Breach - of the Command of Non-resistance to be Regarded Simply as a - Weakness--5th Reply: Reply Evaded by Making Believe that the - Question has long been Decided--To Devise such Subterfuges - and to take Refuge Behind the Authority of the Church, of - Antiquity, and of Religion is all that Ecclesiastical Critics - can do to get out of the Contradiction between Use of Force and - Christianity in Theory and in Practice--General Attitude of the - Ecclesiastical World and of the Authorities to Profession of - True Christianity--General Character of Russian Freethinking - Critics--Foreign Freethinking Critics--Mistaken Arguments of - these Critics the Result of Misunderstanding the True Meaning of - Christ's Teaching. - - -The impression I gained of a desire to conceal, to hush up, what I -had tried to express in my book, led me to judge the book itself -afresh. - -On its appearance it had, as I had anticipated, been forbidden, and -ought therefore by law to have been burnt. But, at the same time, it -was discussed among officials, and circulated in a great number of -manuscript and lithograph copies, and in translations printed abroad. - -And very quickly after the book, criticisms, both religious and -secular in character, made their appearance, and these the government -tolerated, and even encouraged. So that the refutation of a book -which no one was supposed to know anything about was even chosen as -the subject for theological dissertations in the academies. - -The criticisms of my book, Russian and foreign alike, fall under -two general divisions--the religious criticisms of men who regard -themselves as believers, and secular criticisms, that is, those of -freethinkers. - -I will begin with the first class. In my book I made it an accusation -against the teachers of the Church that their teaching is opposed -to Christ's commands clearly and definitely expressed in the Sermon -on the Mount, and opposed in especial to his command in regard to -resistance to evil, and that in this way they deprive Christ's -teaching of all value. The Church authorities accept the teaching of -the Sermon on the Mount on non-resistance to evil by force as divine -revelation; and therefore one would have thought that if they felt -called upon to write about my book at all, they would have found it -inevitable before everything else to reply to the principal point of -my charge against them, and to say plainly, do they or do they not -admit the teaching of the Sermon on the Mount and the commandment -of non-resistance to evil as binding on a Christian. And they were -bound to answer this question, not after the usual fashion (_i. e._, -"that although on the one side one cannot absolutely deny, yet on -the other side one cannot again fully assent, all the more seeing -that," etc., etc.). No; they should have answered the question as -plainly as it was put in my book--Did Christ really demand from his -disciples that they should carry out what he taught them in the -Sermon on the Mount? And can a Christian, then, or can he not, -always remaining a Christian, go to law or make any use of the law, -or seek his own protection in the law? And can the Christian, or can -he not, remaining a Christian, take part in the administration of -government, using compulsion against his neighbors? And--the most -important question hanging over the heads of all of us in these days -of universal military service--can the Christian, or can he not, -remaining a Christian, against Christ's direct prohibition, promise -obedience in future actions directly opposed to his teaching? And can -he, by taking his share of service in the army, prepare himself to -murder men, and even actually murder them? - -These questions were put plainly and directly, and seemed to require -a plain and direct answer; but in all the criticisms of my book there -was no such plain and direct answer. No; my book received precisely -the same treatment as all the attacks upon the teachers of the Church -for their defection from the Law of Christ of which history from the -days of Constantine is full. - -A very great deal was said in connection with my book of my having -incorrectly interpreted this and other passages of the Gospel, of -my being in error in not recognizing the Trinity, the redemption, -and the immortality of the soul. A very great deal was said, but not -a word about the one thing which for every Christian is the most -essential question in life--how to reconcile the duty of forgiveness, -meekness, patience, and love for all, neighbors and enemies alike, -which is so clearly expressed in the words of our teacher, and in the -heart of each of us--how to reconcile this duty with the obligation -of using force in war upon men of our own or a foreign people. - -All that are worth calling answers to this question can be brought -under the following five heads. I have tried to bring together in -this connection all I could, not only from the criticisms on my book, -but from what has been written in past times on this theme. - -The first and crudest form of reply consists in the bold assertion -that the use of force is not opposed by the teaching of Christ; that -it is permitted, and even enjoined, on the Christian by the Old and -New Testaments. - -Assertions of this kind proceed, for the most part, from men who -have attained the highest ranks in the governing or ecclesiastical -hierarchy, and who are consequently perfectly assured that no one -will dare to contradict their assertion, and that if anyone does -contradict it they will hear nothing of the contradiction. These men -have, for the most part, through the intoxication of power, so lost -the right idea of what that Christianity is in the name of which they -hold their position that what is Christian in Christianity presents -itself to them as heresy, while everything in the Old and New -Testaments which can be distorted into an antichristian and heathen -meaning they regard as the foundation of Christianity. In support of -their assertion that Christianity is not opposed to the use of force, -these men usually, with the greatest audacity, bring together all the -most obscure passages from the Old and New Testaments, interpreting -them in the most unchristian way--the punishment of Ananias and -Sapphira, of Simon the Sorcerer, etc. They quote all those sayings -of Christ's which can possibly be interpreted as justification of -cruelty: the expulsion from the Temple; "It shall be more tolerable -for the land of Sodom than for this city," etc., etc. According to -these people's notions, a Christian government is not in the least -bound to be guided by the spirit of peace, forgiveness of injuries, -and love for enemies. - -To refute such an assertion is useless, because the very people who -make this assertion refute themselves, or, rather, renounce Christ, -inventing a Christianity and a Christ of their own in the place of -him in whose name the Church itself exists, as well as their office -in it. If all men were to learn that the Church professes to believe -in a Christ of punishment and warfare, not of forgiveness, no one -would believe in the Church and it could not prove to anyone what it -is trying to prove. - -The second, somewhat less gross, form of argument consists in -declaring that, though Christ did indeed preach that we should turn -the left cheek, and give the cloak also, and this is the highest -moral duty, yet that there are wicked men in the world, and if these -wicked men were not restrained by force, the whole world and all good -men would come to ruin through them. This argument I found for the -first time in John Chrysostom, and I show how he is mistaken in my -book "What I Believe." - -This argument is ill grounded, because if we allow ourselves to -regard any men as intrinsically wicked men, then in the first place -we annul, by so doing, the whole idea of the Christian teaching, -according to which we are all equals and brothers, as sons of one -Father in heaven. Secondly, it is ill founded, because even if to -use force against wicked men had been permitted by God, since it is -impossible to find a perfect and unfailing distinction by which one -could positively know the wicked from the good, so it would come to -all individual men and societies of men mutually regarding each other -as wicked men, as is the case now. Thirdly, even if it were possible -to distinguish the wicked from the good unfailingly, even then it -would be impossible to kill or injure or shut up in prison these -wicked men, because there would be no one in a Christian society to -carry out such punishment, since every Christian, as a Christian, has -been commanded to use no force against the wicked. - -The third kind of answer, still more subtle than the preceding, -consists in asserting that though the command of non-resistance to -evil by force is binding on the Christian when the evil is directed -against himself personally, it ceases to be binding when the evil -is directed against his neighbors, and that then the Christian is -not only not bound to fulfill the commandment, but is even bound -to act in opposition to it in defense of his neighbors, and to -use force against transgressors by force. This assertion is an -absolute assumption, and one cannot find in all Christ's teaching -any confirmation of such an argument. Such an argument is not -only a limitation, but a direct contradiction and negation of the -commandment. If every man has the right to have recourse to force -in face of a danger threatening another, the question of the use -of force is reduced to a question of the definition of danger for -another. If my private judgment is to decide the question of what is -danger for another, there is no occasion for the use of force which -could not be justified on the ground of danger threatening some -other man. They killed and burnt witches, they killed aristocrats -and girondists, they killed their enemies, because those who were in -authority regarded them as dangerous for the people. - -If this important limitation, which fundamentally undermines the -whole value of the commandment, had entered into Christ's meaning, -there must have been mention of it somewhere. This restriction is -made nowhere in our Saviour's life or preaching. On the contrary, -warning is given precisely against this treacherous and scandalous -restriction which nullifies the commandment. The error and -impossibility of such a limitation is shown in the Gospel with -special clearness in the account of the judgment of Caiaphas, who -makes precisely this distinction. He acknowledged that it was wrong -to punish the innocent Jesus, but he saw in him a source of danger -not for himself, but for the whole people, and therefore he said: -It is better for one man to die, that the whole people perish not. -And the erroneousness of such a limitation is still more clearly -expressed in the words spoken to Peter when he tried to resist by -force evil directed against Jesus (Matt. xxvi. 52). Peter was not -defending himself, but his beloved and heavenly Master. And Christ -at once reproved him for this, saying, that he who takes up the sword -shall perish by the sword. - -Besides, apologies for violence used against one's neighbor in -defense of another neighbor from greater violence are always -untrustworthy, because when force is used against one who has not -yet carried out his evil intent, I can never know which would be -greater--the evil of my act of violence or of the act I want to -prevent. We kill the criminal that society may be rid of him, and -we never know whether the criminal of to-day would not have been -a changed man to-morrow, and whether our punishment of him is not -useless cruelty. We shut up the dangerous--as we think--member of -society, but the next day this man might cease to be dangerous and -his imprisonment might be for nothing. I see that a man I know to be -a ruffian is pursuing a young girl. I have a gun in my hand--I kill -the ruffian and save the girl. But the death or the wounding of the -ruffian has positively taken place, while what would have happened -if this had not been I cannot know. And what an immense mass of evil -must result, and indeed does result, from allowing men to assume the -right of anticipating what may happen. Ninety-nine per cent. of the -evil of the world is founded on this reasoning--from the Inquisition -to dynamite bombs, and the executions or punishments of tens of -thousands of political criminals. - -A fourth, still more refined, reply to the question, What ought to -be the Christian's attitude to Christ's command of non-resistance -to evil by force? consists in declaring that they do not deny the -command of non-resistance to evil, but recognize it; but they only -do not ascribe to this command the special exclusive value attached -to it by sectarians. To regard this command as the indispensable -condition of Christian life, as Garrison, Ballou, Dymond, the -Quakers, the Mennonites, and the Shakers do now, and as the Moravian -brothers, the Waldenses, the Albigenses, the Bogomilites, and the -Paulicians did in the past, is a one-sided heresy. This command has -neither more nor less value than all the other commands, and the man -who through weakness transgresses any command whatever, the command -of non-resistance included, does not cease to be a Christian if -he hold the true faith. This is a very skillful device, and many -people who wish to be deceived are easily deceived by it. The device -consists in reducing a direct conscious denial of a command to a -casual breach of it. But one need only compare the attitude of the -teachers of the Church to this and to other commands which they -really do recognize, to be convinced that their attitude to this is -completely different from their attitude to other duties. - -The command against fornication they do really recognize, and -consequently they do not admit that in any case fornication can cease -to be wrong. The Church preachers never point out cases in which the -command against fornication can be broken, and always teach that -we must avoid seductions which lead to temptation to fornication. -But not so with the command of non-resistance. All church preachers -recognize cases in which that command can be broken, and teach the -people accordingly. And they not only do not teach that we should -avoid temptations to break it, chief of which is the military oath, -but they themselves administer it. The preachers of the Church never -in any other case advocate the breaking of any other commandment. -But in connection with the commandment of non-resistance they openly -teach that we must not understand it too literally, but that there -are conditions and circumstances in which we must do the direct -opposite, that is, go to law, fight, punish. So that occasions for -fulfilling the commandment of non-resistance to evil by force are -taught for the most part as occasions for not fulfilling it. The -fulfillment of this command, they say, is very difficult and pertains -only to perfection. And how can it not be difficult, when the breach -of it is not only not forbidden, but law courts, prisons, cannons, -guns, armies, and wars are under the immediate sanction of the -Church? It cannot be true, then, that this command is recognized by -the preachers of the Church as on a level with other commands. - -The preachers of the Church clearly do not recognize it; only not -daring to acknowledge this, they try to conceal their not recognizing -it. - -So much for the fourth reply. - -The fifth kind of answer, which is the subtlest, the most often used, -and the most effective, consists in avoiding answering, in making -believe that this question is one which has long ago been decided -perfectly clearly and satisfactorily, and that it is not worth while -to talk about it. This method of reply is employed by all the more or -less cultivated religious writers, that is to say, those who feel the -laws of Christ binding for themselves. Knowing that the contradiction -existing between the teaching of Christ which we profess with our -lips and the whole order of our lives cannot be removed by words, -and that touching upon it can only make it more obvious, they, with -more or less ingenuity, evade it, pretending that the question of -reconciling Christianity with the use of force has been decided -already, or does not exist at all.[1] - - [1] I only know one work which differs somewhat from this general - definition, and that is not a criticism in the precise meaning of - the word, but an article treating of the same subject and having - my book in view. I mean the pamphlet of Mr. Troizky (published at - Kazan), "A Sermon for the People." The author obviously accepts - Christ's teaching in its true meaning. He says that the prohibition - of resistance to evil by force means exactly what it does mean; and - the same with the prohibition of swearing. He does not, as others - do, deny the meaning of Christ's teaching, but unfortunately he does - not draw from this admission the inevitable deductions which present - themselves spontaneously in our life when we understand Christ's - teaching in that way. If we must not oppose evil by force, nor swear, - everyone naturally asks, "How, then, about military service? and the - oath of obedience?" To this question the author gives no reply; but - it must be answered. And if he cannot answer, then he would do better - not to speak on the subject at all, as such silence leads to error. - -The majority of religious critics of my book use this fifth method -of replying to it. I could quote dozens of such critics, in all of -whom, without exception, we find the same thing repeated: everything -is discussed except what constitutes the principal subject of -the book. As a characteristic example of such criticisms, I will -quote the article of a well-known and ingenious English writer and -preacher--Farrar--who, like many learned theologians, is a great -master of the art of circuitously evading a question. The article was -published in an American journal, the _Forum_, in October, 1888. - -After conscientiously explaining in brief the contents of my book, -Farrar says: "Tolstoy came to the conclusion that a coarse deceit -had been palmed upon the world when these words, 'Resist not evil,' -were held by civil society to be compatible with war, courts of -justice, capital punishment, divorce, oaths, national prejudice, and, -indeed, with most of the institutions of civil and social life. He -now believes that the kingdom of God would come if all men kept these -five commandments of Christ, viz.: 1. Live in peace with all men. 2. -Be pure. 3. Take no oaths. 4. Resist not evil. 5. Renounce national -distinctions. - -"Tolstoy," he says, "rejects the inspiration of the Old Testament; -hence he rejects the chief doctrines of the Church--that of the -Atonement by blood, the Trinity, the descent of the Holy Ghost -on the Apostles, and his transmission through the priesthood." -And he recognizes only the words and commands of Christ. "But is -this interpretation of Christ a true one?" he says. "Are all men -bound to act as Tolstoy teaches--_i. e._, to carry out these five -commandments of Christ?" You expect, then, that in answer to this -essential question, which is the only one that could induce a man -to write an article about the book, he will say either that this -interpretation of Christ's teaching is true and we ought to follow -it, or he will say that such an interpretation is untrue, will show -why, and will give some other correct interpretation of those words -which I interpret incorrectly. But nothing of the kind is done. -Farrar only expresses his "belief" that, "though actuated by the -noblest sincerity, Count Tolstoy has been misled by partial and -one-sided interpretations of the meaning of the Gospel and the mind -and will of Christ." What this error consists in is not made clear; -it is only said: "To enter into the proof of this is impossible in -this article, for I have already exceeded the space at my command." - -And he concludes, in a tranquil spirit: - -"Meanwhile, the reader who feels troubled lest it should be his duty -also to forsake all the conditions of his life and to take up the -position and work of a common laborer, may rest for the present on -the principle, _securus judicat orbis terrarum_. With few and rare -exceptions," he continues, "the whole of Christendom, from the days -of the Apostles down to our own, has come to the firm conclusion that -it was the object of Christ to lay down great eternal principles, but -not to disturb the bases and revolutionize the institutions of all -human society, which themselves rest on divine sanctions as well as -on inevitable conditions. Were it my object to prove how untenable -is the doctrine of communism, based by Count Tolstoy upon the divine -paradoxes [_sic_], which can be interpreted only on historical -principles in accordance with the whole method of the teaching of -Jesus, it would require an ampler canvas than I have here at my -disposal." What a pity he has not "an ampler canvas at his disposal"! -And what a strange thing it is that for all these last fifteen -centuries no one has had "a canvas ample enough" to prove that -Christ, whom we profess to believe in, says something utterly unlike -what he does say! Still, they could prove it if they wanted to. But -it is not worth while to prove what everyone knows; it is enough to -say, "_securus judicat orbis terrarum_." - -And of this kind, without exception, are all the criticisms of -educated believers, who must, as such, understand the danger of -their position. The sole escape from it for them lies in their hope -that they may be able, by using the authority of the Church, of -antiquity, and of their sacred office, to overawe the reader and -draw him away from the idea of reading the Gospel for himself and -thinking out the question in his own mind for himself. And in this -they are successful; for, indeed, how could the notion occur to -anyone that all that has been repeated from century to century with -such earnestness and solemnity by all those archdeacons, bishops, -archbishops, holy synods, and popes, is all of it a base lie and a -calumny foisted upon Christ by them for the sake of keeping safe -the money they must have to live luxuriously on the necks of other -men? And it is a lie and a calumny so transparent that the only way -of keeping it up consists in overawing people by their earnestness, -their conscientiousness. It is just what has taken place of late -years at recruiting sessions; at a table before the zertzal--the -symbol of the Tzar's authority--in the seat of honor under the -life-size portrait of the Tzar, sit dignified old officials, wearing -decorations, conversing freely and easily, writing notes, summoning -men before them, and giving orders. Here, wearing a cross on his -breast, near them, is a prosperous-looking old priest in a silken -cassock, with long gray hair flowing on to his cope, before a lectern -who wears the golden cross and has a Gospel bound in gold. - -They summon Ivan Petroff. A young man comes in, wretchedly, shabbily -dressed, and in terror, the muscles of his face working, his eyes -bright and restless; and in a broken voice, hardly above a whisper, -he says: "I--by Christ's law--as a Christian--I cannot." "What is -he muttering?" asks the president, frowning impatiently and raising -his eyes from his book to listen. "Speak louder," the colonel with -shining epaulets shouts to him. "I--I as a Christian----" And at last -it appears that the young man refuses to serve in the army because he -is a Christian. "Don't talk nonsense. Stand to be measured. Doctor, -may I trouble you to measure him. He is all right?" "Yes." "Reverend -father, administer the oath to him." - -No one is the least disturbed by what the poor scared young man is -muttering. They do not even pay attention to it. "They all mutter -something, but we've no time to listen to it, we have to enroll so -many." - -The recruit tries to say something still. "It's opposed to the law -of Christ." "Go along, go along; we know without your help what is -opposed to the law and what's not; and you soothe his mind, reverend -father, soothe him. Next: Vassily Nikitin." And they lead the -trembling youth away. And it does not strike anyone--the guards, or -Vassily Nikitin, whom they are bringing in, or any of the spectators -of this scene--that these inarticulate words of the young man, at -once suppressed by the authorities, contain the truth, and that the -loud, solemnly uttered sentences of the calm, self-confident official -and the priest are a lie and a deception. - -Such is the impression produced not only by Farrar's article, but -by all those solemn sermons, articles, and books which make their -appearance from all sides directly there is anywhere a glimpse of -truth exposing a predominant falsehood. At once begins the series of -long, clever, ingenious, and solemn speeches and writings, which deal -with questions nearly related to the subject, but skillfully avoid -touching the subject itself. - -That is the essence of the fifth and most effective means of getting -out of the contradictions in which Church Christianity has placed -itself, by professing its faith in Christ's teaching in words, while -it denies it in its life, and teaches people to do the same. - -Those who justify themselves by the first method, directly, crudely -asserting that Christ sanctioned violence, wars, and murder, -repudiate Christ's doctrine directly; those who find their defense -in the second, the third, or the fourth method are confused and can -easily be convicted of error; but this last class, who do not argue, -who do not condescend to argue about it, but take shelter behind -their own grandeur, and make a show of all this having been decided -by them or at least by someone long ago, and no longer offering a -possibility of doubt to anyone--they seem safe from attack, and will -be beyond attack till men come to realize that they are under the -narcotic influence exerted on them by governments and churches, and -are no longer affected by it. - -Such was the attitude of the spiritual critics--_i. e._, those -professing faith in Christ--to my book. And their attitude could -not have been different. They are bound to take up this attitude by -the contradictory position in which they find themselves between -belief in the divinity of their Master and disbelief in his clearest -utterances, and they want to escape from this contradiction. So that -one cannot expect from them free discussion of the very essence of -the question--that is, of the change in men's life which must result -from applying Christ's teaching to the existing order of the world. -Such free discussion I only expected from worldly, freethinking -critics who are not bound to Christ's teaching in any way, and can -therefore take an independent view of it. I had anticipated that -freethinking writers would look at Christ, not merely, like the -Churchmen, as the founder of a religion of personal salvation, but, -to express it in their language, as a reformer who laid down new -principles of life and destroyed the old, and whose reforms are not -yet complete, but are still in progress even now. - -Such a view of Christ and his teaching follows from my book. But to -my astonishment, out of the great number of critics of my book there -was not one, either Russian or foreign, who treated the subject from -the side from which it was approached in the book--that is, who -criticised Christ's doctrines as philosophical, moral, and social -principles, to use their scientific expressions. This was not done in -a single criticism. The freethinking Russian critics taking my book -as though its whole contents could be reduced to non-resistance to -evil, and understanding the doctrine of non-resistance to evil itself -(no doubt for greater convenience in refuting it) as though it would -prohibit every kind of conflict with evil, fell vehemently upon this -doctrine, and for some years past have been very successfully proving -that Christ's teaching is mistaken in so far as it forbids resistance -to evil. Their refutations of this hypothetical doctrine of Christ -were all the more successful since they knew beforehand that their -arguments could not be contested or corrected, for the censorship, -not having passed the book, did not pass articles in its defense. - -It is a remarkable thing that among us, where one cannot say a word -about the Holy Scriptures without the prohibition of the censorship, -for some years past there have been in all the journals constant -attacks and criticisms on the command of Christ simply and directly -stated in Matt. v. 39. The Russian advanced critics, obviously -unaware of all that has been done to elucidate the question of -non-resistance, and sometimes even imagining apparently that the rule -of non-resistance to evil had been invented by me personally, fell -foul of the very idea of it. They opposed it and attacked it, and -advancing with great heat arguments which had long ago been analyzed -and refuted from every point of view, they demonstrated that a man -ought invariably to defend (with violence) all the injured and -oppressed, and that thus the doctrine of non-resistance to evil is an -immoral doctrine. - -To all Russian critics the whole import of Christ's command -seemed reducible to the fact that it would hinder them from -the active opposition to evil to which they are accustomed. So -that the principle of non-resistance to evil by force has been -attacked by two opposing camps: the conservatives, because this -principle would hinder their activity in resistance to evil as -applied to the revolutionists, in persecution and punishment -of them; the revolutionists, too, because this principle would -hinder their resistance to evil as applied to the conservatives -and the overthrowing of them. The conservatives were indignant -at the doctrine of non-resistance to evil by force hindering the -energetic destruction of the revolutionary elements, which may ruin -the national prosperity; the revolutionists were indignant at the -doctrine of non-resistance to evil by force hindering the overthrow -of the conservatives, who are ruining the national prosperity. It -is worthy of remark in this connection that the revolutionists have -attacked the principle of non-resistance to evil by force, in spite -of the fact that it is the greatest terror and danger for every -despotism. For ever since the beginning of the world, the use of -violence of every kind, from the Inquisition to the Schlüsselburg -fortress, has rested and still rests on the opposite principle of the -necessity of resisting evil by force. - -Besides this, the Russian critics have pointed out the fact that the -application of the command of non-resistance to practical life would -turn mankind aside out of the path of civilization along which it is -moving. The path of civilization on which mankind in Europe is moving -is in their opinion the one along which all mankind ought always to -move. - -So much for the general character of the Russian critics. - -Foreign critics started from the same premises, but their discussions -of my book were somewhat different from those of Russian critics, not -only in being less bitter, and in showing more culture, but even in -the subject-matter. - -In discussing my book and the Gospel teaching generally, as it is -expressed in the Sermon on the Mount, the foreign critics maintained -that such doctrine is not peculiarly Christian (Christian doctrine is -either Catholicism or Protestantism according to their views)--the -teaching of the Sermon on the Mount is only a string of very pretty -impracticable dreams _du charmant docteur_, as Renan says, fit for -the simple and half-savage inhabitants of Galilee who lived eighteen -hundred years ago, and for the half-savage Russian peasants--Sutaev -and Bondarev--and the Russian mystic Tolstoy, but not at all -consistent with a high degree of European culture. - -The foreign freethinking critics have tried in a delicate manner, -without being offensive to me, to give the impression that my -conviction that mankind could be guided by such a naïve doctrine as -that of the Sermon on the Mount proceeds from two causes: that such -a conviction is partly due to my want of knowledge, my ignorance -of history, my ignorance of all the vain attempts to apply the -principles of the Sermon on the Mount to life, which have been -made in history and have led to nothing; and partly it is due to -my failing to appreciate the full value of the lofty civilization -to which mankind has attained at present, with its Krupp cannons, -smokeless powder, colonization of Africa, Irish Coercion Bill, -parliamentary government, journalism, strikes, and the Eiffel Tower. - -So wrote de Vogüé and Leroy Beaulieu and Matthew Arnold; so wrote -the American author Savage, and Ingersoll, the popular freethinking -American preacher, and many others. - -"Christ's teaching is no use, because it is inconsistent with -our industrial age," says Ingersoll naïvely, expressing in this -utterance, with perfect directness and simplicity, the exact notion -of Christ's teaching held by persons of refinement and culture of our -times. The teaching is no use for our industrial age, precisely as -though the existence of this industrial age were a sacred fact which -ought not to and could not be changed. It is just as though drunkards -when advised how they could be brought to habits of sobriety should -answer that the advice is incompatible with their habit of taking -alcohol. - -The arguments of all the freethinking critics, Russian and foreign -alike, different as they may be in tone and manner of presentation, -all amount essentially to the same strange misapprehension--namely, -that Christ's teaching, one of the consequences of which is -non-resistance to evil, is of no use to us because it requires a -change of our life. - -Christ's teaching is useless because, if it were carried into -practice, life could not go on as at present; we must add: if we have -begun by living sinfully, as we do live and are accustomed to live. -Not only is the question of non-resistance to evil not discussed; -the very mention of the fact that the duty of non-resistance enters -into Christ's teaching is regarded as satisfactory proof of the -impracticability of the whole teaching. - -Meanwhile one would have thought it was necessary to point out at -least some kind of solution of the following question, since it is at -the root of almost everything that interests us. - -The question amounts to this: In what way are we to decide men's -disputes, when some men consider evil what others consider good, and -_vice versa_? And to reply that that is evil which I think evil, in -spite of the fact that my opponent thinks it good, is not a solution -of the difficulty. There can only be two solutions: either to find a -real unquestionable criterion of what is evil or not to resist evil -by force. - -The first course has been tried ever since the beginning of -historical times, and, as we all know, it has not hitherto led to any -successful results. - -The second solution--not forcibly to resist what we consider evil -until we have found a universal criterion--that is the solution given -by Christ. - -We may consider the answer given by Christ unsatisfactory; we may -replace it by another and better, by finding a criterion by which -evil could be defined for all men unanimously and simultaneously; we -may simply, like savage nations, not recognize the existence of the -question. But we cannot treat the question as the learned critics of -Christianity do. They pretend either that no such question exists at -all or that the question is solved by granting to certain persons -or assemblies of persons the right to define evil and to resist it -by force. But we know all the while that granting such a right to -certain persons does not decide the question (still less so when we -are ourselves the certain persons), since there are always people who -do not recognize this right in the authorized persons or assemblies. - -But this assumption, that what seems evil to us is really evil, shows -a complete misunderstanding of the question, and lies at the root of -the argument of freethinking critics about the Christian religion. In -this way, then, the discussions of my book on the part of Churchmen -and freethinking critics alike showed me that the majority of men -simply do not understand either Christ's teaching or the questions -which Christ's teaching solves. - - - - -CHAPTER III. - - CHRISTIANITY MISUNDERSTOOD BY BELIEVERS. - - Meaning of Christian Doctrine, Understood by a Minority, - has Become Completely Incomprehensible for the Majority - of Men--Reason of this to be Found in Misinterpretation - of Christianity and Mistaken Conviction of Believers and - Unbelievers Alike that they Understand it--The Meaning of - Christianity Obscured for Believers by the Church--The First - Appearance of Christ's Teaching--Its Essence and Difference - from Heathen Religions--Christianity not Fully Comprehended - at the Beginning, Became More and More Clear to those who - Accepted it from its Correspondence with Truth--Simultaneously - with this Arose the Claim to Possession of the Authentic - Meaning of the Doctrine Based on the Miraculous Nature of - its Transmission--Assembly of Disciples as Described in the - Acts--The Authoritative Claim to the Sole Possession of the - True Meaning of Christ's Teaching Supported by Miraculous - Evidence has Led by Logical Development to the Creeds of the - Churches--A Church Could Not be Founded by Christ--Definitions - of a Church According to the Catechisms--The Churches have - Always been Several in Number and Hostile to One Another--What - is Heresy--The Work of G. Arnold on Heresies--Heresies - the Manifestations of Progress in the Churches--Churches - Cause Dissension among Men, and are Always Hostile to - Christianity--Account of the Work Done by the Russian - Church--Matt. xxiii. 23--The Sermon on the Mount or the - Creed--The Orthodox Church Conceals from the People the True - Meaning of Christianity--The Same Thing is Done by the Other - Churches--All the External Conditions of Modern Life are such - as to Destroy the Doctrine of the Church, and therefore the - Churches use Every Effort to Support their Doctrines. - - -Thus the information I received, after my book came out, went to show -that the Christian doctrine, in its direct and simple sense, was -understood, and had always been understood, by a minority of men, -while the critics, ecclesiastical and freethinking alike, denied the -possibility of taking Christ's teaching in its direct sense. All this -convinced me that while on one hand the true understanding of this -doctrine had never been lost to a minority, but had been established -more and more clearly, on the other hand the meaning of it had been -more and more obscured for the majority. So that at last such a depth -of obscurity has been reached that men do not take in their direct -sense even the simplest precepts, expressed in the simplest words, in -the Gospel. - -Christ's teaching is not generally understood in its true, simple, -and direct sense even in these days, when the light of the Gospel -has penetrated even to the darkest recesses of human consciousness; -when, in the words of Christ, that which was spoken in the ear is -proclaimed from the housetops; and when the Gospel is influencing -every side of human life--domestic, economic, civic, legislative, -and international. This lack of true understanding of Christ's words -at such a time would be inexplicable, if there were not causes to -account for it. - -One of these causes is the fact that believers and unbelievers alike -are firmly persuaded that they have understood Christ's teaching a -long time, and that they understand it so fully, indubitably, and -conclusively that it can have no other significance than the one -they attribute to it. And the reason of this conviction is that the -false interpretation and consequent misapprehension of the Gospel is -an error of such long standing. Even the strongest current of water -cannot add a drop to a cup which is already full. - -The most difficult subjects can be explained to the most slow-witted -man if he has not formed any idea of them already; but the simplest -thing cannot be made clear to the most intelligent man if he is -firmly persuaded that he knows already, without a shadow of doubt, -what is laid before him. - -The Christian doctrine is presented to the men of our world to-day -as a doctrine which everyone has known so long and accepted so -unhesitatingly in all its minutest details that it cannot be -understood in any other way than it is understood now. - -Christianity is understood now by all who profess the doctrines of -the Church as a supernatural miraculous revelation of everything -which is repeated in the Creed. By unbelievers it is regarded as -an illustration of man's craving for a belief in the supernatural, -which mankind has now outgrown, as an historical phenomenon which -has received full expression in Catholicism, Greek Orthodoxy, and -Protestantism, and has no longer any living significance for us. The -significance of the Gospel is hidden from believers by the Church, -from unbelievers by Science. - -I will speak first of the former. Eighteen hundred years ago there -appeared in the midst of the heathen Roman world a strange new -doctrine, unlike any of the old religions, and attributed to a man, -Christ. - -This new doctrine was in both form and content absolutely new to the -Jewish world in which it originated, and still more to the Roman -world in which it was preached and diffused. - -In the midst of the elaborate religious observances of Judaism, in -which, in the words of Isaiah, law was laid upon law, and in the -midst of the Roman legal system worked out to the highest point -of perfection, a new doctrine appeared, which denied not only -every deity, and all fear and worship of them, but even all human -institutions and all necessity for them. In place of all the rules -of the old religions, this doctrine sets up only a type of inward -perfection, truth, and love in the person of Christ, and--as a result -of this inward perfection being attained by men--also the outward -perfection foretold by the Prophets--the kingdom of God, when all men -will cease to learn to make war, when all shall be taught of God and -united in love, and the lion will lie down with the lamb. Instead -of the threats of punishment which all the old laws of religions -and governments alike laid down for non-fulfillment of their rules, -instead of promises of rewards for fulfillment of them, this doctrine -called men to it only because it was the truth. John vii. 17: "If any -man will do His will, he shall know of the doctrine whether it be -of God." John viii. 46: "If I say the truth, why do ye not believe -me? But ye seek to kill me, a man that hath told you the truth. Ye -shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free. God is a -spirit, and they that worship him must worship him in spirit and in -truth. Keep my sayings, and ye shall know of my sayings whether they -be true." No proofs of this doctrine were offered except its truth, -the correspondence of the doctrine with the truth. The whole teaching -consisted in the recognition of truth and following it, in a greater -and greater attainment of truth, and a closer and closer following -of it in the acts of life. There are no acts in this doctrine which -could justify a man and make him saved. There is only the image of -truth to guide him, for inward perfection in the person of Christ, -and for outward perfection in the establishment of the kingdom of -God. The fulfillment of this teaching consists only in walking in the -chosen way, in getting nearer to inward perfection in the imitation -of Christ, and outward perfection in the establishment of the kingdom -of God. The greater or less blessedness of a man depends, according -to this doctrine, not on the degree of perfection to which he has -attained, but on the greater or less swiftness with which he is -pursuing it. - -The progress toward perfection of the publican Zaccheus, of the woman -that was a sinner, of the robber on the cross, is a greater state -of blessedness, according to this doctrine, than the stationary -righteousness of the Pharisee. The lost sheep is dearer than -ninety-nine that were not lost. The prodigal son, the piece of money -that was lost and found again, are dearer, more precious to God than -those which have not been lost. - -Every condition, according to this doctrine, is only a particular -step in the attainment of inward and outward perfection, and -therefore has no significance of itself. Blessedness consists in -progress toward perfection; to stand still in any condition whatever -means the cessation of this blessedness. - -"Let not thy left hand know what thy right hand doeth." "No man -having put his hand to the plow and looking back is fit for the -kingdom of God." "Rejoice not that the spirits are subject to you, -but seek rather that your names be written in heaven." "Be ye -perfect, even as your Father in heaven is perfect." "Seek ye first -the kingdom of heaven and its righteousness." - -The fulfillment of this precept is only to be found in uninterrupted -progress toward the attainment of ever higher truth, toward -establishing more and more firmly an ever greater love within -oneself, and establishing more and more widely the kingdom of God -outside oneself. - -It is obvious that, appearing as it did in the midst of the Jewish -and heathen world, such teaching could not be accepted by the -majority of men, who were living a life absolutely different from -what was required by it. It is obvious, too, that even for those by -whom it was accepted, it was so absolutely opposed to all their old -views that it could not be comprehensible in its full significance. - -It has been only by a succession of misunderstandings, errors, -partial explanations, and the corrections and additions of -generations that the meaning of the Christian doctrine has grown -continually more and more clear to men. The Christian view of -life has exerted an influence on the Jewish and heathen, and the -heathen and Jewish view of life has, too, exerted an influence on -the Christian. And Christianity, as the living force, has gained -more and more upon the extinct Judaism and heathenism, and has -grown continually clearer and clearer, as it freed itself from the -admixture of falsehood which had overlaid it. Men went further -and further in the attainment of the meaning of Christianity, and -realized it more and more in life. - -The longer mankind lived, the clearer and clearer became the meaning -of Christianity, as must always be the case with every theory of life. - -Succeeding generations corrected the errors of their predecessors, -and grew ever nearer and nearer to a comprehension of the true -meaning. It was thus from the very earliest times of Christianity. -And so, too, from the earliest times of Christianity there were men -who began to assert on their own authority that the meaning they -attribute to the doctrine is the only true one, and as proof bring -forward supernatural occurrences in support of the correctness of -their interpretation. - -This was the principal cause at first of the misunderstanding of the -doctrine, and afterward of the complete distortion of it. - -It was supposed that Christ's teaching was transmitted to men not -like every other truth, but in a special miraculous way. Thus the -truth of the teaching was not proved by its correspondence with the -needs of the mind and the whole nature of man, but by the miraculous -manner of its transmission, which was advanced as an irrefutable -proof of the truth of the interpretation put on it. This hypothesis -originated from misunderstanding of the teaching, and its result was -to make it impossible to understand it rightly. - -And this happened first in the earliest times, when the doctrine -was still not so fully understood and often interpreted wrongly, -as we see by the Gospels and the Acts. The less the doctrine was -understood, the more obscure it appeared and the more necessary were -external proofs of its truth. The proposition that we ought not to -do unto others as we would not they should do unto us, did not need -to be proved by miracles and needed no exercise of faith, because -this proposition is in itself convincing and in harmony with man's -mind and nature; but the proposition that Christ was God had to be -proved by miracles completely beyond our comprehension. - -The more the understanding of Christ's teaching was obscured, -the more the miraculous was introduced into it; and the more the -miraculous was introduced into it, the more the doctrine was strained -from its meaning and the more obscure it became; and the more it -was strained from its meaning and the more obscure it became, the -more strongly its infallibility had to be asserted, and the less -comprehensible the doctrine became. - -One can see by the Gospels, the Acts, and the Epistles how from the -earliest times the non-comprehension of the doctrine called forth the -need for proofs through the miraculous and incomprehensible. - -The first example in the book of Acts is the assembly which gathered -together in Jerusalem to decide the question which had arisen, -whether to baptize or not the uncircumcised and those who had eaten -of food sacrificed to idols. - -The very fact of this question being raised showed that those who -discussed it did not understand the teaching of Christ, who rejected -all outward observances--ablutions, purifications, fasts, and -sabbaths. It was plainly said, "Not that which goeth into a man's -mouth, but that which cometh out of a man's mouth, defileth him," and -therefore the question of baptizing the uncircumcised could only have -arisen among men who, though they loved their Master and dimly felt -the grandeur of his teaching, still did not understand the teaching -itself very clearly. And this was the fact. - -Just in proportion to the failure of the members of the assembly -to understand the doctrine was their need of external confirmation -of their incomplete interpretation of it. And then to settle this -question, the very asking of which proved their misunderstanding of -the doctrine, there was uttered in this assembly, as is described in -the Acts, that strange phrase, which was for the first time found -necessary to give external confirmation to certain assertions, and -which has been productive of so much evil. - -That is, it was asserted that the correctness of what they had -decided was guaranteed by the miraculous participation of the Holy -Ghost, that is, of God, in their decision. But the assertion that -the Holy Ghost, that is, God, spoke through the Apostles, in its -turn wanted proof. And thus it was necessary, to confirm this, that -the Holy Ghost should descend at Pentecost in tongues of fire upon -those who made this assertion. (In the account of it, the descent -of the Holy Ghost precedes the assembly, but the book of Acts was -written much later than both events.) But the descent of the Holy -Ghost too had to be proved for those who had not seen the tongues -of fire (though it is not easy to understand why a tongue of fire -burning above a man's head should prove that what that man is going -to say will be infallibly the truth). And so arose the necessity for -still more miracles and changes, raisings of the dead to life, and -strikings of the living dead, and all those marvels which have been -a stumbling-block to men, of which the Acts is full, and which, far -from ever convincing one of the truth of the Christian doctrine, can -only repel men from it. The result of such a means of confirming the -truth was that the more these confirmations of truth by tales of -miracles were heaped up one after another, the more the doctrine was -distorted from its original meaning, and the more incomprehensible it -became. - -Thus it was from the earliest times, and so it went on, constantly -increasing, till it reached in our day the logical climax of the -dogmas of transubstantiation and the infallibility of the Pope, or of -the bishops, or of Scripture, and of requiring a blind faith rendered -incomprehensible and utterly meaningless, not in God, but in Christ, -not in a doctrine, but in a person, as in Catholicism, or in persons, -as in Greek Orthodoxy, or in a book, as in Protestantism. The more -widely Christianity was diffused, and the greater the number of -people unprepared for it who were brought under its sway, the less it -was understood, the more absolutely was its infallibility insisted -on, and the less possible it became to understand the true meaning of -the doctrine. In the times of Constantine the whole interpretation -of the doctrine had been already reduced to a _résumé_--supported by -the temporal authority--of the disputes that had taken place in the -Council--to a creed which reckoned off--I believe in so and so, and -so and so, and so and so to the end--to one holy, Apostolic Church, -which means the infallibility of those persons who call themselves -the Church. So that it all amounts to a man no longer believing in -God nor Christ, as they are revealed to him, but believing in what -the Church orders him to believe in. - -But the Church is holy; the Church was founded by Christ. God could -not leave men to interpret his teaching at random--therefore he -founded the Church. All those statements are so utterly untrue -and unfounded that one is ashamed to refute them. Nowhere nor in -anything, except in the assertion of the Church, can we find that -God or Christ founded anything like what Churchmen understand by the -Church. In the Gospels there is a warning against the Church, as it -is an external authority, a warning most clear and obvious in the -passage where it is said that Christ's followers should "call no -man master." But nowhere is anything said of the foundation of what -Churchmen call the Church. - -The word church is used twice in the Gospels--once in the sense of -an assembly of men to decide a dispute, the other time in connection -with the obscure utterance about a stone--Peter, and the gates of -hell. From these two passages in which the word church is used, in -the signification merely of an assembly, has been deduced all that we -now understand by the Church. - -But Christ could not have founded the Church, that is, what we now -understand by that word. For nothing like the idea of the Church as -we know it now, with its sacraments, miracles, and above all its -claim to infallibility, is to be found either in Christ's words or in -the ideas of the men of that time. - -The fact that men called what was formed afterward by the same word -as Christ used for something totally different, does not give them -the right to assert that Christ founded the one, true Church. - -Besides, if Christ had really founded such an institution as the -Church for the foundation of all his teaching and the whole faith, -he would certainly have described this institution clearly and -definitely, and would have given the only true Church, besides tales -of miracles, which are used to support every kind of superstition, -some tokens so unmistakable that no doubt of its genuineness could -ever have arisen. But nothing of the sort was done by him. And there -have been and still are different institutions, each calling itself -the true Church. - -The Catholic catechism says: "L'Église est la société des fidéles -établie par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ, répandue sur toute la terre -et soumise à l'authorité des pasteurs légitimes, principalement -notre Saint Père le Pape,"[2] understanding by the words "pasteurs -légitimes" an association of men having the Pope at its head, -and consisting of certain individuals bound together by a certain -organization. - - [2] "The Church is the society of the faithful, established by our - Lord Jesus Christ, spread over the whole earth, and subject to the - authority of its lawful pastors, and chief of them our Holy Father - the Pope." - -The Greek Orthodox catechism says: "The Church is a society founded -upon earth by Jesus Christ, which is united into one whole, by one -divine doctrine and by sacraments, under the rule and guidance of a -priesthood appointed by God," meaning by the "priesthood appointed by -God" the Greek Orthodox priesthood, consisting of certain individuals -who happen to be in such or such positions. - -The Lutheran catechism says: "The Church is holy Christianity, or the -collection of all believers under Christ, their head, to whom the -Holy Ghost through the Gospels and sacraments promises, communicates, -and administers heavenly salvation," meaning that the Catholic -Church is lost in error, and that the true means of salvation is in -Lutheranism. - -For Catholics the Church of God coincides with the Roman priesthood -and the Pope. For the Greek Orthodox believer the Church of God -coincides with the establishment and priesthood of Russia.[3] - - [3] Homyakov's definition of the Church, which was received with some - favor among Russians, does not improve matters, if we are to agree - with Homyakov in considering the Greek Orthodox Church as the one - true Church. Homyakov asserts that a church is a collection of men - (all without distinction of clergy and laymen) united together by - love, and that only to men united by love is the truth revealed (let - us love each other, that in the unity of thought, etc.), and that - such a church is the church which, in the first place, recognizes - the Nicene Creed, and in the second place does not, after the - division of the churches, recognize the popes and new dogmas. But - with such a definition of the church, there is still more difficulty - in reconciling, as Homyakov tries to do, the church united by love - with the church that recognizes the Nicene Creed and the doctrine - of Photius. So that Homyakov's assertion that this church, united - by love, and consequently holy, is the same church as the Greek - Orthodox priesthood profess faith in, is even more arbitrary than the - assertions of the Catholics or the Orthodox. If we admit the idea of - a church in the sense Homyakov gives to it--that is, a body of men - bound together by love and truth--then all that any man can predicate - in regard to this body, if such an one exists, is its love and truth, - but there can be no outer signs by which one could reckon oneself - or another as a member of this holy body, nor by which one could - put anyone outside it; so that no institution having an external - existence can correspond to this idea. - -For Lutherans the Church of God coincides with a body of men who -recognize the authority of the Bible and Luther's catechism. - -Ordinarily, when speaking of the rise of Christianity, men belonging -to one of the existing churches use the word church in the singular, -as though there were and had been only one church. But this is -absolutely incorrect. The Church, as an institution which asserted -that it possessed infallible truth, did not make its appearance -singly; there were at least two churches directly this claim was made. - -While believers were agreed among themselves and the body was one, it -had no need to declare itself as a church. It was only when believers -were split up into opposing parties, renouncing one another, that -it seemed necessary to each party to confirm their own truth by -ascribing to themselves infallibility. The conception of one church -only arose when there were two sides divided and disputing, who each -called the other side heresy, and recognized their own side only as -the infallible church. - -If we knew that there was a church which decided in the year 51 to -receive the uncircumcised, it is only so because there was another -church--of the Judaists--who decided to keep the uncircumcised out. - -If there is a Catholic Church now which asserts its -own infallibility, that is only because there are -churches--Greco-Russian, Old Orthodox, and Lutheran--each asserting -its own infallibility and denying that of all other churches. So that -the one Church is only a fantastic imagination which has not the -least trace of reality about it. - -As a real historical fact there has existed, and still exist, several -bodies of men, each asserting that it is the one Church, founded by -Christ, and that all the others who call themselves churches are only -sects and heresies. - -The catechisms of the churches of the most world-wide influence--the -Catholic, the Old Orthodox, and the Lutheran--openly assert this. - -In the Catholic catechism it is said: "Quels sont ceux qui sont hors -de l'église? Les infidèles, les hérétiques, les schismatiques."[4] -The so-called Greek Orthodox are regarded as schismatics, the -Lutherans as heretics; so that according to the Catholic catechism -the only people in the Church are Catholics. - - [4] "Who are those who are outside the Church? Infidels, heretics, - and schismatics." - -In the so-called Orthodox catechism it is said: By the one Christian -Church is understood the Orthodox, which remains fully in accord -with the Universal Church. As for the Roman Church and other sects -(the Lutherans and the rest they do not even dignify by the name of -church), they cannot be included in the one true Church, since they -have themselves separated from it. - -According to this definition the Catholics and Lutherans are outside -the Church, and there are only Orthodox in the Church. - -The Lutheran catechism says: "Die wahre Kirche wird darein erkannt, -dass in ihr das Wort Gottes lauter und rein ohne Menschenzusätze -gelehrt und die Sacramente treu nach Christi Einsetzung gewahret -werden."[5] - - [5] "The true Church will be known by the Word of God being studied - clear and unmixed with man's additions and the sacraments being - maintained faithful to Christ's teaching." - -According to this definition all those who have added anything to -the teaching of Christ and the apostles, as the Catholic and Greek -churches have done, are outside the Church. And in the Church there -are only Protestants. - -The Catholics assert that the Holy Ghost has been transmitted without -a break in their priesthood. The Orthodox assert that the same Holy -Ghost has been transmitted without a break in their priesthood. -The Arians asserted that the Holy Ghost was transmitted in their -priesthood (they asserted this with just as much right as the -churches in authority now). The Protestants of every kind--Lutherans, -Reformed Church, Presbyterians, Methodists, Swedenborgians, -Mormons--assert that the Holy Ghost is only present in their -communities. If the Catholics assert that the Holy Ghost, at the time -of the division of the Church into Arian and Greek, left the Church -that fell away and remained in the one true Church, with precisely -the same right the Protestants of every denomination can assert that -at the time of the separation of their Church from the Catholic -the Holy Ghost left the Catholic and passed into the Church they -professed. And this is just what they do. - -Every church traces its creed through an uninterrupted transmission -from Christ and the Apostles. And truly every Christian creed that -has been derived from Christ must have come down to the present -generation through a certain transmission. But that does not prove -that it alone of all that has been transmitted, excluding all the -rest, can be the sole truth, admitting of no doubt. - -Every branch in a tree comes from the root in unbroken connection; -but the fact that each branch comes from the one root, does not -prove at all that each branch was the only one. It is precisely the -same with the Church. Every church presents exactly the same proofs -of the succession, and even the same miracles, in support of its -authenticity, as every other. So that there is but one strict and -exact definition of what is a church (not of something fantastic -which we would wish it to be, but of what it is and has been in -reality)--a church is a body of men who claim for themselves that -they are in complete and sole possession of the truth. And these -bodies, having in course of time, aided by the support of the -temporal authorities, developed into powerful institutions, have been -the principal obstacles to the diffusion of a true comprehension of -the teaching of Christ. - -It could not be otherwise. The chief peculiarity which distinguished -Christ's teaching from previous religions consisted in the fact -that those who accepted it strove ever more and more to comprehend -and realize its teaching. But the Church doctrine asserted its own -complete and final comprehension and realization of it. - -Strange though it may seem to us who have been brought up in the -erroneous view of the Church as a Christian institution, and in -contempt for heresy, yet the fact is that only in what was called -heresy was there any true movement, that is, true Christianity, and -that it only ceased to be so when those heresies stopped short in -their movement and also petrified into the fixed forms of a church. - -And, indeed, what is a heresy? Read all the theological works one -after another. In all of them heresy is the subject which first -presents itself for definition; since every theological work deals -with the true doctrine of Christ as distinguished from the erroneous -doctrines which surround it, that is, heresies. Yet you will not find -anywhere anything like a definition of heresy. - -The treatment of this subject by the learned historian of -Christianity, E. de Pressensé, in his "Histoire du Dogme" (Paris, -1869), under the heading "Ubi Christus, ibi Ecclesia," may serve as -an illustration of the complete absence of anything like a definition -of what is understood by the word heresy. Here is what he says in -his introduction (p. 3): "Je sais que l'on nous conteste le droit de -qualifier ainsi [that is, to call heresies] les tendances qui furent -si vivement combattues par les premiers Pères. La désignation même -d'hérésie semble une atteinte portée à la liberté de conscience et de -pensée. Nous ne pouvons partager ce scrupule, car il n'irait à rien -moins qu'à enlever au Christianisme tout caractère distinctif."[6] - - [6] "I know that our right to qualify thus the tendencies which were - so actively opposed by the early Fathers is contested. The very use - of the word heresy seems an attack upon liberty of conscience and - thought. We cannot share this scruple; for it would amount to nothing - less than depriving Christianity of all distinctive character." - -And though he tells us that after Constantine's time the Church did -actually abuse its power by designating those who dissented from it -as heretics and persecuting them, yet he says, when speaking of early -times: "L'église est une libre association; il y a tout profit à se -séparer d'elle. La polémique contre l'erreur n'a d'autres ressources -que la pensée et le sentiment. Un type doctrinal uniforme n'a pas -encore été élaboré; les divergences secondaires se produisent en -Orient et en Occident avec une entière liberté; la théologie n'est -point liée à d'invariables formules. Si au sein de cette diversité -apparait un fonds commun de croyances, n'est-on pas en droit d'y -voir non pas un système formulé et composé par les représentants -d'une autorité d'école, mais la foi elle-même dans son instinct -le plus sûr et sa manifestation la plus spontanée? Si cette même -unanimité qui se révèle dans les croyances essentielles, se retrouve -pour repousser telles ou telles tendances, ne serons-nous pas en -droit de conclure que ces tendances étaient en désacord flagrant -avec les principes fondamentaux du christianisme? Cette présomption -ne se transformera-t-elle pas en certitude si nous reconnaissons -dans la doctrine universellement repoussée par l'Eglise les traits -caractéristiques de l'une des religions du passé? Pour dire que -le gnosticisme ou l'ébionitisme sont les formes légitimes de la -pensée chrétienne il faut dire hardiment qu'il n'y a pas de pensée -chrétienne, ni de caractère spécifique qui la fasse reconnaître. Sous -prétexte de l'élargir, on la dissout. Personne au temps de Platon -n'eût osé couvrir de son nom une doctrine qui n'eut pas fait place -à la théorie des idées; et l'on eût excité les justes moqueries -de la Grèce, en voulant faire d'Epicure ou de Zénon un disciple -de l'Académie. Reconnaissons donc que s'il existe une religion -ou une doctrine qui s'appelle christianisme, elle peut avoir ses -hérésies."[7] - - [7] "The Church is a free association; there is much to be gained by - separation from it. Conflict with error has no weapons other than - thought and feeling. One uniform type of doctrine has not yet been - elaborated; divergencies in secondary matters arise freely in East - and West; theology is not wedded to invariable formulas. If in the - midst of this diversity a mass of beliefs common to all is apparent, - is one not justified in seeing in it, not a formulated system, framed - by the representatives of pedantic authority, but faith itself in - its surest instinct and its most spontaneous manifestation? If the - same unanimity which is revealed in essential points of belief is - found also in rejecting certain tendencies, are we not justified in - concluding that these tendencies were in flagrant opposition to the - fundamental principles of Christianity? And will not this presumption - be transformed into certainty if we recognize in the doctrine - universally rejected by the Church the characteristic features of one - of the religions of the past? To say that gnosticism or ebionitism - are legitimate forms of Christian thought, one must boldly deny the - existence of Christian thought at all, or any specific character by - which it could be recognized. While ostensibly widening its realm, - one undermines it. No one in the time of Plato would have ventured - to give his name to a doctrine in which the theory of ideas had no - place, and one would deservedly have excited the ridicule of Greece - by trying to pass off Epicurus or Zeno as a disciple of the Academy. - Let us recognize, then, that if a religion or a doctrine exists which - is called Christianity, it may have its heresies." - -The author's whole argument amounts to this: that every opinion which -differs from the code of dogmas we believe in at a given time, is -heresy. But of course at any given time and place men always believe -in something or other; and this belief in something, indefinite at -any place, at some time, cannot be a criterion of truth. - -It all amounts to this: since ubi Christus ibi Ecclesia, then -Christus is where we are. - -Every so-called heresy, regarding, as it does, its own creed as -the truth, can just as easily find in Church history a series of -illustrations of its own creed, can use all Pressensé's arguments on -its own behalf, and can call its own creed the one truly Christian -creed. And that is just what all heresies do and have always done. - -The only definition of heresy (the word +hairesis+, means a -part) is this: the name given by a body of men to any opinion which -rejects a part of the Creed professed by that body. The more frequent -meaning, more often ascribed to the word heresy, is--that of an -opinion which rejects the Church doctrine founded and supported by -the temporal authorities. - -There is a remarkable and voluminous work, very little known, -"Unpartheyische Kirchen- und Ketzer-Historie," 1729, by Gottfried -Arnold, which deals with precisely this subject, and points out all -the unlawfulness, the arbitrariness, the senselessness, and the -cruelty of using the word heretic in the sense of reprobate. This -book is an attempt to write the history of Christianity in the form -of a history of heresy. - -In the introduction the author propounds a series of questions: (1) -Of those who make heretics; (2) Of those whom they made heretics; -(3) Of heretical subjects themselves; (4) Of the method of making -heretics; and (5) Of the object and result of making heretics. - -On each of these points he propounds ten more questions, the answers -to which he gives later on from the works of well-known theologians. -But he leaves the reader to draw for himself the principal -conclusion from the expositions in the whole book. As examples of -these questions, in which the answers are to some extent included -also, I will quote the following. Under the 4th head, of the manner -in which heretics are made, he says, in one of the questions (in the -7th): - -"Does not all history show that the greatest makers of heretics -and masters of that craft were just these wise men, from whom the -Father hid his secrets, that is, the hypocrites, the Pharisees, and -lawyers, men utterly godless and perverted (Question 20-21)? And -in the corrupt times of Christianity were not these very men cast -out, denounced by the hypocrites and envious, who were endowed by -God with great gifts and who would in the days of pure Christianity -have been held in high honor? And, on the other hand, would not the -men who, in the decline of Christianity raised themselves above all, -and regarded themselves as the teachers of the purest Christianity, -would not these very men, in the times of the apostles and disciples -of Christ, have been regarded as the most shameless heretics and -anti-Christians?" - -He expounds, among other things in these questions, the theory -that any verbal expression of faith, such as was demanded by the -Church, and the departure from which was reckoned as heresy, could -never fully cover the exact religious ideas of a believer, and that -therefore the demand for an expression of faith in certain words was -ever productive of heresy, and he says, in Question 21: - -"And if heavenly things and thoughts present themselves to a man's -mind as so great and so profound that he does not find corresponding -words to express them, ought one to call him a heretic, because he -cannot express his idea with perfect exactness?" And in Question 33: - -"And is not the fact that there was no heresy in the earliest days -due to the fact that the Christians did not judge one another by -verbal expressions, but by deed and by heart, since they had perfect -liberty to express their ideas without the dread of being called -heretics; was it not the easiest and most ordinary ecclesiastical -proceeding, if the clergy wanted to get rid of or to ruin anyone, for -them to cast suspicion on the person's belief, and to throw a cloak -of heresy upon him, and by this means to procure his condemnation and -removal? - -"True though it may be that there were sins and errors among the -so-called heretics, it is no less true and evident," he says farther -on, "from the innumerable examples quoted here (_i. e._, in the -history of the Church and of heresy), that there was not a single -sincere and conscientious man of any importance whom the Churchmen -would not from envy or other causes have ruined." - -Thus, almost two hundred years ago, the real meaning of heresy was -understood. And notwithstanding that, the same conception of it has -gone on existing up to now. And it cannot fail to exist so long as -the conception of a church exists. Heresy is the obverse side of the -Church. Wherever there is a church, there must be the conception -of heresy. A church is a body of men who assert that they are in -possession of infallible truth. Heresy is the opinion of the men who -do not admit the infallibility of the Church's truth. - -Heresy makes its appearance in the Church. It is the effort to break -through the petrified authority of the Church. All effort after a -living comprehension of the doctrine has been made by heretics. -Tertullian, Origen, Augustine, Luther, Huss, Savonarola, Helchitsky, -and the rest were heretics. It could not be otherwise. - -The follower of Christ, whose service means an ever-growing -understanding of his teaching, and an ever-closer fulfillment of it, -in progress toward perfection, cannot, just because he is a follower -of Christ, claim for himself or any other that he understands -Christ's teaching fully and fulfills it. Still less can he claim this -for any body of men. - -To whatever degree of understanding and perfection the follower of -Christ may have attained, he always feels the insufficiency of his -understanding and fulfillment of it, and is always striving toward -a fuller understanding and fulfillment. And therefore, to assert -of one's self or of any body of men, that one is or they are in -possession of perfect understanding and fulfillment of Christ's word, -is to renounce the very spirit of Christ's teaching. - -Strange as it may seem, the churches as churches have always been, -and cannot but be, institutions not only alien in spirit to Christ's -teaching, but even directly antagonistic to it. With good reason -Voltaire calls the Church _l'infâme_; with good reason have all or -almost all so-called sects of Christians recognized the Church as -the scarlet woman foretold in the Apocalypse; with good reason is -the history of the Church the history of the greatest cruelties and -horrors. - -The churches as churches are not, as many people suppose, -institutions which have Christian principles for their basis, -even though they may have strayed a little away from the straight -path. The churches as churches, as bodies which assert their own -infallibility, are institutions opposed to Christianity. There is not -only nothing in common between the churches as such and Christianity, -except the name, but they represent two principles fundamentally -opposed and antagonistic to one another. One represents pride, -violence, self-assertion, stagnation, and death; the other, meekness, -penitence, humility, progress, and life. - -We cannot serve these two masters; we have to choose between them. - -The servants of the churches of all denominations, especially of -later times, try to show themselves champions of progress in -Christianity. They make concessions, wish to correct the abuses -that have slipped into the Church, and maintain that one cannot, on -account of these abuses, deny the principle itself of a Christian -church, which alone can bind all men together in unity and be a -mediator between men and God. But this is all a mistake. Not only -have the churches never bound men together in unity; they have always -been one of the principal causes of division between men, of their -hatred of one another, of wars, battles, inquisitions, massacres of -St. Bartholomew, and so on. And the churches have never served as -mediators between men and God. Such mediation is not wanted, and was -directly forbidden by Christ, who has revealed his teaching directly -and immediately to each man. But the churches set up dead forms in -the place of God, and far from revealing God, they obscure him from -men's sight. The churches, which originated from misunderstanding of -Christ's teaching and have maintained this misunderstanding by their -immovability, cannot but persecute and refuse to recognize all true -understanding of Christ's words. They try to conceal this, but in -vain; for every step forward along the path pointed out for us by -Christ is a step toward their destruction. - -To hear and to read the sermons and articles in which Church writers -of later times of all denominations speak of Christian truths and -virtues; to hear or read these skillful arguments that have been -elaborated during centuries, and exhortations and professions, -which sometimes seem like sincere professions, one is ready to -doubt whether the churches can be antagonistic to Christianity. "It -cannot be," one says, "that these people who can point to such men -as Chrysostom, Fénelon, Butler, and others professing the Christian -faith, were antagonistic to Christianity." One is tempted to say, -"The churches may have strayed away from Christianity, they may be -in error, but they cannot be hostile to it." But we must look to -the fruit to judge the tree, as Christ taught us. And if we see that -their fruits were evil, that the results of their activity were -antagonistic to Christianity, we cannot but admit that however good -the men were--the work of the Church in which these men took part -was not Christian. The goodness and worth of these men who served -the churches was the goodness and worth of the men, and not of -the institution they served. All the good men, such as Francis of -Assisi, and Francis of Sales, our Tihon Zadonsky, Thomas à Kempis, -and others, were good men in spite of their serving an institution -hostile to Christianity, and they would have been still better if -they had not been under the influence of the error which they were -serving. - -But why should we speak of the past and judge from the past, which -may have been misrepresented and misunderstood by us? The churches, -with their principles and their practice, are not a thing of the -past. The churches are before us to-day, and we can judge of them to -some purpose by their practical activity, their influence on men. - -What is the practical work of the churches to-day? What is their -influence upon men? What is done by the churches among us, among the -Catholics and the Protestants of all denominations--what is their -practical work? and what are the results of their practical work? - -The practice of our Russian so-called Orthodox Church is plain to -all. It is an enormous fact which there is no possibility of hiding -and about which there can be no disputing. - -What constitutes the practical work of this Russian Church, this -immense, intensely active institution, which consists of a regiment -of half a million men and costs the people tens of millions of rubles? - -The practical business of the Church consists in instilling by every -conceivable means into the mass of one hundred millions of the -Russian people those extinct relics of beliefs for which there is -nowadays no kind of justification, "in which scarcely anyone now -believes, and often not even those whose duty it is to diffuse these -false beliefs." To instill into the people the formulas of Byzantine -theology, of the Trinity, of the Mother of God, of Sacraments, of -Grace, and so on, extinct conceptions, foreign to us, and having no -kind of meaning for men of our times, forms only one part of the -work of the Russian Church. Another part of its practice consists in -the maintenance of idol-worship in the most literal meaning of the -word; in the veneration of holy relics, and of ikons, the offering of -sacrifices to them, and the expectation of their answers to prayer. -I am not going to speak of what is preached and what is written -by clergy of scientific or liberal tendencies in the theological -journals. I am going to speak of what is actually done by the clergy -through the wide expanse of the Russian land among a people of one -hundred millions. What do they, diligently, assiduously, everywhere -alike, without intermission, teach the people? What do they demand -from the people in virtue of their (so-called) Christian faith? - -I will begin from the beginning with the birth of a child. At the -birth of a child they teach them that they must recite a prayer over -the child and mother to purify them, as though without this prayer -the mother of a newborn child were unclean. To do this the priest -holds the child in his arms before the images of the saints (called -by the people plainly gods) and reads words of exorcizing power, and -this purifies the mother. Then it is suggested to the parents, and -even exacted of them, under fear of punishment for non-fulfillment, -that the child must be baptized; that is, be dipped by the priest -three times into the water, while certain words, understood by no -one, are read aloud, and certain actions, still less understood, -are performed; various parts of the body are rubbed with oil, and -the hair is cut, while the sponsors blow and spit at an imaginary -devil. All this is necessary to purify the child and to make him a -Christian. Then it is instilled into the parents that they ought to -administer the sacrament to the child, that is, give him, in the -guise of bread and wine, a portion of Christ's body to eat, as a -result of which the child receives the grace of God within it, and -so on. Then it is suggested that the child as it grows up must be -taught to pray. To pray means to place himself directly before the -wooden boards on which are painted the faces of Christ, the Mother of -God, and the saints, to bow his head and his whole body, and to touch -his forehead, his shoulders and his stomach with his right hand, -holding his fingers in a certain position, and to utter some words -of Slavonic, the most usual of which as taught to all children are: -Mother of God, virgin, rejoice thee, etc., etc. - -Then it is instilled into the child as it is brought up that at the -sight of any church or ikon he must repeat the same action--_i. -e._, cross himself. Then it is instilled into him that on holidays -(holidays are the days on which Christ was born, though no one knows -when that was, on which he was circumcised, on which the Mother of -God died, on which the cross was carried in procession, on which -ikons have been set up, on which a lunatic saw a vision, and so -on)--on holidays he must dress himself in his best clothes and go to -church, and must buy candles and place them there before the images -of the saints. Then he must give offerings and prayers for the dead, -and little loaves to be cut up into three-cornered pieces, and must -pray many times for the health and prosperity of the Tzar and the -bishops, and for himself and his own affairs, and then kiss the cross -and the hand of the priest. - -Besides these observances, it is instilled into him that at least -once a year he must confess. To confess means to go to the church -and to tell the priest his sins, on the theory that this informing -a stranger of his sins completely purifies him from them. And after -that he must eat with a little spoon a morsel of bread with wine, -which will purify him still more. Next it is instilled into him that -if a man and woman want their physical union to be sanctified they -must go to church, put on metal crowns, drink certain potions, walk -three times round a table to the sound of singing, and that then -the physical union of a man and woman becomes sacred and altogether -different from all other such unions. - -Further it is instilled into him in his life that he must observe -the following rules: not to eat butter or milk on certain days, and -on certain other days to sing Te Deums and requiems for the dead, -on holidays to entertain the priest and give him money, and several -times in the year to bring the ikons from the church, and to carry -them slung on his shoulders through the fields and houses. It is -instilled into him that on his death-bed a man must not fail to eat -bread and wine with a spoon, and that it will be still better if -he has time to be rubbed with sacred oil. This will guarantee his -welfare in the future life. After his death it is instilled into -his relatives that it is a good thing for the salvation of the dead -man to place a printed paper of prayers in his hands; it is a good -thing further to read aloud a certain book over the dead body, and to -pronounce the dead man's name in church at a certain time. All this -is regarded as faith obligatory on everyone. - -But if anyone wants to take particular care of his soul, then -according to this faith he is instructed that the greatest security -of the salvation of the soul in the world is attained by offering -money to the churches and monasteries, and engaging the holy men by -this means to pray for him. Entering monasteries too, and kissing -relics and miraculous ikons, are further means of salvation for the -soul. - -According to this faith ikons and relics communicate a special -sanctity, power, and grace, and even proximity to these objects, -touching them, kissing them, putting candles before them, crawling -under them while they are being carried along, are all efficacious -for salvation, as well as Te Deums repeated before these holy things. - -So this, and nothing else, is the faith called Orthodox, that is -the actual faith which, under the guise of Christianity, has been -with all the forces of the Church, and is now with especial zeal, -instilled into the people. - -And let no one say that the Orthodox teachers place the essential -part of their teaching in something else, and that all these are -only ancient forms, which it is not thought necessary to do away -with. That is false. This, and nothing but this, is the faith taught -through the whole of Russia by the whole of the Russian clergy, and -of late years with especial zeal. There is nothing else taught. -Something different may be talked of and written of in the capitals; -but among the hundred millions of the people this is what is done, -this is what is taught, and nothing more. Churchmen may talk of -something else, but this is what they teach by every means in their -power. - -All this, and the worship of relics and of ikons, has been introduced -into works of theology and into the catechisms. Thus they teach it -to the people in theory and in practice, using every resource of -authority, solemnity, pomp, and violence to impress them. They compel -the people, by overawing them, to believe in this, and jealously -guard this faith from any attempt to free the people from these -barbarous superstitions. - -As I said when I published my book, Christ's teaching and his very -words about non-resistance to evil were for many years a subject -for ridicule and low jesting in my eyes, and Churchmen, far from -opposing it, even encouraged this scoffing at sacred things. But try -the experiment of saying a disrespectful word about a hideous idol -which is carried sacrilegiously about Moscow by drunken men under the -name of the ikon of the Iversky virgin, and you will raise a groan -of indignation from these same Churchmen. All that they preach is an -external observance of the rites of idolatry. And let it not be said -that the one does not hinder the other, that "These ought ye to have -done, and not to leave the other undone." "All, therefore, whatsoever -they bid you observe, that observe and do; but do not ye after their -works: for they say, and do not" (Matt. xxiii. 23, 3). - -This was spoken of the Pharisees, who fulfilled all the external -observances prescribed by the law, and therefore the words -"whatsoever they bid you observe, that observe and do," refer to -works of mercy and goodness, and the words "do not ye after their -works, for they say and do not," refer to their observance of -ceremonies and their neglect of good works, and have exactly the -opposite meaning to that which the Churchmen try to give to the -passage, interpreting it as an injunction to observe ceremonies. -External observances and the service of truth and goodness are for -the most part difficult to combine; the one excludes the other. So it -was with the Pharisees, so it is now with Church Christians. - -If a man can be saved by the redemption, by sacraments, and by -prayer, then he does not need good works. - -The Sermon on the Mount, or the Creed. One cannot believe in both. -And Churchmen have chosen the latter. The Creed is taught and is -read as a prayer in the churches, but the Sermon on the Mount is -excluded even from the Gospel passages read in the churches, so that -the congregation never hears it in church, except on those days when -the whole of the Gospel is read. Indeed, it could not be otherwise. -People who believe in a wicked and senseless God--who has cursed -the human race and devoted his own Son to sacrifice, and a part of -mankind to eternal torment--cannot believe in the God of love. The -man who believes in a God, in a Christ coming again in glory to judge -and to punish the quick and the dead, cannot believe in the Christ -who bade us turn the left cheek, judge not, forgive those that wrong -us, and love our enemies. The man who believes in the inspiration of -the Old Testament and the sacred character of David, who commanded -on his deathbed the murder of an old man who had cursed him, and -whom he could not kill himself because he was bound by an oath to -him, and the similar atrocities of which the Old Testament is full, -cannot believe in the holy love of Christ. The man who believes in -the Church's doctrine of the compatibility of warfare and capital -punishment with Christianity cannot believe in the brotherhood of all -men. - -And what is most important of all--the man who believes in salvation -through faith in the redemption or the sacraments, cannot devote all -his powers to realizing Christ's moral teaching in his life. - -The man who has been instructed by the Church in the profane doctrine -that a man cannot be saved by his own powers, but that there is -another means of salvation, will infallibly rely upon this means and -not on his own powers, which, they assure him, it is sinful to trust -in. - -The teaching of every Church, with its redemption and sacraments, -excludes the teaching of Christ; most of all the teaching of the -Orthodox Church with its idolatrous observances. - -"But the people have always believed of their own accord as they -believe now," will be said in answer to this. "The whole history -of the Russian people proves it. One cannot deprive the people of -their traditions." This statement, too, is misleading. The people -did certainly at one time believe in something like what the Church -believes in now, though it was far from being the same thing. In -spite of their superstitious regard for ikons, house-spirits, relics, -and festivals with wreaths of birch leaves, there has still always -been in the people a profound moral and living understanding of -Christianity, which there has never been in the Church as a whole, -and which is only met with in its best representatives. But the -people, notwithstanding all the prejudices instilled into them by the -government and the Church, have in their best representatives long -outgrown that crude stage of understanding, a fact which is proved -by the springing up everywhere of the rationalist sects with which -Russia is swarming to-day, and on which Churchmen are now carrying on -an ineffectual warfare. The people are advancing to a consciousness -of the moral, living side of Christianity. And then the Church comes -forward, not borrowing from the people, but zealously instilling into -them the petrified formalities of an extinct paganism, and striving -to thrust them back again into the darkness from which they are -emerging with such effort. - -"We teach the people nothing new, nothing but what they believe, only -in a more perfect form," say the Churchmen. This is just what the man -did who tied up the full-grown chicken and thrust it back into the -shell it had come out of. - -I have often been irritated, though it would be comic if the -consequences were not so awful, by observing how men shut one another -in a delusion and cannot get out of this magic circle. - -The first question, the first doubt of a Russian who is beginning to -think, is a question about the ikons, and still more the miraculous -relics: Is it true that they are genuine, and that miracles are -worked through them? Hundreds of thousands of men put this question -to themselves, and their principal difficulty in answering it is -the fact that bishops, metropolitans, and all men in positions of -authority kiss the relics and wonder-working ikons. Ask the bishops -and men in positions of authority why they do so, and they will say -they do it for the sake of the people, while the people kiss them -because the bishops and men in authority do so. - -In spite of all the external varnish of modernity, learning, and -spirituality which the members of the Church begin nowadays to assume -in their works, their articles, their theological journals, and their -sermons, the practical work of the Russian Church consists of nothing -more than keeping the people in their present condition of coarse -and savage idolatry, and worse still, strengthening and diffusing -superstition and religious ignorance, and suppressing that living -understanding of Christianity which exists in the people side by side -with idolatry. - -I remember once being present in the monks' bookshop of the Optchy -Hermitage while an old peasant was choosing books for his grandson, -who could read. A monk pressed on him accounts of relics, holidays, -miraculous ikons, a psalter, etc. I asked the old man, "Has he the -Gospel?" "No." "Give him the Gospel in Russian," I said to the monk. -"That will not do for him," answered the monk. There you have an -epitome of the work of our Church. - -But this is only in barbarous Russia, the European and American -reader will observe. And such an observation is just, but only so far -as it refers to the government, which aids the Church in its task of -stultification and corruption in Russia. - -It is true that there is nowhere in Europe a government so despotic -and so closely allied with the ruling Church. And therefore the share -of the temporal power in the corruption of the people is greatest in -Russia. But it is untrue that the Russian Church in its influence on -the people is in any respect different from any other church. - -The churches are everywhere the same, and if the Catholic, the -Anglican, or the Lutheran Church has not at hand a government as -compliant as the Russian, it is not due to any indisposition to -profit by such a government. - -The Church as a church, whatever it may be--Catholic, Anglican, -Lutheran, Presbyterian--every church, in so far as it is a church, -cannot but strive for the same object as the Russian Church. That -object is to conceal the real meaning of Christ's teaching and to -replace it by their own, which lays no obligation on them, excludes -the possibility of understanding the true teaching of Christ, and -what is the chief consideration, justifies the existence of priests -supported at the people's expense. - -What else has Catholicism done, what else is it doing in its -prohibition of reading the Gospel, and in its demand for unreasoning -submission to Church authorities and to an infallible Pope? Is the -religion of Catholicism any other than that of the Russian Church? -There is the same external ritual, the same relics, miracles, and -wonder-working images of Notre Dame, and the same processions; the -same loftily vague discussions of Christianity in books and sermons, -and when it comes to practice, the same supporting of the present -idolatry. And is not the same thing done in Anglicanism, Lutheranism, -and every denomination of Protestantism which has been formed into a -church? There is the same duty laid on their congregations to believe -in the dogmas expressed in the fourth century, which have lost -all meaning for men of our times, and the same duty of idolatrous -worship, if not of relics and ikons, then of the Sabbath Day and the -letter of the Bible. There is always the same activity directed to -concealing the real duties of Christianity, and to putting in their -place an external respectability and cant, as it is so well described -by the English, who are peculiarly oppressed by it. In Protestantism -this tendency is specially remarkable because it has not the excuse -of antiquity. And does not exactly the same thing show itself even -in contemporary revivalism--the revived Calvinism and Evangelicalism, -to which the Salvation Army owes its origin? - -Uniform is the attitude of all the churches to the teaching of -Christ, whose name they assume for their own advantage. - -The inconsistency of all church forms of religion with the teaching -of Christ is, of course, the reason why special efforts are -necessary to conceal this inconsistency from people. Truly, we need -only imagine ourselves in the position of any grown-up man, not -necessarily educated, even the simplest man of the present day, who -has picked up the ideas that are everywhere in the air nowadays -of geology, physics, chemistry, cosmography, or history, when he, -for the first time, consciously compares them with the articles -of belief instilled into him in childhood, and maintained by the -churches--that God created the world in six days, and light before -the sun; that Noah shut up all the animals in his ark, and so on; -that Jesus is also God the Son, who created all before time was; -that this God came down upon earth to atone for Adam's sin; that he -rose again, ascended into heaven, and sitteth on the right hand of -the Father, and will come in the clouds to judge the world, and so -on. All these propositions, elaborated by men of the fourth century, -had a certain meaning for men of that time, but for men of to-day -they have no meaning whatever. Men of the present day can repeat -these words with their lips, but believe them they cannot. For such -sentences as that God lives in heaven, that the heavens opened and -a voice from somewhere said something, that Christ rose again, and -ascended somewhere in heaven, and again will come from somewhere on -the clouds, and so on, have no meaning for us. - -A man who regarded the heavens as a solid, finite vault could believe -or disbelieve that God created the heavens, that the heavens opened, -that Christ ascended into heaven, but for us all these phrases have -no sense whatever. Men of the present can only believe, as indeed -they do, that they ought to believe in this; but believe it they -cannot, because it has no meaning for them. - -Even if all these phrases ought to be interpreted in a figurative -sense and are allegories, we know that in the first place all -Churchmen are not agreed about it, but, on the contrary, the majority -stick to understanding the Holy Scripture in its literal sense; and -secondly, that these allegorical interpretations are very varied and -are not supported by any evidence. - -But even if a man wants to force himself to believe in the doctrines -of the Church just as they are taught to him, the universal diffusion -of education and of the Gospel and of communication between people -of different forms of religion presents a still more insurmountable -obstacle to his doing so. - -A man of the present day need only buy a Gospel for three copecks -and read through the plain words, admitting of no misinterpretation, -that Christ said to the Samaritan woman "that the Father seeketh -not worshipers at Jerusalem, nor in this mountain nor in that, but -worshipers in spirit and in truth," or the saying that "the Christian -must not pray like the heathen, nor for show, but secretly, that is, -in his closet," or that Christ's follower must call no man master or -father--he need only read these words to be thoroughly convinced that -the Church pastors, who call themselves teachers in opposition to -Christ's precept, and dispute among themselves, constitute no kind of -authority, and that what the Churchmen teach us is not Christianity. -Less even than that is necessary. Even if a man nowadays did continue -to believe in miracles and did not read the Gospel, mere association -with people of different forms of religion and faith, which happens -so easily in these days, compels him to doubt of the truth of his -own faith. It was all very well when a man did not see men of any -other form of religion than his own; he believed that his form of -religion was the one true one. But a thinking man has only to come -into contact--as constantly happens in these days--with people, -equally good and bad, of different denominations, who condemn each -other's beliefs, to doubt of the truth of the belief he professes -himself. In these days only a man who is absolutely ignorant or -absolutely indifferent to the vital questions with which religion -deals, can remain in the faith of the Church. - -What deceptions and what strenuous efforts the churches must employ -to continue, in spite of all these tendencies subversive of the -faith, to build churches, to perform masses, to preach, to teach, to -convert, and, most of all, to receive for it all immense emoluments, -as do all these priests, pastors, incumbents, superintendents, -abbots, archdeacons, bishops, and archbishops. They need special -supernatural efforts. And the churches do, with ever-increasing -intensity and zeal, make such efforts. With us in Russia, besides -other means, they employ simple brute force, as there the temporal -power is willing to obey the Church. Men who refuse an external -assent to the faith, and say so openly, are either directly punished -or deprived of their rights; men who strictly keep the external forms -of religion are rewarded and given privileges. - -That is how the Orthodox clergy proceed; but indeed all churches -without exception avail themselves of every means for the -purpose--one of the most important of which is what is now called -hypnotism. - -Every art, from architecture to poetry, is brought into requisition -to work its effect on men's souls and to reduce them to a state of -stupefaction, and this effect is constantly produced. This use of -hypnotizing influence on men to bring them to a state of stupefaction -is especially apparent in the proceedings of the Salvation Army, -who employ new practices to which we are unaccustomed: trumpets, -drums, songs, flags, costumes, marching, dancing, tears, and dramatic -performances. - -But this only displeases us because these are new practices. Were -not the old practices in churches essentially the same, with their -special lighting, gold, splendor, candles, choirs, organ, bells, -vestments, intoning, etc.? - -But however powerful this hypnotic influence may be, it is not the -chief nor the most pernicious activity of the Church. The chief and -most pernicious work of the Church is that which is directed to the -deception of children--these very children of whom Christ said: "Woe -to him that offendeth one of these little ones." From the very first -awakening of the consciousness of the child they begin to deceive -him, to instill into him with the utmost solemnity what they do not -themselves believe in, and they continue to instill it into him -till the deception has by habit grown into the child's nature. They -studiously deceive the child on the most important subject in life, -and when the deception has so grown into his life that it would be -difficult to uproot it, then they reveal to him the whole world of -science and reality, which cannot by any means be reconciled with the -beliefs that have been instilled into him, leaving it to him to find -his way as best he can out of these contradictions. - -If one set oneself the task of trying to confuse a man so that he -could not think clearly nor free himself from the perplexity of two -opposing theories of life which had been instilled into him from -childhood, one could not invent any means more effectual than the -treatment of every young man educated in our so-called Christian -society. - -It is terrible to think what the churches do to men. But if one -imagines oneself in the position of the men who constitute the -Church, we see they could not act differently. The churches are -placed in a dilemma: the Sermon on the Mount or the Nicene Creed--the -one excludes the other. If a man sincerely believes in the Sermon -on the Mount, the Nicene Creed must inevitably lose all meaning and -significance for him, and the Church and its representatives together -with it. If a man believes in the Nicene Creed, that is, in the -Church, that is, in those who call themselves its representatives, -the Sermon on the Mount becomes superfluous for him. And therefore -the churches cannot but make every possible effort to obscure the -meaning of the Sermon on the Mount, and to attract men to themselves. -It is only due to the intense zeal of the churches in this direction -that the influence of the churches has lasted hitherto. - -Let the Church stop its work of hypnotizing the masses, and deceiving -children even for the briefest interval of time, and men would begin -to understand Christ's teaching. But this understanding will be -the end of the churches and all their influence. And therefore the -churches will not for an instant relax their zeal in the business -of hypnotizing grown-up people and deceiving children. This, then, -is the work of the churches: to instill a false interpretation of -Christ's teaching into men, and to prevent a true interpretation of -it for the majority of so-called believers. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - - CHRISTIANITY MISUNDERSTOOD BY MEN OF SCIENCE. - - Attitude of Men of Science to Religions in General--What - Religion is, and What is its Significance for the Life of - Humanity--Three Conceptions of Life--Christian Religion the - Expression of the Divine Conception of Life--Misinterpretation - of Christianity by Men of Science, who Study it in its - External Manifestations Due to their Criticising it from - Standpoint of Social Conception of Life--Opinion, Resulting - from this Misinterpretation, that Christ's Moral Teaching is - Exaggerated and Cannot be put into Practice--Expression of - Divine Conception of Life in the Gospel--False Ideas of Men - of Science on Christianity Proceed from their Conviction that - they have an Infallible Method of Criticism--From which come - Two Misconceptions in Regard to Christian Doctrine--First - Misconception, that the Teaching Cannot be put into Practice, - Due to the Christian Religion Directing Life in a Way Different - from that of the Social Theory of Life--Christianity holds up - Ideal, does not lay down Rules--To the Animal Force of Man - Christ Adds the Consciousness of a Divine Force--Christianity - Seems to Destroy Possibility of Life only when the Ideal held - up is Mistaken for Rule--Ideal Must Not be Lowered--Life, - According to Christ's Teaching, is Movement--The Ideal and - the Precepts--Second Misconception Shown in Replacing Love - and Service of God by Love and Service of Humanity--Men of - Science Imagine their Doctrine of Service of Humanity and - Christianity are Identical--Doctrine of Service of Humanity - Based on Social Conception of Life--Love for Humanity, Logically - Deduced from Love of Self, has No Meaning because Humanity is - a Fiction--Christian Love Deduced from Love of God, Finds its - Object in the whole World, not in Humanity Alone--Christianity - Teaches Man to Live in Accordance with his Divine Nature--It - Shows that the Essence of the Soul of Man is Love, and that his - Happiness Ensues from Love of God, whom he Recognizes as Love - within himself. - - -Now I will speak of the other view of Christianity which hinders the -true understanding of it--the scientific view. - -Churchmen substitute for Christianity the version they have framed of -it for themselves, and this view of Christianity they regard as the -one infallibly true one. - -Men of science regard as Christianity only the tenets held by the -different churches in the past and present; and finding that these -tenets have lost all the significance of Christianity, they accept it -as a religion which has outlived its age. - -To see clearly how impossible it is to understand the Christian -teaching from such a point of view, one must form for oneself an -idea of the place actually held by religions in general, by the -Christian religion in particular, in the life of mankind, and of the -significance attributed to them by science. - -Just as the individual man cannot live without having some -theory of the meaning of his life, and is always, though often -unconsciously, framing his conduct in accordance with the meaning -he attributes to his life, so too associations of men living in -similar conditions--nations--cannot but have theories of the meaning -of their associated life and conduct ensuing from those theories. -And as the individual man, when he attains a fresh stage of growth, -inevitably changes his philosophy of life, and the grown-up man -sees a different meaning in it from the child, so too associations -of men--nations--are bound to change their philosophy of life and -the conduct ensuing from their philosophy, to correspond with their -development. - -The difference, as regards this, between the individual man and -humanity as a whole, lies in the fact that the individual, in -forming the view of life proper to the new period of life on which -he is entering and the conduct resulting from it, benefits by the -experience of men who have lived before him, who have already passed -through the stage of growth upon which he is entering. But humanity -cannot have this aid, because it is always moving along a hitherto -untrodden track, and has no one to ask how to understand life, and to -act in the conditions on which it is entering and through which no -one has ever passed before. - -Nevertheless, just as a man with wife and children cannot continue -to look at life as he looked at it when he was a child, so too in -the face of the various changes that are taking place, the greater -density of population, the establishment of communication between -different peoples, the improvements of the methods of the struggle -with nature, and the accumulation of knowledge, humanity cannot -continue to look at life as of old, and it must frame a new theory of -life, from which conduct may follow adapted to the new conditions on -which it has entered and is entering. - -To meet this need humanity has the special power of producing men -who give a new meaning to the whole of human life--a theory of life -from which follow new forms of activity quite different from all -preceding them. The formation of this philosophy of life appropriate -to humanity in the new conditions on which it is entering, and of the -practice resulting from it, is what is called religion. - -And therefore, in the first place, religion is not, as science -imagines, a manifestation which at one time corresponded with the -development of humanity, but is afterward outgrown by it. It is a -manifestation always inherent in the life of humanity, and is as -indispensable, as inherent in humanity at the present time as at -any other. Secondly, religion is always the theory of the practice -of the future and not of the past, and therefore it is clear that -investigation of past manifestations cannot in any case grasp the -essence of religion. - -The essence of every religious teaching lies not in the desire for -a symbolic expression of the forces of nature, nor in the dread -of these forces, nor in the craving for the marvelous, nor in the -external forms in which it is manifested, as men of science imagine; -the essence of religion lies in the faculty of men of foreseeing and -pointing out the path of life along which humanity must move in the -discovery of a new theory of life, as a result of which the whole -future conduct of humanity is changed and different from all that has -been before. - -This faculty of foreseeing the path along which humanity must move, -is common in a greater or less degree to all men. But in all times -there have been men in whom this faculty was especially strong, and -these men have given clear and definite expression to what all men -felt vaguely, and formed a new philosophy of life from which new -lines of action followed for hundreds and thousands of years. - -Of such philosophies of life we know three; two have already been -passed through by humanity, and the third is that we are passing -through now in Christianity. These philosophies of life are three -in number, and only three, not because we have arbitrarily brought -the various theories of life together under these three heads, but -because all men's actions are always based on one of these three -views of life--because we cannot view life otherwise than in these -three ways. - -These three views of life are as follows: First, embracing the -individual, or the animal view of life; second, embracing the -society, or the pagan view of life; third, embracing the whole world, -or the divine view of life. - -In the first theory of life a man's life is limited to his one -individuality; the aim of life is the satisfaction of the will of -this individuality. In the second theory of life a man's life is -limited not to his own individuality, but to certain societies and -classes of individuals: to the tribe, the family, the clan, the -nation; the aim of life is limited to the satisfaction of the will -of those associations of individuals. In the third theory of life a -man's life is limited not to societies and classes of individuals, -but extends to the principle and source of life--to God. - -These three conceptions of life form the foundation of all the -religions that exist or have existed. - -The savage recognizes life only in himself and his personal desires. -His interest in life is concentrated on himself alone. The highest -happiness for him is the fullest satisfaction of his desires. The -motive power of his life is personal enjoyment. His religion consists -in propitiating his deity and in worshiping his gods, whom he -imagines as persons living only for their personal aims. - -The civilized pagan recognizes life not in himself alone, but -in societies of men--in the tribe, the clan, the family, the -kingdom--and sacrifices his personal good for these societies. The -motive power of his life is glory. His religion consists in the -exaltation of the glory of those who are allied to him--the founders -of his family, his ancestors, his rulers--and in worshiping gods who -are exclusively protectors of his clan, his family, his nation, his -government.[8] - - [8] The fact that so many varied forms of existence, as the life of - the family, of the tribe, of the clan, of the state, and even the - life of humanity theoretically conceived by the Positivists, are - founded on this social or pagan theory of life, does not destroy the - unity of this theory of life. All these varied forms of life are - founded on the same conception, that the life of the individual is - not a sufficient aim of life--that the meaning of life can be found - only in societies of individuals. - -The man who holds the divine theory of life recognizes life not in -his own individuality, and not in societies of individualities (in -the family, the clan, the nation, the tribe, or the government), -but in the eternal undying source of life--in God; and to fulfill -the will of God he is ready to sacrifice his individual and family -and social welfare. The motor power of his life is love. And his -religion is the worship in deed and in truth of the principle of the -whole--God. - -The whole historic existence of mankind is nothing else than the -gradual transition from the personal, animal conception of life -to the social conception of life, and from the social conception -of life to the divine conception of life. The whole history of the -ancient peoples, lasting through thousands of years and ending with -the history of Rome, is the history of the transition from the -animal, personal view of life to the social view of life. The whole -of history from the time of the Roman Empire and the appearance of -Christianity is the history of the transition, through which we are -still passing now, from the social view of life to the divine view of -life. - -This view of life is the last, and founded upon it is the Christian -teaching, which is a guide for the whole of our life and lies at the -root of all our activity, practical and theoretic. Yet men of what is -falsely called science, pseudo-scientific men, looking at it only in -its externals, regard it as something outgrown and having no value -for us. - -Reducing it to its dogmatic side only--to the doctrines of the -Trinity, the redemption, the miracles, the Church, the sacraments, -and so on--men of science regard it as only one of an immense number -of religions which have arisen among mankind, and now, they say, -having played out its part in history, it is outliving its own age -and fading away before the light of science and of true enlightenment. - -We come here upon what, in a large proportion of cases, forms the -source of the grossest errors of mankind. Men on a lower level of -understanding, when brought into contact with phenomena of a higher -order, instead of making efforts to understand them, to raise -themselves up to the point of view from which they must look at the -subject, judge it from their lower standpoint, and the less they -understand what they are talking about, the more confidently and -unhesitatingly they pass judgment on it. - -To the majority of learned men, looking at the living, moral teaching -of Christ from the lower standpoint of the state conception of -life, this doctrine appears as nothing but a very indefinite and -incongruous combination of Indian asceticism, Stoic and Neoplatonic -philosophy, and insubstantial anti-social visions, which have -no serious significance for our times. Its whole meaning is -concentrated for them in its external manifestations--in Catholicism, -Protestantism, in certain dogmas, or in the conflict with the -temporal power. Estimating the value of Christianity by these -phenomena is like a deaf man's judging of the character and quality -of music by seeing the movements of the musicians. - -The result of this is that all these scientific men, from Kant, -Strauss, Spencer, and Renan down, do not understand the meaning of -Christ's sayings, do not understand the significance, the object, or -the reason of their utterance, do not understand even the question -to which they form the answer. Yet, without even taking the pains -to enter into their meaning, they refuse, if unfavorably disposed, -to recognize any reasonableness in his doctrines; or if they want -to treat them indulgently, they condescend, from the height of -their superiority, to correct them, on the supposition that Christ -meant to express precisely their own ideas, but did not succeed in -doing so. They behave to his teaching much as self-assertive people -talk to those whom they consider beneath them, often supplying -their companions' words: "Yes, you mean to say this and that." This -correction is always with the aim of reducing the teaching of the -higher, divine conception of life to the level of the lower, state -conception of life. - -They usually say that the moral teaching of Christianity is very -fine, but overexaggerated; that to make it quite right we must reject -all in it that is superfluous and unnecessary to our manner of life. -"And the doctrine that asks too much, and requires what cannot be -performed, is worse than that which requires of men what is possible -and consistent with their powers," these learned interpreters of -Christianity maintain, repeating what was long ago asserted, and -could not but be asserted, by those who crucified the Teacher because -they did not understand him--the Jews. - -It seems that in the judgment of the learned men of our time the -Hebrew law--a tooth for a tooth, and an eye for an eye--is a law of -just retaliation, known to mankind five thousand years before the law -of holiness which Christ taught in its place. - -It seems that all that has been done by those men who understood -Christ's teaching literally and lived in accordance with such an -understanding of it, all that has been said and done by all true -Christians, by all the Christian saints, all that is now reforming -the world in the shape of socialism and communism--is simply -exaggeration, not worth talking about. - -After eighteen hundred years of education in Christianity the -civilized world, as represented by its most advanced thinkers, -holds the conviction that the Christian religion is a religion of -dogmas; that its teaching in relation to life is unreasonable, and -is an exaggeration, subversive of the real lawful obligations of -morality consistent with the nature of man; and that very doctrine of -retribution which Christ rejected, and in place of which he put his -teaching, is more practically useful for us. - -To learned men the doctrine of non-resistance to evil by force -is exaggerated and even irrational. Christianity is much better -without it, they think, not observing closely what Christianity, as -represented by them, amounts to. - -They do not see that to say that the doctrine of non-resistance to -evil is an exaggeration in Christ's teaching is just like saying -that the statement of the equality of the radii of a circle is an -exaggeration in the definition of a circle. And those who speak -thus are acting precisely like a man who, having no idea of what a -circle is, should declare that this requirement, that every point -of the circumference should be an equal distance from the center, -is exaggerated. To advocate the rejection of Christ's command of -non-resistance to evil, or its adaptation to the needs of life, -implies a misunderstanding of the teaching of Christ. - -And those who do so certainly do not understand it. They do not -understand that this teaching is the institution of a new theory -of life, corresponding to the new conditions on which men have -entered now for eighteen hundred years, and also the definition -of the new conduct of life which results from it. They do not -believe that Christ meant to say what he said; or he seems to them -to have said what he said in the Sermon on the Mount and in other -places accidentally, or through his lack of intelligence or of -cultivation.[9] - - [9] Here, for example, is a characteristic view of that kind from the - American journal the _Arena_ (October, 1890): "New Basis of Church - Life." Treating of the significance of the Sermon on the Mount and - non-resistance to evil in particular, the author, being under no - necessity, like the Churchmen, to hide its significance, says: - - "Christ in fact preached complete communism and anarchy; but one must - learn to regard Christ always in his historical and psychological - significance. Like every advocate of the love of humanity, Christ - went to the furthest extreme in his teaching. Every step forward - toward the moral perfection of humanity is always guided by men who - see nothing but their vocation. Christ, in no disparaging sense be it - said, had the typical temperament of such a reformer. And therefore - we must remember that his precepts cannot be understood literally as - a complete philosophy of life. We ought to analyze his words with - respect for them, but in the spirit of criticism, accepting what is - true," etc. - - Christ would have been happy to say what he ought, but he was not - able to express himself as exactly and clearly as we can in the - spirit of criticism, and therefore let us correct him. All that he - said about meekness, sacrifice, lowliness, not caring for the morrow, - was said by accident, through lack of knowing how to express himself - scientifically. - -Matt. vi. 25-34: "Therefore I say unto you, Take no thought for your -life, what ye shall eat, or what ye shall drink; nor yet for your -body, what ye shall put on. Is not the life more than meat, and -the body than raiment? Behold the fowls of the air; for they sow -not, neither do they reap, nor gather into barns; yet your heavenly -Father feedeth them. Are ye not much better than they? Which of you -by taking thought can add one cubit unto his stature? And why take -ye thought for raiment? Consider the lilies of the field how they -grow; they toil not, neither do they spin; and yet I say unto you, -That even Solomon in all his glory was not arrayed like one of these. -Wherefore, if God so clothe the grass of the field, which to-day is, -and to-morrow is cast into the oven, shall he not much more clothe -you, O ye of little faith? Therefore take no thought, saying, What -shall we eat? or, What shall we drink? or, Where-withal shall we -be clothed? (For after all these things do the Gentiles seek), for -your heavenly Father knoweth that ye have need of all these things. -But seek ye first the kingdom of God, and his righteousness, and -all these things shall be added unto you. Take therefore no thought -for the morrow; for the morrow shall take thought for the things -of itself. Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof." Luke xii. -33-34: "Sell that ye have, and give alms; provide yourselves bags -which wax not old, a treasure in the heavens that faileth not, -where no thief approacheth, neither moth corrupteth. For where your -treasure is, there will your heart be also." Sell all thou hast and -follow me; and he who will not leave father, or mother, or children, -or brothers, or fields, or house, he cannot be my disciple. Deny -thyself, take up thy cross each day and follow me. My meat is to do -the will of him that sent me, and to perform his works. Not my will, -but thine be done; not what I will, but as thou wilt. Life is to do -not one's will, but the will of God. - -All these principles appear to men who regard them from the -standpoint of a lower conception of life as the expression of an -impulsive enthusiasm, having no direct application to life. These -principles, however, follow from the Christian theory of life, just -as logically as the principles of paying a part of one's private -gains to the commonwealth and of sacrificing one's life in defense of -one's country follow from the state theory of life. - -As the man of the state conception of life said to the savage: -Reflect, bethink yourself! The life of your individuality cannot be -true life, because that life is pitiful and passing. But the life -of a society and succession of individuals, family, clan, tribe, or -state, goes on living, and therefore a man must sacrifice his own -individuality for the life of the family or the state. In exactly -the same way the Christian doctrine says to the man of the social, -state conception of life, Repent ye--+metanosete+--_i. e._, -bethink yourself, or you will be ruined. Understand that this casual, -personal life which now comes into being and to-morrow is no more can -have no permanence, that no external means, no construction of it can -give it consecutiveness and permanence. Take thought and understand -that the life you are living is not real life--the life of the -family, of society, of the state will not save you from annihilation. -The true, the rational life is only possible for man according to the -measure in which he can participate, not in the family or the state, -but in the source of life--the Father; according to the measure -in which he can merge his life in the life of the Father. Such is -undoubtedly the Christian conception of life, visible in every -utterance of the Gospel. - -One may not share this view of life, one may reject it, one may show -its inaccuracy and its erroneousness, but we cannot judge of the -Christian teaching without mastering this view of life. Still less -can one criticise a subject on a higher plane from a lower point of -view. From the basement one cannot judge of the effect of the spire. -But this is just what the learned critics of the day try to do. For -they share the erroneous idea of the orthodox believers that they -are in possession of certain infallible means for investigating a -subject. They fancy if they apply their so-called scientific methods -of criticism, there can be no doubt of their conclusion being correct. - -This testing the subject by the fancied infallible method of science -is the principal obstacle to understanding the Christian religion for -unbelievers, for so-called educated people. From this follow all the -mistakes made by scientific men about the Christian religion, and -especially two strange misconceptions which, more than everything -else, hinder them from a correct understanding of it. One of these -misconceptions is that the Christian moral teaching cannot be carried -out, and that therefore it has either no force at all--that is, -it should not be accepted as the rule of conduct--or it must be -transformed, adapted to the limits within which its fulfillment is -possible in our society. Another misconception is that the Christian -doctrine of love of God, and therefore of his service, is an obscure, -mystic principle, which gives no definite object for love, and should -therefore be replaced by the more exact and comprehensible principles -of love for men and the service of humanity. - -The first misconception in regard to the impossibility of following -the principle is the result of men of the state conception of life -unconsciously taking that conception as the standard by which the -Christian religion directs men, and taking the Christian principle -of perfection as the rule by which that life is to be ordered; they -think and say that to follow Christ's teaching is impossible, because -the complete fulfilment of all that is required by this teaching -would put an end to life. "If a man were to carry out all that Christ -teaches, he would destroy his own life; and if all men carried it -out, then the human race would come to an end," they say. - -"If we take no thought for the morrow, what we shall eat and what we -shall drink, and wherewithal we shall be clothed, do not defend our -life, nor resist evil by force, lay down our life for others, and -observe perfect chastity, the human race cannot exist," they say. - -And they are perfectly right if they take the principle of perfection -given by Christ's teaching as a rule which everyone is bound to -fulfill, just as in the state principles of life everyone is bound to -carry out the rule of paying taxes, supporting the law, and so on. - -The misconception is based precisely on the fact that the teaching -of Christ guides men differently from the way in which the precepts -founded on the lower conception of life guide men. The precepts of -the state conception of life only guide men by requiring of them an -exact fulfillment of rules or laws. Christ's teaching guides men by -pointing them to the infinite perfection of their heavenly Father, to -which every man independently and voluntarily struggles, whatever the -degree of his imperfection in the present. - -The misunderstanding of men who judge of the Christian principle from -the point of view of the state principle, consists in the fact that -on the supposition that the perfection which Christ points to, can -be fully attained, they ask themselves (just as they ask the same -question on the supposition that state laws will be carried out) what -will be the result of all this being carried out? This supposition -cannot be made, because the perfection held up to Christians is -infinite and can never be attained; and Christ lays down his -principle, having in view the fact that absolute perfection can never -be attained, but that striving toward absolute, infinite perfection -will continually increase the blessedness of men, and that this -blessedness may be increased to infinity thereby. - -Christ is teaching not angels, but men, living and moving in -the animal life. And so to this animal force of movement Christ, -as it were, applies the new force--the recognition of Divine -perfection--and thereby directs the movement by the resultant of -these two forces. - -To suppose that human life is going in the direction to which Christ -pointed it, is just like supposing that a little boat afloat on a -rapid river, and directing its course almost exactly against the -current, will progress in that direction. - -Christ recognizes the existence of both sides of the parallelogram, -of both eternal indestructible forces of which the life of man is -compounded: the force of his animal nature and the force of the -consciousness of kinship to God. Saying nothing of the animal force -which asserts itself, remains always the same, and is therefore -independent of human will, Christ speaks only of the Divine force, -calling upon a man to know it more closely, to set it more free from -all that retards it, and to carry it to a higher degree of intensity. - -In the process of liberating, of strengthening this force, the true -life of man, according to Christ's teaching, consists. The true life, -according to preceding religions, consists in carrying out rules, the -law; according to Christ's teaching it consists in an ever closer -approximation to the divine perfection held up before every man, and -recognized within himself by every man, in an ever closer and closer -approach to the perfect fusion of his will in the will of God, that -fusion toward which man strives, and the attainment of which would be -the destruction of the life we know. - -The divine perfection is the asymptote of human life to which it -is always striving, and always approaching, though it can only be -reached in infinity. - -The Christian religion seems to exclude the possibility of life only -when men mistake the pointing to an ideal as the laying down of a -rule. It is only then that the principles presented in Christ's -teaching appear to be destructive of life. These principles, on the -contrary, are the only ones that make true life possible. Without -these principles true life could not be possible. - -"One ought not to expect so much," is what people usually say in -discussing the requirements of the Christian religion. "One cannot -expect to take absolutely no thought for the morrow, as is said in -the Gospel, but only not to take too much thought for it; one cannot -give away all to the poor, but one must give away a certain definite -part; one need not aim at virginity, but one must avoid debauchery; -one need not forsake wife and children, but one must not give too -great a place to them in one's heart," and so on. - -But to speak like this is just like telling a man who is struggling -on a swift river and is directing his course against the current, -that it is impossible to cross the river rowing against the current, -and that to cross it he must float in the direction of the point he -wants to reach. - -In reality, in order to reach the place to which he wants to go, he -must row with all his strength toward a point much higher up. - -To let go the requirements of the ideal means not only to diminish -the possibility of perfection, but to make an end of the ideal -itself. The ideal that has power over men is not an ideal invented by -someone, but the ideal that every man carries within his soul. Only -this ideal of complete infinite perfection has power over men, and -stimulates them to action. A moderate perfection loses its power of -influencing men's hearts. - -Christ's teaching only has power when it demands absolute -perfection--that is, the fusion of the divine nature which exists in -every man's soul with the will of God--the union of the Son with the -Father. Life according to Christ's teaching consists of nothing but -this setting free of the Son of God, existing in every man, from the -animal, and in bringing him closer to the Father. - -The animal existence of a man does not constitute human life alone. -Life, according to the will of God only, is also not human life. -Human life is a combination of the animal life and the divine life. -And the more this combination approaches to the divine life, the more -life there is in it. - -Life, according to the Christian religion, is a progress toward the -divine perfection. No one condition, according to this doctrine, can -be higher or lower than another. Every condition, according to this -doctrine, is only a particular stage, of no consequence in itself, -on the way toward unattainable perfection, and therefore in itself -it does not imply a greater or lesser degree of life. Increase of -life, according to this, consists in nothing but the quickening of -the progress toward perfection. And therefore the progress toward -perfection of the publican Zaccheus, of the woman that was a sinner, -and of the robber on the cross, implies a higher degree of life than -the stagnant righteousness of the Pharisee. And therefore for this -religion there cannot be rules which it is obligatory to obey. The -man who is at a lower level but is moving onward toward perfection -is living a more moral, a better life, is more fully carrying out -Christ's teaching, than the man on a much higher level of morality -who is not moving onward toward perfection. - -It is in this sense that the lost sheep is dearer to the Father than -those that were not lost. The prodigal son, the piece of money lost -and found again, were more precious than those that were not lost. - -The fulfillment of Christ's teaching consists in moving away from -self toward God. It is obvious that there cannot be definite laws -and rules for this fulfillment of the teaching. Every degree of -perfection and every degree of imperfection are equal in it; no -obedience to laws constitutes a fulfillment of this doctrine, and -therefore for it there can be no binding rules and laws. - -From this fundamental distinction between the religion of Christ -and all preceding religions based on the state conception of life, -follows a corresponding difference in the special precepts of -the state theory and the Christian precepts. The precepts of the -state theory of life insist for the most part on certain practical -prescribed acts, by which men are justified and secure of being -right. The Christian precepts (the commandment of love is not a -precept in the strict sense of the word, but the expression of the -very essence of the religion) are the five commandments of the Sermon -on the Mount--all negative in character. They show only what at a -certain stage of development of humanity men may not do. - -These commandments are, as it were, signposts on the endless road to -perfection, toward which humanity is moving, showing the point of -perfection which is possible at a certain period in the development -of humanity. - -Christ has given expression in the Sermon on the Mount to the eternal -ideal toward which men are spontaneously struggling, and also the -degree of attainment of it to which men may reach in our times. - -The ideal is not to desire to do ill to anyone, not to provoke ill -will, to love all men. The precept, showing the level below which we -cannot fall in the attainment of this ideal, is the prohibition of -evil speaking. And that is the first command. - -The ideal is perfect chastity, even in thought. The precept, showing -the level below which we cannot fall in the attainment of this ideal, -is that of purity of married life, avoidance of debauchery. That is -the second command. - -The ideal is to take no thought for the future, to live in the -present moment. The precept, showing the level below which we cannot -fall, is the prohibition of swearing, of promising anything in the -future. And that is the third command. - -The ideal is never for any purpose to use force. The precept, showing -the level below which we cannot fall is that of returning good for -evil, being patient under wrong, giving the cloak also. That is the -fourth command. - -The ideal is to love the enemies who hate us. The precept, showing -the level below which we cannot fall, is not to do evil to our -enemies, to speak well of them, and to make no difference between -them and our neighbors. - -All these precepts are indications of what, on our journey to -perfection, we are already fully able to avoid, and what we must -labor to attain now, and what we ought by degrees to translate into -instinctive and unconscious habits. But these precepts, far from -constituting the whole of Christ's teaching and exhausting it, are -simply stages on the way to perfection. These precepts must and -will be followed by higher and higher precepts on the way to the -perfection held up by the religion. - -And therefore it is essentially a part of the Christian religion to -make demands higher than those expressed in its precepts; and by no -means to diminish the demands either of the ideal itself, or of the -precepts, as people imagine who judge it from the standpoint of the -social conception of life. - -So much for one misunderstanding of the scientific men, in relation -to the import and aim of Christ's teaching. Another misunderstanding -arising from the same source consists in substituting love for men, -the service of humanity, for the Christian principles of love for God -and his service. - -The Christian doctrine to love God and serve him, and only as a -result of that love to love and serve one's neighbor, seems to -scientific men obscure, mystic, and arbitrary. And they would -absolutely exclude the obligation of love and service of God, holding -that the doctrine of love for men, for humanity alone, is far more -clear, tangible, and reasonable. - -Scientific men teach in theory that the only good and rational life -is that which is devoted to the service of the whole of humanity. -That is for them the import of the Christian doctrine, and to that -they reduce Christ's teaching. They seek confirmation of their own -doctrine in the Gospel, on the supposition that the two doctrines are -really the same. - -This idea is an absolutely mistaken one. The Christian doctrine has -nothing in common with the doctrine of the Positivists, Communists, -and all the apostles of the universal brotherhood of mankind, based -on the general advantage of such a brotherhood. They differ from one -another especially in Christianity's having a firm and clear basis -in the human soul, while love for humanity is only a theoretical -deduction from analogy. - -The doctrine of love for humanity alone is based on the social -conception of life. - -The essence of the social conception of life consists in the -transference of the aim of the individual life to the life of -societies of individuals: family, clan, tribe, or state. This -transference is accomplished easily and naturally in its earliest -forms, in the transference of the aim of life from the individual to -the family and the clan. The transference to the tribe or the nation -is more difficult and requires special training. And the transference -of the sentiment to the state is the furthest limit which the process -can reach. - -To love one's self is natural to everyone, and no one needs any -encouragement to do so. To love one's clan who support and protect -one, to love one's wife, the joy and help of one's existence, one's -children, the hope and consolation of one's life, and one's parents, -who have given one life and education, is natural. And such love, -though far from being so strong as love of self, is met with pretty -often. - -To love--for one's own sake, through personal pride--one's tribe, -one's nation, though not so natural, is nevertheless common. Love -of one's own people who are of the same blood, the same tongue, -and the same religion as one's self is possible, though far from -being so strong as love of self, or even love of family or clan. -But love for a state, such as Turkey, Germany, England, Austria, -or Russia is a thing almost impossible. And though it is zealously -inculcated, it is only an imagined sentiment; it has no existence in -reality. And at that limit man's power of transferring his interest -ceases, and he cannot feel any direct sentiment for that fictitious -entity. The Positivists, however, and all the apostles of fraternity -on scientific principles, without taking into consideration the -weakening of sentiment in proportion to the extension of its object, -draw further deductions in theory in the same direction. "Since," -they say, "it was for the advantage of the individual to extend his -personal interest to the family, the tribe, and subsequently to the -nation and the state, it would be still more advantageous to extend -his interest in societies of men to the whole of mankind, and so all -to live for humanity just as men live for the family or the state." - -Theoretically it follows, indeed, having extended the love and -interest for the personality to the family, the tribe, and thence -to the nation and the state, it would be perfectly logical for men -to save themselves the strife and calamities which result from the -division of mankind into nations and states by extending their -love to the whole of humanity. This would be most logical, and -theoretically nothing would appear more natural to its advocates, who -do not observe that love is a sentiment which may or may not be felt, -but which it is useless to advocate; and moreover, that love must -have an object, and that humanity is not an object. It is nothing but -a fiction. - -The family, the tribe, even the state were not invented by men, but -formed themselves spontaneously, like ant-hills or swarms of bees, -and have a real existence. The man who, for the sake of his own -animal personality, loves his family, knows whom he loves: Anna, -Dolly, John, Peter, and so on. The man who loves his tribe and -takes pride in it, knows that he loves all the Guelphs or all the -Ghibellines; the man who loves the state knows that he loves France -bounded by the Rhine, and the Pyrenees, and its principal city Paris, -and its history and so on. But the man who loves humanity--what does -he love? There is such a thing as a state, as a nation; there is the -abstract conception of man; but humanity as a concrete idea does not, -and cannot exist. - -Humanity! Where is the definition of humanity? Where does it end and -where does it begin? Does humanity end with the savage, the idiot, -the dipsomaniac, or the madman? If we draw a line excluding from -humanity its lowest representatives, where are we to draw the line? -Shall we exclude the negroes like the Americans, or the Hindoos like -some Englishmen, or the Jews like some others? If we include all men -without exception, why should we not include also the higher animals, -many of whom are superior to the lowest specimens of the human race. - -We know nothing of humanity as an eternal object, and we know -nothing of its limits. Humanity is a fiction, and it is impossible -to love it. It would, doubtless, be very advantageous if men could -love humanity just as they love their family. It would be very -advantageous, as Communists advocate, to replace the competitive, -individualistic organization of men's activity by a social universal -organisation, so that each would be for all and all for each. -Only there are no motives to lead men to do this. The Positivists, -the Communists, and all the apostles of fraternity on scientific -principles advocate the extension to the whole of humanity of the -love men feel for themselves, their families, and the state. They -forget that the love which they are discussing is a personal love, -which might expand in a rarefied form to embrace a man's native -country, but which disappears before it can embrace an artificial -state such as Austria, England, or Turkey, and which we cannot -even conceive of in relation to all humanity, an absolutely mystic -conception. - -"A man loves himself (his animal personality), he loves his family, -he even loves his native country. Why should he not love humanity? -That would be such an excellent thing. And by the way, it is -precisely what is taught by Christianity." So think the advocates of -Positivist, Communistic, or Socialistic fraternity. - -It would indeed be an excellent thing. But it can never be, for the -love that is based on a personal or social conception of life can -never rise beyond love for the state. - -The fallacy of the argument lies in the fact that the social -conception of life, on which love for family and nation is founded, -rests itself on love of self, and that love grows weaker and weaker -as it is extended from self to family, tribe, nationality, and state; -and in the state we reach the furthest limit beyond which it cannot -go. - -The necessity of extending the sphere of love is beyond dispute. But -in reality the possibility of this love is destroyed by the necessity -of extending its object indefinitely. And thus the insufficiency of -personal human love is made manifest. - -And here the advocates of Positivist, Communistic, Socialistic -fraternity propose to draw upon Christian love to make up the default -of this bankrupt human love; but Christian love only in its results, -not in its foundations, They propose love for humanity alone, apart -from love for God. - -But such a love cannot exist. There is no motive to produce it. -Christian love is the result only of the Christian conception of -life, in which the aim of life is to love and serve God. - -The social conception of life has led men, by a natural transition -from love of self and then of family, tribe, nation, and state, to -a consciousness of the necessity of love for humanity, a conception -which has no definite limits and extends to all living things. And -this necessity for love of what awakens no kind of sentiment in a man -is a contradiction which cannot be solved by the social theory of -life. - -The Christian doctrine in its full significance can alone solve -it, by giving a new meaning to life. Christianity recognizes love -of self, of family, of nation, and of humanity, and not only -of humanity, but of everything living, everything existing; it -recognizes the necessity of an infinite extension of the sphere -of love. But the object of this love is not found outside self in -societies of individuals, nor in the external world, but within self, -in the divine self whose essence is that very love, which the animal -self is brought to feel the need of through its consciousness of its -own perishable nature. - -The difference between the Christian doctrine and those which -preceded it is that the social doctrine said: "Live in opposition -to your nature [understanding by this only the animal nature], make -it subject to the external law of family, society, and state." -Christianity says: "Live according to your nature [understanding by -this the divine nature]; do not make it subject to anything--neither -you (an animal self) nor that of others--and you will attain the very -aim to which you are striving when you subject your external self." - -The Christian doctrine brings a man to the elementary consciousness -of self, only not of the animal self, but of the divine self, the -divine spark, the self as the Son of God, as much God as the Father -himself, though confined in an animal husk. The consciousness of -being the Son of God, whose chief characteristic is love, satisfies -the need for the extension of the sphere of love to which the man of -the social conception of life had been brought. For the latter, the -welfare of the personality demanded an ever-widening extension of -the sphere of love; love was a necessity and was confined to certain -objects--self, family, society. With the Christian conception of -life, love is not a necessity and is confined to no object; it is the -essential faculty of the human soul. Man loves not because it is his -interest to love this or that, but because love is the essence of his -soul, because he cannot but love. - -The Christian doctrine shows man that the essence of his soul is -love--that his happiness depends not on loving this or that object, -but on loving the principle of the whole--God, whom he recognizes -within himself as love, and therefore he loves all things and all men. - -In this is the fundamental difference between the Christian doctrine -and the doctrine of the Positivists, and all the theorizers about -universal brotherhood on non-christian principles. - -Such are the two principal misunderstandings relating to the -Christian religion, from which the greater number of false reasonings -about it proceed. The first consists in the belief that Christ's -teaching instructs men, like all previous religions, by rules, which -they are bound to follow, and that these rules cannot be fulfilled. -The second is the idea that the whole purport of Christianity is to -teach men to live advantageously together, as one family, and that -to attain this we need only follow the rule of love to humanity, -dismissing all thought of love of God altogether. - -The mistaken notion of scientific men that the essence of -Christianity consists in the supernatural, and that its moral -teaching is impracticable, constitutes another reason of the failure -of men of the present day to understand Christianity. - - - - -CHAPTER V. - - CONTRADICTION BETWEEN OUR LIFE AND OUR CHRISTIAN CONSCIENCE. - - Men Think they can Accept Christianity without Altering their - Life--Pagan Conception of Life does not Correspond with Present - Stage of Development of Humanity, and Christian Conception - Alone Can Accord with it--Christian Conception of Life not yet - Understood by Men, but the Progress of Life itself will Lead - them Inevitably to Adopt it--The Requirements of a New Theory of - Life Always Seem Incomprehensible, Mystic, and Supernatural--So - Seem the Requirements of the Christian Theory of Life to the - Majority of Men--The Absorption of the Christian Conception of - Life will Inevitably be Brought About as the Result of Material - and Spiritual Causes--The Fact of Men Knowing the Requirements - of the Higher View of Life, and yet Continuing to Preserve - Inferior Organizations of Life, Leads to Contradictions and - Sufferings which Embitter Existence and Must Result in its - Transformation--The Contradictions of our Life--The Economic - Contradiction and the Suffering Induced by it for Rich and - Poor Alike--The Political Contradiction and the Sufferings - Induced by Obedience to the Laws of the State--The International - Contradiction and the Recognition of it by Contemporaries: - Komarovsky, Ferri, Booth, Passy, Lawson, Wilson, Bartlett, - Defourney, Moneta--The Striking Character of the Military - Contradiction. - - -There are many reasons why Christ's teaching is not understood. One -reason is that people suppose they have understood it when they have -decided, as the Churchmen do, that it was revealed by supernatural -means, or when they have studied, as the scientific men do, the -external forms in which it has been manifested. Another reason -is the mistaken notion that it is impracticable, and ought to be -replaced by the doctrine of love for humanity. But the principal -reason, which is the source of all the other mistaken ideas about it, -is the notion that Christianity is a doctrine which can be accepted -or rejected without any change of life. - -Men who are used to the existing order of things, who like it and -dread its being changed, try to take the doctrine as a collection of -revelations and rules which one can accept without their modifying -one's life. While Christ's teaching is not only a doctrine which -gives rules which a man must follow, it unfolds a new meaning in -life, and defines a whole world of human activity quite different -from all that has preceded it and appropriate to the period on which -man is entering. - -The life of humanity changes and advances, like the life of the -individual, by stages, and every stage has a theory of life -appropriate to it, which is inevitably absorbed by men. Those who -do not absorb it consciously, absorb it unconsciously. It is the -same with the changes in the beliefs of peoples and of all humanity -as it is with the changes of belief of individuals. If the father -of a family continues to be guided in his conduct by his childish -conceptions of life, life becomes so difficult for him that he -involuntarily seeks another philosophy and readily absorbs that which -is appropriate to his age. - -That is just what is happening now to humanity at this time of -transition through which we are passing, from the pagan conception -of life to the Christian. The socialized man of the present day -is brought by experience of life itself to the necessity of -abandoning the pagan conception of life, which is inappropriate to -the present stage of humanity, and of submitting to the obligation -of the Christian doctrines, the truths of which, however corrupt -and misinterpreted, are still known to him, and alone offer him a -solution of the contradictions surrounding him. - -If the requirements of the Christian doctrine seem strange and even -alarming to the man of the social theory of life, no less strange, -incomprehensible, and alarming to the savage of ancient times seemed -the requirements of the social doctrine when it was not fully -understood and could not be foreseen in its results. - -"It is unreasonable," said the savage, "to sacrifice my peace of mind -or my life in defense of something incomprehensible, impalpable, and -conventional--family, tribe, or nation; and above all it is unsafe to -put oneself at the disposal of the power of others." - -But the time came when the savage, on one hand, felt, though vaguely, -the value of the social conception of life, and of its chief motor -power, social censure, or social approbation--glory, and when, on -the other hand, the difficulties of his personal life became so -great that he could not continue to believe in the value of his old -theory of life. Then he accepted the social, state theory of life and -submitted to it. - -That is just what the man of the social theory of life is passing -through now. - -"It is unreasonable," says the socialized man, "to sacrifice my -welfare and that of my family and my country in order to fulfill -some higher law, which requires me to renounce my most natural and -virtuous feelings of love of self, of family, of kindred, and of -country; and above all, it is unsafe to part with the security of -life afforded by the organization of government." - -But the time is coming when, on one hand, the vague consciousness in -his soul of the higher law, of love to God and his neighbor, and, -on the other hand, the suffering, resulting from the contradictions -of life, will force the man to reject the social theory and to -assimilate the new one prepared ready for him, which solves all the -contradictions and removes all his sufferings--the Christian theory -of life. And this time has now come. - -We, who thousands of years ago passed through the transition, from -the personal, animal view of life to the socialized view, imagine -that that transition was an inevitable and natural one; but this -transition through which we have been passing for the last eighteen -hundred years seems arbitrary, unnatural, and alarming. But we -only fancy this because that first transition has been so fully -completed that the practice attained by it has become unconscious and -instinctive in us, while the present transition is not yet over and -we have to complete it consciously. - -It took ages, thousands of years, for the social conception of life -to permeate men's consciousness. It went through various forms -and has now passed into the region of the instinctive through -inheritance, education, and habit. And therefore it seems natural to -us. But five thousand years ago it seemed as unnatural and alarming -to men as the Christian doctrine in its true sense seems to-day. - -We think to-day that the requirements of the Christian doctrine--of -universal brotherhood, suppression of national distinctions, -abolition of private property, and the strange injunction of -non-resistance to evil by force--demand what is impossible. But it -was just the same thousands of years ago, with every social or even -family duty, such as the duty of parents to support their children, -of the young to maintain the old, of fidelity in marriage. Still -more strange, and even unreasonable, seemed the state duties of -submitting to the appointed authority, and paying taxes, and fighting -in defense of the country, and so on. All such requirements seem -simple, comprehensible, and natural to us to-day, and we see nothing -mysterious or alarming in them. But three or five thousand years ago -they seemed to require what was impossible. - -The social conception of life served as the basis of religion because -at the time when it was first presented to men it seemed to them -absolutely incomprehensible, mystic, and supernatural. Now that we -have outlived that phase of the life of humanity, we understand -the rational grounds for uniting men in families, communities, and -states. But in antiquity the duties involved by such association were -presented under cover of the supernatural and were confirmed by it. - -The patriarchal religions exalted the family, the tribe, the nation. -State religions deified emperors and states. Even now most ignorant -people--like our peasants, who call the Tzar an earthly god--obey -state laws, not through any rational recognition of their necessity, -nor because they have any conception of the meaning of state, but -through a religious sentiment. - -In precisely the same way the Christian doctrine is presented to men -of the social or heathen theory of life to-day, in the guise of a -supernatural religion, though there is in reality nothing mysterious, -mystic, or supernatural about it. It is simply the theory of life -which is appropriate to the present degree of material development, -the present stage of growth of humanity, and which must therefore -inevitably be accepted. - -The time will come--it is already coming--when the Christian -principles of equality and fraternity, community of property, -non-resistance of evil by force, will appear just as natural and -simple as the principles of family or social life seem to us now. - -Humanity can no more go backward in its development than the -individual man. Men have outlived the social, family, and state -conceptions of life. Now they must go forward and assimilate the -next and higher conception of life, which is what is now taking -place. This change is brought about in two ways: consciously through -spiritual causes, and unconsciously through material causes. - -Just as the individual man very rarely changes his way of life at -the dictates of his reason alone, but generally continues to live -as before, in spite of the new interests and aims revealed to him -by his reason, and only alters his way of living when it has become -absolutely opposed to his conscience, and consequently intolerable -to him; so, too, humanity, long after it has learnt through its -religions the new interests and aims of life, toward which it must -strive, continues in the majority of its representatives to live as -before, and is only brought to accept the new conception by finding -it impossible to go on living its old life as before. - -Though the need of a change of life is preached by the religious -leaders and recognized and realized by the most intelligent men, the -majority, in spite of their reverential attitude to their leaders, -that is, their faith in their teaching, continue to be guided by the -old theory of life in their present complex existence. As though the -father of a family, knowing how he ought to behave at his age, should -yet continue through habit and thoughtlessness to live in the same -childish way as he did in boyhood. - -That is just what is happening in the transition of humanity from -one stage to another, through which we are passing now. Humanity -has outgrown its social stage and has entered upon a new period. It -recognizes the doctrine which ought to be made the basis of life in -this new period. But through inertia it continues to keep up the old -forms of life. From this inconsistency between the new conception of -life and practical life follows a whole succession of contradictions -and sufferings which embitter our life and necessitate its alteration. - -One need only compare the practice of life with the theory of it, to -be dismayed at the glaring antagonism between our conditions of life -and our conscience. - -Our whole life is in flat contradiction with all we know, and with -all we regard as necessary and right. This contradiction runs through -everything, in economic life, in political life, and in international -life. As though we had forgotten what we knew and put away for a time -the principles we believe in (we cannot help still believing in them -because they are the only foundation we have to base our life on) we -do the very opposite of all that our conscience and our common sense -require of us. - -We are guided in economical, political, and international questions -by the principles which were appropriate to men of three or five -thousand years ago, though they are directly opposed to our -conscience and the conditions of life in which we are placed to-day. - -It was very well for the man of ancient times to live in a society -based on the division of mankind into masters and slaves, because he -believed that such a distinction was decreed by God and must always -exist. But is such a belief possible in these days? - -The man of antiquity could believe he had the right to enjoy the -good things of this world at the expense of other men, and to keep -them in misery for generations, since he believed that men came -from different origins, were base or noble in blood, children of -Ham or of Japhet. The greatest sages of the world, the teachers of -humanity, Plato and Aristotle, justified the existence of slaves and -demonstrated the lawfulness of slavery; and even three centuries ago, -the men who described an imaginary society of the future, Utopia, -could not conceive of it without slaves. - -Men of ancient and mediæval times believed, firmly believed, that -men are not equal, that the only true men are Persians, or Greeks, -or Romans, or Franks. But we cannot believe that now. And people -who sacrifice themselves for the principles of aristocracy and of -patriotism to-day, don't believe and can't believe what they assert. - -We all know and cannot help knowing--even though we may never have -heard the idea clearly expressed, may never have read of it, and may -never have put it into words, still through unconsciously imbibing -the Christian sentiments that are in the air--with our whole heart we -know and cannot escape knowing the fundamental truth of the Christian -doctrine, that we are all sons of one Father, wherever we may live -and whatever language we may speak; we are all brothers and are -subject to the same law of love implanted by our common Father in our -hearts. - -Whatever the opinions and degree of education of a man of to-day, -whatever his shade of liberalism, whatever his school of philosophy, -or of science, or of economics, however ignorant or superstitious -he may be, every man of the present day knows that all men have an -equal right to life and the good things of life, and that one set -of people are no better nor worse than another, that all are equal. -Everyone knows this, beyond doubt; everyone feels it in his whole -being. Yet at the same time everyone sees all round him the division -of men into two castes--the one, laboring, oppressed, poor, and -suffering, the other idle, oppressing, luxurious, and profligate. -And everyone not only sees this, but voluntarily or involuntarily, -in one way or another, he takes part in maintaining this distinction -which his conscience condemns. And he cannot help suffering from the -consciousness of this contradiction and his share in it. - -Whether he be master or slave, the man of to-day cannot help -constantly feeling the painful opposition between his conscience and -actual life, and the miseries resulting from it. - -The toiling masses, the immense majority of mankind who are suffering -under the incessant, meaningless, and hopeless toil and privation -in which their whole life is swallowed up, still find their keenest -suffering in the glaring contrast between what is and what ought to -be, according to all the beliefs held by themselves, and those who -have brought them to that condition and keep them in it. - -They know that they are in slavery and condemned to privation and -darkness to minister to the lusts of the minority who keep them down. -They know it, and they say so plainly. And this knowledge increases -their sufferings and constitutes its bitterest sting. - -The slave of antiquity knew that he was a slave by nature, but our -laborer, while he feels he is a slave, knows that he ought not to be, -and so he tastes the agony of Tantalus, forever desiring and never -gaining what might and ought to be his. - -The sufferings of the working classes, springing from the -contradiction between what is and what ought to be, are increased -tenfold by the envy and hatred engendered by their consciousness of -it. - -The laborer of the present day would not cease to suffer even if -his toil were much lighter than that of the slave of ancient times, -even if he gained an eight-hour working day and a wage of three -dollars a day. For he is working at the manufacture of things which -he will not enjoy, working not by his own will for his own benefit, -but through necessity, to satisfy the desires of luxurious and idle -people in general, and for the profit of a single rich man, the -owner of a factory or workshop in particular. And he knows that all -this is going on in a world in which it is a recognized scientific -principle that labor alone creates wealth, and that to profit by the -labor of others is immoral, dishonest, and punishable by law; in a -world, moreover, which professes to believe Christ's doctrine that we -are all brothers, and that true merit and dignity is to be found in -serving one's neighbor, not in exploiting him. All this he knows, and -he cannot but suffer keenly from the sharp contrast between what is -and what ought to be. - -"According to all principles, according to all I know, and what -everyone professes," the workman says to himself. "I ought to -be free, equal to everyone else, and loved; and I am--a slave, -humiliated and hated." And he too is filled with hatred and tries to -find means to escape from his position, to shake off the enemy who -is over-riding him, and to oppress him in turn. People say, "Workmen -have no business to try to become capitalists, the poor to try to -put themselves in the place of the rich." That is a mistake. The -workingmen and the poor would be wrong if they tried to do so in a -world in which slaves and masters were regarded as different species -created by God; but they are living in a world which professes the -faith of the Gospel, that all are alike sons of God, and so brothers -and equal. And however men may try to conceal it, one of the first -conditions of Christian life is love, not in words but in deeds. - -The man of the so-called educated classes lives in still more glaring -inconsistency and suffering. Every educated man, if he believes in -anything, believes in the brotherhood of all men, or at least he has -a sentiment of humanity, or else of justice, or else he believes in -science. And all the while he knows that his whole life is framed on -principles in direct opposition to it all, to all the principles of -Christianity, humanity, justice, and science. - -He knows that all the habits in which he has been brought up, and -which he could not give up without suffering, can only be satisfied -through the exhausting, often fatal, toil of oppressed laborers, -that is, through the most obvious and brutal violation of the -principles of Christianity, humanity, and justice, and even of -science (that is, economic science). He advocates the principles -of fraternity, humanity, justice, and science, and yet he lives so -that he is dependent on the oppression of the working classes, which -he denounces, and his whole life is based on the advantages gained -by their oppression. Moreover he is directing every effort to -maintaining this state of things so flatly opposed to all his beliefs. - -We are all brothers--and yet every morning a brother or a sister -must empty the bedroom slops for me. We are all brothers, but every -morning I must have a cigar, a sweetmeat, an ice, and such things, -which my brothers and sisters have been wasting their health in -manufacturing, and I enjoy these things and demand them. We are all -brothers, yet I live by working in a bank, or mercantile house, -or shop at making all goods dearer for my brothers. We are all -brothers, but I live on a salary paid me for prosecuting, judging, -and condemning the thief or the prostitute whose existence the whole -tenor of my life tends to bring about, and who I know ought not to -be punished but reformed. We are all brothers, but I live on the -salary I gain by collecting taxes from needy laborers to be spent -on the luxuries of the rich and idle. We are all brothers, but I -take a stipend for preaching a false Christian religion, which I -do not myself believe in, and which only serves to hinder men from -understanding true Christianity. I take a stipend as priest or -bishop for deceiving men in the matter of the greatest importance to -them. We are all brothers, but I will not give the poor the benefit -of my educational, medical, or literary labors except for money. -We are all brothers, yet I take a salary for being ready to commit -murder, for teaching men to murder, or making firearms, gunpowder, or -fortifications. - -The whole life of the upper classes is a constant inconsistency. -The more delicate a man's conscience is, the more painful this -contradiction is to him. - -A man of sensitive conscience cannot but suffer if he lives such a -life. The only means by which he can escape from this suffering is -by blunting his conscience, but even if some men succeed in dulling -their conscience they cannot dull their fears. - -The men of the higher dominating classes whose conscience is -naturally not sensitive or has become blunted, if they don't suffer -through conscience, suffer from fear and hatred. They are bound to -suffer. They know all the hatred of them existing, and inevitably -existing in the working classes. They are aware that the working -classes know that they are deceived and exploited, and that they -are beginning to organize themselves to shake off oppression and -revenge themselves on their oppressors. The higher classes see the -unions, the strikes, the May Day Celebrations, and feel the calamity -that is threatening them, and their terror passes into an instinct -of self-defense and hatred. They know that if for one instant they -are worsted in the struggle with their oppressed slaves, they will -perish, because the slaves are exasperated and their exasperation is -growing more intense with every day of oppression. The oppressors, -even if they wished to do so, could not make an end to oppression. -They know that they themselves will perish directly they even relax -the harshness of their oppression. And they do not relax it, in spite -of all their pretended care for the welfare of the working classes, -for the eight-hour day, for regulation of the labor of minors and of -women, for savings banks and pensions. All that is humbug, or else -simply anxiety to keep the slave fit to do his work. But the slave is -still a slave, and the master who cannot live without a slave is less -disposed to set him free than ever. - -The attitude of the ruling classes to the laborers is that of a man -who has felled his adversary to the earth and holds him down, not -so much because he wants to hold him down, as because he knows that -if he let him go, even for a second, he would himself be stabbed, -for his adversary is infuriated and has a knife in his hand. And -therefore, whether their conscience is tender or the reverse, our -rich men cannot enjoy the wealth they have filched from the poor -as the ancients did who believed in their right to it. Their whole -life and all their enjoyments are embittered either by the stings of -conscience or by terror. - -So much for the economic contradiction. The political contradiction -is even more striking. - -All men are brought up to the habit of obeying the laws of the state -before everything. The whole existence of modern times is defined by -laws. A man marries and is divorced, educates his children, and even -(in many countries) professes his religious faith in accordance with -the law. What about the law then which defines our whole existence? -Do men believe in it? Do they regard it as good? Not at all. In the -majority of cases people of the present time do not believe in the -justice of the law, they despise it, but still they obey it. It was -very well for the men of the ancient world to observe their laws. -They firmly believed that their law (it was generally of a religious -character) was the only just law, which everyone ought to obey. But -is it so with us? we know and cannot help knowing that the law of -our country is not the one eternal law; that it is only one of the -many laws of different countries, which are equally imperfect, often -obviously wrong and unjust, and are criticised from every point of -view in the newspapers. The Jew might well obey his laws, since -he had not the slightest doubt that God had written them with his -finger; the Roman too might well obey the laws which he thought had -been dictated by the nymph Egeria. Men might well observe the laws if -they believed the Tzars who made them were God's anointed, or even if -they thought they were the work of assemblies of lawgivers who had -the power and the desire to make them as good as possible. But we all -know how our laws are made. We have all been behind the scenes, we -know that they are the product of covetousness, trickery, and party -struggles; that there is not and cannot be any real justice in them. -And so modern men cannot believe that obedience to civic or political -laws can satisfy the demands of the reason or of human nature. Men -have long ago recognized that it is irrational to obey a law the -justice of which is very doubtful, and so they cannot but suffer in -obeying a law which they do not accept as judicious and binding. - -A man cannot but suffer when his whole life is defined beforehand for -him by laws, which he must obey under threat of punishment, though -he does not believe in their wisdom or justice, and often clearly -perceives their injustice, cruelty, and artificiality. - -We recognize the uselessness of customs and import duties, and are -obliged to pay them. We recognize the uselessness of the expenditure -on the maintenance of the Court and other members of Government, and -we regard the teaching of the Church as injurious, but we are obliged -to bear our share of the expenses of these institutions. We regard -the punishments inflicted by law as cruel and shameless, but we must -assist in supporting them. We regard as unjust and pernicious the -distribution of landed property, but we are obliged to submit to it. -We see no necessity for wars and armies, but we must bear terribly -heavy burdens in support of troops and war expenses. - -But this contradiction is nothing in comparison with the -contradiction which confronts us when we turn to international -questions, and which demands a solution under pain of the loss of -the sanity and even the existence of the human race. That is the -contradiction between the Christian conscience and war. - -We are all Christian nations living the same spiritual life, so that -every noble and pregnant thought, springing up at one end of the -world, is at once communicated to the whole of Christian humanity and -evokes everywhere the same emotion of pride and rejoicing without -distinction of nationalities. We who love thinkers, philanthropists, -poets, and scientific men of foreign origin, and are as proud of -the exploits of Father Damien as if he were one of ourselves, we, -who have a simple love for men of foreign nationalities, Frenchmen, -Germans, Americans, and Englishmen, who respect their qualities, are -glad to meet them and make them so warmly welcome, cannot regard war -with them as anything heroic. We cannot even imagine without horror -the possibility of a disagreement between these people and ourselves -which would call for reciprocal murder. Yet we are all bound to take -a hand in this slaughter which is bound to come to pass to-morrow--if -not to-day. - -It was very well for the Jew, the Greek, and the Roman to defend -the independence of his nation by murder. For he piously believed -that his people was the only true, fine, and good people dear to -God, and all the rest were Philistines, barbarians. Men of mediæval -times--even up to the end of the last and beginning of this -century--might continue to hold this belief. But however much we -work upon ourselves we cannot believe it. And this contradiction for -men of the present day has become so full of horror that without its -solution life is no longer possible. - -"We live in a time which is full of inconsistencies," writes Count -Komarovsky, the professor of international law, in his learned -treatise. "The press of all countries is continually expressing the -universal desire for peace, and the general sense of its necessity -for all nations. - -"Representatives of governments, private persons, and official -organs say the same thing; it is repeated in parliamentary debates, -diplomatic correspondence, and even in state treaties. At the same -time governments are increasing the strength of their armies every -year, levying fresh taxes, raising loans, and leaving as a bequest -to future generations the duty of repairing the blunders of the -senseless policy of the present. What a striking contrast between -words and deeds! Of course governments will plead in justification -of these measures that all their expenditure and armament are -exclusively for purposes of defense. But it remains a mystery to -every disinterested man whence they can expect attacks if all -the great powers are single-hearted in their policy, in pursuing -nothing but self-defense. In reality it looks as if each of the -great powers were every instant anticipating an attack on the part -of the others. And this results in a general feeling of insecurity -and superhuman efforts on the part of each government to increase -their forces beyond those of the other powers. Such a competition -of itself increases the danger of war. Nations cannot endure the -constant increase of armies for long, and sooner or later they will -prefer war to all the disadvantages of their present position and -the constant menace of war. Then the most trifling pretext will be -sufficient to throw the whole of Europe into the fire of universal -war. And it is a mistaken idea that such a crisis might deliver us -from the political and economical troubles that are crushing us. The -experience of the wars of latter years teaches us that every war -has only intensified national hatreds, made military burdens more -crushing and insupportable, and rendered the political and economical -position of Europe more grievous and insoluble." - -"Modern Europe keeps under arms an active army of nine millions of -men," writes Enrico Ferri, "besides fifteen millions of reserve, with -an outlay of four hundred millions of francs per annum. By continual -increase of the armed force, the sources of social and individual -prosperity are paralyzed, and the state of the modern world may be -compared to that of a man who condemns himself to wasting from lack -of nutrition in order to provide himself with arms, losing thereby -the strength to use the arms he provides, under the weight of which -he will at last succumb." - -Charles Booth, in his paper read in London before the Association -for the Reform and Codification of the Law of Nations, June 26, -1887, says the same thing. After referring to the same number, nine -millions of the active army and fifteen millions of reserve, and -the enormous expenditure of governments on the support and arming -of these forces, he says: "These figures represent only a small -part of the real cost, because besides the recognized expenditure -of the war budget of the various nations, we ought also to take -into account the enormous loss to society involved in withdrawing -from it such an immense number of its most vigorous men, who are -taken from industrial pursuits and every kind of labor, as well as -the enormous interest on the sums expended on military preparations -without any return. The inevitable result of this expenditure on war -and preparations for war is a continually growing national debt. The -greater number of loans raised by the governments of Europe were -with a view to war. Their total sum amounts to four hundred millions -sterling, and these debts are increasing every year." - -The same Professor Komarovsky says in another place: "We live in -troubled times. Everywhere we hear complaints of the depression of -trade and manufactures, and the wretchedness of the economic position -generally, the miserable conditions of existence of the working -classes, and the universal impoverishment of the masses. But in spite -of this, governments in their efforts to maintain their independence -rush to the greatest extremes of senselessness. New taxes and duties -are being devised everywhere, and the financial oppression of the -nations knows no limits. If we glance at the budgets of the states -of Europe for the last hundred years, what strikes us most of all is -their rapid and continually growing increase. - -"How can we explain this extraordinary phenomenon, which sooner or -later threatens us all with inevitable bankruptcy? - -"It is caused beyond dispute by the expenditure for the maintenance -of armaments which swallows up a third and even a half of all the -expenditure of European states. And the most melancholy thing is -that one can foresee no limit to this augmentation of the budget -and impoverishment of the masses. What is socialism but a protest -against this abnormal position in which the greater proportion of the -population of our world is placed?" - -"We are ruining ourselves," says Frederick Passy in a letter read -before the last Congress of Universal Peace (in 1890) in London, -"we are ruining ourselves in order to be able to take part in the -senseless wars of the future or to pay the interest on debts we have -incurred by the senseless and criminal wars of the past. We are dying -of hunger so as to secure the means of killing each other." - -Speaking later on of the way the subject is looked at in France, he -says: "We believe that, a hundred years after the Declaration of the -Rights of Man and of the citizen, the time has come to recognize -the rights of nations and to renounce at once and forever all those -undertakings based on fraud and force, which, under the name of -conquests, are veritable crimes against humanity, and which, whatever -the vanity of monarchs and the pride of nations may think of them, -only weaken even those who are triumphant over them." - -"I am surprised at the way religion is carried on in this country," -said Sir Wilfrid Lawson at the same congress. "You send a boy to -Sunday school, and you tell him: 'Dear boy, you must love your -enemies. If another boy strikes you, you mustn't hit him back, but -try to reform him by loving him.' Well. The boy stays in the Sunday -school till he is fourteen or fifteen, and then his friends send him -into the army. What has he to do in the army? He certainly won't -love his enemy; quite the contrary, if he can only get at him, he -will run him through with his bayonet. That is the nature of all -religious teaching in this country. I do not think that that is a -very good way of carrying out the precepts of religion. I think if -it is a good thing for a boy to love his enemy, it is good for a -grown-up man." - -"There are in Europe twenty-eight millions of men under arms," says -Wilson, "to decide disputes, not by discussion, but by murdering one -another. That is the accepted method for deciding disputes among -Christian nations. This method is, at the same time, very expensive, -for, according to the statistics I have read, the nations of Europe -spent in the year 1872 a hundred and fifty millions sterling on -preparations for deciding disputes by means of murder. It seems to -me, therefore, that in such a state of things one of two alternatives -must be admitted: either Christianity is a failure, or those who have -undertaken to expound it have failed in doing so. Until our warriors -are disarmed and our armies disbanded, we have not the right to call -ourselves a Christian nation." - -In a conference on the subject of the duty of Christian ministers -to preach against war, G. D. Bartlett said among other things: "If -I understand the Scriptures, I say that men are only playing with -Christianity so long as they ignore the question of war. I have lived -a longish life and have heard our ministers preach on universal peace -hardly half a dozen times. Twenty years ago, in a drawing room, I -dared in the presence of forty persons to moot the proposition that -war was incompatible with Christianity; I was regarded as an arrant -fanatic. The idea that we could get on without war was regarded as -unmitigated weakness and folly." - -The Catholic priest Defourney has expressed himself in the same -spirit. "One of the first precepts of the eternal law inscribed -in the consciences of all men," says the Abbé Defourney, "is -the prohibition of taking the life or shedding the blood of a -fellow-creature without sufficient cause, without being forced -into the necessity of it. This is one of the commandments which -is most deeply stamped in the heart of man. But so soon as it is -a question of war, that is, of shedding blood in torrents, men of -the present day do not trouble themselves about a sufficient cause. -Those who take part in wars do not even think of asking themselves -whether there is any justification for these innumerable murders, -whether they are justifiable or unjustifiable, lawful or unlawful, -innocent or criminal; whether they are breaking that fundamental -commandment that forbids killing without lawful cause. But their -conscience is mute. War has ceased to be something dependent on moral -considerations. In warfare men have in all the toil and dangers they -endure no other pleasure than that of being conquerors, no sorrow -other than that of being conquered. Don't tell me that they are -serving their country. A great genius answered that long ago in the -words that have become a proverb: 'Without justice, what is an empire -but a great band of brigands?' And is not every band of brigands a -little empire? They too have their laws; and they too make war to -gain booty, and even for honor. - -"The aim of the proposed institution [the institution of an -international board of arbitration] is that the nations of Europe may -cease to be nations of robbers, and their armies, bands of brigands. -And one must add, not only brigands, but slaves. For our armies are -simply gangs of slaves at the disposal of one or two commanders or -ministers, who exercise a despotic control over them without any real -responsibility, as we very well know. - -"The peculiarity of a slave is that he is a mere tool in the hands -of his master, a thing, not a man. That is just what soldiers, -officers, and generals are, going to murder and be murdered at the -will of a ruler or rulers. Military slavery is an actual fact, and -it is the worst form of slavery, especially now when by means of -compulsory service it lays its fetters on the necks of all the strong -and capable men of a nation, to make them instruments of murder, -butchers of human flesh, for that is all they are taken and trained -to do. - -"The rulers, two or three in number, meet together in cabinets, -secretly deliberate without registers, without publicity, and -consequently without responsibility, and send men to be murdered." - -"Protests against armaments, burdensome to the people, have not -originated in our times," says Signor E. G. Moneta. "Hear what -Montesquieu wrote in his day. 'France [and one might say, Europe] -will be ruined by soldiers. A new plague is spreading throughout -Europe. It attacks sovereigns and forces them to maintain an -incredible number of armed men. This plague is infectious and -spreads, because directly one government increases its armament, all -the others do likewise. So that nothing is gained by it but general -ruin. - -"'Every government maintains as great an army as it possibly could -maintain if its people were threatened with extermination, and people -call peace this state of tension of all against all. And therefore -Europe is so ruined that if private persons were in the position of -the governments of our continent, the richest of them would not have -enough to live on. We are poor though we have the wealth and trade of -the whole world.' - -"That was written almost 150 years ago. The picture seems drawn -from the world of to-day. One thing only has changed--the form -of government. In Montesquieu's time it was said that the cause -of the maintenance of great armaments was the despotic power of -kings, who made war in the hope of augmenting by conquest their -personal revenues and gaining glory. People used to say then: 'Ah, -if only people could elect those who would have the right to refuse -governments the soldiers and the money--then there would be an end -to military politics.' Now there are representative governments in -almost the whole of Europe, and in spite of that, war expenditures -and the preparations for war have increased to alarming proportions. - -"It is evident that the insanity of sovereigns has gained possession -of the ruling classes. War is not made now because one king has -been wanting in civility to the mistress of another king, as it was -in Louis XIV.'s time. But the natural and honorable sentiments of -national honor and patriotism are so exaggerated, and the public -opinion of one nation so excited against another, that it is enough -for a statement to be made (even though it may be a false report) -that the ambassador of one state was not received by the principal -personage of another state to cause the outbreak of the most awful -and destructive war there has ever been seen. Europe keeps more -soldiers under arms to-day than in the time of the great Napoleonic -wars. All citizens with few exceptions are forced to spend some years -in barracks. Fortresses, arsenals, and ships are built, new weapons -are constantly being invented, to be replaced in a short time by -fresh ones, for, sad to say, science, which ought always to be aiming -at the good of humanity, assists in the work of destruction, and is -constantly inventing new means for killing the greatest number of -men in the shortest time. And to maintain so great a multitude of -soldiers and to make such vast preparations for murder, hundreds of -millions are spent annually, sums which would be sufficient for the -education of the people and for immense works of public utility, -and which would make it possible to find a peaceful solution of the -social question. - -"Europe, then, is, in this respect, in spite of all the conquests of -science, in the same position as in the darkest and most barbarous -days of the Middle Ages. All deplore this state of things--neither -peace nor war--and all would be glad to escape from it. The heads of -governments all declare that they all wish for peace, and vie with -one another in the most solemn protestations of peaceful intentions. -But the same day or the next they will lay a scheme for the increase -of the armament before their legislative assembly, saying that -these are the preventive measures they take for the very purpose of -securing peace. - -"But this is not the kind of peace we want. And the nations are not -deceived by it. True peace is based on mutual confidence, while -these huge armaments show open and utter lack of confidence, if not -concealed hostility, between states. What should we say of a man who, -wanting to show his friendly feelings for his neighbor, should invite -him to discuss their differences with a loaded revolver in his hand? - -"It is just this flagrant contradiction between the peaceful -professions and the warlike policy of governments which all good -citizens desire to put an end to, at any cost." - -People are astonished that every year there are sixty thousand cases -of suicide in Europe, and those only the recognized and recorded -cases--and excluding Russia and Turkey; but one ought rather to be -surprised that there are so few. Every man of the present day, if we -go deep enough into the contradiction between his conscience and his -life, is in a state of despair. - -Not to speak of all the other contradictions between modern life and -the conscience, the permanently armed condition of Europe together -with its profession of Christianity is alone enough to drive any man -to despair, to doubt of the sanity of mankind, and to terminate an -existence in this senseless and brutal world. This contradiction, -which is a quintessence of all the other contradictions, is so -terrible that to live and to take part in it is only possible if one -does not think of it--if one is able to forget it. - -What! all of us, Christians, not only profess to love one another, -but do actually live one common life; we whose social existence beats -with one common pulse--we aid one another, learn from one another, -draw ever closer to one another to our mutual happiness, and find -in this closeness the whole meaning of life!--and to-morrow some -crazy ruler will say some stupidity, and another will answer in the -same spirit, and then I must go expose myself to being murdered, -and murder men--who have done me no harm--and more than that, whom -I love. And this is not a remote contingency, but the very thing we -are all preparing for, which is not only probable, but an inevitable -certainty. - -To recognize this clearly is enough to drive a man out of his senses -or to make him shoot himself. And this is just what does happen, and -especially often among military men. A man need only come to himself -for an instant to be impelled inevitably to such an end. - -And this is the only explanation of the dreadful intensity with which -men of modern times strive to stupefy themselves, with spirits, -tobacco, opium, cards, reading newspapers, traveling, and all kinds -of spectacles and amusements. These pursuits are followed up as an -important, serious business. And indeed they are a serious business. -If there were no external means of dulling their sensibilities, half -of mankind would shoot themselves without delay, for to live in -opposition to one's reason is the most intolerable condition. And -that is the condition of all men of the present day. All men of the -modern world exist in a state of continual and flagrant antagonism -between their conscience and their way of life. This antagonism is -apparent in economic as well as political life. But most striking of -all is the contradiction between the Christian law of the brotherhood -of men existing in the conscience and the necessity under which all -men are placed by compulsory military service of being prepared -for hatred and murder--of being at the same time a Christian and a -gladiator. - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - - ATTITUDE OF MEN OF THE PRESENT DAY TO WAR. - - People do not Try to Remove the Contradiction between Life and - Conscience by a Change of Life, but their Cultivated Leaders - Exert Every Effort to Obscure the Demands of Conscience, and - Justify their Life; in this Way they Degrade Society below - Paganism to a State of Primeval Barbarism--Undefined Attitude - of Modern Leaders of Thought to War, to Universal Militarism, - and to Compulsory Service in Army--One Section Regards War as - an Accidental Political Phenomenon, to be Avoided by External - Measures only--Peace Congress--The Article in the _Revue des - Revues_--Proposition of Maxime du Camp--Value of Boards of - Arbitration and Suppression of Armies--Attitude of Governments - to Men of this Opinion and What they Do--Another Section - Regards War as Cruel, but Inevitable--Maupassant--Rod--A - Third Section Regard War as Necessary, and not without its - Advantages--Doucet--Claretie--Zola--Vogüé. - - -The antagonism between life and the conscience may be removed in two -ways: by a change of life or by a change of conscience. And there -would seem there can be no doubt as to these alternatives. - -A man may cease to do what he regards as wrong, but he cannot cease -to consider wrong what is wrong. Just in the same way all humanity -may cease to do what it regards as wrong, but far from being able to -change, it cannot even retard for a time the continual growth of a -clearer recognition of what is wrong and therefore ought not to be. -And therefore it would seem inevitable for Christian men to abandon -the pagan forms of society which they condemn, and to reconstruct -their social existence on the Christian principles they profess. - -So it would be were it not for the law of inertia, as immutable a -force in men and nations as in inanimate bodies. In men it takes the -form of the psychological principle, so truly expressed in the words -of the Gospel, "They have loved darkness better than light because -their deeds were evil." This principle shows itself in men not trying -to recognize the truth, but to persuade themselves that the life -they are leading, which is what they like and are used to, is a life -perfectly consistent with truth. - -Slavery was opposed to all the moral principles advocated by Plato -and Aristotle, yet neither of them saw that, because to renounce -slavery would have meant the break up of the life they were living. -We see the same thing in our modern world. - -The division of men into two castes, as well as the use of force in -government and war, are opposed to every moral principle professed by -our modern society. Yet the cultivated and advanced men of the day -seem not to see it. - -The majority, if not all, of the cultivated men of our day try -unconsciously to maintain the old social conception of life, which -justifies their position, and to hide from themselves and others its -insufficiency, and above all the necessity of adopting the Christian -conception of life, which will mean the break up of the whole -existing social order. They struggle to keep up the organization -based on the social conception of life, but do not believe in it -themselves, because it is extinct and it is impossible to believe in -it. - -All modern literature--philosophical, political, and artistic--is -striking in this respect. What wealth of idea, of form, of color, -what erudition, what art, but what a lack of serious matter, what -dread of any exactitude of thought or expression! Subtleties, -allegories, humorous fancies, the widest generalizations, but nothing -simple and clear, nothing going straight to the point, that is, to -the problem of life. - -But that is not all; besides these graceful frivolities, our -literature is full of simple nastiness and brutality, of arguments -which would lead men back in the most refined way to primeval -barbarism, to the principles not only of the pagan, but even of the -animal life, which we have left behind us five thousand years ago. - -And it could not be otherwise. In their dread of the Christian -conception of life which will destroy the social order, which some -cling to only from habit, others also from interest, men cannot but -be thrown back upon the pagan conception of life and the principles -based on it. Nowadays we see advocated not only patriotism and -aristocratic principles just as they were advocated two thousand -years ago, but even the coarsest epicureanism and animalism, only -with this difference, that the men who then professed those views -believed in them, while nowadays even the advocates of such views do -not believe in them, for they have no meaning for the present day. No -one can stand still when the earth is shaking under his feet. If we -do not go forward we must go back. And strange and terrible to say, -the cultivated men of our day, the leaders of thought, are in reality -with their subtle reasoning drawing society back, not to paganism -even, but to a state of primitive barbarism. - -This tendency on the part of the leading thinkers of the day is -nowhere more apparent than in their attitude to the phenomenon in -which all the insufficiency of the social conception of life is -presented in the most concentrated form--in their attitude, that is, -to war, to the general arming of nations, and to universal compulsory -service. - -The undefined, if not disingenuous, attitude of modern thinkers to -this phenomenon is striking. It takes three forms in cultivated -society. One section look at it as an incidental phenomenon, arising -out of the special political situation of Europe, and consider -that this state of things can be reformed without a revolution in -the whole internal social order of nations, by external measures -of international diplomacy. Another section regard it as something -cruel and hideous, but at the same time fated and inevitable, like -disease and death. A third party with cool indifference consider war -as an inevitable phenomenon, beneficial in its effects and therefore -desirable. - -Men look at the subject from different points of view, but all alike -talk of war as though it were something absolutely independent of -the will of those who take part in it. And consequently they do not -even admit the natural question which presents itself to every simple -man: "How about me--ought I to take any part in it?" In their view -no question of this kind even exists, and every man, however he may -regard war from a personal standpoint, must slavishly submit to the -requirements of the authorities on the subject. - -The attitude of the first section of thinkers, those who see a way -out of war in international diplomatic measures, is well expressed in -the report of the last Peace Congress in London, and the articles and -letters upon war that appeared in No. 8 of the _Revue des Revues_, -1891. The congress after gathering together from various quarters the -verbal and written opinion of learned men opened the proceedings by -a religious service, and after listening to addresses for five whole -days, concluded them by a public dinner and speeches. They adopted -the following resolutions: - -"1. The congress affirms its belief that the brotherhood of man -involves as a necessary consequence a brotherhood of nations. - -"2. The congress recognizes the important influence that Christianity -exercises on the moral and political progress of mankind, and -earnestly urges upon ministers of the Gospel and other religious -teachers the duty of setting forth the principles of peace and good -will toward men. _And it recommends that the third Sunday in December -be set apart for that purpose._ - -"3. The congress expresses the opinion that all teachers of history -should call the attention of the young to the grave evils inflicted -on mankind in all ages by war, and to the fact that such war has been -waged for most inadequate causes. - -"4. The congress protests against the use of military drill in -schools by way of physical exercise, and suggests the formation of -brigades for saving life rather than of a quasi-military character; -and urges the desirability of impressing on the Board of Examiners -who formulate the questions for examination the propriety of guiding -the minds of children in the principles of peace. - -"5. The congress holds that the doctrine of the Rights of Man -requires that the aboriginal and weaker races, their territories and -liberties, shall be guarded from injustice and fraud, and that these -races shall be shielded against the vices so prevalent among the -so-called advanced races of men. It further expresses its conviction -that there should be concert of action among the nations for the -accomplishment of these ends. The congress expresses its hearty -appreciation of the resolutions of the Anti-slavery Conference held -recently at Brussels for the amelioration of the condition of the -peoples of Africa. - -"6. The congress believes that the warlike prejudices and traditions -which are still fostered in the various nationalities, and the -misrepresentations by leaders of public opinion in legislative -assemblies or through the press, are often indirect causes of war, -and that these evils should be counteracted by the publication of -accurate information tending to the removal of misunderstanding -between nations, and recommends the importance of considering the -question of commencing an international newspaper with such a -purpose. - -"7. The congress proposes to the Inter-parliamentary Conference that -the utmost support should be given to every project for unification -of weights and measures, coinage, tariff, postage, and telegraphic -arrangements, etc., which would assist in constituting a commercial, -industrial, and scientific union of the peoples. - -"8. The congress, in view of the vast social and moral influence -of woman, urges upon every woman to sustain the things that make -for peace, as otherwise she incurs grave responsibility for the -continuance of the systems of militarism. - -"9. The congress expresses the hope that the Financial Reform -Association and other similar societies in Europe and America should -unite in considering means for establishing equitable commercial -relations between states, by the reduction of import duties. The -congress feels that it can affirm that the whole of Europe desires -peace, and awaits with impatience the suppression of armaments, -which, under the plea of defense, become in their turn a danger by -keeping alive mutual distrust, and are, at the same time, the cause -of that general economic disturbance which stands in the way of -settling in a satisfactory manner the problems of labor and poverty, -which ought to take precedence of all others. - -"10. The congress, recognizing that a general disarmament would be -the best guarantee of peace and would lead to the solution of the -questions which now most divide states, expresses the wish that -a congress of representatives of all the states of Europe may be -assembled as soon as possible to consider the means of effecting a -gradual general disarmament. - -"11. The congress, in consideration of the fact that the timidity of -a single power might delay the convocation of the above-mentioned -congress, is of opinion that the government which should first -dismiss any considerable number of soldiers would confer a signal -benefit on Europe and mankind, because it would, by public opinion, -oblige other governments to follow its example, and by the moral -force of this accomplished fact would have increased rather than -diminished the conditions of its national defense. - -"12. The congress, considering the question of disarmament, as of -peace in general, depends on public opinion, recommends the peace -societies, as well as all friends of peace, to be active in its -propaganda, especially at the time of parliamentary elections, in -order that the electors should give their votes to candidates who are -pledged to support Peace, Disarmament, and Arbitration. - -"13. The congress congratulates the friends of peace on the -resolution adopted by the International American Conference, held -at Washington in April last, by which it was recommended that -arbitration should be obligatory in all controversies, whatever their -origin, except only those which may imperil the independence of one -of the nations involved. - -"14. The congress recommends this resolution to the attention of -European statesmen, and expresses the ardent desire that similar -treaties may speedily be entered into between the other nations of -the world. - -"15. The congress expresses its satisfaction at the adoption by the -Spanish Senate on June 16 last of a project of law authorizing the -government to negotiate general or special treaties of arbitration -for the settlement of all disputes except those relating to the -independence or internal government of the states affected; also -at the adoption of resolutions to a like effect by the Norwegian -Storthing and by the Italian Chamber. - -"16. The congress resolves that a committee be appointed to address -communications to the principal political, religious, commercial, -and labor and peace organizations, requesting them to send petitions -to the governmental authorities praying that measures be taken -for the formation of suitable tribunals for the adjudicature of -international questions so as to avoid the resort to war. - -"17. Seeing (1) that the object pursued by all peace societies is -the establishment of judicial order between nations, and (2) that -neutralization by international treaties constitutes a step toward -this judicial state and lessens the number of districts in which war -can be carried on, the congress recommends a larger extension of the -rule of neutralization, and expresses the wish, (1) that all treaties -which at present assure to certain states the benefit of neutrality -remain in force, or if necessary be amended in a manner to render the -neutrality more effective, either by extending neutralization to the -whole of the state or by ordering the demolition of fortresses, which -constitute rather a peril than a guarantee for neutrality; (2) that -new treaties in harmony with the wishes of the populations concerned -be concluded for establishing the neutralization of other states. - -"18. The sub-committee proposes, (1) that the annual Peace Congress -should be held either immediately before the meeting of the annual -Sub-parliamentary Conference, or immediately after it in the same -town; (2) that the question of an international peace emblem be -postponed _sine die_; (3) that the following resolutions be adopted: - -"_a._ To express satisfaction at the official overtures of the -Presbyterian Church in the United States addressed to the highest -representatives of each church organization in Christendom to unite -in a general conference to promote the substitution of international -arbitration for war. - -"_b._ To express in the name of the congress its profound reverence -for the memory of Aurelio Saffi, the great Italian jurist, a member -of the committee of the International League of Peace and Liberty. - -"(4) That the memorial adopted by this congress and signed by the -president to the heads of the civilized states should, as far as -practicable, be presented to each power by influential deputations. - -"(5) That the following resolutions be adopted: - -"_a._ A resolution of thanks to the presidents of the various -sittings of the congress. - -"_b._ A resolution of thanks to the chairman, the secretaries, and -the members of the bureau of the congress. - -"_c._ A resolution of thanks to the conveners and members of the -sectional committees. - -"_d._ A resolution of thanks to Rev. Canon Scott Holland, Rev. Dr. -Reuen Thomas, and Rev. J. Morgan Gibbon for their pulpit addresses -before the congress, and also to the authorities of St. Paul's -Cathedral, the City Temple, and Stamford Hill Congregational Church -for the use of those buildings for public services. - -"_e._ A letter of thanks to her Majesty for permission to visit -Windsor Castle. - -"_f._ And also a resolution of thanks to the Lord Mayor and Lady -Mayoress, to Mr. Passmore Edwards, and other friends who have -extended their hospitality to the members of the congress. - -"19. The congress places on record a heartfelt expression of -gratitude to Almighty God for the remarkable harmony and concord -which have characterized the meetings of the assembly, in which so -many men and women of varied nations, creeds, tongues, and races -have gathered in closest co-operation, and for the conclusion of the -labors of the congress; and expresses its firm and unshaken belief -in the ultimate triumph of the cause of peace and of the principles -advocated at these meetings." - -The fundamental idea of the congress is the necessity (1) of -diffusing among all people by all means the conviction of the -disadvantages of war and the great blessing of peace, and (2) of -rousing governments to the sense of the superiority of international -arbitration over war and of the consequent advisability and -necessity of disarmament. To attain the first aim the congress -has recourse to teachers of history, to women, and to the clergy, -with the advice to the latter to preach on the evil of war and the -blessing of peace every third Sunday in December. To attain the -second object the congress appeals to governments with the suggestion -that they should disband their armies and replace war by arbitration. - -To preach to men of the evil of war and the blessing of peace! But -the blessing of peace is so well known to men that, ever since there -have been men at all, their best wish has been expressed in the -greeting, "Peace be with you." So why preach about it? - -Not only Christians, but pagans, thousands of years ago, all -recognized the evil of war and the blessing of peace. So that the -recommendation to ministers of the Gospel to preach on the evil of -war and the blessing of peace every third Sunday in December is quite -superfluous. - -The Christian cannot but preach on that subject every day of his -life. If Christians and preachers of Christianity do not do so, -there must be reasons for it. And until these have been removed no -recommendations will be effective. Still less effective will be the -recommendations to governments to disband their armies and replace -them by international boards of arbitration. Governments, too, know -very well the difficulty and the burdensomeness of raising and -maintaining forces, and if in spite of that knowledge they do, at the -cost of terrible strain and effort, raise and maintain forces, it is -evident that they cannot do otherwise, and the recommendation of the -congress can never change it. But the learned gentlemen are unwilling -to see that, and keep hoping to find a political combination, through -which governments shall be induced to limit their powers themselves. - -"Can we get rid of war"? asks a learned writer in the _Revue des -Revues_. "All are agreed that if it were to break out in Europe, its -consequences would be like those of the great inroads of barbarians. -The existence of whole nationalities would be at stake, and therefore -the war would be desperate, bloody, atrocious. - -"This consideration, together with the terrible engines of -destruction invented by modern science, retards the moment of -declaring war, and maintains the present temporary situation, which -might continue for an indefinite period, except for the fearful cost -of maintaining armaments which are exhausting the European states and -threatening to reduce nations to a state of misery hardly less than -that of war itself. - -"Struck by this reflection, men of various countries have tried to -find means for preventing, or at least for softening, the results of -the terrible slaughter with which we are threatened. - -"Such are the questions brought forward by the Peace Congress shortly -to be held in Rome, and the publication of a pamphlet, 'Sur le -Désarmement'. - -"It is unhappily beyond doubt that with the present organization of -the majority of European states, isolated from one another and guided -by distinct interests, the absolute suppression of war is an illusion -with which it would be dangerous to cheat ourselves. Wiser rules and -regulations imposed on these duels between nations might, however, at -least limit its horrors. - -"It is equally chimerical to reckon on projects of disarmament, the -execution of which is rendered almost impossible by considerations -of a popular character present to the mind of all our readers. [This -probably means that France cannot disband its army before taking -its revenge.] Public opinion is not prepared to accept them, and -moreover, the international relations between different peoples are -not such as to make their acceptance possible. Disarmament imposed -on one nation by another in circumstances threatening its security -would be equivalent to a declaration of war. - -"However, one may admit that an exchange of ideas between the nations -interested could aid, to a certain degree, in bringing about the good -understanding indispensable to any negotiations, and would render -possible a considerable reduction of the military expenditure which -is crushing the nations of Europe and greatly hindering the solution -of the social question, which each individually must solve on pain of -having internal war as the price for escaping it externally. - -"We might at least demand the reduction of the enormous expenses -of war organized as it is at present with a view to the power of -invasion within twenty-four hours and a decisive battle within a week -of the declaration of war. - -"We ought to manage so that states could not make the attack suddenly -and invade each other's territories within twenty-four hours." - -This practical notion has been put forth by Maxime du Camp, and his -article concludes with it. - -The propositions of M. du Camp are as follows: - -1. A diplomatic congress to be held every year. - -2. No war to be declared till two months after the incident which -provoked it. (The difficulty here would be to decide precisely what -incident did provoke the war, since whenever war is declared there -are very many such incidents, and one would have to decide from which -to reckon the two months' interval.) - -3. No war to be declared before it has been submitted to a -plebiscitum of the nations preparing to take part in it. - -4. No hostilities to be commenced till a month after the official -declaration of war. - -"No war to be declared. No hostilities to be commenced," etc. But who -is to arrange that no war is to be declared? Who is to compel people -to do this and that? Who is to force states to delay their operations -for a certain fixed time? All the other states. But all these others -are also states which want holding in check and keeping within -limits, and forcing, too. Who is to force them, and how? Public -opinion. But if there is a public opinion which can force governments -to delay their operations for a fixed period, the same public opinion -can force governments not to declare war at all. - -But, it will be replied, there may be such a balance of power, such -a _pondération de forces_, as would lead states to hold back of -their own accord. Well, that has been tried and is being tried even -now. The Holy Alliance was nothing but that, the League of Peace was -another attempt at the same thing, and so on. - -But, it will be answered, suppose all were agreed. If all were agreed -there would be no more war certainly, and no need for arbitration -either. - -"A court of arbitration! Arbitration shall replace war. Questions -shall be decided by a court of arbitration. The Alabama question was -decided by a court of arbitration, and the question of the Caroline -Islands was submitted to the decision of the Pope. Switzerland, -Belgium, Denmark, and Holland have all declared that they prefer -arbitration to war." - -I dare say Monaco has expressed the same preference. The only -unfortunate thing is that Germany, Russia, Austria, and France have -not so far shown the same inclination. It is amazing how men can -deceive themselves when they find it necessary! Governments consent -to decide their disagreements by arbitration and to disband their -armies! The differences between Russia and Poland, between England -and Ireland, between Austria and Bohemia, between Turkey and the -Slavonic states, between France and Germany, to be soothed away by -amiable conciliation! - -One might as well suggest to merchants and bankers that they should -sell nothing for a greater price than they gave for it, should -undertake the distribution of wealth for no profit, and should -abolish money, as it would thus be rendered unnecessary. - -But since commercial and banking operations consist in nothing but -selling for more than the cost price, this would be equivalent to -an invitation to suppress themselves. It is the same in regard to -governments. To suggest to governments that they should not have -recourse to violence, but should decide their misunderstandings in -accordance with equity, is inviting them to abolish themselves as -rulers, and that no government can ever consent to do. - -The learned men form societies (there are more than a hundred such -societies), assemble in congresses (such as those recently held in -London and Paris, and shortly to be held in Rome), deliver addresses, -eat public dinners and make speeches, publish journals, and prove by -every means possible that the nations forced to support millions of -troops are strained to the furthest limits of their endurance, that -the maintenance of these huge armed forces is in opposition to all -the aims, the interests, and the wishes of the people, and that it is -possible, moreover, by writing numerous papers, and uttering a great -many words, to bring all men into agreement and to arrange so that -they shall have no antagonistic interests, and then there will be no -more war. - -When I was a little boy they told me if I wanted to catch a bird I -must put salt on its tail. I ran after the birds with the salt in -my hand, but I soon convinced myself that if I could put salt on a -bird's tail, I could catch it, and realized that I had been hoaxed. - -People ought to realize the same fact when they read books and -articles on arbitration and disarmament. - -If one could put salt on a bird's tail, it would be because it could -not fly and there would be no difficulty in catching it. If the bird -had wings and did not want to be caught, it would not let one put -salt on its tail, because the specialty of a bird is to fly. In -precisely the same way the specialty of government is not to obey, -but to enforce obedience. And a government is only a government so -long as it can make itself obeyed, and therefore it always strives -for that and will never willingly abandon its power. But since it is -on the army that the power of government rests, it will never give up -the army, and the use of the army in war. - -The error arises from the learned jurists deceiving themselves -and others, by asserting that government is not what it really -is, one set of men banded together to oppress another set of men, -but, as shown by science, is the representation of the citizens in -their collective capacity. They have so long been persuading other -people of this that at last they have persuaded themselves of it; -and thus they often seriously suppose that government can be bound -by considerations of justice. But history shows that from Cæsar -to Napoleon, and from Napoleon to Bismarck, government is in its -essence always a force acting in violation of justice, and that it -cannot be otherwise. Justice can have no binding force on a ruler -or rulers who keep men, deluded and drilled in readiness for acts -of violence--soldiers, and by means of them control others. And so -governments can never be brought to consent to diminish the number of -these drilled slaves, who constitute their whole power and importance. - -Such is the attitude of certain learned men to the contradiction -under which our society is being crushed, and such are their methods -of solving it. Tell these people that the whole matter rests on the -personal attitude of each man to the moral and religious question -put nowadays to everyone, the question, that is, whether it is -lawful or unlawful for him to take his share of military service, -and these learned gentlemen will shrug their shoulders and not -condescend to listen or to answer you. The solution of the question -in their idea is to be found in reading addresses, writing books, -electing presidents, vice-presidents, and secretaries, and meeting -and speaking first in one town and then in another. From all this -speechifying and writing it will come to pass, according to their -notions, that governments will cease to levy the soldiers, on whom -their whole strength depends, will listen to their discourses, -and will disband their forces, leaving themselves without any -defense, not only against their neighbors, but also against their -own subjects. As though a band of brigands, who have some unarmed -travelers bound and ready to be plundered, should be so touched by -their complaints of the pain caused by the cords they are fastened -with as to let them go again. - -Still there are people who believe in this, busy themselves over -peace congresses, read addresses, and write books. And governments, -we may be quite sure, express their sympathy and make a show of -encouraging them. In the same way they pretend to support temperance -societies, while they are living principally on the drunkenness of -the people; and pretend to encourage education, when their whole -strength is based on ignorance; and to support constitutional -freedom, when their strength rests on the absence of freedom; and -to be anxious for the improvement of the condition of the working -classes, when their very existence depends on their oppression; and -to support Christianity, when Christianity destroys all government. - -To be able to do this they have long ago elaborated methods -encouraging temperance, which cannot suppress drunkenness; methods of -supporting education, which not only fail to prevent ignorance, but -even increase it; methods of aiming at freedom and constitutionalism, -which are no hindrance to despotism; methods of protecting the -working classes, which will not free them from slavery; and a -Christianity, too, they have elaborated, which does not destroy, but -supports governments. - -Now there is something more for the government to encourage--peace. -The sovereigns, who nowadays take counsel with their ministers, -decide by their will alone whether the butchery of millions is to -be begun this year or next. They know very well that all these -discourses upon peace will not hinder them from sending millions of -men to butchery when it seems good to them. They listen even with -satisfaction to these discourses, encourage them, and take part in -them. - -All this, far from being detrimental, is even of service to -governments, by turning people's attention from the most important -and pressing question: Ought or ought not each man called upon for -military service to submit to serve in the army? - -"Peace will soon be arranged, thanks to alliances and congresses, -to books and pamphlets; meantime go and put on your uniform, and -prepare to cause suffering and to endure it for our benefit," is the -government's line of argument. And the learned gentlemen who get up -congresses and write articles are in perfect agreement with it. - -This is the attitude of one set of thinkers. And since it is that -most beneficial to governments, it is also the most encouraged by all -intelligent governments. - -Another attitude to war has something tragical in it. There are men -who maintain that the love for peace and the inevitability of war -form a hideous contradiction, and that such is the fate of man. These -are mostly gifted and sensitive men, who see and realize all the -horror and imbecility and cruelty of war, but through some strange -perversion of mind neither see nor seek to find any way out of this -position, and seem to take pleasure in teasing the wound by dwelling -on the desperate position of humanity. A notable example of such an -attitude to war is to be found in the celebrated French writer Guy de -Maupassant. Looking from his yacht at the drill and firing practice -of the French soldiers the following reflections occur to him: - -"When I think only of this word war, a kind of terror seizes upon -me, as though I were listening to some tale of sorcery, of the -Inquisition, some long past, remote abomination, monstrous, unnatural. - -"When cannibalism is spoken of, we smile with pride, proclaiming -our superiority to these savages. Which are the savages, the real -savages? Those who fight to eat the conquered, or those who fight to -kill, for nothing but to kill? - -"The young recruits, moving about in lines yonder, are destined to -death like the flocks of sheep driven by the butcher along the road. -They will fall in some plain with a saber cut in the head, or a -bullet through the breast. And these are young men who might work, be -productive and useful. Their fathers are old and poor. Their mothers, -who have loved them for twenty years, worshiped them as none but -mothers can, will learn in six months' time, or a year perhaps, that -their son, their boy, the big boy reared with so much labor, so much -expense, so much love, has been thrown in a hole like some dead dog, -after being disemboweled by a bullet, and trampled, crushed, to a -mass of pulp by the charges of cavalry. Why have they killed her boy, -her handsome boy, her one hope, her pride, her life? She does not -know. Ah, why? - -"War! fighting! slaughter! massacres of men! And we have now, in our -century, with our civilization, with the spread of science, and the -degree of philosophy which the genius of man is supposed to have -attained, schools for training to kill, to kill very far off, to -perfection, great numbers at once, to kill poor devils of innocent -men with families and without any kind of trial. - -"_And what is most bewildering is that the people do not rise against -their governments. For what difference is there between monarchies -and republics? The most bewildering thing is that the whole of -society is not in revolt at the word war._" - -"Ah! we shall always live under the burden of the ancient and -odious customs, the criminal prejudices, the ferocious ideas of our -barbarous ancestors, for we are beasts, and beasts we shall remain, -dominated by instinct and changed by nothing. Would not any other man -than Victor Hugo have been exiled for that mighty cry of deliverance -and truth? 'To-day force is called violence, and is being brought to -judgment; war has been put on its trial. At the plea of the human -race, civilization arraigns warfare, and draws up the great list of -crimes laid at the charge of conquerors and generals. The nations -are coming to understand that the magnitude of a crime cannot be -its extenuation; that if killing is a crime, killing many can be no -extenuating circumstance; that if robbery is disgraceful, invasion -cannot be glorious. Ah! let us proclaim these absolute truths; let us -dishonor war!' - -"Vain wrath," continues Maupassant, "a poet's indignation. War is -held in more veneration than ever. - -"A skilled proficient in that line, a slaughterer of genius, Von -Moltke, in reply to the peace delegates, once uttered these strange -words: - -"'War is holy, war is ordained of God. It is one of the most sacred -laws of the world. It maintains among men all the great and noble -sentiments--honor, devotion, virtue, and courage, and saves them in -short from falling into the most hideous materialism.' - -"So, then, bringing millions of men together into herds, marching by -day and by night without rest, thinking of nothing, studying nothing, -learning nothing, reading nothing, being useful to no one, wallowing -in filth, sleeping in mud, living like brutes in a continual state -of stupefaction, sacking towns, burning villages, ruining whole -populations, then meeting another mass of human flesh, falling upon -them, making pools of blood, and plains of flesh mixed with trodden -mire and red with heaps of corpses, having your arms or legs carried -off, your brains blown out for no advantage to anyone, and dying in -some corner of a field while your old parents, your wife and children -are perishing of hunger--that is what is meant by not falling into -the most hideous materialism! - -"Warriors are the scourge of the world. We struggle against nature -and ignorance and obstacles of all kinds to make our wretched life -less hard. Learned men--benefactors of all--spend their lives in -working, in seeking what can aid, what be of use, what can alleviate -the lot of their fellows. They devote themselves unsparingly to their -task of usefulness, making one discovery after another, enlarging the -sphere of human intelligence, extending the bounds of science, adding -each day some new store to the sum of knowledge, gaining each day -prosperity, ease, strength for their country. - -"War breaks out. In six months the generals have destroyed the work -of twenty years of effort, of patience, and of genius. - -"That is what is meant by not falling into the most hideous -materialism. - -"We have seen it, war. We have seen men turned to brutes, frenzied, -killing for fun, for terror, for bravado, for ostentation. Then -when right is no more, law is dead, every notion of justice has -disappeared. We have seen men shoot innocent creatures found on the -road, and suspected because they were afraid. We have seen them kill -dogs chained at their masters' doors to try their new revolvers. We -have seen them fire on cows lying in a field for no reason whatever, -simply for the sake of shooting, for a joke. - -"That is what is meant by not falling into the most hideous -materialism. - -"Going into a country, cutting the man's throat who defends his house -because he wears a blouse and has not a military cap on his head, -burning the dwellings of wretched beings who have nothing to eat, -breaking furniture and stealing goods, drinking the wine found in -the cellars, violating the women in the streets, burning thousands -of francs' worth of powder, and leaving misery and cholera in one's -track-- - -"That is what is meant by not falling into the most hideous -materialism. - -"What have they done, those warriors, that proves the least -intelligence? Nothing. What have they invented? Cannons and muskets. -That is all. - -"What remains to us from Greece? Books and statues. Is Greece great -from her conquests or her creations? - -"Was it the invasions of the Persians which saved Greece from falling -into the most hideous materialism? - -"Were the invasions of the barbarians what saved and regenerated Rome? - -"Was it Napoleon I. who carried forward the great intellectual -movement started by the philosophers of the end of last century? - -"Yes, indeed, since government assumes the right of annihilating -peoples thus, there is nothing surprising in the fact that the -peoples assume the right of annihilating governments. - -"They defend themselves. They are right. No one has an absolute right -to govern others. It ought only to be done for the benefit of those -who are governed. And it is as much the duty of anyone who governs to -avoid war as it is the duty of a captain of a ship to avoid shipwreck. - -"When a captain has let his ship come to ruin, he is judged and -condemned, if he is found guilty of negligence or even incapacity. - -"Why should not the government be put on its trial after every -declaration of war? _If the people understood that, if they -themselves passed judgment on murderous governments, if they refused -to let themselves be killed for nothing, if they would only turn -their arms against those who have given them to them for massacre, on -that day war would be no more. But that day will never come."_[10] - - [10] "Sur l'Eau," pp. 71-80. - -The author sees all the horror of war. He sees that it is caused by -governments forcing men by deception to go out to slaughter and be -slain without any advantage to themselves. And he sees, too, that -the men who make up the armies could turn their arms against the -governments and bring them to judgment. But he thinks that that -will never come to pass, and that there is, therefore, no escape -from the present position. "I think war is terrible, but that it is -inevitable; that compulsory military service is as inevitable as -death, and that since government will always desire it, war will -always exist." - -So writes this talented and sincere writer, who is endowed with that -power of penetrating to the innermost core of the subjects which -is the essence of the poetic faculty. He brings before us all the -cruelty of the inconsistency between men's moral sense and their -actions, but without trying to remove it; seems to admit that this -inconsistency must exist and that it is the poetic tragedy of life. - -Another no less gifted writer, Edouard Rod, paints in still more -vivid colors the cruelty and madness of the present state of -things. He too only aims at presenting its tragic features, without -suggesting or forseeing any issue from the position. - -"What is the good of doing anything? What is the good of undertaking -any enterprise? And how are we to love men in these troubled times -when every fresh day is a menace of danger?... All we have begun, the -plans we are developing, our schemes of work, the little good we may -have been able to do, will it not all be swept away by the tempest -that is in preparation?... Every where the earth is shaking under -our feet and storm-clouds are gathering on our horizon which will -have no pity on us. - -"Ah! if all we had to dread were the revolution which is held up -as a specter to terrify us! Since I cannot imagine a society more -detestable than ours, I feel more skeptical than alarmed in regard -to that which will replace it. If I should have to suffer from the -change, I should be consoled by thinking that the executioners of -that day were the victims of the previous time, and the hope of -something better would help us to endure the worst. But it is not -that remote peril which frightens me. I see another danger, nearer -and far more cruel; more cruel because there is no excuse for it, -because it is absurd, because it can lead to no good. Every day one -balances the chances of war on the morrow, every day they become more -merciless. - -"The imagination revolts before the catastrophe which is coming -at the end of our century as the goal of the progress of our era, -and yet we must get used to facing it. For twenty years past every -resource of science has been exhausted in the invention of engines -of destruction, and soon a few charges of cannon will suffice to -annihilate a whole army. No longer a few thousands of poor devils, -who were paid a price for their blood, are kept under arms, but whole -nations are under arms to cut each other's throats. They are robbed -of their time now (by compulsory service) that they may be robbed -of their lives later. To prepare them for the work of massacre, -their hatred is kindled by persuading them that they are hated. And -peaceable men let themselves be played on thus and go and fall on one -another with the ferocity of wild beasts; furious troops of peaceful -citizens taking up arms at an empty word of command, for some -ridiculous question of frontiers or colonial trade interests--Heaven -only knows what.... They will go like sheep to the slaughter, knowing -all the while where they are going, knowing that they are leaving -their wives, knowing that their children will want for food, full -of misgivings, yet intoxicated by the fine-sounding lies that are -dinned into their ears. _They will march without revolt, passive, -resigned--though the numbers and the strength are theirs, and they -might, if they knew how to co-operate together, establish the reign -of good sense and fraternity_, instead of the barbarous trickery of -diplomacy. They will march to battle so deluded, so duped, that they -will believe slaughter to be a duty, and will ask the benediction -of God on their lust for blood. They will march to battle trampling -underfoot the harvests they have sown, burning the towns they have -built--with songs of triumph, festive music, and cries of jubilation. -And their sons will raise statues to those who have done most in -their slaughter. - -"The destiny of a whole generation depends on the hour in which some -ill-fated politician may give the signal that will be followed. -We know that the best of us will be cut down and our work will be -destroyed in embryo. _We know it and tremble with rage, but we can -do nothing._ We are held fast in the toils of officialdom and red -tape, and too rude a shock would be needed to set us free. We are -enslaved by the laws we set up for our protection, which have become -our oppression. _We are but the tools of that autocratic abstraction -the state, which enslaves each individual in the name of the will of -all, who would all, taken individually, desire exactly the opposite -of what they will be made to do._ - -"And if it were only a generation that must be sacrificed! But there -are graver interests at stake. - -"The paid politicians, the ambitious statesmen, who exploit the -evil passions of the populace, and the imbeciles who are deluded by -fine-sounding phrases, have so embittered national feuds that the -existence of a whole race will be at stake in the war of the morrow. -One of the elements that constitute the modern world is threatened, -the conquered people will be wiped out of existence, and whichever -it may be, we shall see a moral force annihilated, as if there were -too many forces to work for good--we shall have a new Europe formed -on foundations so unjust, so brutal, so sanguinary, stained with so -monstrous a crime, that it cannot but be worse than the Europe of -to-day--more iniquitous, more barbarous, more violent. - -"Thus one feels crushed under the weight of an immense -discouragement. We are struggling in a _cul de sac_ with muskets -aimed at us from the housetops. Our labor is like that of sailors -executing their last task as the ship begins to sink. Our pleasures -are those of the condemned victim, who is offered his choice -of dainties a quarter of an hour before his execution. Thought -is paralyzed by anguish, and the most it is capable of is to -calculate--interpreting the vague phrases of ministers, spelling out -the sense of the speeches of sovereigns, and ruminating on the words -attributed to diplomatists reported on the uncertain authority of the -newspapers--whether it is to be to-morrow or the day after, this year -or the next, that we are to be murdered. So that one might seek in -vain in history an epoch more insecure, more crushed under the weight -of suffering."[11] - - [11] "Le Sens de la Vie," pp. 208-13. - -Here it is pointed out that the force is in the hands of those who -work their own destruction, in the hands of the individual men who -make up the masses; it is pointed out that the source of the evil is -the government. It would seem evident that the contradiction between -life and conscience had reached the limit beyond which it cannot go, -and after reaching this limit some solution of it must be found. - -But the author does not think so. He sees in this the tragedy of -human life, and after depicting all the horror of the position he -concludes that human life must be spent in the midst of this horror. - -So much for the attitude to war of those who regard it as something -tragic and fated by destiny. - -The third category consists of men who have lost all conscience and, -consequently, all common sense and feeling of humanity. - -To this category belongs Moltke, whose opinion has been quoted above -by Maupassant, and the majority of military men, who have been -educated in this cruel superstition, live by it, and consequently are -often in all simplicity convinced that war is not only an inevitable, -but even a necessary and beneficial thing. This is also the view of -some civilians, so-called educated and cultivated people. - -Here is what the celebrated academician Camille Doucet writes in -reply to the editor of the _Revue des Revues_, where several letters -on war were published together: - - "DEAR SIR: When you ask the least warlike of academicians - whether he is a partisan of war, his answer is known beforehand. - - "Alas! sir, you yourself speak of the pacific ideal inspiring - your generous compatriots as a dream. - - "During my life I have heard a great many good people protest - against this frightful custom of international butchery, which - all admit and deplore; but how is it to be remedied? - - "Often, too, there have been attempts to suppress dueling; one - would fancy that seemed an easy task: but not at all! All that - has been done hitherto with that noble object has never been and - never will be of use. - - "All the congresses of both hemispheres may vote against - war, and against dueling too, but above all arbitrations, - conventions, and legislations there will always be the _personal - honor of individual men_, which has always demanded dueling, and - _the interests of nations_, which will always demand war. - - "I wish none the less from the depths of my heart that the - Congress of Universal Peace may succeed at last in its very - honorable and difficult enterprise. - - "I am, dear sir, etc., - "CAMILLE DOUCET." - -The upshot of this is that personal honor requires men to fight, and -the interests of nations require them to ruin and exterminate each -other. As for the efforts to abolish war, they call for nothing but a -smile. - -The opinion of another well-known academician, Jules Claretie, is of -the same kind. - - "DEAR SIR [he writes]: For a man of sense there can be but one - opinion on the subject of peace and war. - - "Humanity is created to live, to live free, to perfect and - ameliorate its fate by peaceful labor. The general harmony - preached by the Universal Peace Congress is but a dream perhaps, - but at least it is the fairest of all dreams. Man is always - looking toward the Promised Land, and there the harvests are to - ripen with no fear of their being torn up by shells or crushed - by cannon wheels.... But! Ah! but--since philosophers and - philanthropists are not the controlling powers, it is well for - our soldiers to guard our frontier and homes, and their arms, - skillfully used, are perhaps the surest guarantee of the peace - we all love. - - "Peace is a gift only granted to the strong and the resolute. - - "I am, dear sir, etc., - "JULES CLARETIE." - -The upshot of this letter is that there is no harm in talking about -what no one intends or feels obliged to do. But when it comes to -practice, we must fight. - -And here now is the view lately expressed by the most popular -novelist in Europe, Émile Zola: - -"I regard war as a fatal necessity, which appears inevitable for -us from its close connection with human nature and the whole -constitution of the world. I should wish that war could be put -off for the longest possible time. Nevertheless, the moment will -come when we shall be forced to go to war. I am considering it at -this moment from the standpoint of universal humanity, and making -no reference to our misunderstanding with Germany--a most trivial -incident in the history of mankind. I say that war is necessary and -beneficial, since it seems one of the conditions of existence for -humanity. War confronts us everywhere, not only war between different -races and peoples, but war too, in private and family life. It seems -one of the principal elements of progress, and every step in advance -that humanity has taken hitherto has been attended by bloodshed. - -"Men have talked, and still talk, of disarmament, while disarmament -is something impossible, to which, even if it were possible, we ought -not to consent. I am convinced that a general disarmament throughout -the world would involve something like a moral decadence, which would -show itself in general feebleness, and would hinder the progressive -advancement of humanity. A warlike nation has always been strong and -flourishing. The art of war has led to the development of all the -other arts. History bears witness to it. So in Athens and in Rome, -commerce, manufactures, and literature never attained so high a point -of development as when those cities were masters of the whole world -by force of arms. To take an example from times nearer our own, we -may recall the age of Louis XIV. The wars of the Grand Monarque were -not only no hindrance to the progress of the arts and sciences, -but even, on the contrary, seem to have promoted and favored their -development." - -So war is a beneficial thing! - -But the best expression of this attitude is the view of the most -gifted of the writers of this school, the academician de Vogüé. -This is what he writes in an article on the Military Section of the -Exhibition of 1889: - -"On the Esplanade des Invalides, among the exotic and colonial -encampments, a building in a more severe style overawes the -picturesque bazaar; all these fragments of the globe have come -to gather round the Palace of War, and in turn our guests mount -guard submissively before the mother building, but for whom they -would not be here. Fine subject for the antithesis of rhetoric, of -humanitarians who could not fail to whimper over this juxtaposition, -and to say that '_ceci tuera cela_,'[12] that the union of the -nations through science and labor will overcome the instinct of war. -Let us leave them to cherish the chimera of a golden age, which -would soon become, if it could be realized, an age of mud. All -history teaches us that the one is created for the other, that blood -is needed to hasten and cement the union of the nations. Natural -science has ratified in our day the mysterious law revealed to Joseph -de Maistre by the intuition of his genius and by meditation on -fundamental truths; he saw the world redeeming itself from hereditary -degenerations by sacrifice; science shows it advancing to perfection -through struggle and violent selection; there is the statement of -the same law in both, expressed in different formulas. The statement -is disagreeable, no doubt; but the laws of the world are not made -for our pleasure, they are made for our progress. Let us enter this -inevitable, necessary palace of war; we shall be able to observe -there how the most tenacious of our instincts, without losing any of -its vigor, is transformed and adapted to the varying exigencies of -historical epochs." - - [12] Phrase quoted from Victor-Hugo, "Notre-Dame de Paris." - -M. de Vogüé finds the necessity for war, according to his views, well -expressed by the two great writers, Joseph de Maistre and Darwin, -whose statements he likes so much that he quotes them again. - - "DEAR SIR [he writes to the editor of the _Revue des Revues_]: - You ask me my view as to the possible success of the Universal - Congress of Peace. I hold with Darwin that violent struggle - is a law of nature which overrules all other laws; I hold - with Joseph de Maistre that it is a divine law; two different - ways of describing the same thing. If by some impossible - chance a fraction of human society--all the civilized West, - let us suppose--were to succeed in suspending the action of - this law, some races of stronger instincts would undertake - the task of putting it into action against us: those races - would vindicate nature's reasoning against human reason; they - would be successful, because the certainty of peace--I do - not say _peace_, I say _the certainty of peace_--would, in - half a century, engender a corruption and a decadence more - destructive for mankind than the worst of wars. I believe that - we must do with war--the criminal law of humanity--as with all - our criminal laws, that is, soften them, put them in force as - rarely as possible; use every effort to make their application - unnecessary. But all the experience of history teaches us that - they cannot be altogether suppressed so long as two men are left - on earth, with bread, money, and a woman between them. - - "I should be very happy if the Congress would prove me in error. - But I doubt if it can prove history, nature, and God in error - also. - - "I am, dear sir, etc., - "E. M. DE VOGÜÉ." - -This amounts to saying that history, human nature, and God show -us that so long as there are two men, and bread, money and a -woman--there will be war. That is to say that no progress will lead -men to rise above the savage conception of life, which regards no -participation of bread, money (money is good in this context) and -woman possible without fighting. - -They are strange people, these men who assemble in Congresses, and -make speeches to show us how to catch birds by putting salt on their -tails, though they must know it is impossible to do it. And amazing -are they too, who, like Maupassant, Rod, and many others, see clearly -all the horror of war, all the inconsistency of men not doing what -is needful, right, and beneficial for them to do; who lament over -the tragedy of life, and do not see that the whole tragedy is at -an end directly men, ceasing to take account of any unnecessary -considerations, refuse to do what is hateful and disastrous to them. -They are amazing people truly, but those who, like De Vogüé and -others, who, professing the doctrine of evolution, regard war as not -only inevitable, but beneficial, and therefore desirable--they are -terrible, hideous, in their moral perversion. The others, at least, -say that they hate evil, and love good, but these openly declare that -good and evil do not exist. - -All discussion of the possibility of re-establishing peace instead of -everlasting war--is the pernicious sentimentality of phrasemongers. -There is a law of evolution by which it follows that I must live -and act in an evil way; what is to be done? I am an educated man, I -know the law of evolution, and therefore I will act in an evil way. -"_Entrons au palais de la guerre._" There is the law of evolution, -and therefore there is neither good nor evil, and one must live for -the sake of one's personal existence, leaving the rest to the action -of the law of evolution. This is the last word of refined culture, -and with it, of that overshadowing of conscience which has come upon -the educated classes of our times. The desire of the educated classes -to support the ideas they prefer, and the order of existence based -on them, has attained its furthest limits. They lie, and delude -themselves, and one another, with the subtlest forms of deception, -simply to obscure, to deaden conscience. - -Instead of transforming their life into harmony with their -conscience, they try by every means to stifle its voice. But it is in -darkness that the light begins to shine, and so the light is rising -upon our epoch. - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - - SIGNIFICANCE OF COMPULSORY SERVICE. - - Universal Compulsory Service is not a Political Accident, but - the Furthest Limit of the Contradiction Inherent in the Social - Conception of Life--Origin of Authority in Society--Basis of - Authority is Physical Violence--To be Able to Perform its - Acts of Violence Authority Needs a Special Organization--The - Army--Authority, that is, Violence, is the Principle which - is Destroying the Social Conception of Life--Attitude of - Authority to the Masses, that is, Attitude of Government to - Working Oppressed Classes--Governments Try to Foster in Working - Classes the Idea that State Force is Necessary to Defend Them - from External Enemies--But the Army is Principally Needed - to Preserve Government from its own Subjects--The Working - Classes--Speech of M. de Caprivi--All Privileges of Ruling - Classes Based on Violence--The Increase of Armies up to Point - of Universal Service--Universal Compulsory Service Destroys all - the Advantages of Social Life, which Government is Intended - to Preserve--Compulsory Service is the Furthest Limit of - Submission, since in Name of the State it Requires Sacrifice of - all that can be Precious to a Man--Is Government Necessary?--The - Sacrifices Demanded by Government in Compulsory Service have No - Longer any Reasonable Basis--And there is More Advantage to be - Gained by not Submitting to the Demands of the State than by - Submitting to Them. - - -Educated people of the upper classes are trying to stifle the -ever-growing sense of the necessity of transforming the existing -social order. But life, which goes on growing more complex, and -developing in the same direction, and increases the inconsistencies -and the sufferings of men, brings them to the limit beyond which -they cannot go. This furthest limit of inconsistency is universal -compulsory military service. - -It is usually supposed that universal military service and the -increased armaments connected with it, as well as the resulting -increase of taxes and national debts, are a passing phenomenon, -produced by the particular political situation of Europe, and that -it may be removed by certain political combinations without any -modification of the inner order of life. - -This is absolutely incorrect. Universal military service is only the -internal inconsistency inherent in the social conception of life, -carried to its furthest limits, and becoming evident when a certain -stage of material development is reached. - -The social conception of life, we have seen, consists in the -transfer of the aim of life from the individual to groups and their -maintenance--to the tribe, family, race, or state. - -In the social conception of life it is supposed that since the -aim of life is found in groups of individuals, individuals will -voluntarily sacrifice their own interests for the interests of -the group. And so it has been, and still is, in fact, in certain -groups, the distinction being that they are the most primitive -forms of association in the family or tribe or race, or even in the -patriarchal state. Through tradition handed down by education and -supported by religious sentiment, individuals without compulsion -merged their interests in the interest of the group and sacrificed -their own good for the general welfare. - -But the more complex and the larger societies become, and especially -the more often conquest becomes the cause of the amalgamation of -people into a state, the more often individuals strive to attain -their own aims at the public expense, and the more often it becomes -necessary to restrain these insubordinate individuals by recourse -to authority, that is, to violence. The champions of the social -conception of life usually try to connect the idea of authority, -that is, of violence, with the idea of moral influence, but this -connection is quite impossible. - -The effect of moral influence on a man is to change his desires and -to bend them in the direction of the duty required of him. The man -who is controlled by moral influence acts in accordance with his own -desires. Authority, in the sense in which the word is ordinarily -understood, is a means of forcing a man to act in opposition to -his desires. The man who submits to authority does not do as he -chooses but as he is obliged by authority. Nothing can oblige a -man to do what he does not choose except physical force, or the -threat of it, that is--deprivation of freedom, blows, imprisonment, -or threats--easily carried out--of such punishments. This is what -authority consists of and always has consisted of. - -In spite of the unceasing efforts of those who happen to be in -authority to conceal this and attribute some other significance to -it, authority has always meant for man the cord, the chain with -which he is bound and fettered, or the knout with which he is to be -flogged, or the ax with which he is to have hands, ears, nose, or -head cut off, or at the very least, the threat of these terrors. So -it was under Nero and Ghenghis Khan, and so it is to-day, even under -the most liberal government in the Republics of the United States -or of France. If men submit to authority, it is only because they -are liable to these punishments in case of non-submission. All state -obligations, payment of taxes, fulfillment of state duties, and -submission to punishments, exile, fines, etc., to which people appear -to submit voluntarily, are always based on bodily violence or the -threat of it. - -The basis of authority is bodily violence. The possibility of -applying bodily violence to people is provided above all by an -organization of armed men, trained to act in unison in submission to -one will. These bands of armed men, submissive to a single will, are -what constitute the army. The army has always been and still is the -basis of power. Power is always in the hands of those who control the -army, and all men in power--from the Roman Cæsars to the Russian and -German Emperors--take more interest in their army than in anything, -and court popularity in the army, knowing that if that is on their -side their power is secure. - -The formation and aggrandizement of the army, indispensable to the -maintenance of authority, is what has introduced into the social -conception of life the principle that is destroying it. - -The object of authority and the justification for its existence -lie in the restraint of those who aim at attaining their personal -interests to the detriment of the interests of society. - -But however power has been gained, those who possess it are in no -way different from other men, and therefore no more disposed than -others to subordinate their own interests to those of the society. -On the contrary, having the power to do so at their disposal, they -are more disposed than others to subordinate the public interests to -their own. Whatever means men have devised for preventing those in -authority from over-riding public interests for their own benefit, or -for intrusting power only to the most faultless people, they have not -so far succeeded in either of those aims. - -All the methods of appointing authorities that have been tried, -divine right, and election, and heredity, and balloting, and -assemblies and parliaments and senate--have all proved ineffectual. -Everyone knows that not one of these methods attains the aim either -of intrusting power only to the incorruptible, or of preventing -power from being abused. Everyone knows on the contrary that men -in authority--be they emperors, ministers, governors, or police -officers--are always, simply from the possession of power, more -liable to be demoralized, that is, to subordinate public interests -to their personal aims than those who have not the power to do so. -Indeed, it could not be otherwise. - -The state conception of life could be justified only so long as -all men voluntarily sacrificed their personal interests to the -public welfare. But so soon as there were individuals who would -not voluntarily sacrifice their own interests, and authority, that -is, violence, was needed to restrain them, then the disintegrating -principle of the coercion of one set of people by another set entered -into the social conception of the organization based on it. - -For the authority of one set of men over another to attain its object -of restraining those who override public interests for their personal -ends, power ought only to be put into the hands of the impeccable, -as it is supposed to be among the Chinese, and as it was supposed to -be in the Middle Ages, and is even now supposed to be by those who -believe in the consecration by anointing. Only under those conditions -could the social organization be justified. - -But since this is not the case, and on the contrary men in power -are always far from being saints, through the very fact of their -possession of power, the social organization based on power has no -justification. - -Even if there was once a time when, owing to the low standard of -morals, and the disposition of men to violence, the existence of an -authority to restrain such violence was an advantage, because the -violence of government was less than the violence of individuals, -one cannot but see that this advantage could not be lasting. As -the disposition of individuals to violence diminished, and as the -habits of the people became more civilized, and as power grew more -demoralized through lack of restraint, this advantage disappeared. - -The whole history of the last two thousand years is nothing but -the history of this gradual change of relation between the moral -development of the masses on the one hand and the demoralization of -governments on the other. - -This, put simply, is how it has come to pass. - -Men lived in families, tribes, and races, at feud with one another, -plundering, outraging, and killing one another. These violent -hostilities were carried on on a large and on a small scale: man -against man, family against family, tribe against tribe, race against -race, and people against people. The larger and stronger groups -conquered and absorbed the weaker, and the larger and stronger -they became, the more internal feuds disappeared and the more the -continuity of the group seemed assured. - -The members of a family or tribe, united into one community, are less -hostile among themselves, and families and tribes do not die like one -man, but have a continuity of existence. Between the members of one -state, subject to a single authority, the strife between individuals -seems still less and the life of the state seems even more secure. - -Their association into larger and larger groups was not the result -of the conscious recognition of the benefits of such associations, -as it is said to be in the story of the Varyagi. It was produced, on -one hand, by the natural growth of population, and, on the other, by -struggle and conquest. - -After conquest the power of the emperor puts an end to internal -dissensions, and so the state conception of life justifies itself. -But this justification is never more than temporary. Internal -dissensions disappear only in proportion to the degree of oppression -exerted by the authority over the dissentient individuals. The -violence of internal feud crushed by authority reappears in authority -itself, which falls into the hands of men who, like the rest, are -frequently or always ready to sacrifice the public welfare to their -personal interest, with the difference that their subjects cannot -resist them, and thus they are exposed to all the demoralizing -influence of authority. And thus the evil of violence, when it passes -into the hands of authority, is always growing and growing, and in -time becomes greater than the evil it is supposed to suppress, while, -at the same time, the tendency to violence in the members of the -society becomes weaker and weaker, so that the violence of authority -is less and less needed. - -Government authority, even if it does suppress private violence, -always introduces into the life of men fresh forms of violence, which -tend to become greater and greater in proportion to the duration and -strength of the government. - -So that though the violence of power is less noticeable in government -than when it is employed by members of society against one another, -because it finds expression in submission, and not in strife, it -nevertheless exists, and often to a greater degree than in former -days. - -And it could not be otherwise, since, apart from the demoralizing -influence of power, the policy or even the unconscious tendency of -those in power will always be to reduce their subjects to the extreme -of weakness, for the weaker the oppressed, the less effort need be -made to keep him in subjection. - -And therefore the oppression of the oppressed always goes on growing -up to the furthest limit, beyond which it cannot go without killing -the goose with the golden eggs. And if the goose lays no more eggs, -like the American Indians, negroes, and Fijians, then it is killed in -spite of the sincere protests of philanthropists. - -The most convincing example of this is to be found in the condition -of the working classes of our epoch, who are in reality no better -than the slaves of ancient times subdued by conquest. - -In spite of the pretended efforts of the higher classes to ameliorate -the position of the workers, all the working classes of the present -day are kept down by the inflexible iron law by which they only -get just what is barely necessary, so that they are forced to work -without ceasing while still retaining strength enough to labor for -their employers, who are really those who have conquered and enslaved -them. - -So it has always been. In ratio to the duration and increasing -strength of authority its advantages for its subjects disappear and -its disadvantages increase. - -And this has been so, independently of the forms of government -under which nations have lived. The only difference is that under -a despotic form of government the authority is concentrated in a -small number of oppressors and violence takes a cruder form; under -constitutional monarchies and republics as in France and America -authority is divided among a great number of oppressors and the -forms assumed by violence is less crude, but its effect of making -the disadvantages of authority greater than its advantages, and of -enfeebling the oppressed to the furthest extreme to which they can be -reduced with advantage to the oppressors, remains always the same. - -Such has been and still is the condition of all the oppressed, but -hitherto they have not recognized the fact. In the majority of -instances they have believed in all simplicity that governments exist -for their benefit; that they would be lost without a government; that -the very idea of living without a government is a blasphemy which -one hardly dare put into words; that this is the--for some reason -terrible--doctrine of anarchism, with which a mental picture of all -kinds of horrors is associated. - -People have believed, as though it were something fully proved, and -so needing no proof, that since all nations have hitherto developed -in the form of states, that form of organization is an indispensable -condition of the development of humanity. - -And in that way it has lasted for hundreds and thousands of years, -and governments--those who happened to be in power--have tried it, -and are now trying more zealously than ever to keep their subjects in -this error. - -So it was under the Roman emperors and so it is now. In spite of the -fact that the sense of the uselessness and even injurious effects of -state violence is more and more penetrating into men's consciousness, -things might have gone on in the same way forever if governments were -not under the necessity of constantly increasing their armies in -order to maintain their power. - -It is generally supposed that governments strengthen their forces -only to defend the state from other states, in oblivion of the fact -that armies are necessary, before all things, for the defense of -governments from their own oppressed and enslaved subjects. - -That has always been necessary, and has become more and more -necessary with the increased diffusion of education among the masses, -with the improved communication between people of the same and of -different nationalities. It has become particularly indispensable -now in the face of communism, socialism, anarchism, and the labor -movement generally. Governments feel that it is so, and strengthen -the force of their disciplined armies.[13] - - [13] The fact that in America the abuses of authority exist in spite - of the small number of their troops not only fails to disprove this - position, but positively confirms it. In America there are fewer - soldiers than in other states. That is why there is nowhere else so - little oppression of the working classes, and no country where the - end of the abuses of government and of government itself seems so - near. Of late as the combinations of laborers gain in strength, one - hears more and more frequently the cry raised for the increase of the - army, though the United States are not threatened with any attack - from without. The upper classes know that an army of fifty thousand - will soon be insufficient, and no longer relying on Pinkerton's - men, they feel that the security of their position depends on the - increased strength of the army. - -In the German Reichstag not long ago, in reply to a question why -funds were needed for raising the salaries of the under-officers, the -German Chancellor openly declared that trustworthy under-officers -were necessary to contend against socialism. Caprivi only said -aloud what every statesman knows and assiduously conceals from the -people. The reason to which he gave expression is essentially the -same as that which made the French kings and the popes engage Swiss -and Scotch guards, and makes the Russian authorities of to-day so -carefully distribute the recruits, so that the regiments from the -frontiers are stationed in central districts, and the regiments from -the center are stationed on the frontiers. The meaning of Caprivi's -speech, put into plain language, is that funds are needed, not to -resist foreign foes, but to _buy under-officers_ to be ready to act -against the enslaved toiling masses. - -Caprivi incautiously gave utterance to what everyone knows perfectly -well, or at least feels vaguely if he does not recognize it, that -is, that the existing order of life is as it is, not, as would be -natural and right, because the people wish it to be so, but because -it is so maintained by state violence, by the army with its _bought -under-officers_ and generals. - -If the laborer has no land, if he cannot use the natural right of -every man to derive subsistence for himself and his family out of the -land, that is not because the people wish it to be so, but because a -certain set of men, the land-owners, have appropriated the right of -giving or refusing admittance to the land to the laborers. And this -abnormal order of things is maintained by the army. If the immense -wealth produced by the labor of the working classes is not regarded -as the property of all, but as the property of a few exceptional -persons; if labor is taxed by authority and the taxes spent by a -few on what they think fit; if strikes on the part of laborers are -repressed, while on the part of capitalists they are encouraged; if -certain persons appropriate the right of choosing the form of the -education, religious and secular, of children, and certain persons -monopolize the right of making the laws all must obey, and so dispose -of the lives and properties of other people--all this is not done -because the people wish it and because it is what is natural and -right, but because the government and ruling classes wish this to be -so for their own benefit, and insist on its being so even by physical -violence. - -Everyone, if he does not recognize this now, will know that it is so -at the first attempt at insubordination or at a revolution of the -existing order. - -Armies, then, are needed by governments and by the ruling classes -above all to support the present order, which, far from being the -result of the people's needs, is often in direct antagonism to them, -and is only beneficial to the government and ruling classes. - -To keep their subjects in oppression and to be able to enjoy the -fruits of their labor the government must have armed forces. - -But there is not only one government. There are other governments, -exploiting their subjects by violence in the same way, and always -ready to pounce down on any other government and carry off the -fruits of the toil of its enslaved subjects. And so every government -needs an army also to protect its booty from its neighbor brigands. -Every government is thus involuntarily reduced to the necessity of -emulating one another in the increase of their armies. This increase -is contagious, as Montesquieu pointed out 150 years ago. - -Every increase in the army of one state, with the aim of self-defense -against its subjects, becomes a source of danger for neighboring -states and calls for a similar increase in their armies. - -The armed forces have reached their present number of millions not -only through the menace of danger from neighboring states, but -principally through the necessity of subduing every effort at revolt -on the part of the subjects. - -Both causes, mutually dependent, contribute to the same result at -once; troops are required against internal forces and also to keep -up a position with other states. One is the result of the other. -The despotism of a government always increases with the strength of -the army and its external successes, and the aggressiveness of a -government increases with its internal despotism. - -The rivalry of the European states in constantly increasing their -forces has reduced them to the necessity of having recourse to -universal military service, since by that means the greatest possible -number of soldiers is obtained at the least possible expense. Germany -first hit on this device. And directly one state adopted it the -others were obliged to do the same. And by this means all citizens -are under arms to support the iniquities practiced upon them; all -citizens have become their own oppressors. - -Universal military service was an inevitable logical necessity, to -which we were bound to come. But it is also the last expression -of the inconsistency inherent in the social conception of life, -when violence is needed to maintain it. This inconsistency has -become obvious in universal military service. In fact, the whole -significance of the social conception of life consists in man's -recognition of the barbarity of strife between individuals, and the -transitoriness of personal life itself, and the transference of -the aim of life to groups of persons. But with universal military -service it comes to pass that men, after making every sacrifice to -get rid of the cruelty of strife and the insecurity of existence, -are called upon to face all the perils they had meant to avoid. And -in addition to this the state, for whose sake individuals renounced -their personal advantages, is exposed again to the same risks of -insecurity and lack of permanence as the individual himself was in -previous times. - -Governments were to give men freedom from the cruelty of personal -strife and security in the permanence of the state order of -existence. But instead of doing that they expose the individuals to -the same necessity of strife, substituting strife with individuals of -other states for strife with neighbors. And the danger of destruction -for the individual, and the state too, they leave just as it was. - -Universal military service may be compared to the efforts of a man to -prop up his falling house who so surrounds it and fills it with props -and buttresses and planks and scaffolding that he manages to keep the -house standing only by making it impossible to live in it. - -In the same way universal military service destroys all the benefits -of the social order of life which it is employed to maintain. - -The advantages of social organization are security of property and -labor and associated action for the improvement of existence--universal -military service destroys all this. - -The taxes raised from the people for war preparations absorb the -greater part of the produce of labor which the army ought to defend. - -The withdrawing of all men from the ordinary course of life destroys -the possibility of labor itself. The danger of war, ever ready to -break out, renders all reforms of social life vain and fruitless. - -In former days if a man were told that if he did not acknowledge -the authority of the state, he would be exposed to attack from -enemies domestic and foreign, that he would have to resist them -alone, and would be liable to be killed, and that therefore it would -be to his advantage to put up with some hardships to secure himself -from these calamities, he might well believe it, seeing that the -sacrifices he made to the state were only partial and gave him the -hope of a tranquil existence in a permanent state. But now, when the -sacrifices have been increased tenfold and the promised advantages -are disappearing, it would be a natural reflection that submission to -authority is absolutely useless. - -But the fatal significance of universal military service, as the -manifestation of the contradiction inherent in the social conception -of life, is not only apparent in that. The greatest manifestation of -this contradiction consists in the fact that every citizen in being -made a soldier becomes a prop of the government organization, and -shares the responsibility of everything the government does, even -though he may not admit its legitimacy. - -Governments assert that armies are needed above all for external -defense, but that is not true. They are needed principally against -their subjects, and every man, under universal military service, -becomes an accomplice in all the acts of violence of the government -against the citizens without any choice of his own. - -To convince oneself of this one need only remember what things are -done in every state, in the name of order and the public welfare, of -which the execution always falls to the army. All civil outbreaks -for dynastic or other party reasons, all the executions that follow -on such disturbances, all repression of insurrections, and military -intervention to break up meetings and to suppress strikes, all forced -extortion of taxes, all the iniquitous distributions of land, all -the restrictions on labor--are either carried out directly by the -military or by the police with the army at their back. Anyone who -serves his time in the army shares the responsibility of all these -things, about which he is, in some cases, dubious, while very often -they are directly opposed to his conscience. People are unwilling to -be turned out of the land they have cultivated for generations, or -they are unwilling to disperse when the government authority orders -them, or they are unwilling to pay the taxes required of them, or -to recognize laws as binding on them when they have had no hand in -making them, or to be deprived of their nationality--and I, in the -fulfillment of my military duty, must go and shoot them for it. -How can I help asking myself when I take part in such punishments, -whether they are just, and whether I ought to assist in carrying them -out? - -Universal service is the extreme limit of violence necessary for the -support of the whole state organization, and it is the extreme limit -to which submission on the part of the subjects can go. It is the -keystone of the whole edifice, and its fall will bring it all down. - -The time has come when the ever-growing abuse of power by governments -and their struggles with one another has led to their demanding such -material and even moral sacrifices from their subjects that everyone -is forced to reflect and ask himself, "Can I make these sacrifices? -And for the sake of what am I making them? I am expected for the -sake of the state to make these sacrifices, to renounce everything -that can be precious to man--peace, family, security, and human -dignity." What is this state, for whose sake such terrible sacrifices -have to be made? And why is it so indispensably necessary? "The -state," they tell us, "is indispensably needed, in the first place, -because without it we should not be protected against the attacks of -evil-disposed persons; and secondly, except for the state we should -be savages and should have neither religion, culture, education, nor -commerce, nor means of communication, nor other social institutions; -and thirdly, without the state to defend us we should be liable to be -conquered and enslaved by neighboring peoples." - -"Except for the state," they say, "we should be exposed to the -attacks of evil-disposed persons in our own country." - -But who are these evil-disposed persons in our midst from whose -attacks we are preserved by the state and its army? Even if, three -or four centuries ago, when men prided themselves on their warlike -prowess, when killing men was considered an heroic achievement, there -were such persons; we know very well that there are no such persons -now, that we do not nowadays carry or use firearms, but everyone -professes humane principles and feels sympathy for his fellows, and -wants nothing more than we all do--that is, to be left in peace -to enjoy his existence undisturbed. So that nowadays there are no -special malefactors from whom the state could defend us. If by these -evil-disposed persons is meant the men who are punished as criminals, -we know very well that they are not a different kind of being like -wild beasts among sheep, but are men just like ourselves, and no more -naturally inclined to crimes than those against whom they commit -them. We know now that threats and punishments cannot diminish their -number; that that can only be done by change of environment and moral -influence. So that the justification of state violence on the ground -of the protection it gives us from evil-disposed persons, even if it -had some foundation three or four centuries ago, has none whatever -now. At present one would rather say on the contrary that the action -of the state with its cruel methods of punishment, behind the general -moral standard of the age, such as prisons, galleys, gibbets, and -guillotines, tends rather to brutalize the people than to civilize -them, and consequently rather to increase than diminish the number of -malefactors. - -"Except for the state," they tell us, "we should not have any -religion, education, culture, means of communication, and so on. -Without the state men would not have been able to form the social -institutions needed for doing anything." This argument too was well -founded only some centuries ago. - -If there was a time when people were so disunited, when they had so -little means of communication and interchange of ideas, that they -could not co-operate and agree together in any common action in -commerce, economics, or education without the state as a center, this -want of common action exists no longer. The great extension of means -of communication and interchange of ideas has made men completely -able to dispense with state aid in forming societies, associations, -corporations, and congresses for scientific, economic, and political -objects. Indeed government is more often an obstacle than an -assistance in attaining these aims. - -From the end of last century there has hardly been a single -progressive movement of humanity which has not been retarded by the -government. So it has been with abolition of corporal punishment, of -trial by torture, and of slavery, as well as with the establishment -of the liberty of the press and the right of public meeting. In our -day governments not only fail to encourage, but directly hinder -every movement by which people try to work out new forms of life for -themselves. Every attempt at the solution of the problems of labor, -land, politics, and religion meets with direct opposition on the part -of government. - -"Without governments nations would be enslaved by their neighbors." -It is scarcely necessary to refute this last argument. It carries its -refutation on the face of it. The government, they tell us, with its -army, is necessary to defend us from neighboring states who might -enslave us. But we know this is what all governments say of one -another, and yet we know that all the European nations profess the -same principles of liberty and fraternity, and therefore stand in -no need of protection against one another. And if defense against -barbarous nations is meant, one-thousandth part of the troops now -under arms would be amply sufficient for that purpose. We see that -it is really the very opposite of what we have been told. The power -of the state, far from being a security against the attacks of our -neighbors, exposes us, on the contrary, to much greater danger of -such attacks. So that every man who is led, through his compulsory -service in the army, to reflect on the value of the state for whose -sake he is expected to be ready to sacrifice his peace, security, and -life, cannot fail to perceive that there is no kind of justification -in modern times for such a sacrifice. - -And it is not only from the theoretical standpoint that every -man must see that the sacrifices demanded by the state have no -justification. Even looking at it practically, weighing, that is to -say, all the burdens laid on him by the state, no man can fail to see -that for him personally to comply with state demands and serve in the -army, would, in the majority of cases, be more disadvantageous than -to refuse to do so. - -If the majority of men choose to submit rather than to refuse, it is -not the result of sober balancing of advantages and disadvantages, -but because they are induced by a kind of hypnotizing process -practiced upon them. In submitting they simply yield to the -suggestions given them as orders, without thought or effort of -will. To resist would need independent thought and effort of which -every man is not capable. Even apart from the moral significance of -compliance or non-compliance, considering material advantage only, -non-compliance will be more advantageous in general. - -Whoever I may be, whether I belong to the well-to-do class of the -oppressors, or the working class of the oppressed, in either case the -disadvantages of non-compliance are less and its advantages greater -than those of compliance. If I belong to the minority of oppressors -the disadvantages of non-compliance will consist in my being brought -to judgment for refusing to perform my duties to the state, and -if I am lucky, being acquitted or, as is done in the case of the -Mennonites in Russia, being set to work out my military service at -some civil occupation for the state; while if I am unlucky, I may be -condemned to exile or imprisonment for two or three years (I judge -by the cases that have occurred in Russia), possibly to even longer -imprisonment, or possibly to death, though the probability of that -latter is very remote. - -So much for the disadvantages of non-compliance. The disadvantages of -compliance will be as follows: if I am lucky I shall not be sent to -murder my fellow-creatures, and shall not be exposed to great danger -of being maimed and killed, but shall only be enrolled into military -slavery. I shall be dressed up like a clown, I shall be at the beck -and call of every man of a higher grade than my own from corporal to -field-marshal, shall be put through any bodily contortions at their -pleasure, and after being kept from one to five years I shall have -for ten years afterward to be in readiness to undertake all of it -again at any minute. If I am unlucky I may, in addition, be sent to -war, where I shall be forced to kill men of foreign nations who have -done me no harm, where I may be maimed or killed, or sent to certain -destruction as in the case of the garrison of Sevastopol, and other -cases in every war, or what would be most terrible of all, I may be -sent against my own compatriots and have to kill my own brothers for -some dynastic or other state interests which have absolutely nothing -to do with me. So much for the comparative disadvantages. - -The comparative advantages of compliance and non-compliance are as -follows: - -For the man who submits, the advantages will be that, after exposing -himself to all the humiliation and performing all the barbarities -required of him, he may, if he escapes being killed, get a decoration -of red or gold tinsel to stick on his clown's dress; he may, if he is -very lucky, be put in command of hundreds of thousands of others as -brutalized as himself; be called a field-marshal, and get a lot of -money. - -The advantages of the man who refuses to obey will consist in -preserving his dignity as a man, gaining the approbation of good -men, and above all knowing that he is doing the work of God, and so -undoubtedly doing good to his fellow-men. - -So much for the advantages and disadvantages of both lines of conduct -for a man of the wealthy classes, an oppressor. For a man of the poor -working class the advantages and disadvantages will be the same, but -with a great increase of disadvantages. The disadvantages for the -poor man who submits will be aggravated by the fact that he will by -taking part in it, and, as it were, assenting to it strengthen the -state of subjection in which he is held himself. - -But no considerations as to how far the state is useful or beneficial -to the men who help to support it by serving in the army, nor of -the advantages or disadvantages for the individual of compliance or -non-compliance with state demands, will decide the question of the -continued existence or the abolition of government. This question -will be finally decided beyond appeal by the religious consciousness -or conscience of every man who is forced, whether he will or no, -through universal conscription, to face the question whether the -state is to continue to exist or not. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - - DOCTRINE OF NON-RESISTANCE TO EVIL BY FORCE MUST INEVITABLY BE - ACCEPTED BY MEN OF THE PRESENT DAY. - - Christianity is Not a System of Rules, but a New Conception of - Life, and therefore it was Not Obligatory and was Not Accepted - in its True Significance by All, but only by a Few--Christianity - is, Moreover, Prophetic of the Destruction of the Pagan Life, - and therefore of Necessity of the Acceptance of the Christian - Doctrines--Non-resistance of Evil by Force is One Aspect of - the Christian Doctrine, which must Inevitably in Our Times be - Accepted by Men--Two Methods of Deciding Every Quarrel--First - Method is to Find a Universal Definition of Evil, which All Must - Accept, and to Resist this Evil by Force--Second Method is the - Christian One of Complete Non-resistance by Force--Though the - Failure of the First Method was Recognized since the Early Days - of Christianity, it was Still Proposed, and only as Mankind - has Progressed it has Become More and More Evident that there - Cannot be any Universal Definition of Evil--This is Recognized - by All at the Present Day, and if Force is Still Used to Resist - Evil, it is Not Because it is Now Regarded as Right, but - Because People Don't Know How to Avoid It--The Difficulty of - Avoiding It is the Result of the Subtle and Complex Character - of the Government Use of Force--Force is Used in Four Ways: - Intimidation, Bribery, Hypnotism, and Coercion by Force of - Arms--State Violence Can Never be Suppressed by the Forcible - Overthrow of the Government--Men are Led by the Sufferings of - the Pagan Mode of Life to the Necessity of Accepting Christ's - Teaching with its Doctrine of Non-resistance by Force--The - Consciousness of its Truth which is Diffused Throughout - Our Society, Will also Bring About its Acceptance--This - Consciousness is in Complete Contradiction with Our Life--This - is Specially Obvious in Compulsory Military Service, but Through - Habit and the Application of the Four Methods of Violence by - the State, Men do not See this Inconsistency of Christianity - with Life of a Soldier--They do Not even See It, though the - Authorities Themselves Show all the Immorality of a Soldier's - Duties with Perfect Clearness--The Call to Military Service is - the Supreme Test for Every Man, when the Choice is Offered Him, - between Adopting the Christian Doctrine of Non-resistance, or - Slavishly Submitting to the Existing State Organization--Men - Usually Renounce All They Hold Sacred, and Submit to the Demands - of Government, Seeming to See No Other Course Open to Them--For - Men of the Pagan Conception of Life there is No Other Course - Open, and Never Will Be, in Spite of the Growing Horrors of - War--Society, Made Up of Such Men, Must Perish, and No Social - Reorganization Can Save It--Pagan Life Has Reached Its Extreme - Limit, and Will Annihilate Itself. - - -It is often said that if Christianity is a truth, it ought to have -been accepted by everyone directly it appeared, and ought to have -transformed men's lives for the better. But this is like saying that -if the seed were ripe it ought at once to bring forth stalk, flower, -and fruit. - -The Christian religion is not a legal system which, being imposed by -violence, may transform men's lives. Christianity is a new and higher -conception of life. A new conception of life cannot be imposed on -men; it can only be freely assimilated. And it can only be freely -assimilated in two ways: one spiritual and internal, the other -experimental and external. - -Some people--a minority--by a kind of prophetic instinct divine -the truth of the doctrine, surrender themselves to it and adopt -it. Others--the majority--only through a long course of mistakes, -experiments, and suffering are brought to recognize the truth of the -doctrine and the necessity of adopting it. - -And by this experimental external method the majority of Christian -men have now been brought to this necessity of assimilating the -doctrine. One sometimes wonders what necessitated the corruption of -Christianity which is now the greatest obstacle to its acceptance in -its true significance. - -If Christianity had been presented to men in its true, uncorrupted -form, it would not have been accepted by the majority, who would have -been as untouched by it as the nations of Asia are now. The peoples -who accepted it in its corrupt form were subjected to its slow but -certain influence, and by a long course of errors and experiments and -their resultant sufferings have now been brought to the necessity of -assimulating it in its true significance. - -The corruption of Christianity and its acceptance in its corrupt form -by the majority of men was as necessary as it is that the seed should -remain hidden for a certain time in the earth in order to germinate. - -Christianity is at once a doctrine of truth and a prophecy. Eighteen -centuries ago Christianity revealed to men the truth in which they -ought to live, and at the same time foretold what human life would -become if men would not live by it but continued to live by their -previous principles, and what it would become if they accepted the -Christian doctrine and carried it out in their lives. - -Laying down in the Sermon on the Mount the principles by which to -guide men's lives, Christ said: "Whosoever heareth these sayings of -mine, and doeth them, I will liken him unto a wise man, who built his -house upon a rock; and the rain descended, and the floods came, and -the winds blew, and beat upon that house; and it fell not, for it was -founded upon a rock. And everyone that heareth these sayings, and -doeth them not, shall be likened unto a foolish man, who built his -house upon the sand; and the rain descended, and the floods came, and -the winds blew, and beat upon that house; and it fell: and great was -the fall of it" (Matt. vii. 24-27). - -And now after eighteen centuries the prophecy has been fulfilled. Not -having followed Christ's teaching generally and its application to -social life in non-resistance to evil, men have been brought in spite -of themselves to the inevitable destruction foretold by Christ for -those who do not fulfill his teaching. - -People often think the question of non-resistance to evil by force -is a theoretical one, which can be neglected. Yet this question -is presented by life itself to all men, and calls for some answer -from every thinking man. Ever since Christianity has been outwardly -professed, this question is for men in their social life like the -question which presents itself to a traveler when the road on which -he has been journeying divides into two branches. He must go on and -he cannot say: I will not think about it, but will go on just as I -did before. There was one road, now there are two, and he must make -his choice. - -In the same way since Christ's teaching has been known by men they -cannot say: I will live as before and will not decide the question of -resistance or non-resistance to evil by force. At every new struggle -that arises one must inevitably decide; am I, or am I not, to resist -by force what I regard as evil. - -The question of resistance or non-resistance to evil arose when -the first conflict between men took place, since every conflict is -nothing else than resistance by force to what each of the combatants -regards as evil. But before Christ, men did not see that resistance -by force to what each regards as evil, simply because one thinks evil -what the other thinks good, is only one of the methods of settling -the dispute, and that there is another method, that of not resisting -evil by force at all. - -Before Christ's teaching, it seemed to men that the one only means -of settling a dispute was by resistance to evil by force. And they -acted accordingly, each of the combatants trying to convince himself -and others that what each respectively regards as evil, is actually, -absolutely evil. - -And to do this from the earliest time men have devised definitions of -evil and tried to make them binding on everyone. And such definitions -of evil sometimes took the form of laws, supposed to have been -received by supernatural means, sometimes of the commands of rulers -or assemblies to whom infallibility was attributed. Men resorted to -violence against others, and convinced themselves and others that -they were directing their violence against evil recognized as such by -all. - -This means was employed from the earliest times, especially by those -who had gained possession of authority, and for a long while its -irrationality was not detected. - -But the longer men lived in the world and the more complex their -relations became, the more evident it was that to resist by force -what each regarded as evil was irrational, that conflict was in no -way lessened thereby, and that no human definitions can succeed in -making what some regard as evil be accepted as such by others. - -Already at the time Christianity arose, it was evident to a great -number of people in the Roman Empire where it arose, that what was -regarded as evil by Nero and Caligula could not be regarded as evil -by others. Even at that time men had begun to understand that human -laws, though given out for divine laws, were compiled by men, and -cannot be infallible, whatever the external majesty with which they -are invested, and that erring men are not rendered infallible by -assembling together and calling themselves a senate or any other -name. Even at that time this was felt and understood by many. And it -was then that Christ preached his doctrine, which consisted not only -of the prohibition of resistance to evil by force, but gave a new -conception of life and a means of putting an end to conflict between -all men, not by making it the duty of one section only of mankind -to submit without conflict to what is prescribed to them by certain -authorities, but by making it the duty of all--and consequently of -those in authority--not to resort to force against anyone in any -circumstances. - -This doctrine was accepted at the time by only a very small number -of disciples. The majority of men, especially all who were in power, -even after the nominal acceptance of Christianity, continued to -maintain for themselves the principle of resistance by force to -what they regarded as evil. So it was under the Roman and Byzantine -emperors, and so it continued to be later. - -The insufficiency of the principle of the authoritative definition of -evil and resistance to it by force, evident as it was in the early -ages of Christianity, becomes still more obvious through the division -of the Roman Empire into many states of equal authority, through -their hostilities and the internal conflicts that broke out within -them. - -But men were not ready to accept the solution given by Christ, and -the old definitions of evil, which ought to be resisted, continued to -be laid down by means of making laws binding on all and enforced by -forcible means. The authority who decided what ought to be regarded -as evil and resisted by force was at one time the Pope, at another -an emperor or king, an elective assembly or a whole nation. But both -within and without the state there were always men to be found who -did not accept as binding on themselves the laws given out as the -decrees of a god, or made by men invested with a sacred character, -or the institutions supposed to represent the will of the nation; -and there were men who thought good what the existing authorities -regarded as bad, and who struggled against the authorities with the -same violence as was employed against them. - -The men invested with religious authority regarded as evil what the -men and institutions invested with temporal authority regarded as -good and _vice versa_, and the struggle grew more and more intense. -And the longer men used violence as the means of settling their -disputes, the more obvious it became that it was an unsuitable means, -since there could be no external authority able to define evil -recognized by all. - -Things went on like this for eighteen centuries, and at last reached -the present position in which it is absolutely obvious that there -is, and can be, no external definition of evil binding upon all. -Men have come to the point of ceasing to believe in the possibility -or even desirability of finding and establishing such a general -definition. It has come to men in power ceasing to attempt to prove -that what they regard as evil is evil, and simply declaring that they -regard as evil what they don't like, while their subjects no longer -obey them because they accept the definition of evil laid down by -them, but simply obey because they cannot help themselves. It was not -because it was a good thing, necessary and beneficial to men, and the -contrary course would have been an evil, but simply because it was -the will of those in power that Nice was incorporated into France, -and Lorraine into Germany, and Bohemia into Austria, and that Poland -was divided, and Ireland and India ruled by the English government, -and that the Chinese are attacked and the Africans slaughtered, and -the Chinese prevented from immigrating by the Americans, and the Jews -persecuted by the Russians, and that landowners appropriate lands -they do not cultivate and capitalists enjoy the fruits of the labor -of others. It has come to the present state of things; one set of -men commit acts of violence no longer on the pretext of resistance -to evil, but simply for their profit or their caprice, and another -set submit to violence, not because they suppose, as was supposed in -former times, that this violence was practised upon them for the sake -of securing them from evil, but simply because they cannot avoid it. - -If the Roman, or the man of mediæval times, or the average Russian of -fifty years ago, as I remember him, was convinced without a shade of -doubt that the violence of authority was indispensable to preserve -him from evil; that taxes, dues, serfage, prisons, scourging, knouts, -executions, the army and war were what ought to be--we know now that -one can seldom find a man who believes that all these means of -violence preserve anyone from any evil whatever, and indeed does not -clearly perceive that most of these acts of violence to which he is -exposed, and in which he has some share, are in themselves a great -and useless evil. - -There is no one to-day who does not see the uselessness and -injustice of collecting taxes from the toiling masses to enrich idle -officials; or the senselessness of inflicting punishments on weak or -depraved persons in the shape of transportation from one place to -another, or of imprisonment in a fortress where, living in security -and indolence, they only become weaker and more depraved; or the -worse than uselessness and injustice, the positive insanity and -barbarity of preparations for war and of wars, causing devastation -and ruin, and having no kind of justification. Yet these forms of -violence continue and are supported by the very people who see their -uselessness, injustice, and cruelty, and suffer from them. If fifty -years ago the idle rich man and the illiterate laborer were both -alike convinced that their state of everlasting holiday for one and -everlasting toil for the other was ordained by God himself, we know -very well that nowadays, thanks to the growth of population and -the diffusion of books and education, it would be hard to find in -Europe or even in Russia, either among rich or poor, a man to whom -in one shape or another a doubt as to the justice of this state -of things had never presented itself. The rich know that they are -guilty in the very fact of being rich, and try to expiate their guilt -by sacrifices to art and science, as of old they expiated their -sins by sacrifices to the Church. And even the larger half of the -working people openly declare that the existing order is iniquitous -and bound to be destroyed or reformed. One set of religious people -of whom there are millions in Russia, the so-called sectaries, -consider the existing social order as unjust and to be destroyed on -the ground of the Gospel teaching taken in its true sense. Others -regard it as unjust on the ground of the socialistic, communistic, -or anarchistic theories, which are springing up in the lower strata -of the working people. Violence no longer rests on the belief in its -utility, but only on the fact of its having existed so long, and -being organized by the ruling classes who profit by it, so that those -who are under their authority cannot extricate themselves from it. -The governments of our day--all of them, the most despotic and the -liberal alike--have become what Herzen so well called "Ghenghis Khan -with the telegraph;" that is to say, organizations of violence based -on no principle but the grossest tyranny, and at the same time taking -advantage of all the means invented by science for the peaceful -collective social activity of free and equal men, used by them to -enslave and oppress their fellows. - -Governments and the ruling classes no longer take their stand -on right or even on the semblance of justice, but on a skillful -organization carried to such a point of perfection by the aid of -science that everyone is caught in the circle of violence and has -no chance of escaping from it. This circle is made up now of four -methods of working upon men, joined together like the links of a -chain ring. - -The first and oldest method is intimidation. This consists in -representing the existing state organization--whatever it may be, -free republic or the most savage despotism--as something sacred and -immutable, and therefore following any efforts to alter it with the -cruellest punishments. This method is in use now--as it has been from -olden times--wherever there is a government: in Russia against the -so-called Nihilists, in America against Anarchists, in France against -Imperialists, Legitimists, Communards, and Anarchists. - -Railways, telegraphs, telephones, photographs, and the great -perfection of the means of getting rid of men for years, without -killing them, by solitary confinement, where, hidden from the -world, they perish and are forgotten, and the many other modern -inventions employed by government, give such power that when once -authority has come into certain hands, the police, open and secret, -the administration and prosecutors, jailers and executioners of -all kinds, do their work so zealously that there is no chance of -overturning the government, however cruel and senseless it may be. - -The second method is corruption. It consists in plundering the -industrious working people of their wealth by means of taxes and -distributing it in satisfying the greed of officials, who are bound -in return to support and keep up the oppression of the people. These -bought officials, from the highest ministers to the poorest copying -clerks, make up an unbroken network of men bound together by the same -interest--that of living at the expense of the people. They become -the richer the more submissively they carry out the will of the -government; and at all times and places, sticking at nothing, in all -departments support by word and deed the violence of government, on -which their own prosperity also rests. - -The third method is what I can only describe as hypnotizing the -people. This consists in checking the moral development of men, -and by various suggestions keeping them back in the ideal of life, -outgrown by mankind at large, on which the power of government rests. -This hypnotizing process is organized at the present in the most -complex manner, and starting from their earliest childhood, continues -to act on men till the day of their death. It begins in their -earliest years in the compulsory schools, created for this purpose, -in which the children have instilled into them the ideas of life of -their ancestors, which are in direct antagonism with the conscience -of the modern world. In countries where there is a state religion, -they teach the children the senseless blasphemies of the Church -catechisms, together with the duty of obedience to their superiors. -In republican states they teach them the savage superstition of -patriotism and the same pretended obedience to the governing -authorities. - -The process is kept up during later years by the encouragement of -religious and patriotic superstitions. - -The religious superstition is encouraged by establishing, with -money taken from the people, temples, processions, memorials, and -festivals, which, aided by painting, architecture, music, and -incense, intoxicate the people, and above all by the support of the -clergy, whose duty consists in brutalizing the people and keeping -them in a permanent state of stupefaction by their teaching, the -solemnity of their services, their sermons, and their interference -in private life--at births, deaths, and marriages. The patriotic -superstition is encouraged by the creation, with money taken from -the people, of national fêtes, spectacles, monuments, and festivals -to dispose men to attach importance to their own nation, and to the -aggrandizement of the state and its rulers, and to feel antagonism -and even hatred for other nations. With these objects under -despotic governments there is direct prohibition against printing -and disseminating books to enlighten the people, and everyone who -might rouse the people from their lethargy is exiled or imprisoned. -Moreover, under every government without exception everything is -kept back that might emancipate and everything encouraged that -tends to corrupt the people, such as literary works tending to keep -them in the barbarism of religious and patriotic superstition, all -kinds of sensual amusements, spectacles, circuses, theaters, and -even the physical means of inducing stupefaction, as tobacco and -alcohol, which form the principal source of revenue of states. -Even prostitution is encouraged, and not only recognized, but even -organized by the government in the majority of states. So much for -the third method. - -The fourth method consists in selecting from all the men who -have been stupefied and enslaved by the three former methods a -certain number, exposing them to special and intensified means of -stupefaction and brutalization, and so making them into a passive -instrument for carrying out all the cruelties and brutalities needed -by the government. This result is attained by taking them at the -youthful age when men have not had time to form clear and definite -principles of morals, and removing them from all natural and human -conditions of life, home, family and kindred, and useful labor. They -are shut up together in barracks, dressed in special clothes, and -worked upon by cries, drums, music, and shining objects to go through -certain daily actions invented for this purpose, and by this means -are brought into an hypnotic condition in which they cease to be men -and become mere senseless machines, submissive to the hypnotizer. -These physically vigorous young men (in these days of universal -conscription, all young men), hypnotized, armed with murderous -weapons, always obedient to the governing authorities and ready for -any act of violence at their command, constitute the fourth and -principal method of enslaving men. - -By this method the circle of violence is completed. - -Intimidation, corruption, and hypnotizing bring people into a -condition in which they are willing to be soldiers; the soldiers give -the power of punishing and plundering them (and purchasing officials -with the spoils), and hypnotizing them and converting them in time -into these same soldiers again. - -The circle is complete, and there is no chance of breaking through it -by force. - -Some persons maintain that freedom from violence, or at least a great -diminution of it, may be gained by the oppressed forcibly overturning -the oppressive government and replacing it by a new one under which -such violence and oppression will be unnecessary, but they deceive -themselves and others, and their efforts do not better the position -of the oppressed, but only make it worse. Their conduct only tends -to increase the despotism of government. Their efforts only afford a -plausible pretext for government to strengthen their power. - -Even if we admit that under a combination of circumstances specially -unfavorable for the government, as in France in 1870, any government -might be forcibly overturned and the power transferred to other -hands, the new authority would rarely be less oppressive than the -old one; on the contrary, always having to defend itself against its -dispossessed and exasperated enemies, it would be more despotic and -cruel, as has always been the rule in all revolutions. - -While socialists and communists regard the individualistic, -capitalistic organization of society as an evil, and the anarchists -regard as an evil all government whatever, there are royalists, -conservatives, and capitalists who consider any socialistic or -communistic organization or anarchy as an evil, and all these -parties have no means other than violence to bring men to agreement. -Whichever of these parties were successful in bringing their schemes -to pass, must resort to support its authority to all the existing -methods of violence, and even invent new ones. - -The oppressed would be another set of people, and coercion would take -some new form; but the violence and oppression would be unchanged or -even more cruel, since hatred would be intensified by the struggle, -and new forms of oppression would have been devised. So it has always -been after all revolutions and all attempts at revolution, all -conspiracies, and all violent changes of government. Every conflict -only strengthens the means of oppression in the hands of those who -happen at a given moment to be in power. - -The position of our Christian society, and especially the ideals most -current in it, prove this in a strikingly convincing way. - -There remains now only one sphere of human life not encroached upon -by government authority--that is the domestic, economic sphere, the -sphere of private life and labor. And even this is now--thanks to the -efforts of communists and socialists--being gradually encroached upon -by government, so that labor and recreation, dwellings, dress, and -food will gradually, if the hopes of the reformers are successful, be -prescribed and regulated by government. - -The slow progress of eighteen centuries has brought the Christian -nations again to the necessity of deciding the question they have -evaded--the question of the acceptance or non-acceptance of Christ's -teaching, and the question following upon it in social life of -resistance or non-resistance to evil by force. But there is this -difference, that whereas formerly men could accept or refuse to -accept the solution given by Christ, now that solution cannot be -avoided, since it alone can save men from the slavery in which they -are caught like a net. - -But it is not only the misery of the position which makes this -inevitable. - -While the pagan organization has been proved more and more false, -the truth of the Christian religion has been growing more and more -evident. - -Not in vain have the best men of Christian humanity, who apprehended -the truth by spiritual intuition, for eighteen centuries testified to -it in spite of every menace, every privation, and every suffering. By -their martyrdom they passed on the truth to the masses, and impressed -it on their hearts. - -Christianity has penetrated into the consciousness of humanity, -not only negatively by the demonstration of the impossibility of -continuing in the pagan life, but also through its simplification, -its increased clearness and freedom from the superstitions -intermingled with it, and its diffusion through all classes of the -population. - -Eighteen centuries of Christianity have not passed without an -effect even on those who accepted it only externally. These -eighteen centuries have brought men so far that even while they -continue to live the pagan life which is no longer consistent with -the development of humanity, they not only see clearly all the -wretchedness of their position, but in the depths of their souls -they believe (they can only live through this belief) that the -only salvation from this position is to be found in fulfilling -the Christian doctrine in its true significance. As to the time -and manner of salvation, opinions are divided according to the -intellectual development and the prejudices of each society. But -every man of the modern world recognizes that our salvation lies in -fulfilling the law of Christ. Some believers in the supernatural -character of Christianity hold that salvation will come when all men -are brought to believe in Christ, whose second coming is at hand. -Other believers in supernatural Christianity hold that salvation -will come through the Church, which will draw all men into its -fold, train them in the Christian virtues, and transform their -life. A third section, who do not admit the divinity of Christ, -hold that the salvation of mankind will be brought about by slow -and gradual progress, through which the pagan principles of our -existence will be replaced by the principles of liberty, equality, -and fraternity--that is, by Christian principles. A fourth section, -who believe in the social revolution, hold that salvation will come -when through a violent revolution men are forced into community -of property, abolition of government, and collective instead of -individual industry--that is to say, the realization of one side of -the Christian doctrine. In one way or another all men of our day in -their inner consciousness condemn the existing effete pagan order, -and admit, often unconsciously and while regarding themselves as -hostile to Christianity, that our salvation is only to be found in -the application of the Christian doctrine, or parts of it, in its -true significance to our daily life. - -Christianity cannot, as its Founder said, be realized by the majority -of men all at once; it must grow like a huge tree from a tiny seed. -And so it has grown, and now has reached its full development, not -yet in actual life, but in the conscience of men of to-day. - -Now not only the minority, who have always comprehended Christianity -by spiritual intuition, but all the vast majority who seem so far -from it in their social existence recognize its true significance. - -Look at individual men in their private life, listen to their -standards of conduct in their judgment of one another; hear not -only their public utterances, but the counsels given by parents -and guardians to the young in their charge; and you will see that, -far as their social life based on violence may be from realizing -Christian truth, in their private life what is considered good by -all without exception is nothing but the Christian virtues; what is -considered as bad is nothing but the antichristian vices. Those who -consecrate their lives self-sacrificingly to the service of humanity -are regarded as the best men. The selfish, who make use of the -misfortunes of others for their own advantage, are regarded as the -worst of men. - -Though some non-Christian ideals, such as strength, courage, and -wealth, are still worshiped by a few who have not been penetrated by -the Christian spirit, these ideals are out of date and are abandoned, -if not by all, at least by all those regarded as the best people. -There are no ideals, other than the Christian ideals, which are -accepted by all and regarded as binding on all. - -The position of our Christian humanity, if you look at it from the -outside with all its cruelty and degradation of men, is terrible -indeed. But if one looks at it within, in its inner consciousness, -the spectacle it presents is absolutely different. - -All the evil of our life seems to exist only because it has been so -for so long; those who do the evil have not had time yet to learn how -to act otherwise, though they do not want to act as they do. - -All the evil seems to exist through some cause independent of the -conscience of men. - -Strange and contradictory as it seems, all men of the present day -hate the very social order they are themselves supporting. - -I think it is Max Müller who describes the amazement of an Indian -convert to Christianity, who after absorbing the essence of the -Christian doctrine came to Europe and saw the actual life of -Christians. He could not recover from his astonishment at the -complete contrast between the reality and what he had expected to -find among Christian nations. If we feel no astonishment at the -contrast between our convictions and our conduct, that is because -the influences, tending to obscure the contrast, produce an effect -upon us too. We need only look at our life from the point of view of -that Indian, who understood Christianity in its true significance, -without any compromises or concessions, we need but look at the -savage brutalities of which our life is full, to be appalled at the -contradictions in the midst of which we live often without observing -them. - -We need only recall the preparations for war, the mitrailleuses, the -silver-gilt bullets, the torpedoes, and--the Red Cross; the solitary -prison cells, the experiments of execution by electricity--and the -care of the hygienic welfare of prisoners; the philanthropy of the -rich, and their life, which produces the poor they are benefiting. - -And these inconsistencies are not, as it might seem, because men -pretend to be Christians while they are really pagans, but because of -something lacking in men, or some kind of force hindering them from -being what they already feel themselves to be in their consciousness, -and what they genuinely wish to be. Men of the present day do not -merely pretend to hate oppression, inequality, class distinction, -and every kind of cruelty to animals as well as human beings. They -genuinely detest all this, but they do not know how to put a stop to -it, or perhaps cannot decide to give up what preserves it all, and -seems to them necessary. - -Indeed, ask every man separately whether he thinks it laudable and -worthy of a man of this age to hold a position from which he receives -a salary disproportionate to his work; to take from the people--often -in poverty--taxes to be spent on constructing cannon, torpedoes, and -other instruments of butchery, so as to make war on people with whom -we wish to be at peace, and who feel the same wish in regard to us; -or to receive a salary for devoting one's whole life to constructing -these instruments of butchery, or to preparing oneself and others for -the work of murder. And ask him whether it is laudable and worthy -of a man, and suitable for a Christian, to employ himself, for a -salary, in seizing wretched, misguided, often illiterate and drunken, -creatures because they appropriate the property of others--on a much -smaller scale than we do--or because they kill men in a different -fashion from that in which we undertake to do it--and shutting them -in prison for it, ill treating them and killing them; and whether -it is laudable and worthy of a man and a Christian to preach for a -salary to the people not Christianity, but superstitions which one -knows to be stupid and pernicious; and whether it is laudable and -worthy of a man to rob his neighbor for his gratification of what -he wants to satisfy his simplest needs, as the great landowners do; -or to force him to exhausting labor beyond his strength to augment -one's wealth, as do factory owners and manufacturers; or to profit -by the poverty of men to increase one's gains, as merchants do. And -everyone taken separately, especially if one's remarks are directed -at someone else, not himself, will answer, No! And yet the very man -who sees all the baseness of those actions, of his own free will, -uncoerced by anyone, often even for no pecuniary profit, but only -from childish vanity, for a china cross, a scrap of ribbon, a bit of -fringe he is allowed to wear, will enter military service, become -a magistrate or justice of the peace, commissioner, archbishop, or -beadle, though in fulfilling these offices he must commit acts the -baseness and shamefulness of which he cannot fail to recognize. - -I know that many of these men will confidently try to prove that they -have reasons for regarding their position as legitimate and quite -indispensable. They will say in their defense that authority is given -by God, that the functions of the state are indispensable for the -welfare of humanity, that property is not opposed to Christianity, -that the rich young man was only commanded to sell all he had and -give to the poor if he wished to be perfect, that the existing -distribution of property and our commercial system must always remain -as they are, and are to the advantage of all, and so on. But, however -much they try to deceive themselves and others, they all know that -what they are doing is opposed to all the beliefs which they profess, -and in the depths of their souls, when they are left alone with their -conscience, they are ashamed and miserable at the recollection of it, -especially if the baseness of their action has been pointed out to -them. A man of the present day, whether he believes in the divinity -of Christ or not, cannot fail to see that to assist in the capacity -of tzar, minister, governor, or commissioner in taking from a poor -family its last cow for taxes to be spent on cannons, or on the pay -and pensions of idle officials, who live in luxury and are worse -than useless; or in putting into prison some man we have ourselves -corrupted, and throwing his family on the streets; or in plundering -and butchering in war; or in inculcating savage and idolatrous -superstitions in the place of the law of Christ; or in impounding -the cow found on one's land, though it belongs to a man who has no -land; or to cheat the workman in a factory, by imposing fines for -accidentally spoiled articles; or making a poor man pay double the -value for anything simply because he is in the direst poverty;--not -a man of the present day can fail to know that all these actions are -base and disgraceful, and that they need not do them. They all know -it. They know that what they are doing is wrong, and would not do -it for anything in the world if they had the power of resisting the -forces which shut their eyes to the criminality of their actions and -impel them to commit them. - -In nothing is the pitch of inconsistency modern life has attained to -so evident as in universal conscription, which is the last resource -and the final expression of violence. - -Indeed, it is only because this state of universal armament has been -brought about gradually and imperceptibly, and because governments -have exerted, in maintaining it, every resource of intimidation, -corruption, brutalization, and violence, that we do not see its -flagrant inconsistency with the Christian ideas and sentiments by -which the modern world is permeated. - -We are so accustomed to the inconsistency that we do not see all -the hideous folly and immorality of men voluntarily choosing the -profession of butchery as though it were an honorable career, of -poor wretches submitting to conscription, or in countries where -compulsory service has not been introduced, of people voluntarily -abandoning a life of industry to recruit soldiers and train them as -murderers. We know that all of these men are either Christians, or -profess humane and liberal principles, and they know that they thus -become partly responsible--through universal conscription, personally -responsible--for the most insane, aimless, and brutal murders. And -yet they all do it. - -More than that, in Germany, where compulsory service first -originated, Caprivi has given expression to what had been hitherto -so assiduously concealed--that is, that the men that the soldiers -will have to kill are not foreigners alone, but their own countrymen, -the very working people from whom they themselves are taken. And -this admission has not opened people's eyes, has not horrified them! -They still go like sheep to the slaughter, and submit to everything -required of them. - -And that is not all: the Emperor of Germany has lately shown still -more clearly the duties of the army, by thanking and rewarding a -soldier for killing a defenseless citizen who made his approach -incautiously. By rewarding an action always regarded as base and -cowardly even by men on the lowest level of morality, William has -shown that a soldier's chief duty--the one most appreciated by -the authorities--is that of executioner; and not a professional -executioner who kills only condemned criminals, but one ready to -butcher any innocent man at the word of command. - -And even that is not all. In 1892, the same William, the _enfant -terrible_ of state authority, who says plainly what other people -only think, in addressing some soldiers gave public utterance to -the following speech, which was reported next day in thousands of -newspapers: "Conscripts!" he said, "you have sworn fidelity to _me_ -before the altar and the minister of God! You are still too young to -understand all the importance of what has been said here; let your -care before all things be to obey the orders and instructions given -you. You have sworn fidelity _to me_, lads of my guard; _that means -that you are now my soldiers_, that _you have given yourselves to me -body and soul_. For you there is now but one enemy, _my_ enemy. _In -these days of socialistic sedition it may come to pass that I command -you to fire on your own kindred, your brothers, even your own fathers -and mothers--which God forbid!_--even then you are bound to obey my -orders without hesitation." - -This man expresses what all sensible rulers think, but studiously -conceal. He says openly that the soldiers are in _his_ service, at -_his_ disposal, and must be ready for _his_ advantage to murder even -their brothers and fathers. - -In the most brutal words he frankly exposes all the horrors and -criminality for which men prepare themselves in entering the army, -and the depths of ignominy to which they fall in promising obedience. -Like a bold hypnotizer, he tests the degree of insensibility of the -hypnotized subject. He touches his skin with a red-hot iron; the skin -smokes and scorches, but the sleeper does not awake. - -This miserable man, imbecile and drunk with power, outrages in this -utterance everything that can be sacred for a man of the modern -world. And yet all the Christians, liberals, and cultivated people, -far from resenting this outrage, did not even observe it. - -The last, the most extreme test is put before men in its coarsest -form. And they do not seem even to notice that it is a test, that -there is any choice about it. They seem to think there is no course -open but slavish submission. One would have thought these insane -words, which outrage everything a man of the present day holds -sacred, must rouse indignation. But there has been nothing of the -kind. - -All the young men through the whole of Europe are exposed year after -year to this test, and with very few exceptions they renounce all -that a man can hold sacred, all express their readiness to kill -their brothers, even their fathers, at the bidding of the first crazy -creature dressed up in a livery with red and gold trimming, and only -wait to be told where and when they are to kill. And they actually -are ready. - -Every savage has something he holds sacred, something for which he is -ready to suffer, something he will not consent to do. But what is it -that is sacred to the civilized man of to-day? They say to him: "You -must become my slave, and this slavery may force you to kill even -your own father;" and he, often very well educated, trained in all -the sciences at the university, quietly puts his head under the yoke. -They dress him up in a clown's costume, and order him to cut capers, -turn and twist and bow, and kill--he does it all submissively. And -when they let him go, he seems to shake himself and go back to his -former life, and he continues to discourse upon the dignity of man, -liberty, equality, and fraternity as before. - -"Yes, but what is one to do?" people often ask in genuine perplexity. -"If everyone would stand out it would be something, but by myself, I -shall only suffer without doing any good to anyone." - -And that is true. A man with the social conception of life cannot -resist. The aim of his life is his personal welfare. It is better for -his personal welfare for him to submit, and he submits. - -Whatever they do to him, however they torture or humiliate him, he -will submit, for, alone, he can do nothing; he has no principle for -the sake of which he could resist violence alone. And those who -control them never allow them to unite together. It is often said -that the invention of terrible weapons of destruction will put an end -to war. That is an error. As the means of extermination are improved, -the means of reducing men who hold the state conception of life to -submission can be improved to correspond. They may slaughter them by -thousands, by millions, they may tear them to pieces, still they will -march to war like senseless cattle. Some will want beating to make -them move, others will be proud to go if they are allowed to wear a -scrap of ribbon or gold lace. - -And of this mass of men so brutalized as to be ready to promise -to kill their own parents, the social reformers--conservatives, -liberals, socialists, and anarchists--propose to form a rational and -moral society. What sort of moral and rational society can be formed -out of such elements? With warped and rotten planks you cannot build -a house, however you put them together. And to form a rational moral -society of such men is just as impossible a task. They can be formed -into nothing but a herd of cattle, driven by the shouts and whips of -the herdsmen. As indeed they are. - -So, then, we have on one side men calling themselves Christians, and -professing the principles of liberty, equality, and fraternity, and -along with that ready, in the name of liberty, to submit to the most -slavish degradation; in the name of equality, to accept the crudest, -most senseless division of men by externals merely into higher and -lower classes, allies and enemies; and, in the name of fraternity, -ready to murder their brothers.[14] - - [14] The fact that among certain nations, as the English and the - American, military service is not compulsory (though already one - hears there are some who advocate that it should be made so) does not - affect the servility of the citizens to the government in principle. - Here we have each to go and kill or be killed, there they have - each to give the fruit of their toil to pay for the recruiting and - training of soldiers. - -The contradiction between life and conscience and the misery -resulting from it have reached the extreme limit and can go no -further. The state organization of life based on violence, the aim of -which was the security of personal, family, and social welfare, has -come to the point of renouncing the very objects for which it was -founded--it has reduced men to absolute renunciation and loss of the -welfare it was to secure. - -The first half of the prophecy has been fulfilled in the generation -of men who have not accepted Christ's teaching. Their descendants -have been brought now to the absolute necessity of putting the truth -of the second half to the test of experience. - - - - -CHAPTER IX. - - THE ACCEPTANCE OF THE CHRISTIAN CONCEPTION OF LIFE WILL - EMANCIPATE MEN FROM THE MISERIES OF OUR PAGAN LIFE. - - The External Life of Christian Peoples Remains Pagan Though - they are Penetrated by Christian Consciousness--The Way Out - of this Contradiction is by the Acceptance of the Christian - Theory of Life--Only Through Christianity is Every Man Free, - and Emancipated of All Human Authority--This Emancipation can - be Effected by no Change in External Conditions of Life, but - Only by a Change in the Conception of Life--The Christian - Ideal of Life Requires Renunciation of all Violence, and in - Emancipating the Man who Accepts it, Emancipates the Whole - World from All External Authorities--The Way Out of the Present - Apparently Hopeless Position is for Every Man who is Capable - of Assimilating the Christian Conception of Life, to Accept - it and Live in Accordance with it--But Men Consider this Way - too Slow, and Look for Deliverance Through Changes in Material - Conditions of Life Aided by Government--That Will Lead to No - Improvement, as it is simply Increasing the Evil under which Men - are Suffering--A Striking Instance of this is the Submission to - Compulsory Military Service, which it would be More Advantageous - for Every Man to Refuse than to Submit to--The Emancipation of - Men Can Only be Brought About by each Individual Emancipating - Himself, and the Examples of this Self-emancipation which are - already Appearing Threaten the Destruction of Governmental - Authority--Refusal to Comply with the Unchristian Demands - of Government Undermines the Authority of the State and - Emancipates Men--And therefore Cases of such Non-compliance - are Regarded with more Dread by State Authorities than any - Conspiracies or Acts of Violence--Examples of Non-compliance - in Russia, in Regard to Oath of Allegiance, Payment of Taxes, - Passports, Police Duties, and Military Service--Examples of such - Non-compliance in other States--Governments do not Know how to - Treat Men who Refuse to Comply with their Demands on Christian - Grounds--Such People, without Striking a Blow, Undermine - the very Basis of Government from Within--To Punish them is - Equivalent to Openly Renouncing Christianity, and Assisting in - Diffusing the Very Principle by which these Men Justify their - Non-compliance--So Governments are in a Helpless Position--Men - who Maintain the Uselessness of Personal Independence, only - Retard the Dissolution of the Present State Organization Based - on Force. - - -The position of the Christian peoples in our days has remained just -as cruel as it was in the times of paganism. In many respects, -especially in the oppression of the masses, it has become even more -cruel than it was in the days of paganism. - -But between the condition of men in ancient times and their condition -in our days there is just the difference that we see in the world -of vegetation between the last days of autumn and the first days of -spring. In the autumn the external lifelessness in nature corresponds -with its inward condition of death, while in the spring the external -lifelessness is in sharp contrast with the internal state of reviving -and passing into new forms of life. - -In the same way the similarity between the ancient heathen life and -the life of to-day is merely external: the inward condition of men in -the times of heathenism was absolutely different from their inward -condition at the present time. - -Then the outward condition of cruelty and of slavery was in complete -harmony with the inner conscience of men, and every step in advance -intensified this harmony; now the outward condition of cruelty and of -slavery is completely contradictory to the Christian consciousness -of men, and every step in advance only intensifies this contradiction. - -Humanity is passing through seemingly unnecessary, fruitless agonies. -It is passing through something like the throes of birth. Everything -is ready for the new life, but still the new life does not come. - -There seems no way out of the position. And there would be none, -except that a man (and thereby all men) is gifted with the power of -forming a different, higher theory of life, which at once frees him -from all the bonds by which he seems indissolubly fettered. - -And such a theory is the Christian view of life made known to mankind -eighteen hundred years ago. - -A man need only make this theory of life his own, for the fetters -which seemed so indissolubly forged upon him to drop off of -themselves, and for him to feel himself absolutely free, just as a -bird would feel itself free in a fenced-in place directly it took to -its wings. - -People talk about the liberty of the Christian Church, about giving -or not giving freedom to Christians. Underlying all these ideas and -expressions there is some strange misconception. Freedom cannot be -bestowed on or taken from a Christian or Christians. Freedom is an -inalienable possession of the Christian. - -If we talk of bestowing freedom on Christians or withholding it from -them, we are obviously talking not of real Christians but of people -who only call themselves Christians. A Christian cannot fail to be -free, because the attainment of the aim he sets before himself cannot -be prevented or even hindered by anyone or anything. - -Let a man only understand his life as Christianity teaches him to -understand it, let him understand, that is, that his life belongs -not to him--not to his own individuality, nor to his family, nor to -the state--but to him who has sent him into the world, and let him -once understand that he must therefore fulfill not the law of his own -individuality, nor his family, nor of the state, but the infinite -law of him from whom he has come; and he will not only feel himself -absolutely free from every human power, but will even cease to regard -such power as at all able to hamper anyone. - -Let a man but realize that the aim of his life is the fulfillment of -God's law, and that law will replace all other laws for him, and he -will give it his sole allegiance, so that by that very allegiance -every human law will lose all binding and controlling power in his -eyes. - -The Christian is independent of every human authority by the fact -that he regards the divine law of love, implanted in the soul of -every man, and brought before his consciousness by Christ, as the -sole guide of his life and other men's also. - -The Christian may be subjected to external violence, he may be -deprived of bodily freedom, he may be in bondage to his passions (he -who commits sin is the slave of sin), but he cannot be in bondage in -the sense of being forced by any danger or by any threat of external -harm to perform an act which is against his conscience. - -He cannot be compelled to do this, because the deprivations and -sufferings which form such a powerful weapon against men of the state -conception of life, have not the least power to compel him. - -Deprivations and sufferings take from them the happiness for which -they live; but far from disturbing the happiness of the Christian, -which consists in the consciousness of fulfilling the will of God, -they may even intensify it, when they are inflicted on him for -fulfilling his will. - -And therefore the Christian, who is subject only to the inner divine -law, not only cannot carry out the enactments of the external law, -when they are not in agreement with the divine law of love which -he acknowledges (as is usually the case with state obligations), he -cannot even recognize the duty of obedience to anyone or anything -whatever, he cannot recognize the duty of what is called allegiance. - -For a Christian the oath of allegiance to any government -whatever--the very act which is regarded as the foundation of the -existence of a state--is a direct renunciation of Christianity. -For the man who promises unconditional obedience in the future -to laws, made or to be made, by that very promise is in the most -positive manner renouncing Christianity, which means obeying in every -circumstance of life only the divine law of love he recognizes within -him. - -Under the pagan conception of life it was possible to carry out the -will of the temporal authorities, without infringing the law of -God expressed in circumcisions, Sabbaths, fixed times of prayer, -abstention from certain kinds of food, and so on. The one law was -not opposed to the other. But that is just the distinction between -the Christian religion and heathen religion. Christianity does not -require of a man certain definite negative acts, but puts him in -a new, different relation to men, from which may result the most -diverse acts, which cannot be defined beforehand. And therefore the -Christian not only cannot promise to obey the will of any other man, -without knowing what will be required by that will; he not only -cannot obey the changing laws of man, but he cannot even promise to -do anything definite at a certain time, or to abstain from doing -anything for a certain time. For he cannot know what at any time will -be required of him by that Christian law of love, obedience to which -constitutes the meaning of life for him. The Christian, in promising -unconditional fulfillment of the laws of men in the future, would -show plainly by that promise that the inner law of God does not -constitute for him the sole law of his life. - -For a Christian to promise obedience to men, or the laws of men, is -just as though a workman bound to one employer should also promise -to carry out every order that might be given him by outsiders. One -cannot serve two masters. - -The Christian is independent of human authority, because he -acknowledges God's authority alone. His law, revealed by Christ, he -recognizes in himself, and voluntarily obeys it. - -And this independence is gained, not by means of strife, not by -the destruction of existing forms of life, but only by a change -in the interpretation of life. This independence results first -from the Christian recognizing the law of love, revealed to him by -his teacher, as perfectly sufficient for all human relations, and -therefore he regards every use of force as unnecessary and unlawful; -and secondly, from the fact that those deprivations and sufferings, -or threats of deprivations and sufferings (which reduce the man of -the social conception of life to the necessity of obeying) to the -Christian from his different conception of life, present themselves -merely as the inevitable conditions of existence. And these -conditions, without striving against them by force, he patiently -endures, like sickness, hunger, and every other hardship, but they -cannot serve him as a guide for his actions. The only guide for the -Christian's actions is to be found in the divine principle living -within him, which cannot be checked or governed by anything. - -The Christian acts according to the words of the prophecy applied to -his teacher: "He shall not strive, nor cry; neither shall any man -hear his voice in the streets. A bruised reed shall he not break, and -smoking flax shall he not quench, till he send forth judgment unto -victory." (Matt. xii. 19, 20.) - -The Christian will not dispute with anyone, nor attack anyone, nor -use violence against anyone. On the contrary, he will bear violence -without opposing it. But by this very attitude to violence, he will -not only himself be free, but will free the whole world from all -external power. - -"Ye shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free." -If there were any doubt of Christianity being the truth, the -perfect liberty, that nothing can curtail, which a man experiences -directly he makes the Christian theory of life his own, would be an -unmistakable proof of its truth. - -Men in their present condition are like a swarm of bees hanging -in a cluster to a branch. The position of the bees on the branch -is temporary, and must inevitably be changed. They must start off -and find themselves a habitation. Each of the bees knows this, and -desires to change her own and the others' position, but no one of -them can do it till the rest of them do it. They cannot all start -off at once, because one hangs on to another and hinders her from -separating from the swarm, and therefore they all continue to hang -there. It would seem that the bees could never escape from their -position, just as it seems that worldly men, caught in the toils of -the state conception of life, can never escape. And there would be -no escape for the bees, if each of them were not a living, separate -creature, endowed with wings of its own. Similarly there would be -no escape for men, if each were not a living being endowed with the -faculty of entering into the Christian conception of life. - -If every bee who could fly, did not try to fly, the others, too, -would never be stirred, and the swarm would never change its -position. And if the man who has mastered the Christian conception -of life would not, without waiting for other people, begin to live -in accordance with this conception, mankind would never change its -position. But only let one bee spread her wings, start off, and fly -away, and after her another, and another, and the clinging, inert -cluster would become a freely flying swarm of bees. Just in the same -way, only let one man look at life as Christianity teaches him to -look at it, and after him let another and another do the same, and -the enchanted circle of existence in the state conception of life, -from which there seemed no escape, will be broken through. - -But men think that to set all men free by this means is too slow a -process, that they must find some other means by which they could -set all men free at once. It is just as though the bees who want to -start and fly away should consider it too long a process to wait for -all the swarm to start one by one; and should think they ought to -find some means by which it would not be necessary for every separate -bee to spread her wings and fly off, but by which the whole swarm -could fly at once where it wanted to. But that is not possible; till -a first, a second, a third, a hundredth bee spreads her wings and -flies off of her own accord, the swarm will not fly off and will not -begin its new life. Till every individual man makes the Christian -conception of life his own, and begins to live in accord with it, -there can be no solution of the problem of human life, and no -establishment of a new form of life. - -One of the most striking phenomena of our times is precisely this -advocacy of slavery, which is promulgated among the masses, not by -governments, in whom it is inevitable, but by men who, in advocating -socialistic theories, regard themselves as the champions of freedom. - -These people advance the opinion that the amelioration of life, the -bringing of the facts of life into harmony with the conscience, will -come, not as the result of the personal efforts of individual men, -but of itself as the result of a certain possible reconstruction -of society effected in some way or other. The idea is promulgated -that men ought not to walk on their own legs where they want and -ought to go, but that a kind of floor under their feet will be moved -somehow, so that on it they can reach where they ought to go without -moving their own legs. And, therefore, all their efforts ought to -be directed, not to going so far as their strength allows in the -direction they ought to go, but to standing still and constructing -such a floor. - -In the sphere of political economy a theory is propounded which -amounts to saying that the worse things are the better they are; that -the greater the accumulation of capital, and therefore the oppression -of the workman, the nearer the day of emancipation, and, therefore, -every personal effort on the part of a man to free himself from the -oppression of capital is useless. In the sphere of government it -is maintained that the greater the power of the government, which, -according to this theory, ought to intervene in every department -of private life in which it has not yet intervened, the better it -will be, and that therefore we ought to invoke the interference of -government in private life. In politics and international questions -it is maintained that the improvement of the means of destruction, -the multiplication of armaments, will lead to the necessity of making -war by means of congresses, arbitration, and so on. And, marvelous -to say, so great is the dullness of men, that they believe in these -theories, in spite of the fact that the whole course of life, every -step they take, shows how unworthy they are of belief. - -The people are suffering from oppression, and to deliver them from -this oppression they are advised to frame general measures for the -improvement of their position, which measures are to be intrusted to -the authorities, and themselves to continue to yield obedience to -the authorities. And obviously all that results from this is only -greater power in the hands of the authorities, and greater oppression -resulting from it. - -Not one of the errors of men carries them so far away from the aim -toward which they are struggling as this very one. They do all kinds -of different things for the attainment of their aim, but not the one -simple obvious thing which is within reach of everyone. They devise -the subtlest means for changing the position which is irksome to -them, but not that simplest means, that everyone should refrain from -doing what leads to that position. - -I have been told a story of a gallant police officer, who came to -a village where the peasants were in insurrection and the military -had been called out, and he undertook to pacify the insurrection -in the spirit of Nicholas I., by his personal influence alone. He -ordered some loads of rods to be brought, and collecting all the -peasants together into a barn, he went in with them, locking the door -after him. To begin with, he so terrified the peasants by his loud -threats that, reduced to submission by him, they set to work to flog -one another at his command. And so they flogged one another until -a simpleton was found who would not allow himself to be flogged, -and shouted to his companions not to flog one another. Only then -the flogging ceased, and the police officer made his escape. Well, -this simpleton's advice would never be followed by men of the state -conception of life, who continue to flog one another, and teach -people that this very act of self-castigation is the last word of -human wisdom. - -Indeed, can one imagine a more striking instance of men flogging -themselves than the submissiveness with which men of our times will -perform the very duties required of them to keep them in slavery, -especially the duty of military service? We see people enslaving -themselves, suffering from this slavery, and believing that it must -be so, that it does not matter, and will not hinder the emancipation -of men, which is being prepared somewhere, somehow, in spite of the -ever-increasing growth of slavery. - -In fact, take any man of the present time whatever (I don't mean a -true Christian, but an average man of the present day), educated -or uneducated, believing or unbelieving, rich or poor, married or -unmarried. Such a man lives working at his work, or enjoying his -amusements, spending the fruits of his labors on himself or on those -near to him, and, like everyone, hating every kind of restriction and -deprivation, dissension and suffering. Such a man is going his way -peaceably, when suddenly people come and say to him: First, promise -and swear to us that you will slavishly obey us in everything we -dictate to you, and will consider absolutely good and authoritative -everything we plan, decide, and call law. Secondly, hand over a -part of the fruits of your labors for us to dispose of--we will use -the money to keep you in slavery, and to hinder you from forcibly -opposing our orders. Thirdly, elect others, or be yourself elected, -to take a pretended share in the government, knowing all the while -that the government will proceed quite without regard to the foolish -speeches you, and those like you, may utter, and knowing that its -proceedings will be according to our will, the will of those who have -the army in their hands. Fourthly, come at a certain time to the -law courts and take your share in those senseless cruelties which -we perpetrate on sinners, and those whom we have corrupted, in the -shape of penal servitude, exile, solitary confinement, and death. And -fifthly and lastly, more than all this, in spite of the fact that -you may be on the friendliest terms with people of other nations, -be ready, directly we order you to do so, to regard those whom we -indicate to you as your enemies; and be ready to assist, either in -person or by proxy, in devastation, plunder, and murder of their -men, women, children, and aged alike--possibly your own kinsmen or -relations--if that is necessary to us. - -One would expect that every man of the present day who has a grain -of sense left, might reply to such requirements, "But why should I -do all this?" One would think every right-minded man must say in -amazement: Why should I promise to yield obedience to everything that -has been decreed first by Salisbury, then by Gladstone; one day by -Boulanger, and another by Parliament; one day by Peter III., the next -by Catherine, and the day after by Pougachef; one day by a mad king -of Bavaria, another by William? Why should I promise to obey them, -knowing them to be wicked or foolish people, or else not knowing them -at all? Why am I to hand over the fruits of my labors to them in the -shape of taxes, knowing that the money will be spent on the support -of officials, prisons, churches, armies, on things that are harmful, -and on my own enslavement? Why should I punish myself? Why should -I go wasting my time and hoodwinking myself, giving to miscreant -evildoers a semblance of legality, by taking part in elections, and -pretending that I am taking part in the government, when I know -very well that the real control of the government is in the hands -of those who have got hold of the army? Why should I go to the law -courts to take part in the trial and punishment of men because they -have sinned, knowing, if I am a Christian, that the law of vengence -is replaced by the law of love, and, if I am an educated man, that -punishments do not reform, but only deprave those on whom they are -inflicted? And why, most of all, am I to consider as enemies the -people of a neighboring nation, with whom I have hitherto lived and -with whom I wish to live in love and harmony, and to kill and rob -them, or to bring them to misery, simply in order that the keys of -the temple at Jerusalem may be in the hands of one archbishop and not -another, that one German and not another may be prince in Bulgaria, -or that the English rather than the American merchants may capture -seals? - -And why, most of all, should I take part in person or hire others to -murder my own brothers and kinsmen? Why should I flog myself? It is -altogether unnecessary for me; it is hurtful to me, and from every -point of view it is immoral, base, and vile. So why should I do -this? If you tell me that if I do it not I shall receive some injury -from someone, then, in the first place, I cannot anticipate from -anyone an injury so great as the injury you bring on me if I obey -you; and secondly, it is perfectly clear to me that if we our own -selves do not flog ourselves, no one will flog us. - -As for the government--that means the tzars, ministers, and officials -with pens in their hands, who cannot force us into doing anything, -as that officer of police compelled the peasants; the men who will -drag us to the law court, to prison, and to execution, are not tzars -or officials with pens in their hands, but the very people who are -in the same position as we are. And it is just as unprofitable and -harmful and unpleasant to them to be flogged as to me, and therefore -there is every likelihood that if I open their eyes they not only -would not treat me with violence, but would do just as I am doing. - -Thirdly, even if it should come to pass that I had to suffer for it, -even then it would be better for me to be exiled or sent to prison -for standing up for common sense and right--which, if not to-day, -at least within a very short time, must be triumphant--than to -suffer for folly and wrong which must come to an end directly. And -therefore, even in that case, it is better to run the risk of their -banishing me, shutting me up in prison, or executing me, than of my -living all my life in bondage, through my own fault, to wicked men. -Better is this than the possibility of being destroyed by victorious -enemies, and being stupidly tortured and killed by them, in fighting -for a cannon, or a piece of land of no use to anyone, or for a -senseless rag called a banner. - -I don't want to flog myself and I won't do it. I have no reason to do -it. Do it yourselves, if you want it done; but I won't do it. - -One would have thought that not religious or moral feeling alone, -but the simplest common sense and foresight should impel every man of -the present day to answer and to act in that way. But not so. Men of -the state conception of life are of the opinion that to act in that -way is not necessary, and is even prejudicial to the attainment of -their object, the emancipation of men from slavery. They hold that -we must continue, like the police officer's peasants, to flog one -another, consoling ourselves with the reflection that we are talking -away in the assemblies and meetings, founding trades unions, marching -through the streets on the 1st of May, getting up conspiracies, and -stealthily teasing the government that is flogging us, and that -through all this it will be brought to pass that, by enslaving -ourselves in closer and closer bondage, we shall very soon be free. - -Nothing hinders the emancipation of men from slavery so much as this -amazing error. Instead of every man directing his energies to freeing -himself, to transforming his conception of life, people seek for an -external united method of gaining freedom, and continue to rivet -their chains faster and faster. - -It is much as if men were to maintain that to make up a fire there -was no need to kindle any of the coals, but that all that was -necessary was to arrange the coals in a certain order. Yet the fact -that the freedom of all men will be brought about only through the -freedom of individual persons, becomes more and more clear as time -goes on. The freedom of individual men, in the name of the Christian -conception of life, from state domination, which was formerly -an exceptional and unnoticed phenomenon, has of late acquired -threatening significance for state authorities. - -If in a former age, in the Roman times, it happened that a Christian -confessed his religion and refused to take part in sacrifices, and to -worship the emperors or the gods; or in the Middle Ages a Christian -refused to worship images, or to acknowledge the authority of the -Pope--these cases were in the first place a matter of chance. A man -might be placed under the necessity of confessing his faith, or he -might live all his life without being placed under this necessity. -But now all men, without exception, are subjected to this trial of -their faith. Every man of the present day is under the necessity -of taking part in the cruelties of pagan life, or of refusing all -participation in them. And secondly, in those days cases of refusal -to worship the gods or the images or the Pope were not incidents that -had any material bearing on the state. Whether men worshiped or did -not worship the gods or the images or the Pope, the state remained -just as powerful. But now cases of refusing to comply with the -unchristian demands of the government are striking at the very root -of state authority, because the whole authority of the state is based -on the compliance with these unchristian demands. - -The sovereign powers of the world have in the course of time been -brought into a position in which, for their own preservation, they -must require from all men actions which cannot be performed by men -who profess true Christianity. - -And therefore in our days every profession of true Christianity, by -any individual man, strikes at the most essential power of the state, -and inevitably leads the way for the emancipation of all. - -What importance, one might think, can one attach to such an incident -as some dozens of crazy fellows, as people will call them, refusing -to take the oath of allegiance to the government, refusing to pay -taxes, to take part in law proceedings or in military service? - -These people are punished and exiled to a distance, and life goes -on in its old way. One might think there was no importance in such -incidents; but yet, it is just those incidents, more than anything -else, that will undermine the power of the state and prepare the -way for the freedom of men. These are the individual bees, who are -beginning to separate from the swarm, and are flying near it, waiting -till the whole swarm can no longer be prevented from starting off -after them. And the governments know this, and fear such incidents -more than all the socialists, communists, and anarchists, and their -plots and dynamite bombs. - -A new reign is beginning. According to the universal rule and -established order it is required that all the subjects should take -the oath of allegiance to the new government. There is a general -decree to that effect, and all are summoned to the council-houses to -take the oath. All at once one man in Perm, another in Tula, a third -in Moscow, and a fourth in Kalouga declare that they will not take -the oath, and though there is no communication between them, they -all explain their refusal on the same grounds--namely, that swearing -is forbidden by the law of Christ, and that even if swearing had not -been forbidden, they could not, in the spirit of the law of Christ, -promise to perform the evil actions required of them in the oath, -such as informing against all such as may act against the interests -of the government, or defending their government with firearms -or attacking its enemies. They are brought before rural police -officers, district police captains, priests, and governors. They are -admonished, questioned, threatened, and punished; but they adhere to -their resolution, and do not take the oath. And among the millions of -those who did take the oath, those dozens go on living who did not -take the oath. And they are questioned: - -"What, didn't you take the oath?" - -"No, I didn't take the oath." - -"And what happened--nothing?" - -"Nothing." - -The subjects of a state are all bound to pay taxes. And everyone -pays taxes, till suddenly one man in Kharkov, another in Tver, and -a third in Samara refuse to pay taxes--all, as though in collusion, -saying the same thing. One says he will only pay when they tell him -what object the money taken from him will be spent on. "If it is for -good deeds," he says, "he will give it of his own accord, and more -even than is required of him. If for evil deeds, then he will give -nothing voluntarily, because by the law of Christ, whose follower he -is, he cannot take part in evil deeds." The others, too, say the same -in other words, and will not voluntarily pay the taxes. - -Those who have anything to be taken have their property taken from -them by force; as for those who have nothing, they are left alone. - -"What, didn't you pay the tax?" - -"No, I didn't pay it." - -"And what happened--nothing?" - -"Nothing." - -There is the institution of passports. Everyone moving from his -place of residence is bound to carry one, and to pay a duty on it. -Suddenly people are to be found in various places declaring that to -carry a passport is not necessary, that one ought not to recognize -one's dependence on a state which exists by means of force; and these -people do not carry passports, or pay the duty on them. And again, -it's impossible to force those people by any means to do what is -required. They send them to jail, and let them out again, and these -people live without passports. - -All peasants are bound to fill certain police offices--that of -village constable, and of watchman, and so on. Suddenly in Kharkov -a peasant refuses to perform this duty, justifying his refusal on -the ground that by the law of Christ, of which he is a follower, he -cannot put any man in fetters, lock him up, or drag him from place -to place. The same declaration is made by a peasant in Tver, another -in Tambov. These peasants are abused, beaten, shut up in prison, -but they stick to their resolution and don't fill these offices -against their convictions. And at last they cease to appoint them as -constables. And again nothing happens. - -All citizens are obliged to take a share in law proceedings in the -character of jurymen. Suddenly the most different people--mechanics, -professors, tradesmen, peasants, servants, as though by agreement -refuse to fill this office, and not on the grounds allowed as -sufficient by law, but because any process at law is, according to -their views, unchristian. They fine these people, trying not to let -them have an opportunity of explaining their motives in public, and -replace them by others. And again nothing can be done. - -All young men of twenty-one years of age are obliged to draw lots for -service in the army. All at once one young man in Moscow, another in -Tver, a third in Kharkov, and a fourth in Kiev present themselves -before the authorities, and, as though by previous agreement, declare -that they will not take the oath, they will not serve because -they are Christians. I will give the details of one of the first -cases, since they have become more frequent, which I happen to know -about.[15] The same treatment has been repeated in every other case. -A young man of fair education refuses in the Moscow Townhall to take -the oath. No attention is paid to what he says, and it is requested -that he should pronounce the words of the oath like the rest. He -declines, quoting a particular passage of the Gospel in which -swearing is forbidden. No attention is paid to his arguments, and he -is again requested to comply with the order, but he does not comply -with it. Then it is supposed that he is a sectary and therefore does -not understand Christianity in the right sense, that is to say, -not in the sense in which the priests in the pay of the government -understand it. And the young man is conducted under escort to the -priests, that they may bring him to reason. The priests begin to -reason with him, but their efforts in Christ's name to persuade -him to renounce Christ obviously have no influence on him; he is -pronounced incorrigible and sent back again to the army. He persists -in not taking the oath and openly refuses to perform any military -duties. It is a case that has not been provided for by the laws. To -overlook such a refusal to comply with the demands of the authorities -is out of the question, but to put such a case on a par with simple -breach of discipline is also out of the question. - - [15] All the details of this case, as well as those preceding it, are - authentic. - -After deliberation among themselves, the military authorities -decide to get rid of the troublesome young man, to consider him -as a revolutionist, and they dispatch him under escort to the -committee of the secret police. The police authorities and gendarmes -cross-question him, but nothing that he says can be brought under the -head of any of the misdemeanors which come under their jurisdiction. -And there is no possibility of accusing him either of revolutionary -acts or revolutionary plotting, since he declares that he does not -wish to attack anything, but, on the contrary, is opposed to any -use of force, and, far from plotting in secret, he seeks every -opportunity of saying and doing all that he says and does in the -most open manner. And the gendarmes, though they are bound by no -hard-and-fast rules, still find no ground for a criminal charge in -the young man, and, like the clergy, they send him back to the army. -Again the authorities deliberate together, and decide to accept -him though he has not taken the oath, and to enrol him among the -soldiers. They put him into the uniform, enrol him, and send him -under guard to the place where the army is quartered. There the chief -officer of the division which he enters again expects the young man -to perform his military duties, and again he refuses to obey, and in -the presence of other soldiers explains the reason of his refusal, -saying that he as a Christian cannot voluntarily prepare himself to -commit murder, which is forbidden by the law of Moses. - -This incident occurs in a provincial town. The case awakens the -interest, and even the sympathy, not only of outsiders, but even -of the officers. And the chief officers consequently do not decide -to punish this refusal of obedience with disciplinary measures. To -save appearances, though, they shut the young man up in prison, and -write to the highest military authorities to inquire what they are -to do. To refuse to serve in the army, in which the Tzar himself -serves, and which enjoys the blessing of the Church, seems insanity -from the official point of view. Consequently they write from -Petersburg that, since the young man must be out of his mind, they -must not use any severe treatment with him, but must send him to a -lunatic asylum, that his mental condition may be inquired into and -be scientifically treated. They send him to the asylum in the hope -that he will remain there, like another young man, who refused ten -years ago at Tver to serve in the army, and who was tortured in -the asylum till he submitted. But even this step does not rid the -military authorities of the inconvenient man. The doctors examine -him, interest themselves warmly in his case, and naturally finding in -him no symptoms of mental disease, send him back to the army. There -they receive him, and making believe to have forgotten his refusal, -and his motives for it, they again request him to go to drill, and -again in the presence of the other soldiers he refuses and explains -the reason of his refusal. The affair continues to attract more and -more attention, both among the soldiers and the inhabitants of the -town. Again they write to Petersburg, and thence comes the decree -to transfer the young man to some division of the army stationed on -the frontier, in some place where the army is under martial law, -where he can be shot for refusing to obey, and where the matter can -proceed without attracting observation, seeing that there are few -Russians and Christians in such a distant part, but the majority are -foreigners and Mohammedans. This is accordingly done. They transfer -him to a division stationed on the Zacaspian border, and in company -with convicts send him to a chief officer who is notorious for his -harshness and severity. - -All this time, through all these changes from place to place, the -young man is roughly treated, kept in cold, hunger, and filth, and -life is made burdensome to him generally. But all these sufferings -do not compel him to change his resolution. On the Zacaspian -border, where he is again requested to go on guard fully armed, he -again declines to obey. He does not refuse to go and stand near -the haystacks where they place him, but refuses to take his arms, -declaring that he will not use violence in any case against anyone. -All this takes place in the presence of the other soldiers. To let -such a refusal pass unpunished is impossible, and the young man is -put on his trial for breach of discipline. The trial takes place, -and he is sentenced to confinement in the military prison for two -years. He is again transferred, in company with convicts, by étape, -to Caucasus, and there he is shut up in prison and falls under the -irresponsible power of the jailer. There he is persecuted for a year -and a half, but he does not for all that alter his decision not to -bear arms, and he explains why he will not do this to everyone with -whom he is brought in contact. At the end of the second year they -set him free, before the end of his term of imprisonment, reckoning -it contrary to law to keep him in prison after his time of military -service was over, and only too glad to get rid of him as soon as -possible. - -Other men in various parts of Russia behave, as though by agreement, -precisely in the same way as this young man, and in all these cases -the government has adopted the same timorous, undecided, and -secretive course of action. Some of these men are sent to the lunatic -asylum, some are enrolled as clerks and transferred to Siberia, some -are sent to work in the forests, some are sent to prison, some are -fined. And at this very time some men of this kind are in prison, -not charged with their real offense--that is, denying the lawfulness -of the action of the government, but for non-fulfillment of special -obligations imposed by government. Thus an officer of reserve, who -did not report his change of residence, and justified this on the -ground that he would not serve in the army any longer, was fined -thirty rubles for non-compliance with the orders of the superior -authority. This fine he also declined voluntarily to pay. In the same -way some peasants and soldiers who have refused to be drilled and -to bear arms have been placed under arrest on a charge of breach of -discipline and insolence. - -And cases of refusing to comply with the demands of government when -they are opposed to Christianity, and especially cases of refusing -to serve in the army, are occurring of late not in Russia only, -but everywhere. Thus I happen to know that in Servia men of the -so-called sect of Nazarenes steadily refuse to serve in the army, -and the Austrian Government has been carrying on a fruitless contest -with them for years, punishing them with imprisonment. In the year -1885 there were 130 such cases. I know that in Switzerland in the -year 1890 there were men in prison in the castle of Chillon for -declining to serve in the army, whose resolution was not shaken by -their punishment. There have been such cases in Sweden, and the -men who refused obedience were sent to prison in exactly the same -way, and the government studiously concealed these cases from the -people. There have been similar cases also in Prussia. I know of the -case of a sub-lieutenant of the Guards, who in 1891 declared to the -authorities in Berlin that he would not, as a Christian, continue -to serve, and in spite of all admonitions, threats, and punishments -he stuck to his resolution. In the south of France a society has -arisen of late bearing the name of the Hinschists (these facts are -taken from the _Peace Herald_, July, 1891), the members of which -refuse to enter military service on the grounds of their Christian -principles. At first they were enrolled in the ambulance corps, but -now, as their numbers increase, they are subjected to punishment for -non-compliance, but they still refuse to bear arms just the same. - -The socialists, the communists, the anarchists, with their bombs and -riots and revolutions, are not nearly so much dreaded by governments -as these disconnected individuals coming from different parts, and -all justifying their non-compliance on the grounds of the same -religion, which is known to all the world. - -Every government knows by what means and in what manner to -defend itself from revolutionists, and has resources for doing -so, and therefore does not dread these external foes. But what -are governments to do against men who show the uselessness, -superfluousness, and perniciousness of all governments, and who do -not contend against them, but simply do not need them and do without -them, and therefore are unwilling to take any part in them? - -The revolutionists say: The form of government is bad in this respect -and that respect; we must overturn it and substitute this or that -form of government. The Christian says: I know nothing about the -form of government, I don't know whether it is good or bad, and I -don't want to overturn it precisely because I don't know whether it's -good or bad, but for the very same reason I don't want to support it -either. And I not only don't want to, but I can't, because what it -demands of me is against my conscience. - -All state obligations are against the conscience of a Christian--the -oath of allegiance, taxes, law proceedings, and military service. And -the whole power of the government rests on these very obligations. - -Revolutionary enemies attack the government from without. -Christianity does not attack it at all, but, from within, it destroys -all the foundations on which government rests. - -Among the Russian people, especially since the age of Peter I., the -protest of Christianity against the government has never ceased, and -the social organization has been such that men emigrate in communes -to Turkey, to China, and to uninhabited lands, and not only feel no -need of state aid, but always regard the state as a useless burden, -only to be endured as a misfortune, whether it happens to be Turkish, -Russian, or Chinese. And so, too, among the Russian people more and -more frequent examples have of late appeared of conscious Christian -freedom from subjection to the state. And these examples are the more -alarming for the government from the fact that these non-compliant -persons often belong not to the so-called lower uneducated classes, -but are men of fair or good education; and also from the fact that -they do not in these days justify their position by any mystic and -exceptional views, as in former times, do not associate themselves -with any superstitious or fanatic rites, like the sects who practice -self-immolation by fire, or the wandering pilgrims, but put their -refusal on the very simplest and clearest grounds, comprehensible to -all, and recognized as true by all. - -Thus they refuse the voluntary payment of taxes, because taxes are -spent on deeds of violence--on the pay of men of violence--soldiers, -on the construction of prisons, fortresses, and cannons. They as -Christians regard it as sinful and immoral to have any hand in such -deeds. - -Those who refuse to take the oath of allegiance refuse because to -promise obedience to authorities, that is, to men who are given to -deeds of violence, is contrary to the sense of Christ's teaching. -They refuse to take the oath in the law courts, because oaths are -directly forbidden by the Gospel. They refuse to perform police -duties, because in the performance of these duties they must use -force against their brothers and ill treat them, and a Christian -cannot do that. They refuse to take part in trials at law, because -they consider every appeal to law is fulfilling the law of vengeance, -which is inconsistent with the Christian law of forgiveness and love. -They refuse to take any part in military preparations and in the -army, because they cannot be executioners, and they are unwilling to -prepare themselves to be so. - -The motives in all these cases are so excellent that, however -despotic governments may be, they could hardly punish them openly. -To punish men for refusing to act against their conscience the -government must renounce all claim to good sense and benevolence. And -they assure people that they only rule in the name of good sense and -benevolence. - -What are governments to do against such people? - -Governments can of course flog to death or execute or keep in -perpetual imprisonment all enemies who want to overturn them by -violence, they can lavish gold on that section of the people who are -ready to destroy their enemies. But what can they do against men -who, without wishing to overturn or destroy anything, desire simply -for their part to do nothing against the law of Christ, and who, -therefore, refuse to perform the commonest state requirements, which -are, therefore, the most indispensable to the maintenance of the -state? - -If they had been revolutionists, advocating and practicing violence -and murder, their suppression would have been an easy matter; some -of them could have been bought over, some could have been duped, some -could have been overawed, and these who could not be bought over, -duped, or overawed would have been treated as criminals, enemies -of society, would have been executed or imprisoned, and the crowd -would have approved of the action of the government. If they had -been fanatics, professing some peculiar belief, it might have been -possible, in disproving the superstitious errors mixed in with their -religion, to attack also the truth they advocate. But what is to be -done with men who profess no revolutionary ideas nor any peculiar -religious dogmas, but merely because they are unwilling to do evil to -any man, refuse to take the oath, to pay taxes, to take part in law -proceedings, to serve in the army, to fulfill, in fact, any of the -obligations upon which the whole fabric of a state rests? What is to -done with such people? To buy them over with bribes is impossible; -the very risks to which they voluntarily expose themselves show that -they are incorruptible. To dupe them into believing that this is -their duty to God is also impossible, since their refusal is based on -the clear, unmistakable law of God, recognized even by those who are -trying to compel men to act against it. To terrify them by threats is -still less possible, because the deprivations and sufferings to which -they are subjected only strengthen their desire to follow the faith -by which they are commanded: to obey God rather than men, and not to -fear those who can destroy the body, but to fear him who can destroy -body and soul. To kill them or keep them in perpetual imprisonment -is also impossible. These men have friends, and a past; their way -of thinking and acting is well known; they are known by everyone -for good, gentle, peaceable people, and they cannot be regarded as -criminals who must be removed for the safety of society. And to put -men to death who are regarded as good men is to provoke others to -champion them and justify their refusal. And it is only necessary -to explain the reasons of their refusal to make clear to everyone -that these reasons have the same force for all other men, and that -they all ought to have done the same long ago. These cases put the -ruling powers into a desperate position. They see that the prophecy -of Christianity is coming to pass, that it is loosening the fetters -of those in chains, and setting free them that are in bondage, and -that this must inevitably be the end of all oppressors. The ruling -authorities see this, they know that their hours are numbered, and -they can do nothing. All that they can do to save themselves is only -deferring the hour of their downfall. And this they do, but their -position is none the less desperate. - -It is like the position of a conqueror who is trying to save a town -which has been been set on fire by its own inhabitants. Directly he -puts out the conflagration in one place, it is alight in two other -places; directly he gives in to the fire and cuts off what is on fire -from a large building, the building itself is alight at both ends. -These separate fires may be few, but they are burning with a flame -which, however small a spark it starts from, never ceases till it has -set the whole ablaze. - -Thus it is that the ruling authorities are in such a defenseless -position before men who advocate Christianity, that but little is -necessary to overthrow this sovereign power which seems so powerful, -and has held such an exalted position for so many centuries. And -yet social reformers are busy promulgating the idea that it is not -necessary and is even pernicious and immoral for every man separately -to work out his own freedom. As though, while one set of men have -been at work a long while turning a river into a new channel, and had -dug out a complete water-course and had only to open the floodgates -for the water to rush in and do the rest, another set of men should -come along and begin to advise them that it would be much better, -instead of letting the water out, to construct a machine which would -ladle the water up from one side and pour it over the other side. - -But the thing has gone too far. Already ruling governments feel their -weak and defenseless position, and men of Christian principles are -awakening from their apathy, and already begin to feel their power. - -"I am come to send a fire on the earth," said Christ, "and what will -I, if it be already kindled?" - -And this fire is beginning to burn. - - - - -CHAPTER X. - - EVIL CANNOT BE SUPPRESSED BY THE PHYSICAL FORCE OF THE - GOVERNMENT--THE MORAL PROGRESS OF HUMANITY IS BROUGHT ABOUT NOT - ONLY BY INDIVIDUAL RECOGNITION OF TRUTH, BUT ALSO THROUGH THE - ESTABLISHMENT OF A PUBLIC OPINION. - - Christianity Destroys the State--But Which is Most Necessary: - Christianity or the State?--There are Some who Assert the - Necessity of a State Organization, and Others who Deny it, both - Arguing from same First Principles--Neither Contention can - be Proved by Abstract Argument--The Question must be Decided - by the Stage in the Development of Conscience of Each Man, - which will either Prevent or Allow him to Support a Government - Organization--Recognition of the Futility and Immorality of - Supporting a State Organization Contrary to Christian Principles - will Decide the Question for Every Man, in Spite of any - Action on Part of the State--Argument of those who Defend the - Government, that it is a Form of Social Life, Needed to Protect - the Good from the Wicked, till all Nations and all Members of - each Nation have Become Christians--The Most Wicked are Always - those in Power--The whole History of Humanity is the History - of the Forcible Appropriation of Power by the Wicked and their - Oppression of the Good--The Recognition by Governments of the - Necessity of Opposing Evil by Force is Equivalent to Suicide - on their Part--The Abolition of State-violence cannot Increase - the Sum Total of Acts of Violence--The Suppression of the Use - of Force is not only Possible, but is even Taking Place before - Our Eyes--But it will Never be Suppressed by the Violence - of Government, but through Men who have Attained Power by - Evidence Recognizing its Emptiness and Becoming Better and - Less Capable of Using Force--Individual Men and also Whole - Nations Pass Through this Process--By this Means Christianity - is Diffused Through Consciousness of Men, not only in Spite of - Use of Violence by Government, but even Through its Action, - and therefore the Suppression is not to be Dreaded, but is - Brought About by the National Progress of Life--Objection of - those who Defend State Organization that Universal Adoption of - Christianity is hardly Likely to be Realized at any Time--The - General Adoption of the Truths of Christianity is being Brought - About not only by the Gradual and Inward Means, that is, by - Knowledge of the Truth, Prophetic Insight, and Recognition of - the Emptiness of Power, and Renunciation of it by Individuals, - but also by Another External Means, the Acceptance of a New - Truth by Whole Masses of Men on a Lower Level of Development - Through Simple Confidence in their Leaders--When a Certain - Stage in the Diffusion of a Truth has been Reached, a Public - Opinion is Created which Impels a Whole Mass of Men, formerly - Antagonistic to the New Truth, to Accept it--And therefore all - Men may Quickly be Brought to Renounce the use of Violence - when once a Christian Public Opinion is Established--The - Conviction of Force being Necessary Hinders the Establishment - of a Christian Public Opinion--The Use of Violence Leads Men to - Distrust the Spiritual Force which is the Only Force by which - they Advance--Neither Nations nor Individuals have been really - Subjugated by Force, but only by Public Opinion, which no Force - can Resist--Savage Nations and Savage Men can only be Subdued - by the Diffusion of a Christian Standard among them, while - actually Christian Nations in order to Subdue them do all they - can to Destroy a Christian Standard--These Fruitless Attempts to - Civilize Savages Cannot be Adduced as Proofs that Men Cannot be - Subdued by Christianity--Violence by Corrupting Public Opinion, - only Hinders the Social Organization from being What it Ought - to Be--And by the Use of Violence being Suppressed, a Christian - Public Opinion would be Established--Whatever might be the - Result of the Suppression of Use of Force, this Unknown Future - could not be Worse than the Present Condition, and so there is - no Need to Dread it--To Attain Knowledge of the Unknown, and to - Move Toward it, is the Essence of Life. - - -Christianity in its true sense puts an end to government. So it was -understood at its very commencement; it was for that cause that -Christ was crucified. So it has always been understood by people who -were not under the necessity of justifying a Christian government. -Only from the time that the heads of government assumed an external -and nominal Christianity, men began to invent all the impossible, -cunningly devised theories by means of which Christianity can be -reconciled with government. But no honest and serious-minded man of -our day can help seeing the incompatibility of true Christianity--the -doctrine of meekness, forgiveness of injuries, and love--with -government, with its pomp, acts of violence, executions, and wars. -The profession of true Christianity not only excludes the possibility -of recognizing government, but even destroys its very foundations. - -But if it is so, and we are right in saying that Christianity is -incompatible with government, then the question naturally presents -itself: which is more necessary to the good of humanity, in which -way is men's happiness best to be secured, by maintaining the -organization of government or by destroying it and replacing it by -Christianity? - -Some people maintain that government is more necessary for humanity, -that the destruction of the state organization would involve the -destruction of all that humanity has gained, that the state has been -and still is the only form in which humanity can develop. The evil -which we see among peoples living under a government organization -they attribute not to that type of society, but to its abuses, -which, they say, can be corrected without destroying it, and thus -humanity, without discarding the state organization, can develop and -attain a high degree of happiness. And men of this way of thinking -bring forward in support of their views arguments which they think -irrefutable drawn from history, philosophy, and even religion. But -there are men who hold on the contrary that, as there was a time when -humanity lived without government, such an organization is temporary, -and that a time must come when men need a new organization, and -that that time has come now. And men of this way of thinking also -bring forward in support of their views arguments which they think -irrefutable from philosophy, history, and religion. - -Volumes may be written in defense of the former view (and volumes -indeed have long ago been written and more will still be written on -that side), but much also can be written against it (and much also, -and most briliantly, has been written--though more recently--on this -side). - -And it cannot be proved, as the champions of the state maintain, -that the destruction of government involves a social chaos, mutual -spoliation and murder, the destruction of all social institutions, -and the return of mankind to barbarism. Nor can it be proved as the -opponents of government maintain that men have already become so -wise and good that they will not spoil or murder one another, but -will prefer peaceful associations to hostilities; that of their own -accord, unaided by the state, they will make all the arrangements -that they need, and that therefore government, far from being any -aid, under show of guarding men exerts a pernicious and brutalizing -influence over them. It is impossible to prove either of these -contentions by abstract reasoning. Still less possible is it to prove -them by experiment, since the whole matter turns on the question, -ought we to try the experiment? The question whether or not the time -has come to make an end of government would be unanswerable, except -that there exists another living means of settling it beyond dispute. - -We may dispute upon the question whether the nestlings are ready to -do without the mother-hen and to come out of the eggs, or whether -they are not yet advanced enough. But the young birds will decide -the question without any regard for our arguments when they find -themselves cramped for space in the eggs. Then they will begin to -try them with their beaks and come out of them of their own accord. - -It is the same with the question whether the time has come to do -away with the governmental type of society and to replace it by a -new type. If a man, through the growth of a higher conscience, can -no longer comply with the demands of government, he finds himself -cramped by it and at the same time no longer needs its protection. -When this comes to pass, the question whether men are ready to -discard the governmental type is solved. And the conclusion will be -as final for them as for the young birds hatched out of the eggs. -Just as no power in the world can put them back into the shells, so -can no power in the world bring men again under the governmental type -of society when once they have outgrown it. - -"It may well be that government was necessary and is still necessary -for all the advantages which you attribute to it," says the man who -has mastered the Christian theory of life. "I only know that on -the one hand, government is no longer necessary for _me_, and on -the other hand, _I_ can no longer carry out the measures that are -necessary to the existence of a government. Settle for yourselves -what you need for your life. I cannot prove the need or the harm of -governments in general. I know only what I need and do not need, -what I can do and what I cannot. I know that I do not need to divide -myself off from other nations, and therefore I cannot admit that I -belong exclusively to any state or nation, or that I owe allegiance -to any government. I know that I do not need all the government -institutions organized within the state, and therefore I cannot -deprive people who need my labor to give it in the form of taxes -to institutions which I do not need, which for all I know may be -pernicious. I know that I have no need of the administration or of -courts of justice founded upon force, and therefore I can take no -part in either. I know that I do not need to attack and slaughter -other nations or to defend myself from them with arms, and therefore -I can take no part in wars or preparations for wars. It may well be -that there are people who cannot help regarding all this as necessary -and indispensable. I cannot dispute the question with them, I can -only speak for myself; but I can say with absolute certainty that I -do not need it, and that I cannot do it. And I do not need this and -I cannot do it, not because such is my own, my personal will, but -because such is the will of him who sent me into life, and gave me an -indubitable law for my conduct through life." - -Whatever arguments may be advanced in support of the contention that -the suppression of government authority would be injurious and would -lead to great calamities, men who have once outgrown the governmental -form of society cannot go back to it again. And all the reasoning -in the world cannot make the man who has outgrown the governmental -form of society take part in actions disallowed by his conscience, -any more than the full-grown bird can be made to return into the -egg-shell. - -"But even it be so," say the champions of the existing order of -things, "still the suppression of government violence can only be -possible and desirable when all men have become Christians. So -long as among people nominally Christians there are unchristian -wicked men, who for the gratification of their own lusts are ready -to do harm to others, the suppression of government authority, -far from being a blessing to others, would only increase their -miseries. The suppression of the governmental type of society is -not only undesirable so long as there is only a minority of true -Christians; it would not even be desirable if the whole of a nation -were Christians, but among and around them were still unchristian -men of other nations. For these unchristian men would rob, outrage, -and kill the Christians with impunity and would make their lives -miserable. All that would result, would be that the bad would oppress -and outrage the good with impunity. And therefore the authority of -government must not be suppressed till all the wicked and rapacious -people in the world are extinct. And since this will either never -be, or at least cannot be for a long time to come, in spite of the -efforts of individual Christians to be independent of government -authority, it ought to be maintained in the interests of the -majority. The champions of government assert that without it the -wicked will oppress and outrage the good, and that the power of the -government enables the good to resist the wicked." - -But in this assertion the champions of the existing order of things -take for granted the proposition they want to prove. When they say -that except for the government the bad would oppress the good, they -take it for granted that the good are those who at the present -time are in possession of power, and the bad are those who are in -subjection to it. But this is just what wants proving. It would only -be true if the custom of our society were what is, or rather is -supposed to be, the custom in China; that is, that the good always -rule, and that directly those at the head of government cease to be -better than those they rule over, the citizens are bound to remove -them. This is supposed to be the custom in China. In reality it is -not so and can never be so. For to remove the heads of a government -ruling by force, it is not the right alone, but the power to do so -that is needed. So that even in China this is only an imaginary -custom. And in our Christian world we do not even suppose such a -custom, and we have nothing on which to build up the supposition that -it is the good or the superior who are in power; in reality it is -those who have seized power and who keep it for their own and their -retainers' benefit. - -The good cannot seize power, nor retain it; to do this men must love -power. And love of power is inconsistent with goodness; but quite -consistent with the very opposite qualities--pride, cunning, cruelty. - -Without the aggrandizement of self and the abasement of others, -without hypocrisies and deceptions, without prisons, fortresses, -executions, and murders, no power can come into existence or be -maintained. - -"If the power of government is suppressed the more wicked will -oppress the less wicked," say the champions of state authority. But -when the Egyptians conquered the Jews, the Romans conquered the -Greeks, and the Barbarians conquered the Romans, is it possible that -all the conquerors were always better than those they conquered? -And the same with the transitions of power within a state from one -personage to another: has the power always passed from a worse person -to a better one? When Louis XVI. was removed and Robespierre came -to power, and afterward Napoleon--who ruled then, a better man or a -worse? And when were better men in power, when the Versaillist party -or when the Commune was in power? When Charles I. was ruler, or when -Cromwell? And when Peter III. was Tzar, or when he was killed and -Catherine was Tzaritsa in one-half of Russia and Pougachef ruled the -other? Which was bad then, and which was good? All men who happen to -be in authority assert that their authority is necessary to keep the -bad from oppressing the good, assuming that they themselves are the -good _par excellence_, who protect other good people from the bad. - -But ruling means using force, and using force means doing to him to -whom force is used, what he does not like and what he who uses the -force would certainly not like done to himself. Consequently ruling -means doing to others what we would not they should do unto us, that -is, doing wrong. - -To submit means to prefer suffering to using force. And to prefer -suffering to using force means to be good, or at least less wicked -than those who do unto others what they would not like themselves. - -And therefore, in all probability, not the better but the worse have -always ruled and are ruling now. There may be bad men among those who -are ruled, but it cannot be that those who are better have generally -ruled those who are worse. - -It might be possible to suppose this with the inexact heathen -definition of good; but with the clear Christian definition of good -and evil, it is impossible to imagine it. - -If the more or less good, and the more or less bad cannot be -distinguished in the heathen world, the Christian conception of good -and evil has so clearly defined the characteristics of the good and -the wicked, that it is impossible to confound them. According to -Christ's teaching the good are those who are meek and long-suffering, -do not resist evil by force, forgive injuries, and love their -enemies; those are wicked who exalt themselves, oppress, strive, -and use force. Therefore by Christ's teaching there can be no doubt -whether the good are to be found among rulers or ruled, and whether -the wicked are among the ruled or the rulers. Indeed it is absurd -even to speak of Christians ruling. - -Non-Christians, that is those who find the aim of their lives in -earthly happiness, must always rule Christians, the aim of whose -lives is the renunciation of such earthly happiness. - -This difference has always existed and has become more and more -defined as the Christian religion has been more widely diffused and -more correctly understood. - -The more widely true Christianity was diffused and the more it -penetrated men's conscience, the more impossible it was for -Christians to be rulers, and the easier it became for non-Christians -to rule them. - -"To get rid of governmental violence in a society in which all are -not true Christians, will only result in the wicked dominating the -good and oppressing them with impunity," say the champions of the -existing order of things. But it has never been, and cannot be -otherwise. So it has always been from the beginning of the world, -and so it is still. _The wicked will always dominate the good, and -will always oppress them._ Cain overpowered Abel, the cunning Jacob -oppressed the guileless Esau and was in his turn deceived by Laban, -Caiaphas and Pilate oppressed Christ, the Roman emperors oppressed -Seneca, Epictetus, and the good Romans who lived in their times. -John IV. with his favorites, the syphilitic drunken Peter with -his buffoons, the vicious Catherine with her paramours, ruled and -oppressed the industrious religious Russians of their times. - -William is ruling over the Germans, Stambouloff over the Bulgarians, -the Russian officials over the Russian people. The Germans have -dominated the Italians, now they dominate the Hungarians and -Slavonians; the Turks have dominated and still dominate the -Slavonians and Greeks; the English dominate the Hindoos, the -Mongolians dominate the Chinese. - -So that whether governmental violence is suppressed or not, the -position of good men, in being oppressed by the wicked, will be -unchanged. - -To terrify men with the prospect of the wicked dominating the good is -impossible, for that is just what has always been, and is now, and -cannot but be. - -The whole history of pagan times is nothing but a recital of the -incidents and means by which the more wicked gained possession -of power over the less wicked, and retained it by cruelties and -deceptions, ruling over the good under the pretense of guarding the -right and protecting the good from the wicked. All the revolutions -in history are only examples of the more wicked seizing power and -oppressing the good. In declaring that if their authority did not -exist the more wicked would oppress the good, the ruling authorities -only show their disinclination to let other oppressors come to power -who would like to snatch it from them. - -But in asserting this they only accuse themselves. They say that -their power, _i. e._, violence, is needed to defend men from other -possible oppressors in the present or the future.[16] - - [16] I may quote in this connection the amazingly naive and comic - declaration of the Russian authorities, the oppressors of other - nationalities--the Poles, the Germans of the Baltic provinces, and - the Jews. The Russian Government has oppressed its subjects for - centuries, and has never troubled itself about the Little Russians - of Poland, or the Letts of the Baltic provinces, or the Russian - peasants, exploited by everyone. And now it has all of a sudden - become the champion of the oppressed--the very oppressed whom it is - itself oppressing. - -The weakness of the use of violence lies in the fact that all the -arguments brought forward by oppressors in their own defense can -with even better reason be advanced against them. They plead the -danger of violence--most often imagined in the future--but they are -all the while continuing to practice actual violence themselves. -"You say that men used to pillage and murder in the past, and that -you are afraid that they will pillage and murder one another if your -power were no more. That may happen--or it may not happen. But the -fact that you ruin thousands of men in prisons, fortresses, galleys, -and exile, break up millions of families and ruin millions of men, -physically as well as morally, in the army, that fact is not an -imaginary but a real act of violence, which, according to your own -argument, one ought to oppose by violence. And so you are yourselves -these wicked men against whom, according to your own argument, it is -absolutely necessary to use violence," the oppressed are sure to say -to their oppressors. And non-Christian men always do say, and think -and act on this reasoning. If the oppressed are more wicked than -their oppressors, they attack them and try to overthrow them; and in -favorable circumstances they succeed in overthrowing them, or what is -more common, they rise into the ranks of the oppressors and assist in -their acts of violence. - -So that the very violence which the champions of government hold -up as a terror--pretending that except for its oppressive power -the wicked would oppress the good--has really always existed and -will exist in human society. And therefore the suppression of state -violence cannot in any case be the cause of increased oppression of -the good by the wicked. - -If state violence ceased, there would be acts of violence perhaps on -the part of different people, other than those who had done deeds of -violence before. But the total amount of violence could not in any -case be increased by the mere fact of power passing from one set of -men to another. - -"State violence can only cease when there are no more wicked men in -society," say the champions of the existing order of things, assuming -in this of course that since there will always be wicked men, it can -never cease. And that would be right enough if it were the case, as -they assume, that the oppressors are always the best of men, and that -the sole means of saving men from evil is by violence. Then, indeed, -violence could never cease. But since this is not the case, but quite -the contrary, that it is not the better oppress the worse, but the -worse oppress the better, and since violence will never put an end -to evil, and there is, moreover, another means of putting an end to -it, the assertion that violence will never cease is incorrect. The -use of violence grows less and less and evidently must disappear. -But this will not come to pass, as some champions of the existing -order imagine, through the oppressed becoming better and better under -the influence of government (on the contrary, its influence causes -their continual degradation), but through the fact that all men are -constantly growing better and better of themselves, so that even the -most wicked, who are in power, will become less and less wicked, till -at last they are so good as to be incapable of using violence. - -The progressive movement of humanity does not proceed from the -better elements in society seizing power and making those who are -subject to them better, by forcible means, as both conservatives and -revolutionists imagine. It proceeds first and principally from the -fact that all men in general are advancing steadily and undeviatingly -toward a more and more conscious assimilation of the Christian theory -of life; and secondly, from the fact that, even apart from conscious -spiritual life, men are unconsciously brought into a more Christian -attitude to life by the very process of one set of men grasping the -power, and again being replaced by others. - -The worse elements of society, gaining possession of power, under -the sobering influence which always accompanies power, grow less and -less cruel, and become incapable of using cruel forms of violence. -Consequently others are able to seize their place, and the same -process of softening and, so to say, unconscious Christianizing goes -on with them. It is something like the process of ebullition. The -majority of men, having the non-Christian view of life, always strive -for power and struggle to obtain it. In this struggle the most cruel, -the coarsest, the least Christian elements of society overpower the -most gentle, well-disposed, and Christian, and rise by means of their -violence to the upper ranks of society. And in them is Christ's -prophecy fulfilled: "Woe to you that are rich! woe unto you that are -full! woe unto you when all men shall speak well of you!" For the men -who are in possession of power and all that results from it--glory -and wealth--and have attained the various aims they set before -themselves, recognize the vanity of it all and return to the position -from which they came. Charles V., John IV., Alexander I., recognizing -the emptiness and the evil of power, renounced it because they were -incapable of using violence for their own benefit as they had done. - -But they are not the solitary examples of this recognition of the -emptiness and evil of power. Everyone who gains a position of power -he has striven for, every general, every minister, every millionaire, -every petty official who has gained the place he has coveted for ten -years, every rich peasant who has laid by some hundred rubles, passes -through this unconscious process of softening. - -And not only individual men, but societies of men, whole nations, -pass through this process. - -The seductions of power, and all the wealth, honor, and luxury it -gives, seem a sufficient aim for men's efforts only so long as they -are unattained. Directly a man reaches them he sees all their vanity, -and they gradually lose all their power of attraction. They are like -clouds which have form and beauty only from the distance; directly -one ascends into them, all their splendor vanishes. - -Men who are in possession of power and wealth, sometimes even those -who have gained for themselves their power and wealth, but more often -their heirs, cease to be so eager for power, and so cruel in their -efforts to obtain it. - -Having learnt by experience, under the operation of Christian -influence, the vanity of all that is gained by violence, men -sometimes in one, sometimes in several generations lose the vices -which are generated by the passion for power and wealth. They -become less cruel and so cannot maintain their position, and are -expelled from power by others less Christian and more wicked. -Thus they return to a rank of society lower in position, but -higher in morality, raising thereby the average level of Christian -consciousness in men. But directly after them again the worst, -coarsest, least Christian elements of society rise to the top, -and are subjected to the same process as their predecessors, and -again in a generation or so, seeing the vanity of what is gained by -violence, and having imbibed Christianity, they come down again among -the oppressed, and their place is again filled by new oppressors, -less brutal than former oppressors, though more so than those they -oppress. So that, although power remains externally the same as -it was, with every change of the men in power there is a constant -increase of the number of men who have been brought by experience to -the necessity of assimilating the Christian conception of life, and -with every change--though it is the coarsest, cruelest, and least -Christian who come into possession of power, they are less coarse and -cruel and more Christian than their predecessors when they gained -possession of power. - -Power selects and attracts the worst elements of society, transforms -them, improves and softens them, and returns them to society. - -Such is the process by means of which Christianity, in spite of the -hindrances to human progress resulting from the violence of power, -gains more and more hold of men. Christianity penetrates to the -consciousness of men, not only in spite of the violence of power, but -also by means of it. - -And therefore the assertion of the champions of the state, that if -the power of government were suppressed the wicked would oppress -the good, not only fails to show that that is to be dreaded, since -it is just what happens now, but proves, on the contrary, that it -is governmental power which enables the wicked to oppress the good, -and is the evil most desirable to suppress, and that it is being -gradually suppressed in the natural course of things. - -"But if it be true that governmental power will disappear when those -in power become so Christian that they renounce power of their own -accord, and there are no men found willing to take their place, and -even if this process is already going on," say the champions of the -existing order, "when will that come to pass? If, after eighteen -hundred years, there are still so many eager for power, and so few -anxious to obey, there seems no likelihood of its happening very -soon--or indeed of its ever happening at all. - -"Even if there are, as there have always been, some men who prefer -renouncing power to enjoying it, the mass of men in reserve, who -prefer dominion to subjection, is so great that it is difficult to -imagine a time when the number will be exhausted. - -"Before this Christianizing process could so affect all men one -after another that they would pass from the heathen to the Christian -conception of life, and would voluntarily abandon power and wealth, -it would be necessary that all the coarse, half-savage men, -completely incapable of appreciating Christianity or acting upon it, -of whom there are always a great many in every Christian society, -should be converted to Christianity. More than this, all the savage -and absolutely non-Christian peoples, who are so numerous outside -the Christian world, must also be converted. And therefore, even -if we admit that this Christianizing process will some day affect -everyone, still, judging by the amount of progress it has made in -eighteen hundred years, it will be many times eighteen centuries -before it will do so. And it is therefore impossible and unprofitable -to think at present of anything so impracticable as the suppression -of authority. We ought only to try to put authority into the best -hands." - -And this criticism would be perfectly just, if the transition from -one conception of life to another were only accomplished by the -single process of all men, separately and successively, realizing, -each for himself, the emptiness of power, and reaching Christian -truth by the inner spiritual path. That process goes on unceasingly, -and men are passing over to Christianity one after another by this -inner way. - -But there is also another external means by which men reach -Christianity and by which the transition is less gradual. - -This transition from one organization of life to another is not -accomplished by degrees like the sand running through the hourglass -grain after grain. It is more like the water filling a vessel -floating on water. At first the water only runs in slowly on one -side, but as the vessel grows heavier it suddenly begins to sink, and -almost instantaneously fills with water. - -It is just the same with the transitions of mankind from one -conception--and so from one organization of life--to another. At -first only gradually and slowly, one after another, men attain to the -new truth by the inner spiritual way, and follow it out in life. But -when a certain point in the diffusion of the truth has been reached, -it is suddenly assimilated by everyone, not by the inner way, but, as -it were, involuntarily. - -That is why the champions of the existing order are wrong in arguing -that, since only a small section of mankind has passed over to -Christianity in eighteen centuries, it must be many times eighteen -centuries before all the remainder do the same. For in that argument -they do not take into account any other means, besides the inward -spiritual one, by which men assimilate a new truth and pass from one -order of life to another. - -Men do not only assimilate a truth through recognizing it by -prophetic insight, or by experience of life. When the truth has -become sufficiently widely diffused, men at a lower stage of -development accept it all at once simply through confidence in those -who have reached it by the inner spiritual way, and are applying it -to life. - -Every new truth, by which the order of human life is changed and -humanity is advanced, is at first accepted by only a very small -number of men who understand it through inner spiritual intuition. -The remainder of mankind who accepted on trust the preceding truth -on which the existing order is based, are always opposed to the -diffusion of the new truth. - -But seeing that, to begin with, men do not stand still, but are -steadily advancing to a greater recognition of the truth and a -closer adaptation of their life to it, and secondly, all men in -varying degrees according to their age, their education, and their -race are capable of understanding the new truths, at first those -who are nearest to the men who have attained the new truth by -spiritual intuition, slowly and one by one, but afterward more and -more quickly, pass over to the new truth. Thus the number of men -who accept the new truth becomes greater and greater, and the truth -becomes more and more comprehensible. - -And thus more confidence is aroused in the remainder, who are at a -less advanced stage of capacity for understanding the truth. And it -becomes easier for them to grasp it, and an increasing number accept -it. - -And so the movement goes on more and more quickly, and on an -ever-increasing scale, like a snowball, till at last a public opinion -in harmony with the new truth is created, and then the whole mass of -men is carried over all at once by its momentum to the new truth and -establishes a new social order in accordance with it. - -Those men who accept a new truth when it has gained a certain degree -of acceptance, always pass over all at once in masses. They are like -the ballast with which every ship is always loaded, at once to keep -it upright and enable it to sail properly. If there were no ballast, -the ship would not be low enough in the water, and would shift its -position at the slightest change in its conditions. This ballast, -which strikes one at first as superfluous and even as hindering -the progress of the vessel, is really indispensable to its good -navigation. - -It is the same with the mass of mankind, who not individually, but -always in a mass, under the influence of a new social idea pass all -at once from one organization of life to another. This mass always -hinders, by its inertia, frequent and rapid revolutions in the social -order which have not been sufficiently proved by human experience. -And it delays every truth a long while till it has stood the test of -prolonged struggles, and has thoroughly permeated the consciousness -of humanity. - -And that is why it is a mistake to say that because only a very -small minority of men has assimilated Christianity in eighteen -centuries, it must take many times as many centuries for all mankind -to assimilate it, and that since that time is so far off, we who live -in the present need not even think about it. It is a mistake, because -the men at a lower stage of culture, the men and the nations who are -represented as the obstacle to the realization of the Christian order -of life, are the very people who always pass over in masses all at -once to any truth that has once been recognized by public opinion. - -And therefore the transformation of human life, through which men -in power will renounce it, and there will be none anxious to take -their place, will not come only by all men consciously and separately -assimilating the Christian conception of life. It will come when -a Christian public opinion has arisen, so definite and easily -comprehensible as to reach the whole of the inert mass, which is not -able to attain truth by its own intuition, and therefore is always -under the sway of public opinion. - -Public opinion arises spontaneously and spreads for hundreds and -thousands of years, but it has the power of working on men by -infection, and with great rapidity gains a hold on great numbers of -men. - -"But," say the champions of the existing order, "even if it is -true that public opinion, when it has attained a certain degree of -definiteness and precision, can convert the inert mass of men outside -the Christian world--the non-Christian races--as well as the coarse -and depraved who are living in its midst, what proofs have we that -this Christian public opinion has arisen and is able to replace force -and render it unnecessary. - -"We must not give up force, by which the existing order is -maintained, and by relying on the vague and impalpable influence -of public opinion expose Christians to the risk of being pillaged, -murdered, and outraged in every way by the savages inside and outside -of civilized society. - -"Since, even supported by the use of force, we can hardly control -the non-Christian elements which are always ready to pour down on -us and to destroy all that has been gained by civilization, is it -likely that public opinion could take the place of force and render -us secure? And besides, how are we to find the moment when public -opinion has become strong enough to be able to replace the use of -force? To reject the use of force and trust to public opinion to -defend us would be as insane as to remove all weapons of defense in a -menagerie, and then to let loose all the lions and tigers, relying on -the fact that the animals seemed peaceable when kept in their cages -and held in check by red-hot irons. And therefore people in power, -who have been put in positions of authority by fate or by God, have -not the right to run the risk, ruining all that has been gained by -civilization, just because they want to try an experiment to see -whether public opinion is or is not able to replace the protection -given by authority." - -A French writer, forgotten now, Alphonse Karr, said somewhere, trying -to show the impossibility of doing away with the death penalty: "Que -messieurs les assassins commencent par nous donner l'exemple." Often -have I heard this _bon mot_ repeated by men who thought that these -words were a witty and convincing argument against the abolition of -capital punishment. And yet all the erroneousness of the argument of -those who consider that governments cannot give up the use of force -till all people are capable of doing the same, could not be more -clearly expressed than it is in that epigram. - -"Let the murderers," say the champions of state violence, "set us the -example by giving up murder and then we will give it up." But the -murderers say just the same, only with much more right. They say: -"Let those who have undertaken to teach us and guide us set us the -example of giving up legal murder, and then we will imitate them." -And they say this, not as a jest, but seriously, because it is the -actual state of the case. - -"We cannot give up the use of violence, because we are surrounded -by violent ruffians." Nothing in our days hinders the progress of -humanity and the establishment of the organization corresponding to -its present development more than this false reasoning. Those in -authority are convinced that men are only guided and only progress -through the use of force, and therefore they confidently make use -of it to support the existing organization. The existing order is -maintained, not by force, but by public opinion, the action of which -is disturbed by the use of force. So that the effect of using force -is to disturb and to weaken the very thing it tries to maintain. - -Violence, even in the most favorable case, when it is not used simply -for some personal aims of those in power, always punishes under the -one inelastic formula of the law what has long before been condemned -by public opinion. But there is this difference, that while public -opinion censures and condemns all the acts opposed to the moral law, -including the most varied cases in its reprobation, the law which -rests on violence only condemns and punishes a certain very limited -range of acts, and by so doing seems to justify all other acts of the -same kind which do not come under its scope. - -Public opinion ever since the time of Moses has regarded -covetousness, profligacy, and cruelty as wrong, and censured -them accordingly. And it condemns every kind of manifestation of -covetousness, not only the appropriation of the property of others -by force or fraud or trickery, but even the cruel abuse of wealth; -it condemns every form of profligacy, whether with concubine, slave, -divorced woman, or even one's own wife; it condemns every kind of -cruelty, whether shown in blows, in ill-treatment, or in murder, -not only of men, but even of animals. The law resting on force -only punishes certain forms of covetousness, such as robbery and -swindling, certain forms of profligacy and cruelty, such as conjugal -infidelity, murder, and wounding. And in this way it seems to -countenance all the manifestations of covetousness, profligacy, and -cruelty which do not come under its narrow definition. - -But besides corrupting public opinion, the use of force leads -men to the fatal conviction that they progress, not through the -spiritual impulse which impels them to the attainment of truth and -its realization in life, and which constitutes the only source of -every progressive movement of humanity, but by means of violence, -the very force which, far from leading men to truth, always carries -them further away from it. This is a fatal error, because it leads -men to neglect the chief force underlying their life--their spiritual -activity--and to turn all their attention and energy to the use -of violence, which is superficial, sluggish, and most generally -pernicious in its action. - -They make the same mistake as men who, trying to set a steam -engine in motion, should turn its wheels round with their hands, -not suspecting that the underlying cause of its movement was the -expansion of the steam, and not the motion of the wheels. By turning -the wheels by hand and by levers they could only produce a semblance -of movement, and meantime they would be wrenching the wheels and so -preventing their being fit for real movement. - -That is just what people are doing who think to make men advance by -means of external force. - -They say that the Christian life cannot be established without the -use of violence, because there are savage races outside the pale -of Christian societies in Africa and in Asia (there are some who -even represent the Chinese as a danger to civilization), and that -in the midst of Christian societies there are savage, corrupt, and, -according to the new theory of heredity, congenital criminals. And -violence, they say, is necessary to keep savages and criminals from -annihilating our civilization. - -But these savages within and without Christian society, who are such -a terror to us, have never been subjugated by violence, and are not -subjugated by it now. Nations have never subjugated other nations by -violence alone. If a nation which subjugated another was on a lower -level of civilization, it has never happened that it succeeded in -introducing its organization of life by violence. On the contrary, it -was always forced to adopt the organization of life existing in the -conquered nation. If ever any of the nations conquered by force have -been really subjugated, or even nearly so, it has always been by the -action of public opinion, and never by violence, which only tends to -drive a people to further rebellion. - -When whole nations have been subjugated by a new religion, and have -become Christian or Mohammedan, such a conversion has never been -brought about because the authorities made it obligatory (on the -contrary, violence has much oftener acted in the opposite direction), -but because public opinion made such a change inevitable. Nations, on -the contrary, who have been driven by force to accept the faith of -their conquerors have always remained antagonistic to it. - -It is just the same with the savage elements existing in the midst -of our civilized societies. Neither the increased nor the diminished -severity of punishment, nor the modifications of prisons, nor the -increase of police will increase or diminish the number of criminals. -Their number will only be diminished by the change of the moral -standard of society. No severities could put an end to duels and -vendettas in certain districts. In spite of the number of Tcherkesses -executed for robbery, they continue to be robbers from their youth -up, for no maiden will marry a Tcherkess youth till he has given -proof of his bravery by carrying off a horse, or at least a sheep. If -men cease to fight duels, and the Tcherkesses cease to be robbers, it -will not be from fear of punishment (indeed, that invests the crime -with additional charm for youth), but through a change in the moral -standard of public opinion. It is the same with all other crimes. -Force can never suppress what is sanctioned by public opinion. On the -contrary, public opinion need only be in direct opposition to force -to neutralize the whole effect of the use of force. It has always -been so and always will be in every case of martyrdom. - -What would happen if force were not used against hostile nations and -the criminal elements of society we do not know. But we do know by -prolonged experience that neither enemies nor criminals have been -successfully suppressed by force. - -And indeed how could nations be subjugated by violence who are led by -their whole education, their traditions, and even their religion to -see the loftiest virtue in warring with their oppressors and fighting -for freedom? And how are we to suppress by force acts committed -in the midst of our society which are regarded as crimes by the -government and as daring exploits by the people? - -To exterminate such nations and such criminals by violence is -possible, and indeed is done, but to subdue them is impossible. - -The sole guide which directs men and nations has always been and is -the unseen, intangible, underlying force, the resultant of all the -spiritual forces of a certain people, or of all humanity, which finds -its outward expression in public opinion. - -The use of violence only weakens this force, hinders it and corrupts -it, and tries to replace it by another which, far from being -conducive to the progress of humanity, is detrimental to it. - -To bring under the sway of Christianity all the savage nations -outside the pale of the Christian world--all the Zulus, Mandchoos, -and Chinese, whom many regard as savages--and the savages who live in -our midst, there is only _one means_. That means is the propagation -among these nations of the Christian ideal of society, which can only -be realized by a Christian life, Christian actions, and Christian -examples. And meanwhile, though this is the _one only means_ of -gaining a hold over the people who have remained non-Christian, the -men of our day set to work in the directly opposite fashion to attain -this result. - -To bring under the sway of Christianity savage nations who do not -attack us and whom we have therefore no excuse for oppressing, we -ought before all things to leave them in peace, and in case we need -or wish to enter into closer relations with them, we ought only to -influence them by Christian manners and Christian teaching, setting -them the example of the Christian virtues of patience, meekness, -endurance, purity, brotherhood, and love. Instead of that we begin by -establishing among them new markets for our commerce, with the sole -aim of our own profit; then we appropriate their lands, _i. e._, rob -them; then we sell them spirits, tobacco, and opium, _i. e._, corrupt -them; then we establish our morals among them, teach them the use -of violence and new methods of destruction, _i. e._, we teach them -nothing but the animal law of strife, below which man cannot sink, -and we do all we can to conceal from them all that is Christian in -us. After this we send some dozens of missionaries prating to them -of the hypocritical absurdities of the Church, and then quote the -failure of our efforts to turn the heathen to Christianity as an -incontrovertible proof of the impossibility of applying the truths of -Christianity in practical life. - -It is just the same with the so-called criminals living in our -midst. To bring these people under the sway of Christianity there -is _one only means_, that is, the Christian social ideal, which -can only be realized among them by true Christian teaching and -supported by a true example of the Christian life. And to preach -this Christian truth and to support it by Christian example we -set up among them prisons, guillotines, gallows, preparations for -murder; we diffuse among the common herd idolatrous superstitions to -stupefy them; we sell them spirits, tobacco, and opium to brutalize -them; we even organize legalized prostitution; we give land to those -who do not need it; we make a display of senseless luxury in the -midst of suffering poverty; we destroy the possibility of anything -like a Christian public opinion, and studiously try to suppress -what Christian public opinion is existing. And then, after having -ourselves assiduously corrupted men, we shut them up like wild beasts -in places from which they cannot escape, and where they become still -more brutalized, or else we kill them. And these very men whom we -have corrupted and brutalized by every means, we bring forward as a -proof that one cannot deal with criminals except by brute force. - -We are just like ignorant doctors who put a man, recovering from -illness by the force of nature, into the most unfavorable conditions -of hygiene, and dose him with the most deleterious drugs, and then -assert triumphantly that their hygiene and their drugs saved his -life, when the patient would have been well long before if they had -left him alone. - -Violence, which is held up as the means of supporting the Christian -organization of life, not only fails to produce that effect, it even -hinders the social organization of life from being what it might and -ought to be. The social organization is as good as it is not as a -result of force, but in spite of it. - -And therefore the champions of the existing order are mistaken -in arguing that since, even with the aid of force, the bad and -non-Christian elements of humanity can hardly be kept from attacking -us, the abolition of the use of force and the substitution of public -opinion for it would leave humanity quite unprotected. - -They are mistaken, because force does not protect humanity, but, -on the contrary, deprives it of the only possible means of really -protecting itself, that is, the establishment and diffusion of a -Christian public opinion. Only by the suppression of violence will a -Christian public opinion cease to be corrupted, and be enabled to be -diffused without hindrance, and men will then turn their efforts in -the spiritual direction by which alone they can advance. - -"But how are we to cast off the visible tangible protection of an -armed policeman, and trust to something so intangible as public -opinion? Does it yet exist? Moreover, the condition of things -in which we are living now, we know, good or bad; we know its -shortcomings and are used to it, we know what to do, and how to -behave under present conditions. But what will happen when we give -it up and trust ourselves to something invisible and intangible, and -altogether unknown?" - -The unknown world on which they are entering in renouncing their -habitual ways of life appears itself as dreadful to them. It is -all very well to dread the unknown when our habitual position is -sound and secure. But our position is so far from being secure that -we know, beyond all doubt, that we are standing on the brink of a -precipice. - -If we must be afraid let us be afraid of what is really alarming, and -not what we imagine as alarming. - -Fearing to make the effort to detach ourselves from our perilous -position because the future is not fully clear to us, we are like -passengers in a foundering ship who, through being afraid to trust -themselves to the boat which would carry them to the shore, shut -themselves up in the cabin and refuse to come out of it; or like -sheep, who, terrified by their barn being on fire, huddle in a corner -and do not go out of the wide-open door. - -We are standing on the threshold of the murderous war of social -revolution, terrific in its miseries, beside which, as those who -are preparing it tell us, the horrors of 1793 will be child's play. -And can we talk of the danger threatening us from the warriors of -Dahomey, the Zulus, and such, who live so far away and are not -dreaming of attacking us, and from some thousands of swindlers, -thieves, and murderers, brutalized and corrupted by ourselves, whose -number is in no way lessened by all our sentences, prisons, and -executions? - -Moreover this dread of the suppression of the visible protection of -the policeman is essentially a sentiment of townspeople, that is, of -people who are living in abnormal and artificial conditions. People -living in natural conditions of life, not in towns, but in the midst -of nature, and carrying on the struggle with nature, live without -this protection and know how little force can protect us from the -real dangers with which we are surrounded. There is something sickly -in this dread, which is essentially dependent on the artificial -conditions in which many of us live and have been brought up. - -A doctor, a specialist in insanity, told a story that one summer -day when he was leaving the asylum, the lunatics accompanied him to -the street door. "Come for a walk in the town with me?" the doctor -suggested to them. The lunatics agreed, and a small band followed the -doctor. But the further they proceeded along the street where healthy -people were freely moving about, the more timid they became, and they -pressed closer and closer to the doctor, hindering him from walking. -At last they all began to beg him to take them back to the asylum, -to their meaningless but customary way of life, to their keepers, to -blows, strait waistcoats, and solitary cells. - -This is just how men of to-day huddle in terror and draw back to -their irrational manner of life, their factories, law courts, -prisons, executions, and wars, when Christianity calls them to -liberty, to the free, rational life of the future coming age. - -People ask, "How will our security be guaranteed when the existing -organization is suppressed? What precisely will the new organization -be that is to replace it? So long as we do not know precisely how our -life will be organized, we will not stir a step forward." - -An explorer going to an unknown country might as well ask for a -detailed map of the country before he would start. - -If a man, before he passed from one stage to another, could know his -future life in full detail, he would have nothing to live for. It is -the same with the life of humanity. If it had a programme of the life -which awaited it before entering a new stage, it would be the surest -sign that it was not living, nor advancing, but simply rotating in -the same place. - -The conditions of the new order of life cannot be known by us because -we have to create them by our own labors. That is all that life is, -to learn the unknown, and to adapt our actions to this new knowledge. - -That is the life of each individual man, and that is the life of -human societies and of humanity. - - - - -CHAPTER XI. - - THE CHRISTIAN CONCEPTION OF LIFE HAS ALREADY ARISEN IN OUR - SOCIETY, AND WILL INFALLIBLY PUT AN END TO THE PRESENT - ORGANIZATION OF OUR LIFE BASED ON FORCE--WHEN THAT WILL BE. - - The Condition and Organization of our Society are Terrible, - but they Rest only on Public Opinion, and can be Destroyed by - it--Already Violence is Regarded from a Different Point of View; - the Number of those who are Ready to Serve the Government is - Diminishing; and even the Servants of Government are Ashamed of - their Position, and so often Do Not Perform their Duties--These - Facts are all Signs of the Rise of a Public Opinion, which - Continually Growing will Lead to No One being Willing to Enter - Government Service--Moreover, it Becomes More and More Evident - that those Offices are of No Practical Use--Men already Begin to - Understand the Futility of all Institutions Based on Violence, - and if a Few already Understand it, All will One Day Understand - it--The Day of Deliverance is Unknown, but it Depends on Men - Themselves, on how far Each Man Lives According to the Light - that is in Him. - - -The position of Christian humanity with its prisons, galleys, -gibbets, its factories and accumulation of capital, its taxes, -churches, gin-palaces, licensed brothels, its ever-increasing -armament and its millions of brutalized men, ready, like chained -dogs, to attack anyone against whom their master incites them, -would be terrible indeed if it were the product of violence, but -it is pre-eminently the product of public opinion. And what has -been established by public opinion can be destroyed by public -opinion--and, indeed, is being destroyed by public opinion. - -Money lavished by hundreds of millions, tens of millions of -disciplined troops, weapons of astounding destructive power, all -organizations carried to the highest point of perfection, a whole -army of men charged with the task of deluding and hypnotizing the -people, and all this, by means of electricity which annihilates -distance, under the direct control of men who regard such an -organization of society not only as necessary for profit, but even -for self-preservation, and therefore exert every effort of their -ingenuity to preserve it--what an invincible power it would seem! And -yet we need only imagine for a moment what will really inevitably -come to pass, that is, the Christian social standard replacing the -heathen social standard and established with the same power and -universality, and the majority of men as much ashamed of taking -any part in violence or in profiting by it, as they are to-day of -thieving, swindling, begging, and cowardice; and at once we see the -whole of this complex, and seemingly powerful organization of society -falls into ruins of itself without a struggle. - -And to bring this to pass, nothing new need be brought before men's -minds. Only let the mist, which veils from men's eyes the true -meaning of certain acts of violence, pass away, and the Christian -public opinion which is springing up would overpower the extinct -public opinion which permitted and justified acts of violence. People -need only come to be as much ashamed to do deeds of violence, to -assist in them or to profit by them, as they now are of being, or -being reputed a swindler, a thief, a coward, or a beggar. And already -this change is beginning to take place. We do not notice it just -as we do not notice the movement of the earth, because we are moved -together with everything around us. - -It is true that the organization of society remains in its principal -features just as much an organization based on violence as it was -one thousand years ago, and even in some respects, especially in the -preparation for war and in war itself, it appears still more brutal. -But the rising Christian ideal, which must at a certain stage of -development replace the heathen ideal of life, already makes its -influence felt. A dead tree stands apparently as firmly as ever--it -may even seem firmer because it is harder--but it is rotten at the -core, and soon must fall. It is just so with the present order of -society, based on force. The external aspect is unchanged. There is -the same division of oppressors and oppressed, but their view of the -significance and dignity of their respective positions is no longer -what it once was. - -The oppressors, that is, those who take part in government, and those -who profit by oppression, that is, the rich, no longer imagine, as -they once did, that they are the elect of the world, and that they -constitute the ideal of human happiness and greatness, to attain -which was once the highest aim of the oppressed. - -Very often now it is not the oppressed who strive to attain the -position of the oppressors, and try to imitate them, but on the -contrary the oppressors who voluntarily abandon the advantages of -their position, prefer the condition of the oppressed, and try to -resemble them in the simplicity of their life. - -Not to speak of the duties and occupations now openly despised, -such as that of spy, agent of secret police, money-lender, and -publican, there are a great number of professions formerly regarded -as honorable, such as those of police officials, courtiers, judges, -and administrative functionaries, clergymen, military officers, -speculators, and bankers, which are no longer considered desirable -positions by everyone, and are even despised by a special circle of -the most respected people. There are already men who voluntarily -abandon these professions which were once reckoned irreproachable, -and prefer less lucrative callings which are in no way connected with -the use of force. - -And there are even rich men who, not through religious sentiment, but -simply through special sensitiveness to the social standard that is -springing up, relinquish their inherited property, believing that a -man can only justly consume what he has gained by his own labor. - -The position of a government official or of a rich man is no longer, -as it once was, and still is among non-Christian peoples, regarded -as necessarily honorable and deserving of respect, and under the -special blessing of God. The most delicate and moral people (they are -generally also the most cultivated) avoid such positions and prefer -more humble callings that are not dependent on the use of force. - -The best of our young people, at the age when they are still -uncorrupted by life and are choosing a career, prefer the calling of -doctor, engineer, teacher, artist, writer, or even that of simple -farmer living on his own labor, to legal, administrative, clerical, -and military positions in the pay of government, or to an idle -existence living on their incomes. - -Monuments and memorials in these days are mostly not erected in honor -of government dignitaries, or generals, or still less of rich men, -but rather of artists, men of science, and inventors, persons who -have nothing in common with the government, and often have even been -in conflict with it. They are the men whose praises are celebrated -in poetry, who are honored by sculpture and received with triumphant -jubilations. - -The best men of our day are all striving for such places of honor. -Consequently the class from which the wealthy and the government -officials are drawn grows less in number and lower in intelligence -and education, and still more in moral qualities. So that nowadays -the wealthy class and men at the head of government do not -constitute, as they did in former days, the _élite_ of society; on -the contrary, they are inferior to the middle class. - -In Russia and Turkey as in America and France, however often -the government change its officials, the majority of them are -self-seeking and corrupt, of so low a moral standard that they do -not even come up the elementary requirements of common honesty -expected by the government. One may often nowadays hear from persons -in authority the naïve complaint that the best people are always, -by some strange--as it seems to them--fatality, to be found in the -camp of the opposition. As though men were to complain that those who -accepted the office of hangman were--by some strange fatality--all -persons of very little refinement or beauty of character. - -The most cultivated and refined people of our society are not -nowadays to be found among the very rich, as used formerly to be the -rule. The rich are mostly coarse money grubbers, absorbed only, in -increasing their hoard, generally by dishonest means, or else the -degenerate heirs of such money grubbers, who, far from playing any -prominent part in society, are mostly treated with general contempt. - -And besides the fact that the class from which the servants of -government and the wealthy are drawn grows less in number and lower -in caliber, they no longer themselves attach the same importance -to their positions as they once did; often they are ashamed of the -ignominy of their calling and do not perform the duties they are -bound to perform in their position. Kings and emperors scarcely -govern at all; they scarcely ever decide upon an internal reform -or a new departure in foreign politics. They mostly leave the -decision of such questions to government institutions or to public -opinion. All their duties are reduced to representing the unity -and majesty of government. And even this duty they perform less and -less successfully. The majority of them do not keep up their old -unapproachable majesty, but become more and more democratized and -even vulgarized, casting aside the external prestige that remained to -them, and thereby destroying the very thing it was their function to -maintain. - -It is just the same with the army. Military officers of the highest -rank, instead of encouraging in their soldiers the brutality and -ferocity necessary for their work, diffuse education among the -soldiers, inculcate humanity, and often even themselves share the -socialistic ideas of the masses and denounce war. In the last plots -against the Russian Government many of the conspirators were in -the army. And the number of the disaffected in the army is always -increasing. And it often happens (there was a case, indeed, within -the last few days) that when called upon to quell disturbances -they refuse to fire upon the people. Military exploits are openly -reprobated by the military themselves, and are often the subject of -jests among them. - -It is the same with judges and public prosecutors. The judges, whose -duty it is to judge and condemn criminals, conduct the proceedings -so as to whitewash them as far as possible. So that the Russian -Government, to procure the condemnation of those whom they want to -punish, never intrust them to the ordinary tribunals, but have them -tried before a court martial, which is only a parody of justice. The -prosecutors themselves often refuse to proceed, and even when they do -proceed, often in spite of the law, really defend those they ought -to be accusing. The learned jurists whose business it is to justify -the violence of authority, are more and more disposed to deny the -right of punishment and to replace it by theories of irresponsibility -and even of moral insanity, proposing to deal with those they call -criminals by medical treatment only. - -Jailers and overseers of galleys generally become the champions of -those whom they ought to torture. Police officers and detectives -are continually assisting the escape of those they ought to arrest. -The clergy preach tolerance, and even sometimes condemn the use of -force, and the more educated among them try in their sermons to avoid -the very deception which is the basis of their position and which -it is their duty to support. Executioners refuse to perform their -functions, so that in Russia the death penalty cannot be carried out -for want of executioners. And in spite of all the advantages bestowed -on these men, who are selected from convicts, there is a constantly -diminishing number of volunteers for the post. Governors, police -officials, tax collectors often have compassion on the people and try -to find pretexts for not collecting the tax from them. The rich are -not at ease in spending their wealth only on themselves, and lavish -it on works of public utility. Landowners build schools and hospitals -on their property, and some even give up the ownership of their land -and transfer it to the cultivators, or establish communities upon -it. Millowners and manufacturers build hospitals, schools, savings -banks, asylums, and dwellings for their workpeople. Some of them -form co-operative associations in which they have shares on the same -terms as the others. Capitalists expend a part of their capital on -educational, artistic, philanthropic, and other public institutions. -And many, who are not equal to parting with their wealth in their -lifetime, leave it in their wills to public institutions. - -All these phenomena might seem to be mere exceptions, except that -they can all be referred to one common cause. Just as one might fancy -the first leaves on the budding trees in April were exceptional if we -did not know that they all have a common cause, the spring, and that -if we see the branches on some trees shooting and turning green, it -is certain that it will soon be so with all. - -So it is with the manifestation of the Christian standard of opinion -on force and all that is based on force. If this standard already -influences some, the most impressionable, and impels each in his -own sphere to abandon advantages based on the use of force, then -its influence will extend further and further till it transforms -the whole order of men's actions and puts it into accord with the -Christian ideal which is already a living force in the vanguard of -humanity. - -And if there are now rulers, who do not decide on any step on their -own authority, who try to be as unlike monarchs, and as like plain -mortals as possible, who state their readiness to give up their -prerogatives and become simply the first citizens of a republic; -if there are already soldiers who realize all the sin and harm of -war, and are not willing to fire on men either of their own or a -foreign country; judges and prosecutors who do not like to try and -to condemn criminals; priests, who abjure deception; tax-gatherers -who try to perform as little as they can of their duties, and rich -men renouncing their wealth--then the same thing will inevitably -happen to other rulers, other soldiers, other judges, priests, -tax-gatherers, and rich men. And when there are no longer men willing -to fill these offices, these offices themselves will disappear too. - -But this is not the only way in which public opinion is leading men -to the abolition of the prevailing order and the substitution of a -new order. As the positions based on the rule of force become less -attractive and fewer men are found willing to fill them, the more -will their uselessness be apparent. - -Everywhere throughout the Christian world the same rulers, and the -same governments, the same armies, the same law courts, the same -tax-gatherers, the same priests, the same rich men, landowners, -manufacturers, and capitalists, as ever, but the attitude of the -world to them, and their attitude to themselves is altogether -changed. - -The same sovereigns have still the same audiences and interviews, -hunts and banquets, and balls and uniforms; there are the same -diplomats and the same deliberations on alliances and wars; there -are still the same parliaments, with the same debates on the Eastern -question and Africa, on treaties and violations of treaties, and -Home Rule and the eight-hour day; and one set of ministers replacing -another in the same way, and the same speeches and the same -incidents. But for men who observe how one newspaper article has more -effect on the position of affairs than dozens of royal audiences or -parliamentary sessions, it becomes more and more evident that these -audiences and interviews and debates in parliaments do not direct -the course of affairs, but something independent of all that, which -cannot be concentrated in one place. - -The same generals and officers and soldiers, and cannons and -fortresses, and reviews and maneuvers, but no war breaks out. One -year, ten, twenty years pass by. And it becomes less and less -possible to rely on the army for the pacification of riots, and more -and more evident, consequently, that generals, and officers, and -soldiers are only figures in solemn processions--objects of amusement -for governments--a sort of immense--and far too expensive--_corps de -ballet_. - -The same lawyers and judges, and the same assizes, but it becomes -more and more evident that the civil courts decide cases on the -most diverse grounds, but regardless of justice, and that criminal -trials are quite senseless, because the punishments do not attain -the objects aimed at by the judges themselves. These institutions -therefore serve no other purpose than to provide a means of -livelihood for men who are not capable of doing anything more useful. - -The same priests and archbishops and churches and synods, but it -becomes more and more evident that they have long ago ceased to -believe in what they preach, and therefore they can convince no one -of the necessity of believing what they don't believe themselves. - -The same tax collectors, but they are less and less capable of taking -men's property from them by force, and it becomes more and more -evident that people can collect all that is necessary by voluntary -subscription without their aid. - -The same rich men, but it becomes more and more evident that they can -only be of use by ceasing to administer their property in person and -giving up to society the whole or at least a part of their wealth. - -And when all this has become absolutely evident to everyone, it will -be natural for men to ask themselves: "But why should we keep and -maintain all these kings, emperors, presidents, and members of all -sorts of senates and ministries, since nothing comes of all their -debates and audiences? Wouldn't it be better, as some humorist -suggested, to make a queen of india-rubber?" - -And what good to us are these armies with their generals and bands -and horses and drums? And what need is there of them when there -is no war, and no one wants to make war? and if there were a war, -other nations would not let us gain any advantage from it; while the -soldiers refuse to fire on their fellow-countrymen. - -And what is the use of these lawyers and judges who don't decide -civil cases with justice and recognize themselves the uselessness of -punishments in criminal cases? - -And what is the use of tax collectors who collect the taxes -unwillingly, when it is easy to raise all that is wanted without them? - -What is the use of the clergy, who don't believe in what they preach? - -And what is the use of capital in the hands of private persons, when -it can only be of use as the property of all? - -And when once people have asked themselves these questions they -cannot help coming to some decision and ceasing to support all these -institutions which are no longer of use. - -But even before those who support these institutions decide to -abolish them, the men who occupy these positions will be reduced to -the necessity of throwing them up. - -Public opinion more and more condemns the use of force, and therefore -men are less and less willing to fill positions which rest on the -use of force, and if they do occupy them, are less and less able to -make use of force in them. And hence they must become more and more -superfluous. - -I once took part in Moscow in a religious meeting which used to take -place generally in the week after Easter near the church in the -Ohotny Row. A little knot of some twenty men were collected together -on the pavement, engaged in serious religious discussion. At the -same time there was a kind of concert going on in the buildings of -the Court Club in the same street, and a police officer noticing -the little group collected near the church sent a mounted policeman -to disperse it. It was absolutely unnecessary for the officer to -disperse it. A group of twenty men was no obstruction to anyone, but -he had been standing there the whole morning, and he wanted to do -something. The policeman, a young fellow, with a resolute flourish of -his right arm and a clink of his saber, came up to us and commanded -us severely: "Move on! what's this meeting about?" Everyone looked at -the policeman, and one of the speakers, a quiet man in a peasant's -dress, answered with a calm and gracious air, "We are speaking of -serious matters, and there is no need for us to move on; you would do -better, young man, to get off your horse and listen. It might do you -good"; and turning round he continued his discourse. The policeman -turned his horse and went off without a word. - -That is just what should be done in all cases of violence. - -The officer was bored, he had nothing to do. He had been put, poor -fellow, in a position in which he had no choice but to give orders. -He was shut off from all human existence; he could do nothing but -superintend and give orders, and give orders and superintend, -though his superintendence and his orders served no useful purpose -whatever. And this is the position in which all these unlucky rulers, -ministers, members of parliament, governors, generals, officers, -archbishops, priests, and even rich men find themselves to some -extent already, and will find themselves altogether as time goes on. -They can do nothing but give orders, and they give orders and send -their messengers, as the officer sent the policeman, to interfere -with people. And because the people they hinder turn to them and -request them not to interfere, they fancy they are very useful indeed. - -But the time will come and is coming when it will be perfectly -evident to everyone that they are not of any use at all, and only a -hindrance, and those whom they interfere with will say gently and -quietly to them, like my friend in the street meeting, "Pray don't -interfere with us." And all the messengers and those who send them -too will be obliged to follow this good advice, that is to say, will -leave off galloping about, with their arms akimbo, interfering with -people, and getting off their horses and removing their spurs, will -listen to what is being said, and mixing with others, will take their -place with them in some real human work. - -The time will come and is inevitably coming when all institutions -based on force will disappear through their uselessness, stupidity, -and even inconvenience becoming obvious to all. - -The time must come when the men of our modern world who fill offices -based upon violence will find themselves in the position of the -emperor in Andersen's tale of "The Emperor's New Clothes," when the -child seeing the emperor undressed, cried in all simplicity, "Look, -he is naked!" And then all the rest, who had seen him and said -nothing, could not help recognizing it too. - -The story is that there was once an emperor, very fond of new -clothes. And to him came two tailors, who promised to make him some -extraordinary clothes. The emperor engages them and they begin to sew -at them, but they explain that the clothes have the extraordinary -property of remaining invisible to anyone who is unfit for his -position. The courtiers come to look at the tailors' work and see -nothing, for the men are plying their needles in empty space. But -remembering the extraordinary property of the clothes, they all -declare they see them and are loud in their admiration. The emperor -does the same himself. The day of the procession comes in which the -emperor is to go out in his new clothes. The emperor undresses and -puts on his new clothes, that is to say, remains naked, and naked he -walks through the town. But remembering the magic property of the -clothes, no one ventures to say that he has nothing on till a little -child cries out: "Look, he is naked!" - -This will be exactly the situation of all who continue through -inertia to fill offices which have long become useless directly -someone who has no interest in concealing their uselessness exclaims -in all simplicity: "But these people have been of no use to anyone -for a long time past!" - -The condition of Christian humanity with its fortresses, cannons, -dynamite, guns, torpedoes, prisons, gallows, churches, factories, -customs offices, and palaces is really terrible. But still cannons -and guns will not fire themselves, prisons will not shut men up of -themselves, gallows will not hang them, churches will not delude -them, nor customs offices hinder them, and palaces and factories are -not built nor kept up of themselves. All those things are the work -of men. If men come to understand that they ought not to do these -things, then they will cease to be. And already they are beginning -to understand it. Though all do not understand it yet, the advanced -guard understand and the rest will follow them. And the advanced -guard cannot cease to understand what they have once understood; -and what they understand the rest not only can but must inevitably -understand hereafter. - -So that the prophecy that the time will come when men will be -taught of God, will learn war no more, will beat their swords -into plowshares and their spears into reaping-hooks, which means, -translating it into our language, the fortresses, prisons, barracks, -palaces, and churches will remain empty, and all the gibbets and -guns and cannons will be left unused, is no longer a dream, but -the definite new form of life to which mankind is approaching with -ever-increasing rapidity. - -But when will it be? - -Eighteen hundred years ago to this question Christ answered that the -end of the world (that is, of the pagan organization of life) shall -come when the tribulation of men is greater than it has ever been, -and when the Gospel of the kingdom of God, that is, the possibility -of a new organization of life, shall be preached in the world unto -all nations. (Matt. xxiv. 3-28.) But of that day and hour knoweth no -man but the Father only (Matt. xxiv. 3-6), said Christ. For it may -come any time, in such an hour as ye think not. - -To the question when this hour cometh Christ answers that we cannot -know, but just because we cannot know when that hour is coming we -ought to be always ready to meet it, just as the master ought to -watch who guards his house from thieves, as the virgins ought to -watch with lamps alight for the bridegroom; and further, we ought -to work with all the powers given us to bring that hour to pass, as -the servants ought to work with the talents intrusted to them. (Matt. -xxiv. 43, and xxvi. 13, 14-30.) - -And there could be no answer but this one. Men cannot know when the -day and the hour of the kingdom of God will come, because its coming -depends on themselves alone. - -The answer is like that of the wise man who, when asked whether it -was far to the town, answered, "Walk!" - -How can we tell whether it is far to the goal which humanity is -approaching, when we do not know how men are going toward it, while -it depends on them whether they go or do not go, stand still, slacken -their pace or hasten it? - -All we can know is what we who make up mankind ought to do, and not -to do, to bring about the coming of the kingdom of God. And that we -all know. And we need only each begin to do what we ought to do, we -need only each live with all the light that is in us, to bring about -at once the promised kingdom of God to which every man's heart is -yearning. - - - - -CHAPTER XII. - - CONCLUSION--REPENT YE, FOR THE KINGDOM OF HEAVEN IS AT HAND. - - 1. Chance Meeting with a Train Carrying Soldiers to - Restore Order Among the Famishing Peasants--Reason of the - Expedition--How the Decisions of the Higher Authorities - are Enforced in Cases of Insubordination on Part of the - Peasants--What Happened at Orel, as an Example of How the - Rights of the Propertied Classes are Maintained by Murder and - Torture--All the Privileges of the Wealthy are Based on Similar - Acts of Violence. - - 2. The Elements that Made up the Force Sent to Toula, and - the Conduct of the Men Composing it--How these Men Could - Carry Out such Acts--The Explanation is Not to be Found in - Ignorance, Conviction, Cruelty, Heartlessness, or Want of - Moral Sense--They do these Things Because they are Necessary to - Support the Existing Order, which they Consider it Every Man's - Duty to Support--The Basis of this Conviction that the Existing - Order is Necessary and Inevitable--In the Upper Classes this - Conviction is Based on the Advantages of the Existing Order for - Themselves--But what Forces Men of the Lower Classes to Believe - in the Immutability of the Existing Order, from which they - Derive no Advantage, and which they Aid in Maintaining, Facts - Contrary to their Conscience?--This is the Result of the Lower - Classes being Deluded by the Upper, Both as to the Inevitability - of the Existing Order and the Lawfulness of the Acts of Violence - Needed to Maintain it--Deception in General--Special Form of - Deception in Regard to Military Service--Conscription. - - 3. How can Men Allow that Murder is Permissible while they - Preach Principles of Morality, and How can they Allow of the - Existence in their Midst of a Military Organization of Physical - Force which is a Constant Menace to Public Security?--It is only - Allowed by the Upper Classes, who Profit by this Organization, - Because their Privileges are Maintained by it--The Upper Classes - Allow it, and the Lower Classes Carry it into Effect in Spite of - their Consciousness of the Immorality of the Deeds of Violence, - the More Readily Because Through the Arrangements of the - Government the Moral Responsibility for such Deeds is Divided - among a Great Number of Participants in it, and Everyone Throws - the Responsibility on Someone Else--Moreover, the Sense of Moral - Responsibility is Lost through the Delusion of Inequality, and - the Consequent Intoxication of Power on the Part of Superiors, - and Servility on the Part of Inferiors--The Condition of these - Men, Acting against the Dictates of their Conscience, is Like - that of Hypnotized Subjects Acting by Suggestion--The Difference - between this Obedience to Government Suggestion, and Obedience - to Public Opinion, and to the Guidance of Men of a Higher Moral - Sense--The Existing Order of Society, which is the Result of - an Extinct Public Opinion and is Inconsistent with the Already - Existing Public Opinion of the Future, is only Maintained by - the Stupefaction of the Conscience, Produced Spontaneously by - Self-interest in the Upper Classes and Through Hypnotizing in - the Lower Classes--The Conscience or the Common Sense of such - Men may Awaken, and there are Examples of its Sudden Awakening, - so that one can Never be Sure of the Deeds of Violence they are - Prepared for--It Depends Entirely on the Point which the Sense - of the Unlawfulness of Acts of Violence has Reached, and this - Sense may Spontaneously Awaken in Men, or may be Reawakened by - the Influence of Men of more Conscience. - - 4. Everything Depends on the Strength of the Consciousness of - Christian Truths in Each Individual Man--The Leading Men of - Modern Times, however, do not Think it Necessary to Preach or - Practice the Truths of Christianity, but Regard the Modification - of the External Conditions of Existence within the Limit Imposed - by Governments as Sufficient to Reform the Life of Humanity--On - this Scientific Theory of Hypocrisy, which has Replaced the - Hypocrisy of Religion, Men of the Wealthy Classes Base their - Justification of their Position--Through this Hypocrisy they - can Enjoy the Exclusive Privileges of their Position by Force - and Fraud, and Still Pretend to be Christians to One Another - and be Easy in their Minds--This Hypocrisy Allows Men who - Preach Christianity to Take Part in Institutions Based on - Violence--No External Reformation of Life will Render it Less - Miserable--Its Misery the Result of Disunion Caused by Following - Lies, not the Truth--Union only Possible in Truth--Hypocrisy - Hinders this Union, since Hypocrites Conceal from themselves - and Others the Truth they Know--Hypocrisy Turns all Reforms - of Life to Evil--Hypocrisy Distorts the Idea of Good and - Evil, and so Stands in the Way of the Progress of Men toward - Perfection--Undisguised Criminals and Malefactors do Less - Harm than those who Live by Legalized Violence, Disguised by - Hypocrisy--All Men Feel the Iniquity of our Life, and would - Long Ago have Transformed it if it had not been Dissimulated - by Hypocrisy--But Seem to have Reached the Extreme Limits of - Hypocrisy, and we Need only Make an Effort of Conscience to - Awaken as from a Nightmare to a Different Reality. - - 5. Can Man Make this Effort?--According to the Hypocritical - Theory of the Day, Man is not Free to Transform his Life--Man - is not Free in his Actions, but he is Free to Admit or to Deny - the Truth he Knows--When Truth is Once Admitted, it Becomes - the Basis of Action--Man's Threefold Relation to Truth--The - Reason of the Apparent Insolubility of the Problem of Free - Will--Man's Freedom Consists in the Recognition of the Truth - Revealed to him. There is no Other Freedom--Recognition of Truth - Gives Freedom, and Shows the Path Along which, Willingly or - Unwillingly by Mankind, Man Must Advance--The Recognition of - Truth and Real Freedom Enables Man to Share in the Work of God, - not as the Slave, but as the Creator of Life--Men Need only Make - the Effort to Renounce all Thought of Bettering the External - Conditions of Life and Bend all their Efforts to Recognizing and - Preaching the Truth they Know, to put an End to the Existing - Miserable State of Things, and to Enter upon the Kingdom of God - so far as it is yet Accessible to Man--All that is Needed is - to Make an End of Lying and Hypocrisy--But then what Awaits us - in the Future?--What will Happen to Humanity if Men Follow the - Dictates of their Conscience, and how can Life go on with the - Conditions of Civilized Life to which we are Accustomed?--All - Uneasiness on these Points may be Removed by the Reflection that - Nothing True and Good can be Destroyed by the Realization of - Truth, but will only be Freed from the Alloy of Falsehood. - - 6. Our Life has Reached the Extreme Limit of Misery and Cannot - be Improved by any Systems of Organization--All our Life and - all our Institutions are Quite Meaningless--Are we Doing what - God Wills of us by Preserving our Privileges and Duties to - Government?--We are put in this Position not Because the World - is so Made and it is Inevitable, but Because we Wish it to be - so, Because it is to the Advantage of Some of us--Our Conscience - is in Opposition to our Position and all our Conduct, and the - Way Out of the Contradiction is to be Found in the Recognition - of the Christian Truth: Do Not unto Others what you Would - Not they should Do unto You--As our Duties to Self Must be - Subordinated to our Duties to Others, so Must our Duties to - Others be Subordinated to our Duties to God--The Only Way Out - of our Position Lies, if not in Renouncing our Position and our - Privileges, at Least in Recognizing our Sin and not Justifying - it nor Disguising it--The Only Object of Life is to Learn the - Truth and to Act on it--Acceptance of the Position and of State - Action Deprives Life of all Object--It is God's Will that we - should Serve Him in our Life, that is, that we should Bring - About the Greatest Unity of all that has Life, a Unity only - Possible in Truth. - - -I was finishing this book, which I had been working at for two years, -when I happened on the 9th of September to be traveling by rail -through the governments of Toula and Riazan, where the peasants were -starving last year and where the famine is even more severe now. At -one of the railway stations my train passed an extra train which was -taking a troop of soldiers under the conduct of the governor of the -province, together with muskets, cartridges, and rods, to flog and -murder these same famishing peasants. - -The punishment of flogging by way of carrying the decrees of the -authorities into effect has been more and more frequently adopted of -late in Russia, in spite of the fact that corporal punishment was -abolished by law thirty years ago. - -I had heard of this, I had even read in the newspapers of the -fearful floggings which had been inflicted in Tchernigov, Tambov, -Saratov, Astrakhan, and Orel, and of those of which the governor of -Nijni-Novgorod, General Baranov, had boasted. But I had never before -happened to see men in the process of carrying out these punishments. - -And here I saw the spectacle of good Russians full of the Christian -spirit traveling with guns and rods to torture and kill their -starving brethren. The reason for their expedition was as follows: - -On one of the estates of a rich landowner the peasants had common -rights on the forest, and having always enjoyed these rights, -regarded the forest as their own, or at least as theirs in common -with the owner. The landowner wished to keep the forest entirely -to himself and began to fell the trees. The peasants lodged a -complaint. The judges in the first instance gave an unjust decision -(I say unjust on the authority of the lawyer and governor, who ought -to understand the matter), and decided the case in favor of the -landowner. All the later decisions, even that of the senate, though -they could see that the matter had been unjustly decided, confirmed -the judgment and adjudged the forest to the landowner. He began to -cut down the trees, but the peasants, unable to believe that such -obvious injustice could be done them by the higher authorities, did -not submit to the decision and drove away the men sent to cut down -the trees, declaring that the forest belonged to them and they would -go to the Tzar before they would let them cut it down. - -The matter was referred to Petersburg, and the order was transmitted -to the governor to carry the decision of the court into effect. -The governor asked for a troop of soldiers. And here were the -soldiers with bayonets and cartridges, and moreover, a supply of -rods, expressly prepared for the purpose and heaped up in one of the -trucks, going to carry the decision of the higher authorities into -effect. - -The decisions of the higher authorities are carried into effect by -means of murder or torture, or threats of one or the other, according -to whether they offer resistance or not. - -In the first case if the peasants offer resistance the practice is in -Russia, and it is the same everywhere where a state organization and -private property exist, as follows: - -The governor delivers an address in which he demands submission. The -excited crowd, generally deluded by their leaders, don't understand a -word of what the representative of authority is saying in the pompous -official language, and their excitement continues. Then the governor -announces that if they do not submit and disperse, he will be obliged -to have recourse to force. If the crowd does not disperse even on -this, the governor gives the order to fire over the heads of the -crowd. If the crowd does not even then disperse, the governor gives -the order to fire straight into the crowd; the soldiers fire and the -killed and wounded fall about the street. Then the crowd usually runs -away in all directions, and the troops at the governor's command -take those who are supposed to be the ringleaders and lead them off -under escort. Then they pick up the dying, the wounded, and the dead, -covered with blood, sometimes women and children among them. The dead -they bury and the wounded they carry to the hospital. Those whom they -regard as the ringleaders they take to the town hall and have them -tried by a special court-martial. And if they have had recourse to -violence on their side, they are condemned to be hanged. And then -the gallows is erected. And they solemnly strangle a few defenseless -creatures. This is what has often been done in Russia, and is and -must always be done where the social order is based on force. - -But in the second case, when the peasants do submit, something quite -special, peculiar to Russia, takes place. The governor arrives on the -scene of action and delivers an harangue to the people, reproaching -them for their insubordination, and either stations troops in the -houses of the villages, where sometimes for a whole month the -soldiers drain the resources of the peasants, or contenting himself -with threats, he mercifully takes leave of the people, or what is -the most frequent course, he announces that the ringleaders must be -punished, and quite arbitrarily without any trial selects a certain -number of men, regarded as ringleaders, and commands them to be -flogged in his presence. - -In order to give an idea of how such things are done I will describe -a proceeding of the kind which took place in Orel, and received the -full approval of the highest authorities. - -This is what took place in Orel. Just as here in the Toula province, -a landlord wanted to appropriate the property of the peasants and -just in the same way the peasants opposed it. The matter in dispute -was a fall of water, which irrigated the peasants' fields, and -which the landowner wanted to cut off and divert to turn his mill. -The peasants rebelled against this being done. The landowner laid -a complaint before the district commander, who illegally (as was -recognized later even by a legal decision) decided the matter in -favor of the landowner, and allowed him to divert the water course. -The landowner sent workmen to dig the conduit by which the water was -to be let off to turn the mill. The peasants were indignant at this -unjust decision, and sent their women to prevent the landowner's men -from digging this conduit. The women went to the dykes, overturned -the carts, and drove away the men. The landowner made a complaint -against the women for thus taking the law into their own hands. The -district commander made out an order that from every house throughout -the village one woman was to be taken and put in prison. The order -was not easily executed. For in every household there were several -women, and it was impossible to know which one was to be arrested. -Consequently the police did not carry out the order. The landowner -complained to the governor of the neglect on the part of the police, -and the latter, without examining into the affair, gave the chief -official of the police strict orders to carry out the instructions -of the district commander without delay. The police official, in -obedience to his superior, went to the village and with the insolence -peculiar to Russian officials ordered his policemen to take one -woman out of each house. But since there were more than one woman -in each house, and there was no knowing which one was sentenced -to imprisonment, disputes and opposition arose. In spite of these -disputes and opposition, however, the officer of police gave orders -that some woman, whichever came first, should be taken from each -household and led away to prison. The peasants began to defend their -wives and mothers, would not let them go, and beat the police and -their officer. This was a fresh and terrible crime: resistance was -offered to the authorities. A report of this new offense was sent to -the town. And so this governor--precisely as the governor of Toula -was doing on that day--with a battalion of soldiers with guns and -rods, hastily brought together by means of telegraphs and telephones -and railways, proceeded by a special train to the scene of action, -with a learned doctor whose duty it was to insure the flogging being -of an hygienic character. Herzen's prophecy of the modern Ghenghis -Khan with his telegrams is completely realized by this governor. - -Before the town hall of the district were the soldiery, a battalion -of police with their revolvers slung round them with red cords, the -persons of most importance among the peasants, and the culprits. -A crowd of one thousand or more people were standing round. The -governor, on arriving, stepped out of his carriage, delivered a -prepared harangue, and asked for the culprits and a bench. The latter -demand was at first not understood. But a police constable whom the -governor always took about with him, and who undertook to organize -such executions--by no means exceptional in that province--explained -that what was meant was a bench for flogging. A bench was brought as -well as the rods, and then the executioners were summoned (the latter -had been selected beforehand from some horsestealers of the same -village, as the soldiers refused the office). When everything was -ready, the governor ordered the first of the twelve culprits pointed -out by the landowner as the most guilty to come forward. The first to -come forward was the head of a family, a man of forty who had always -stood up manfully for the rights of his class, and therefore was held -in the greatest esteem by all the villagers. He was led to the bench -and stripped, and then ordered to lie down. - -The peasant attempted to supplicate for mercy, but seeing it was -useless, he crossed himself and lay down. Two police constables -hastened to hold him down. The learned doctor stood by, in readiness -to give his aid and his medical science when they should be needed. -The convicts spit into their hands, brandished the rods, and began -to flog. It seemed, however, that the bench was too narrow, and it -was difficult to keep the victim writhing in torture upon it. Then -the governor ordered them to bring another bench and to put a plank -across them. Soldiers, with their hands raised to their caps, and -respectful murmurs of "Yes, your Excellency," hasten obediently to -carry out this order. Meanwhile the tortured man, half naked, pale -and scowling, stood waiting, his eyes fixed on the ground and his -teeth chattering. When another bench had been brought they again made -him lie down, and the convicted thieves again began to flog him. - -The victim's back and thighs and legs, and even his sides, became -more and more covered with scars and wheals, and at every blow there -came the sound of the deep groans which he could no longer restrain. -In the crowd standing round were heard the sobs of wives, mothers, -children, the families of the tortured man and of all the others -picked out for punishment. - -The miserable governor, intoxicated with power, was counting the -strokes on his fingers, and never left off smoking cigarettes, while -several officious persons hastened on every opportunity to offer him -a burning match to light them. When more than fifty strokes had been -given, the peasant ceased to shriek and writhe, and the doctor, who -had been educated in a government institution to serve his sovereign -and his country with his scientific attainments, went up to the -victim, felt his pulse, listened to his heart, and announced to the -representative of authority that the man undergoing punishment had -lost consciousness, and that, in accordance with the conclusions -of science, to continue the punishment would endanger the victim's -life. But the miserable governor, now completely intoxicated by the -sight of blood, gave orders that the punishment should go on, and -the flogging was continued up to seventy strokes, the number which -the governor had for some reason fixed upon as necessary. When the -seventieth stroke had been reached, the governor said "Enough! Next -one!" And the mutilated victim, his back covered with blood, was -lifted up and carried away unconscious, and another was led up. The -sobs and groans of the crowd grew louder. But the representative of -the state continued the torture. - -Thus they flogged each of them up to the twelfth, and each of them -received seventy strokes. They all implored mercy, shrieked and -groaned. The sobs and cries of the crowd of women grew louder and -more heart-rending, and the men's faces grew darker and darker. But -they were surrounded by troops, and the torture did not cease till -it had reached the limit which had been fixed by the caprice of the -miserable half-drunken and insane creature they called the governor. - -The officials, and officers, and soldiers not only assisted in it, -but were even partly responsible for the affair, since by their -presence they prevented any interference on the part of the crowd. - -When I inquired of one of the governors why they made use of this -kind of torture when people had already submitted and soldiers were -stationed in the village, he replied with the important air of a man -who thoroughly understands all the subtleties of statecraft, that -if the peasants were not thoroughly subdued by flogging, they would -begin offering opposition to the decisions of authorities again. When -some of them had been thoroughly tortured, the authority of the state -would be secured forever among them. - -And so that was why the Governor of Toula was going in his turn with -his subordinate officials, officers, and soldiers to carry out a -similar measure. By precisely the same means, _i. e._, by murder and -torture, obedience to the decision of the higher authorities was to -be secured. And this decision was to enable a young landowner, who -had an income of one hundred thousand, to gain three thousand rubles -more by stealing a forest from a whole community of cold and famished -peasants, to spend it, in two or three weeks in the saloons of -Moscow, Petersburg, or Paris. That was what those people whom I met -were going to do. - -After my thoughts had for two years been turned in the same -direction, fate seemed expressly to have brought me face to face for -the first time in my life with a fact which showed me absolutely -unmistakably in practice what had long been clear to me in theory, -that the organization of our society rests, not as people interested -in maintaining the present order of things like to imagine, on -certain principles of jurisprudence, but on simple brute force, on -the murder and torture of men. - -People who own great estates or fortunes, or who receive great -revenues drawn from the class who are in want even of necessities, -the working class, as well as all those who like merchants, doctors, -artists, clerks, learned professors, coachmen, cooks, writers, -valets, and barristers, make their living about these rich people, -like to believe that the privileges they enjoy are not the result of -force, but of absolutely free and just interchange of services, and -that their advantages, far from being gained by such punishments and -murders as took place in Orel and several parts of Russia this year, -and are always taking place all over Europe and America, have no kind -of connection with these acts of violence. They like to believe that -their privileges exist apart and are the result of free contract -among people; and that the violent cruelties perpetrated on the -people also exist apart and are the result of some general judicial, -political, or economical laws. They try not to see that they all -enjoy their privileges as a result of the same fact which forces the -peasants who have tended the forest, and who are in the direct need -of it for fuel, to give it up to a rich landowner who has taken no -part in caring for its growth and has no need of it whatever--the -fact, that is, that if they don't give it up they will be flogged or -killed. - -And yet if it is clear that it was only by means of menaces, blows, -or murder, that the mill in Orel was enabled to yield a larger -income, or that the forest which the peasants had planted became -the property of a landowner, it should be equally clear that all -the other exclusive rights enjoyed by the rich, by robbing the -poor of their necessities, rest on the same basis of violence. If -the peasants, who need land to maintain their families, may not -cultivate the land about their houses, but one man, a Russian, -English, Austrian, or any other great landowner, possesses land -enough to maintain a thousand families, though he does not cultivate -it himself, and if a merchant profiting by the misery of the -cultivators, taking corn from them at a third of its value, can -keep this corn in his granaries with perfect security while men are -starving all around him, and sell it again for three times its value -to the very cultivators he bought it from, it is evident that all -this too comes from the same cause. And if one man may not buy of -another a commodity from the other side of a certain fixed line, -called the frontier, without paying certain duties on it to men who -have taken no part whatever in its production--and if men are driven -to sell their last cow to pay taxes which the government distributes -among its functionaries, and spends on maintaining soldiers to murder -these very taxpayers--it would appear self-evident that all this does -not come about as the result of any abstract laws, but is based on -just what was done in Orel, and which may be done in Toula, and is -done periodically in one form or another throughout the whole world -wherever there is a government, and where there are rich and poor. - -Simply because torture and murder are not employed in every instance -of oppression by force, those who enjoy the exclusive privileges -of the ruling classes persuade themselves and others that their -privileges are not based on torture and murder, but on some -mysterious general causes, abstract laws, and so on. Yet one would -think it was perfectly clear that if men, who consider it unjust (and -all the working classes do consider it so nowadays), still pay the -principal part of the produce of their labor away to the capitalist -and the landowner, and pay taxes, though they know to what a bad use -these taxes are put, they do so not from recognition of abstract laws -of which they have never heard, but only because they know they will -be beaten and killed if they don't do so. - -And if there is no need to imprison, beat, and kill men every time -the landlord collects his rents, every time those who are in want of -bread have to pay a swindling merchant three times its value, every -time the factory hand has to be content with a wage less than half of -the profit made by the employer, and every time a poor man pays his -last ruble in taxes, it is because so many men have been beaten and -killed for trying to resist these demands, that the lesson has now -been learnt very thoroughly. - -Just as a trained tiger, who does not eat meat put under his nose, -and jumps over a stick at the word of command, does not act thus -because he likes it, but because he remembers the red-hot irons or -the fast with which he was punished every time he did not obey; so -men submitting to what is disadvantageous or even ruinous to them, -and considered by them as unjust, act thus because they remember what -they suffered for resisting it. - -As for those who profit by the privileges gained by previous acts of -violence, they often forget and like to forget how these privileges -were obtained. But one need only recall the facts of history, not the -history of the exploits of different dynasties of rulers, but real -history, the history of the oppression of the majority by a small -number of men, to see that all the advantages the rich have over the -poor are based on nothing but flogging, imprisonment, and murder. - -One need but reflect on the unceasing, persistent struggle of all to -better their material position, which is the guiding motive of men -of the present day, to be convinced that the advantages of the rich -over the poor could never and can never be maintained by anything but -force. - -There may be cases of oppression, of violence, and of punishments, -though they are rare, the aim of which is not to secure the -privileges of the propertied classes. But one may confidently assert -that in any society where, for every man living in ease, there are -ten exhausted by labor, envious, covetous, and often suffering with -their families from direct privation, all the privileges of the rich, -all their luxuries and superfluities, are obtained and maintained -only by tortures, imprisonment, and murder. - -The train I met on the 9th of September going with soldiers, guns, -cartridges, and rods, to confirm the rich landowner in the possession -of a small forest which he had taken from the starving peasants, -which they were in the direst need of, and he was in no need of at -all, was a striking proof of how men are capable of doing deeds -directly opposed to their principles and their conscience without -perceiving it. - -The special train consisted of one first-class carriage for the -governor, the officials, and officers, and several luggage vans -crammed full of soldiers. The latter, smart young fellows in their -clean new uniforms, were standing about in groups or sitting swinging -their legs in the wide open doorways of the luggage vans. Some were -smoking, nudging each other, joking, grinning, and laughing, others -were munching sunflower seeds and spitting out the husks with an air -of dignity. Some of them ran along the platform to drink some water -from a tub there, and when they met the officers they slackened their -pace, made their stupid gesture of salutation, raising their hands to -their heads with serious faces as though they were doing something of -the greatest importance. They kept their eyes on them till they had -passed by them, and then set off running still more merrily, stamping -their heels on the platform, laughing and chattering after the -manner of healthy, good-natured young fellows, traveling in lively -company. - -They were going to assist at the murder of their fathers or -grandfathers just as if they were going on a party of pleasure, or at -any rate on some quite ordinary business. - -The same impression was produced by the well-dressed functionaries -and officers who were scattered about the platform and in the -first-class carriage. At a table covered with bottles was sitting -the governor, who was responsible for the whole expedition, dressed -in his half-military uniform and eating something while he chatted -tranquilly about the weather with some acquaintances he had met, -as though the business he was upon was of so simple and ordinary a -character that it could not disturb his serenity and his interest in -the change of weather. - -At a little distance from the table sat the general of the police. -He was not taking any refreshment, and had an impenetrable bored -expression, as though he were weary of the formalities to be gone -through. On all sides officers were bustling noisily about in their -red uniforms trimmed with gold; one sat at a table finishing his -bottle of beer, another stood at the buffet eating a cake, and -brushing the crumbs off his uniform, threw down his money with a -self-confident air; another was sauntering before the carriages of -our train, staring at the faces of the women. - -All these men who were going to murder or to torture the famishing -and defenseless creatures who provide them their sustenance had the -air of men who knew very well that they were doing their duty, and -some were even proud, were "glorying" in what they were doing. - -What is the meaning of it? - -All these people are within half an hour of reaching the place where, -in order to provide a wealthy young man with three thousand rubles -stolen from a whole community of famishing peasants, they may be -forced to commit the most horrible acts one can conceive, to murder -or torture, as was done in Orel, innocent beings, their brothers. And -they see the place and time approaching with untroubled serenity. - -To say that all these government officials, officers, and soldiers -do not know what is before them is impossible, for they are prepared -for it. The governor must have given directions about the rods, the -officials must have sent an order for them, purchased them, and -entered the item in their accounts. The military officers have given -and received orders about cartridges. They all know that they are -going to torture, perhaps to kill, their famishing fellow-creatures, -and that they must set to work within an hour. - -To say, as is usually said, and as they would themselves repeat, -that they are acting from conviction of the necessity for supporting -the state organization, would be a mistake. For in the first place, -these men have probably never even thought about state organization -and the necessity of it; in the second place, they cannot possibly -be convinced that the act in which they are taking part will tend to -support rather than to ruin the state; and thirdly, in reality the -majority, if not all, of these men, far from ever sacrificing their -own pleasure or tranquillity to support the state, never let slip an -opportunity of profiting at the expense of the state in every way -they can increase their own pleasure and ease. So that they are not -acting thus for the sake of the abstract principle of the state. - -What is the meaning of it? - -Yet I know all these men. If I don't know all of them personally, -I know their characters pretty nearly, their past, and their way -of thinking. They certainly all have mothers, some of them wives -and children. They are certainly for the most part good, kind, even -tender-hearted fellows, who hate every sort of cruelty, not to speak -of murder; many of them would not kill or hurt an animal. Moreover, -they are all professed Christians and regard all violence directed -against the defenseless as base and disgraceful. - -Certainly not one of them would be capable in everyday life, for his -own personal profit, of doing a hundredth part of what the Governor -of Orel did. Every one of them would be insulted at the supposition -that he was capable of doing anything of the kind in private life. - -And yet they are within half an hour of reaching the place where they -may be reduced to the inevitable necessity of committing this crime. - -What is the meaning of it? - -But it is not only these men who are going by train prepared for -murder and torture. How could the men who began the whole business, -the landowner, the commissioner, the judges, and those who gave the -order and are responsible for it, the ministers, the Tzar, who are -also good men, professed Christians, how could they elaborate such a -plan and assent to it, knowing its consequences? The spectators even, -who took no part in the affair, how could they, who are indignant at -the sight of any cruelty in private life, even the overtaxing of a -horse, allow such a horrible deed to be perpetrated? How was it they -did not rise in indignation and bar the roads, shouting, "No; flog -and kill starving men because they won't let their last possession -be stolen from them without resistance, that we won't allow!" But -far from anyone doing this, the majority, even of those who were -the cause of the affair, such as the commissioner, the landowner, -the judge, and those who took part in it and arranged it, as the -governor, the ministers, and the Tzar, are perfectly tranquil and do -not even feel a prick of conscience. And apparently all the men who -are going to carry out this crime are equally undisturbed. - -The spectators, who one would suppose could have no personal -interest in the affair, looked rather with sympathy than with -disapproval at all these people preparing to carry out this infamous -action. In the same compartment with me was a wood merchant, who had -risen from a peasant. He openly expressed aloud his sympathy with -such punishments. "They can't disobey the authorities," he said; -"that's what the authorities are for. Let them have a lesson; send -their fleas flying! They'll give over making commotions, I warrant -you. That's what they want." - -What is the meaning of it? - -It is not possible to say that all these people who have provoked -or aided or allowed this deed are such worthless creatures that, -knowing all the infamy of what they are doing, they do it against -their principles, some for pay and for profit, others through fear of -punishment. All of them in certain circumstances know how to stand -up for their principles. Not one of these officials would steal a -purse, read another man's letter, or put up with an affront without -demanding satisfaction. Not one of these officers would consent to -cheat at cards, would refuse to pay a debt of honor, would betray a -comrade, run away on the field of battle, or desert the flag. Not one -of these soldiers would spit out the holy sacrament or eat meat on -Good Friday. All these men are ready to face any kind of privation, -suffering, or danger rather than consent to do what they regard as -wrong. They have therefore the strength to resist doing what is -against their principles. - -It is even less possible to assert that all these men are such brutes -that it is natural and not distasteful to them to do such deeds. One -need only talk to these people a little to see that all of them, the -landowner even, and the judge, and the minister and the Tzar and -the government, the officers and the soldiers, not only disapprove -of such things in the depth of their soul, but suffer from the -consciousness of their participation in them when they recollect -what they imply. But they try not to think about it. - -One need only talk to any of these who are taking part in the affair -from the landowner to the lowest policeman or soldier to see that in -the depth of their soul they all know it is a wicked thing, that it -would be better to have nothing to do with it, and are suffering from -the knowledge. - -A lady of liberal views, who was traveling in the same train with -us, seeing the governor and the officers in the first-class saloon -and learning the object of the expedition, began, intentionally -raising her voice so that they should hear, to abuse the existing -order of things and to cry shame on men who would take part in such -proceedings. Everyone felt awkward, none knew where to look, but -no one contradicted her. They tried to look as though such remarks -were not worth answering. But one could see by their faces and their -averted eyes that they were ashamed. I noticed the same thing in the -soldiers. They too knew that what they were sent to do was a shameful -thing, but they did not want to think about what was before them. - -When the wood merchant, as I suspect insincerely only to show that -he was a man of education, began to speak of the necessity of such -measures, the soldiers who heard him all turned away from him, -scowling and pretending not to hear. - -All the men who, like the landowner, the commissioner, the minister, -and the Tzar, were responsible for the perpetration of this act, as -well as those who were now going to execute it, and even those who -were mere spectators of it, knew that it was a wickedness, and were -ashamed of taking any share in it, and even of being present at it. - -Then why did they do it, or allow it to be done? - -Ask them the question. And the landowner who started the affair, and -the judge who pronounced a clearly unjust even though formally legal -decision, and those who commanded the execution of the decision, and -those who, like the policemen, soldiers, and peasants, will execute -the deed with their own hands, flogging and killing their brothers, -all who have devised, abetted, decreed, executed, or allowed such -crimes, will make substantially the same reply. - -The authorities, those who have started, devised, and decreed the -matter, will say that such acts are necessary for the maintenance -of the existing order; the maintenance of the existing order is -necessary for the welfare of the country and of humanity, for the -possibility of social existence and human progress. - -Men of the poorer class, peasants and soldiers, who will have to -execute the deed of violence with their own hands, say that they -do so because it is the command of their superior authority, and -the superior authority knows what he is about. That those are in -authority who ought to be in authority, and that they know what they -are doing appears to them a truth of which there can be no doubt. If -they could admit the possibility of mistake or error, it would only -be in functionaries of a lower grade; the highest authority on which -all the rest depends seems to them immaculate beyond suspicion. - -Though expressing the motives of their conduct differently, both -those in command and their subordinates are agreed in saying that -they act thus because the existing order is the order which must and -ought to exist at the present time, and that therefore to support it -is the sacred duty of every man. - -On this acceptance of the necessity and therefore immutability of the -existing order, all who take part in acts of violence on the part of -government base the argument always advanced in their justification. -"Since the existing order is immutable," they say, "the refusal of a -single individual to perform the duties laid upon him will effect no -change in things, and will only mean that some other man will be put -in his place who may do the work worse, that is to say, more cruelly, -to the still greater injury of the victims of the act of violence." - -This conviction that the existing order is the necessary and -therefore immutable order, which it is a sacred duty for every man -to support, enables good men, of high principles in private life, to -take part with conscience more or less untroubled in crimes such as -that perpetrated in Orel, and that which the men in the Toula train -were going to perpetrate. - -But what is this conviction based on? It is easy to understand -that the landowner prefers to believe that the existing order is -inevitable and immutable, because this existing order secures him an -income from his hundreds and thousands of acres, by means of which he -can lead his habitual indolent and luxurious life. - -It is easy to understand that the judge readily believes in the -necessity of an order of things through which he receives a wage -fifty times as great as the most industrious laborer can earn, and -the same applies to all the higher officials. It is only under the -existing _régime_ that as governor, prosecutor, senator, members of -the various councils, they can receive their several thousands of -rubles a year, without which they and their families would at once -sink into ruin, since if it were not for the position they occupy -they would never by their own abilities, industry, or acquirements -get a thousandth part of their salaries. The minister, the Tzar, -and all the higher authorities are in the same position. The only -distinction is that the higher and the more exceptional their -position, the more necessary it is for them to believe that the -existing order is the only possible order of things. For without it -they would not only be unable to gain an equal position, but would be -found to fall lower than all other people. A man who has of his own -free will entered the police force at a wage of ten rubles, which he -could easily earn in any other position, is hardly dependent on the -preservation of the existing _régime_, and so he may not believe in -its immutability. But a king or an emperor, who receives millions for -his post, and knows that there are thousands of people round him who -would like to dethrone him and take his place, who knows that he will -never receive such a revenue or so much honor in any other position, -who knows, in most cases through his more or less despotic rule, -that if he were dethroned he would have to answer for all his abuse -of power--he cannot but believe in the necessity and even sacredness -of the existing order. The higher and the more profitable a man's -position, the more unstable it becomes, and the more terrible and -dangerous a fall from it for him, the more firmly the man believes in -the existing order, and therefore with the more ease of conscience -can such a man perpetrate cruel and wicked acts, as though they were -not in his own interest, but for the maintenance of that order. - -This is the case with all men in authority, who occupy positions more -profitable than they could occupy except for the present _régime_, -from the lowest police officer to the Tzar. All of them are more or -less convinced that the existing order is immutable, because--the -chief consideration--it is to their advantage. But the peasants, -the soldiers, who are at the bottom of the social scale, who have -no kind of advantage from the existing order, who are in the very -lowest position of subjection and humiliation, what forces them to -believe that the existing order in which they are in their humble and -disadvantageous position is the order which ought to exist, and which -they ought to support even at the cost of evil actions contrary to -their conscience? - -What forces these men to the false reasoning that the existing order -is unchanging, and that therefore they ought to support it, when it -is so obvious, on the contrary, that it is only unchanging because -they themselves support it? - -What forces these peasants, taken only yesterday from the plow and -dressed in ugly and unseemly costumes with blue collars and gilt -buttons, to go with guns and sabers and murder their famishing -fathers and brothers? They gain no kind of advantage and can be in -no fear of losing the position they occupy, because it is worse than -that from which they have been taken. - -The persons in authority of the higher orders--landowners, merchants, -judges, senators, governors, ministers, tzars, and officers--take -part in such doings because the existing order is to their advantage. -In other respects they are often good and kind-hearted men, and they -are more able to take part in such doings because their share in -them is limited to suggestions, decisions, and orders. These persons -in authority never do themselves what they suggest, decide, or -command to be done. For the most part they do not even see how all -the atrocious deeds they have suggested and authorized are carried -out. But the unfortunate men of the lower orders, who gain no kind -of advantage from the existing _régime_, but, on the contrary, are -treated with the utmost contempt, support it even by dragging people -with their own hands from their families, handcuffing them, throwing -them in prison, guarding them, shooting them. - -Why do they do it? What forces them to believe that the existing -order is unchanging and they must support it? - -All violence rests, we know, on those who do the beating, the -handcuffing, the imprisoning, and the killing with their own hands. -If there were no soldiers or armed policemen, ready to kill or -outrage anyone as they are ordered, not one of those people who sign -sentences of death, imprisonment, or galley-slavery for life would -make up his mind to hang, imprison, or torture a thousandth part -of those whom, quietly sitting in his study, he now orders to be -tortured in all kinds of ways, simply because he does not see it nor -do it himself, but only gets it done at a distance by these servile -tools. - -All the acts of injustice and cruelty which are committed in the -ordinary course of daily life have only become habitual because there -are these men always ready to carry out such acts of injustice and -cruelty. If it were not for them, far from anyone using violence -against the immense masses who are now ill-treated, those who now -command their punishment would not venture to sentence them, would -not even dare to dream of the sentences they decree with such easy -confidence at present. And if it were not for these men, ready to -kill or torture anyone at their commander's will, no one would dare -to claim, as all the idle landowners claim with such assurance, that -a piece of land, surrounded by peasants, who are in wretchedness from -want of land, is the property of a man who does not cultivate it, or -that stores of corn taken by swindling from the peasants ought to -remain untouched in the midst of a population dying of hunger because -the merchants must make their profit. If it were not for these -servile instruments at the disposal of the authorities, it could -never have entered the head of the landowner to rob the peasants of -the forest they had tended, nor of the officials to think they are -entitled to their salaries, taken from the famishing people, the -price of their oppression; least of all could anyone dream of killing -or exiling men for exposing falsehood and telling the truth. All this -can only be done because the authorities are confidently assured that -they have always these servile tools at hand, ready to carry all -their demands into effect by means of torture and murder. - -All the deeds of violence of tyrants from Napoleon to the lowest -commander of a company who fires upon a crowd, can only be explained -by the intoxicating effect of their absolute power over these -slaves. All force, therefore, rests on these men, who carry out the -deeds of violence with their own hands, the men who serve in the -police or the army, especially the army, for the police only venture -to do their work because the army is at their back. - -What, then, has brought these masses of honest men, on whom the whole -thing depends, who gain nothing by it, and who have to do these -atrocious deeds with their own hands, what has brought them to accept -the amazing delusion that the existing order, unprofitable, ruinous, -and fatal as it is for them, is the order which ought to exist? - -Who has led them into this amazing delusion? - -They can never have persuaded themselves that they ought to do what -is against their conscience, and also the source of misery and ruin -for themselves, and all their class, who make up nine-tenths of the -population. - -"How can you kill people, when it is written in God's commandment: -'Thou shalt not kill'?" I have often inquired of different soldiers. -And I always drove them to embarrassment and confusion by reminding -them of what they did not want to think about. They knew they were -bound by the law of God, "Thou shalt not kill," and knew too that -they were bound by their duty as soldiers, but had never reflected -on the contradiction between these duties. The drift of the timid -answers I received to this question was always approximately this: -that killing in war and executing criminals by command of the -government are not included in the general prohibition of murder. -But when I said this distinction was not made in the law of God, and -reminded them of the Christian duty of fraternity, forgiveness of -injuries, and love, which could not be reconciled with murder, the -peasants usually agreed, but in their turn began to ask me questions. -"How does it happen," they inquired, "that the government [which -according to their ideas cannot do wrong] sends the army to war and -orders criminals to be executed." When I answered that the government -does wrong in giving such orders, the peasants fell into still -greater confusion, and either broke off the conversation or else got -angry with me. - -"They must have found a law for it. The archbishops know as much -about it as we do, I should hope," a Russian soldier once observed to -me. And in saying this the soldier obviously set his mind at rest, -in the full conviction that his spiritual guides had found a law -which authorized his ancestors, and the tzars and their descendants, -and millions of men, to serve as he was doing himself, and that the -question I had put him was a kind of hoax or conundrum on my part. - -Everyone in our Christian society knows, either by tradition or by -revelation or by the voice of conscience, that murder is one of the -most fearful crimes a man can commit, as the Gospel tells us, and -that the sin of murder cannot be limited to certain persons, that is, -murder cannot be a sin for some and not a sin for others. Everyone -knows that if murder is a sin, it is always a sin, whoever are the -victims murdered, just like the sin of adultery, theft, or any other. -At the same time from their childhood up men see that murder is not -only permitted, but even sanctioned by the blessing of those whom -they are accustomed to regard as their divinely appointed spiritual -guides, and see their secular leaders with calm assurance organizing -murder, proud to wear murderous arms, and demanding of others in the -name of the laws of the country, and even of God, that they should -take part in murder. Men see that there is some inconsistency here, -but not being able to analyze it, involuntarily assume that this -apparent inconsistency is only the result of their ignorance. The -very grossness and obviousness of the inconsistency confirms them in -this conviction. - -They cannot imagine that the leaders of civilization, the educated -classes, could so confidently preach two such opposed principles -as the law of Christ and murder. A simple uncorrupted youth cannot -imagine that those who stand so high in his opinion, whom he regards -as holy or learned men, could for any object whatever mislead him -so shamefully. But this is just what has always been and always is -done to him. It is done (1) by instilling, by example and direct -instruction, from childhood up, into the working people, who have -not time to study moral and religious questions for themselves, the -idea that torture and murder are compatible with Christianity, and -that for certain objects of state, torture and murder are not only -admissible, but ought to be employed; and (2) by instilling into -certain of the people, who have either voluntarily enlisted or been -taken by compulsion into the army, the idea that the perpetration of -murder and torture with their own hands is a sacred duty, and even a -glorious exploit, worthy of praise and reward. - -The general delusion is diffused among all people by means of the -catechisms or books, which nowadays replace them, in use for the -compulsory education of children. In them it is stated that violence, -that is, imprisonment and execution, as well as murder in civil or -foreign war in the defense and maintenance of the existing state -organization (whatever that may be, absolute or limited monarchy, -convention, consulate, empire of this or that Napoleon or Boulanger, -constitutional monarchy, commune or republic) is absolutely lawful -and not opposed to morality and Christianity. - -This is stated in all catechisms or books used in schools. And men -are so thoroughly persuaded of it that they grow up, live and die in -that conviction without once entertaining a doubt about it. - -This is one form of deception, the general deception instilled into -everyone, but there is another special deception practiced upon the -soldiers or police who are picked out by one means or another to do -the torturing and murdering necessary to defend and maintain the -existing _régime_. - -In all military instructions there appears in one form or another -what is expressed in the Russian military code in the following words: - -_Article 87._ To carry out exactly and without comment the orders -of a superior officer means: to carry out an order received from a -superior officer exactly without considering whether it is good or -not, and whether it is possible to carry it out. The superior officer -is responsible for the consequences of the order he gives. - -_Article 88._ The subordinate ought never to refuse to carry out the -orders of a superior officer except when he sees clearly that in -carrying out his superior officer's command, he breaks [the law of -God, one involuntarily expects; not at all] _his oath of fidelity and -allegiance to the Tzar_. - -It is here said that the man who is a soldier can and ought to carry -out all the orders of his superior without exception. And as these -orders for the most part involve murder, it follows that he ought to -break all the laws of God and man. The one law he may not break is -that of fidelity and allegiance to the man who happens at a given -moment to be in power. - -Precisely the same thing is said in other words in all codes of -military instruction. And it could not be otherwise, since the whole -power of the army and the state is based in reality on this delusive -emancipation of men from their duty to God and their conscience, and -the substitution of duty to their superior officer for all other -duties. - -This, then, is the foundation of the belief of the lower classes that -the existing _régime_ so fatal for them is the _régime_ which ought -to exist, and which they ought therefore to support even by torture -and murder. - -This belief is founded on a conscious deception practiced on them by -the higher classes. - -And it cannot be otherwise. To compel the lower classes, which are -more numerous, to oppress and ill treat themselves, even at the cost -of actions opposed to their conscience, it was necessary to deceive -them. And it has been done accordingly. - -Not many days ago I saw once more this shameless deception being -openly practiced, and once more I marveled that it could be practiced -so easily and impudently. - -At the beginning of November, as I was passing through Toula, I -saw once again at the gates of the Zemsky Court-house the crowd of -peasants I had so often seen before, and heard the drunken shouts -of the men mingled with the pitiful lamentations of their wives and -mothers. It was the recruiting session. - -I can never pass by the spectacle. It attracts me by a kind of -fascination of repulsion. I again went into the crowd, took my stand -among the peasants, looked about and asked questions. And once again -I was amazed that this hideous crime can be perpetrated so easily in -broad daylight and in the midst of a large town. - -As the custom is every year, in all the villages and hamlets of the -one hundred millions of Russians, on the 1st of November, the village -elders had assembled the young men inscribed on the lists, often -their own sons among them, and had brought them to the town. - -On the road the recruits have been drinking without intermission, -unchecked by the elders, who feel that going on such an insane -errand, abandoning their wives and mothers and renouncing all they -hold sacred in order to become a senseless instrument of destruction, -would be too agonizing if they were not stupefied with spirits. - -And so they have come, drinking, swearing, singing, fighting and -scuffling with one another. They have spent the night in taverns. In -the morning they have slept off their drunkenness and have gathered -together at the Zemsky Court-house. - -Some of them, in new sheepskin pelisses, with knitted scarves round -their necks, their eyes swollen from drinking, are shouting wildly -to one another to show their courage; others, crowded near the -door, are quietly and mournfully waiting their turn, between their -weeping wives and mothers (I had chanced upon the day of the actual -enrolling, that is, the examination of those whose names are on the -list); others meantime were crowding into the hall of the recruiting -office. - -Inside the office the work was going on rapidly. The door is opened -and the guard calls Piotr Sidorov. Piotr Sidorov starts, crosses -himself, and goes into a little room with a glass door, where the -conscripts undress. A comrade of Piotr Sidorov's, who has just been -passed for service, and come naked out of the revision office, is -dressing hurriedly, his teeth chattering. Sidorov has already heard -the news, and can see from his face too that he has been taken. He -wants to ask him questions, but they hurry him and tell him to make -haste and undress. He throws off his pelisse, slips his boots off his -feet, takes off his waistcoat and draws his shirt over his head, and -naked, trembling all over, and exhaling an odor of tobacco, spirits, -and sweat, goes into the revision office, not knowing what to do with -his brawny bare arms. - -Directly facing him in the revision office hangs in a great gold -frame a portrait of the Tzar in full uniform with decorations, and -in the corner a little portrait of Christ in a shirt and a crown -of thorns. In the middle of the room is a table covered with green -cloth, on which there are papers lying and a three-cornered ornament -surmounted by an eagle--the zertzal. Round the table are sitting the -revising officers, looking collected and indifferent. One is smoking -a cigarette; another is looking through some papers. Directly Sidorov -comes in, a guard goes up to him, places him under the measuring -frame, raising him under his chin, and straightening his legs. - -The man with the cigarette--he is the doctor--comes up, and without -looking at the recruit's face, but somewhere beyond it, feels his -body over with an air of disgust, measures him, tests him, tells the -guard to open his mouth, tells him to breathe, to speak. Someone -notes something down. At last without having once looked him in the -face the doctor says, "Right. Next one!" and with a weary air sits -down again at the table. The soldiers again hustle and hurry the lad. -He somehow gets into his trousers, wraps his feet in rags, puts on -his boots, looks for his scarf and cap, and bundles his pelisse under -his arm. Then they lead him into the main hall, shutting him off -apart from the rest by a bench, behind which all the conscripts who -have been passed for service are waiting. Another village lad like -himself, but from a distant province, now a soldier armed with a gun -with a sharp-pointed bayonet at the end, keeps watch over him, ready -to run him through the body if he should think of trying to escape. - -Meantime the crowd of fathers, mothers, and wives, hustled by the -police, are pressing round the doors to hear whose lad has been -taken, whose is let off. One of the rejected comes out and announces -that Piotr is taken, and at once a shrill cry is heard from Piotr's -young wife, for whom this word "taken" means separation for four -or five years, the life of a soldier's wife as a servant, often a -prostitute. - -But here comes a man along the street with flowing hair and in a -peculiar dress, who gets out of his droskhy and goes into the Zemsky -Court-house. The police clear a way for him through the crowd. It is -the "reverend father" come to administer the oath, And this "father," -who has been persuaded that he is specially and exclusively devoted -to the service of Christ, and who, for the most part, does not -himself see the deception in which he lives, goes into the hall where -the conscripts are waiting. He throws round him a kind of curtain of -brocade, pulls his long hair out over it, opens the very Gospel in -which swearing is forbidden, takes the cross, the very cross on which -Christ was crucified because he would not do what this false servant -of his is telling men to do, and puts them on the lectern. And all -these unhappy, defenseless, and deluded lads repeat after him the -lie, which he utters with the assurance of familiarity. - -He reads and they repeat after him: - -"I promise and swear by Almighty God upon his holy Gospel," etc., -"to defend," etc., and that is, to murder anyone I am told to, and -to do everything I am told by men I know nothing of, and who care -nothing for me except as an instrument for perpetrating the crimes by -which they are kept in their position of power, and my brothers in -their condition of misery. All the conscripts repeat these ferocious -words without thinking. And then the so-called "father" goes away -with a sense of having correctly and conscientiously done his duty. -And all these poor deluded lads believe that these nonsensical and -incomprehensible words which they have just uttered set them free for -the whole time of their service from their duties as men, and lay -upon them fresh and more binding duties as soldiers. - -And this crime is perpetrated publicly and no one cries out to the -deceiving and the deceived: "Think what you are doing; this is the -basest, falsest lie, by which not bodies only, but souls too, are -destroyed." - -No one does this. On the contrary, when all have been enrolled, -and they are to be let out again, the military officer goes with a -confident and majestic air into the hall where the drunken, cheated -lads are shut up, and cries in a bold, military voice: "Your health, -my lads! I congratulate you on 'serving the Tzar!'" And they, poor -fellows (someone has given them a hint beforehand), mutter awkwardly, -their voices thick with drink, something to the effect that they are -glad. - -Meantime the crowd of fathers, mothers, and wives is standing at the -doors waiting. The women keep their tearful eyes fixed on the doors. -They open at last, and out come the conscripts, unsteady, but trying -to put a good face on it. Here are Piotr and Vania and Makar trying -not to look their dear ones in the face. Nothing is heard but the -wailing of the wives and mothers. Some of the lads embrace them and -weep with them, others make a show of courage, and others try to -comfort them. - -The wives and mothers, knowing that they will be left for three, -four, or five years without their breadwinners, weep and rehearse -their woes aloud. The fathers say little. They only utter a clucking -sound with their tongues and sigh mournfully, knowing that they -will see no more of the steady lads they have reared and trained to -help them, that they will come back not the same quiet hard-working -laborers, but for the most part conceited and demoralized, unfitted -for their simple life. - -And then all the crowd get into their sledges again and move away -down the street to the taverns and pot-houses, and louder than ever -sounds the medley of singing and sobbing, drunken shouts, and the -wailing of the wives and mothers, the sounds of the accordeon and -oaths. They all turn into the taverns, whose revenues go to the -government, and the drinking bout begins, which stifles their sense -of the wrong which is being done them. - -For two or three weeks they go on living at home, and most of that -time they are "jaunting," that is, drinking. - -On a fixed day they collect them, drive them together like a flock -of sheep, and begin to train them in the military exercises and -drill. Their teachers are fellows like themselves, only deceived and -brutalized two or three years sooner. The means of instruction are: -deception, stupefaction, blows, and vodka. And before a year has -passed these good, intelligent, healthy-minded lads will be as brutal -beings as their instructors. - -"Come, now, suppose your father were arrested and tried to make his -escape?" I asked a young soldier. - -"I should run him through with my bayonet," he answered with the -foolish intonation peculiar to soldiers; "and if he made off, I ought -to shoot him," he added, obviously proud of knowing what he must do -if his father were escaping. - -And when a good-hearted lad has been brought to a state lower than -that of a brute, he is just what is wanted by those who use him as an -instrument of violence. He is ready; the man has been destroyed and -a new instrument of violence has been created. And all this is done -every year, every autumn, everywhere, through all Russia in broad -daylight in the midst of large towns, where all may see it, and the -deception is so clever, so skillful, that though all men know the -infamy of it in their hearts, and see all its horrible results, they -cannot throw it off and be free. - -When one's eyes are opened to this awful deception practiced upon -us, one marvels that the teachers of the Christian religion and -of morals, the instructors of youth, or even the good-hearted and -intelligent parents who are to be found in every society, can teach -any kind of morality in a society in which it is openly admitted (it -is so admitted, under all governments and all churches) that murder -and torture form an indispensable element in the life of all, and -that there must always be special men trained to kill their fellows, -and that any one of us may have to become such a trained assassin. - -How can children, youths, and people generally be taught any -kind of morality--not to speak of teaching in the spirit of -Christianity--side by side with the doctrine that murder is necessary -for the public weal, and therefore legitimate, and that there are -men, of whom each of us may have to be one, whose duty is to murder -and torture and commit all sorts of crimes at the will of those who -are in possession of authority. If this is so, and one can and ought -to murder and torture, there is not, and cannot be, any kind of moral -law, but only the law that might is right. And this is just how it -is. In reality that is the doctrine--justified to some by the theory -of the struggle for existence--which reigns in our society. - -And, indeed, what sort of ethical doctrine could admit the legitimacy -of murder for any object whatever? It is as impossible as a theory of -mathematics admitting that two is equal to three. - -There may be a semblance of mathematics admitting that two is equal -to three, but there can be no real science of mathematics. And there -can only be a semblance of ethics in which murder in the shape of war -and the execution of criminals is allowed, but no true ethics. The -recognition of the life of every man as sacred is the first and only -basis of all ethics. - -The doctrine of an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth has been -abrogated by Christianity, because it is the justification of -immorality, and a mere semblance of equity, and has no real meaning. -Life is a value which has no weight nor size, and cannot be compared -to any other, and so there is no sense in destroying a life for a -life. Besides, every social law aims at the amelioration of man's -life. What way, then, can the annihilation of the life of some men -ameliorate men's life? Annihilation of life cannot be a means of the -amelioration of life; it is a suicidal act. - -To destroy another life for the sake of justice is as though a man, -to repair the misfortune of losing one arm, should cut off the other -arm for the sake of equity. - -But putting aside the sin of deluding men into regarding the most -awful crime as a duty, putting aside the revolting sin of using the -name and authority of Christ to sanction what he most condemned, -not to speak of the curse on those who cause these "little ones" -to offend--how can people who cherish their own way of life, their -progress, even from the point of view of their personal security, -allow the formation in their midst of an overwhelming force as -senseless, cruel, and destructive as every government is organized on -the basis of an army? Even the most cruel band of brigands is not so -much to be dreaded as such a government. - -The power of every brigand chief is at least so far limited that -the men of his band preserve at least some human liberty, and can -refuse to commit acts opposed to their conscience. But, owing to the -perfection to which the discipline of the army has been brought, -there is no limit to check men who form part of a regularly organized -government. There are no crimes so revolting that they would not -readily be committed by men who form part of a government or army, at -the will of anyone (such as Boulanger, Napoleon, or Pougachef) who -may chance to be at their head. - -Often when one sees conscription levies, military drills and -maneuvers, police officers with loaded revolvers, and sentinels at -their posts with bayonets on their rifles; when one hears for whole -days at a time (as I hear it in Hamovniky where I live) the whistle -of balls and the dull thud as they fall in the sand; when one sees in -the midst of a town where any effort at violence in self-defense is -forbidden, where the sale of powder and of chemicals, where furious -driving and practicing as a doctor without a diploma, and so on, are -not allowed, thousands of disciplined troops, trained to murder, -and subject to one man's will; one asks oneself how can people who -prize their security quietly allow it, and put up with it? Apart from -the immorality and evil effects of it, nothing can possibly be more -unsafe. What are people thinking about? I don't mean now Christians, -ministers of religion, philanthropists, and moralists, but simply -people who value their life, their security, and their comfort. This -organization, we know, will work just as well in one man's hands as -another's. To-day, let us assume, power is in the hands of a ruler -who can be endured, but to-morrow it may be seized by a Biron, an -Elizabeth, a Catherine, a Pougachef, a Napoleon I., or a Napoleon III. - -And the man in authority, endurable to-day, may become a brute -to-morrow, or may be succeeded by a mad or imbecile heir, like the -King of Bavaria or our Paul I. - -And not only the highest authorities, but all little satraps -scattered over everywhere, like so many General Baranovs, governors, -police officers even, and commanders of companies, can perpetrate the -most awful crimes before there is time for them to be removed from -office. And this is what is constantly happening. - -One involuntarily asks how can men let it go on, not from higher -considerations only, but from regard to their own safety? - -The answer to this question is that it is not all people who do -tolerate it (some--the greater proportion--deluded and submissive, -have no choice and have to tolerate anything). It is tolerated by -those who only under such an organization can occupy a position of -profit. They tolerate it, because for them the risks of suffering -from a foolish or cruel man being at the head of the government or -the army are always less than the disadvantages to which they would -be exposed by the destruction of the organization itself. - -A judge, a commander of police, a governor, or an officer will keep -his position just the same under Boulanger or the republic, under -Pougachef or Catherine. He will lose his profitable position for -certain, if the existing order of things which secured it to him is -destroyed. And so all these people feel no uneasiness as to who is at -the head of the organization, they will adapt themselves to anyone; -they only dread the downfall of the organization itself, and that is -the reason--though often an unconscious one--that they support it. - -One often wonders why independent people, who are not forced to do -so in any way, the so-called _élite_ of society, should go into the -army in Russia, England, Germany, Austria, and even France, and seek -opportunities of becoming murderers. Why do even high-principled -parents send their boys to military schools? Why do mothers buy their -children toy helmets, guns, and swords as playthings? (The peasant's -children never play at soldiers, by the way). Why do good men and -even women, who have certainly no interest in war, go into raptures -over the various exploits of Skobeloff and others, and vie with one -another in glorifying them? Why do men, who are not obliged to do -so, and get no fee for it, devote, like the marshals of nobility in -Russia, whole months of toil to a business physically disagreeable -and morally painful--the enrolling of conscripts? Why do all kings -and emperors wear the military uniform? Why do they all hold military -reviews, why do they organize maneuvers, distribute rewards to the -military, and raise monuments to generals and successful commanders? -Why do rich men of independent position consider it an honor to -perform a valet's duties in attendance on crowned personages, -flattering them and cringing to them and pretending to believe in -their peculiar superiority? Why do men who have ceased to believe -in the superstitions of the mediæval Church, and who could not -possibly believe in them seriously and consistently, pretend to -believe in and give their support to the demoralizing and blasphemous -institution of the church? Why is it that not only governments but -private persons of the higher classes, try so jealously to maintain -the ignorance of the people? Why do they fall with such fury on -any effort at breaking down religious superstitions or really -enlightening the people? Why do historians, novelists, and poets, who -have no hope of gaining anything by their flatteries, make heroes -of kings, emperors, and conquerors of past times? Why do men, who -call themselves learned, dedicate whole lifetimes to making theories -to prove that violence employed by authority against the people is -not violence at all, but a special right? One often wonders why a -fashionable lady or an artist, who, one would think, would take no -interest in political or military questions, should always condemn -strikes of working people, and defend war; and should always be found -without hesitation opposed to the one, favorable to the other. - -But one no longer wonders when one realizes that in the higher -classes there is an unerring instinct of what tends to maintain -and of what tends to destroy the organization by virtue of which -they enjoy their privileges. The fashionable lady had certainly not -reasoned out that if there were no capitalists and no army to defend -them, her husband would have no fortune, and she could not have her -entertainments and her ball-dresses. And the artist certainly does -not argue that he needs the capitalists and the troops to defend -them, so that they may buy his pictures. But instinct, replacing -reason in this instance, guides them unerringly. And it is precisely -this instinct which leads all men, with few exceptions, to support -all the religious, political, and economic institutions which are to -their advantage. - -But is it possible that the higher classes support the existing order -of things simply because it is to their advantage? Cannot they see -that this order of things is essentially irrational, that it is -no longer consistent with the stage of moral development attained -by people, and with public opinion, and that it is fraught with -perils? The governing classes, or at least the good, honest, and -intelligent people of them, cannot but suffer from these fundamental -inconsistencies, and see the dangers with which they are threatened. -And is it possible that all the millions of the lower classes can -feel easy in conscience when they commit such obviously evil deeds -as torture and murder from fear of punishment? Indeed, it could -not be so, neither the former nor the latter could fail to see the -irrationality of their conduct, if the complexity of government -organization did not obscure the unnatural senselessness of their -actions. - -So many instigate, assist, or sanction the commission of every one -of these actions that no one who has a hand in them feels himself -morally responsible for it. - -It is the custom among assassins to oblige all the witnesses of -a murder to strike the murdered victim, that the responsibility -may be divided among as large a number of people as possible. The -same principle in different forms is applied under the government -organization in the perpetration of the crimes, without which no -government organization could exist. Rulers always try to implicate -as many citizens as possible in all the crimes committed in their -support. - -Of late this tendency has been expressed in a very obvious manner -by the obligation of all citizens to take part in legal processes -as jurors, in the army as soldiers, in the local government, or -legislative assembly, as electors or members. - -Just as in a wicker basket all the ends are so hidden away that it is -hard to find them, in the state organization the responsibility for -the crimes committed is so hidden away that men will commit the most -atrocious acts without seeing their responsibility for them. - -In ancient times tyrants got credit for the crimes they committed, -but in our day the most atrocious infamies, inconceivable under the -Neros, are perpetrated and no one gets blamed for them. - -One set of people have suggested, another set have proposed, a third -have reported, a fourth have decided, a fifth have confirmed, a sixth -have given the order, and a seventh set of men have carried it out. -They hang, they flog to death women, old men, and innocent people, as -was done recently among us in Russia at the Yuzovsky factory, and is -always being done everywhere in Europe and America in the struggle -with the anarchists and all other rebels against the existing order; -they shoot and hang men by hundreds and thousands, or massacre -millions in war, or break men's hearts in solitary confinement, and -ruin their souls in the corruption of a soldier's life, and no one is -responsible. - -At the bottom of the social scale soldiers, armed with guns, pistols, -and sabers, injure and murder people, and compel men through these -means to enter the army, and are absolutely convinced that the -responsibility for the actions rests solely on the officers who -command them. - -At the top of the scale--the Tzars, presidents, ministers, and -parliaments decree these tortures and murders and military -conscription, and are fully convinced that since they are either -placed in authority by the grace of God or by the society they -govern, which demands such decrees from them, they cannot be held -responsible. Between these two extremes are the intermediary -personages who superintend the murders and other acts of violence, -and are fully convinced that the responsibility is taken off their -shoulders partly by their superiors who have given the order, partly -by the fact that such orders are expected from them by all who are at -the bottom of the scale. - -The authority who gives the orders and the authority who executes -them at the two extreme ends of the state organization, meet together -like the two ends of a ring; they support and rest on one another and -inclose all that lies within the ring. - -Without the conviction that there is a person or persons who will -take the whole responsibility of his acts, not one soldier would ever -lift a hand to commit a murder or other deed of violence. - -Without the conviction that it is expected by the whole people not a -single king, emperor, president, or parliament would order murders or -acts of violence. - -Without the conviction that there are persons of a higher grade who -will take the responsibility, and people of a lower grade who require -such acts for their welfare, not one of the intermediate class would -superintend such deeds. - -The state is so organized that wherever a man is placed in the social -scale, his irresponsibility is the same. The higher his grade the -more he is under the influence of demands from below, and the less he -is controlled by orders from above, and _vice versa_. - -All men, then, bound together by state organization, throw the -responsibility of their acts on one another, the peasant soldier -on the nobleman or merchant who is his officer, and the officer on -the nobleman who has been appointed governor, the governor on the -nobleman or son of an official who is minister, the minister on -the member of the royal family who occupies the post of Tzar, and -the Tzar again on all these officials, noblemen, merchants, and -peasants. But that is not all. Besides the fact that men get rid -of the sense of responsibility for their actions in this way, they -lose their moral sense of responsibility also, by the fact that in -forming themselves into a state organization they persuade themselves -and each other so continually, and so indefatigably, that they are -not all equal, but "as the stars apart," that they come to believe -it genuinely themselves. Thus some are persuaded that they are not -simple people like everyone else, but special people who are to be -specially honored. It is instilled into another set of men by every -possible means that they are inferior to others, and therefore must -submit without a murmur to every order given them by their superiors. - -On this inequality, above all, on the elevation of some and the -degradation of others, rests the capacity men have of being blind to -the insanity of the existing order of life, and all the cruelty and -criminality of the deception practiced by one set of men on another. - -Those in whom the idea has been instilled that they are invested with -a special supernatural grandeur and consequence, are so intoxicated -with a sense of their own imaginary dignity that they cease to feel -their responsibility for what they do. - -While those, on the other hand, in whom the idea is fostered -that they are inferior animals, bound to obey their superiors in -everything, fall, through this perpetual humiliation, into a strange -condition of stupefied servility, and in this stupefied state do not -see the significance of their actions and lose all consciousness of -responsibility for what they do. - -The intermediate class, who obey the orders of their superiors on the -one hand and regard themselves as superior beings on the other, are -intoxicated by power and stupefied by servility at the same time and -so lose the sense of their responsibility. - -One need only glance during a review at the commander-in-chief, -intoxicated with self-importance, followed by his retinue, all -on magnificent and gayly appareled horses, in splendid uniforms -and wearing decorations, and see how they ride to the harmonious -and solemn strains of music before the ranks of soldiers, all -presenting arms and petrified with servility. One need only glance -at this spectacle to understand that at such moments, when they are -in a state of the most complete intoxication, commander-in-chief, -soldiers, and intermediate officers alike, would be capable of -committing crimes of which they would never dream under other -conditions. - -The intoxication produced by such stimulants as parades, reviews, -religious solemnities, and coronations, is, however, an acute -and temporary condition; but there are other forms of chronic, -permanent intoxication, to which those are liable who have any kind -of authority, from that of the Tzar to that of the lowest police -officer at the street corner, and also those who are in subjection -to authority and in a state of stupefied servility. The latter, like -all slaves, always find a justification for their own servility, in -ascribing the greatest possible dignity and importance to those they -serve. - -It is principally through this false idea of inequality, and the -intoxication of power and of servility resulting from it, that men -associated in a state organization are enabled to commit acts opposed -to their conscience without the least scruple or remorse. - -Under the influence of this intoxication, men imagine themselves no -longer simply men as they are, but some special beings--noblemen, -merchants, governors, judges, officers, tzars, ministers, or -soldiers--no longer bound by ordinary human duties, but by other -duties far more weighty--the peculiar duties of a nobleman, merchant, -governor, judge, officer, tzar, minister, or soldier. - -Thus the landowner, who claimed the forest, acted as he did only -because he fancied himself not a simple man, having the same rights -to life as the peasants living beside him and everyone else, but a -great landowner, a member of the nobility, and under the influence -of the intoxication of power he felt his dignity offended by the -peasants' claims. It was only through this feeling that, without -considering the consequences that might follow, he sent in a claim to -be reinstated in his pretended rights. - -In the same way the judges, who wrongfully adjudged the forest to the -proprietor, did so simply because they fancied themselves not simply -men like everyone else, and so bound to be guided in everything only -by what they consider right, but, under the intoxicating influence of -power, imagined themselves the representatives of the justice which -cannot err; while under the intoxicating influence of servility they -imagined themselves bound to carry out to the letter the instructions -inscribed in a certain book, the so-called law. In the same way all -who take part in such an affair, from the highest representative of -authority who signs his assent to the report, from the superintendent -presiding at the recruiting sessions, and the priest who deludes the -recruits, to the lowest soldier who is ready now to fire on his own -brothers, imagine, in the intoxication of power or of servility, that -they are some conventional characters. They do not face the question -that is presented to them, whether or not they ought to take part -in what their conscience judges an evil act, but fancy themselves -various conventional personages--one as the Tzar, God's anointed, an -exceptional being, called to watch over the happiness of one hundred -millions of men; another as the representative of nobility; another -as a priest, who has received special grace by his ordination; -another as a soldier, bound by his military oath to carry out all he -is commanded without reflection. - -Only under the intoxication of the power or the servility of their -imagined positions could all these people act as they do. - -Were not they all firmly convinced that their respective vocations -of tzar, minister, governor, judge, nobleman, landowner, -superintendent, officer, and soldier are something real and -important, not one of them would even think without horror and -aversion of taking part in what they do now. - -The conventional positions, established hundreds of years, recognized -for centuries and by everyone, distinguished by special names and -dresses, and, moreover, confirmed by every kind of solemnity, -have so penetrated into men's minds through their senses, that, -forgetting the ordinary conditions of life common to all, they look -at themselves and everyone only from this conventional point of view, -and are guided in their estimation of their own actions and those of -others by this conventional standard. - -Thus we see a man of perfect sanity and ripe age, simply because -he is decked out with some fringe, or embroidered keys on his coat -tails, or a colored ribbon only fit for some gayly dressed girl, -and is told that he is a general, a chamberlain, a knight of the -order of St. Andrew, or some similar nonsense, suddenly become -self-important, proud, and even happy, or, on the contrary, grow -melancholy and unhappy to the point of falling ill, because he has -failed to obtain the expected decoration or title. Or what is still -more striking, a young man, perfectly sane in every other matter, -independent and beyond the fear of want, simply because he has been -appointed judicial prosecutor or district commander, separates a poor -widow from her little children, and shuts her up in prison, leaving -her children uncared for, all because the unhappy woman carried on a -secret trade in spirits, and so deprived the revenue of twenty-five -rubles, and he does not feel the least pang of remorse. Or what is -still more amazing; a man, otherwise sensible and good-hearted, -simply because he is given a badge or a uniform to wear, and told -that he is a guard or customs officer, is ready to fire on people, -and neither he nor those around him regard him as to blame for it, -but, on the contrary, would regard him as to blame if he did not -fire. To say nothing of judges and juries who condemn men to death, -and soldiers who kill men by thousands without the slightest scruple -merely because it has been instilled into them that they are not -simply men, but jurors, judges, generals, and soldiers. - -This strange and abnormal condition of men under state organization -is usually expressed in the following words: "As a man, I pity -him; but as guard, judge, general, governor, tzar, or soldier, it -is my duty to kill or torture him." Just as though there were some -positions conferred and recognized, which would exonerate us from the -obligations laid on each of us by the fact of our common humanity. - -So, for example, in the case before us, men are going to murder and -torture the famishing, and they admit that in the dispute between -the peasants and the landowner the peasants are right (all those -in command said as much to me). They know that the peasants are -wretched, poor, and hungry, and the landowner is rich and inspires no -sympathy. Yet they are all going to kill the peasants to secure three -thousand rubles for the landowner, only because at that moment they -fancy themselves not men but governor, official, general of police, -officer, and soldier, respectively, and consider themselves bound -to obey, not the eternal demands of the conscience of man, but the -casual, temporary demands of their positions as officers or soldiers. - -Strange as it may seem, the sole explanation of this astonishing -phenomenon is that they are in the condition of the hypnotized, who, -they say, feel and act like the creatures they are commanded by the -hypnotizer to represent. When, for instance, it is suggested to the -hypnotized subject that he is lame, he begins to walk lame, that he -is blind, and he cannot see, that he is a wild beast, and he begins -to bite. This is the state, not only of those who were going on this -expedition, but of all men who fulfill their state and social duties -in preference to and in detriment of their human duties. - -The essence of this state is that under the influence of one -suggestion they lose the power of criticising their actions, and -therefore do, without thinking, everything consistent with the -suggestion to which they are led by example, precept, or insinuation. - -The difference between those hypnotized by scientific men and those -under the influence of the state hypnotism, is that an imaginary -position is suggested to the former suddenly by one person in a very -brief space of time, and so the hypnotized state appears to us in a -striking and surprising form, while the imaginary position suggested -by state influence is induced slowly, little by little, imperceptibly -from childhood, sometimes during years, or even generations, and not -in one person alone but in a whole society. - -"But," it will be said, "at all times, in all societies, the -majority of persons--all the children, all the women absorbed in the -bearing and rearing of the young, all the great mass of the laboring -population, who are under the necessity of incessant and fatiguing -physical labor, all those of weak character by nature, all those who -are abnormally enfeebled intellectually by the effects of nicotine, -alcohol, opium, or other intoxicants--are always in a condition of -incapacity for independent thought, and are either in subjection -to those who are on a higher intellectual level, or else under the -influence of family or social traditions, of what is called public -opinion, and there is nothing unnatural or incongruous in their -subjection." - -And truly there is nothing unnatural in it, and the tendency of men -of small intellectual power to follow the lead of those on a higher -level of intelligence is a constant law, and it is owing to it -that men can live in societies and on the same principles at all. -The minority consciously adopt certain rational principles through -their correspondence with reason, while the majority act on the same -principles unconsciously because it is required by public opinion. - -Such subjection to public opinion on the part of the unintellectual -does not assume an unnatural character till the public opinion is -split into two. - -But there are times when a higher truth, revealed at first to a few -persons, gradually gains ground till it has taken hold of such a -number of persons that the old public opinion, founded on a lower -order of truths, begins to totter and the new is ready to take its -place, but has not yet been firmly established. It is like the -spring, this time of transition, when the old order of ideas has not -quite broken up and the new has not quite gained a footing. Men begin -to criticise their actions in the light of the new truth, but in the -meantime in practice, through inertia and tradition, they continue -to follow the principles which once represented the highest point of -rational consciousness, but are now in flagrant contradiction with it. - -Then men are in an abnormal, wavering condition, feeling the -necessity of following the new ideal, and yet not bold enough to -break with the old-established traditions. - -Such is the attitude in regard to the truth of Christianity not only -of the men in the Toula train, but of the majority of men of our -times, alike of the higher and the lower orders. - -Those of the ruling classes, having no longer any reasonable -justification for the profitable positions they occupy, are forced, -in order to keep them, to stifle their higher rational faculty -of loving, and to persuade themselves that their positions are -indispensable. And those of the lower classes, exhausted by toil -and brutalized of set purpose, are kept in a permanent deception, -practiced deliberately and continuously by the higher classes upon -them. - -Only in this way can one explain the amazing contradictions with -which our life is full, and of which a striking example was presented -to me by the expedition I met on the 9th of September; good, peaceful -men, known to me personally, going with untroubled tranquillity to -perpetrate the most beastly, senseless, and vile of crimes. Had not -they some means of stifling their conscience, not one of them would -be capable of committing a hundredth part of such a villainy. - -It is not that they have not a conscience which forbids them from -acting thus, just as, even three or four hundred years ago, when -people burnt men at the stake and put them to the rack they had a -conscience which prohibited it; the conscience is there, but it has -been put to sleep--in those in command by what the psychologists call -auto-suggestion; in the soldiers, by the direct conscious hypnotizing -exerted by the higher classes. - -Though asleep, the conscience is there, and in spite of the hypnotism -it is already speaking in them, and it may awake. - -All these men are in a position like that of a man under hypnotism, -commanded to do something opposed to everything he regards as good -and rational, such as to kill his mother or his child. The hypnotized -subject feels himself bound to carry out the suggestion--he thinks he -cannot stop--but the nearer he gets to the time and the place of the -action, the more the benumbed conscience begins to stir, to resist, -and to try to awake. And no one can say beforehand whether he will -carry out the suggestion or not; which will gain the upper hand, the -rational conscience or the irrational suggestion. It all depends on -their relative strength. - -That is just the case with the men in the Toula train and in general -with everyone carrying out acts of state violence in our day. - -There was a time when men who set out with the object of murder and -violence, to make an example, did not return till they had carried -out their object, and then, untroubled by doubts or scruples, -having calmly flogged men to death, they returned home and caressed -their children, laughed, amused themselves, and enjoyed the -peaceful pleasures of family life. In those days it never struck -the landowners and wealthy men who profited by these crimes, that -the privileges they enjoyed had any direct connection with these -atrocities. But now it is no longer so. Men know now, or are not far -from knowing, what they are doing and for what object they do it. -They can shut their eyes and force their conscience to be still, -but so long as their eyes are opened and their conscience undulled, -they must all--those who carry out and those who profit by these -crimes alike--see the import of them. Sometimes they realize it only -after the crime has been perpetrated, sometimes they realize it -just before its perpetration. Thus those who commanded the recent -acts of violence in Nijni-Novgorod, Saratov, Orel, and the Yuzovsky -factory realized their significance only after their perpetration, -and now those who commanded and those who carried out these crimes -are ashamed before public opinion and their conscience. I have talked -to soldiers who had taken part in these crimes, and they always -studiously turned the conversation off the subject, and when they -spoke of it it was with horror and bewilderment. There are cases, -too, when men come to themselves just before the perpetration of the -crime. Thus I know the case of a sergeant-major who had been beaten -by two peasants during the repression of disorder and had made a -complaint. The next day, after seeing the atrocities perpetrated on -the other peasants, he entreated the commander of his company to tear -up his complaint and let off the two peasants. I know cases when -soldiers, commanded to fire, have refused to obey, and I know many -cases of officers who have refused to command expeditions for torture -and murder. So that men sometimes come to their senses long before -perpetrating the suggested crime, sometimes at the very moment before -perpetrating it, sometimes only afterward. - -The men traveling in the Toula train were going with the object of -killing and injuring their fellow-creatures, but none could tell -whether they would carry out their object or not. However obscure -his responsibility for the affair is to each, and however strong -the idea instilled into all of them that they are not men, but -governors, officials, officers, and soldiers, and as such beings can -violate every human duty, the nearer they approach the place of the -execution, the stronger their doubts as to its being right, and this -doubt will reach its highest point when the very moment for carrying -it out has come. - -The governor, in spite of all the stupefying effect of his -surroundings, cannot help hesitating when the moment comes to give -final decisive command. He knows that the action of the Governor of -Orel has called down upon him the disapproval of the best people, and -he himself, influenced by the public opinion of the circles in which -he moves, has more than once expressed his disapprobation of him. He -knows that the prosecutor, who ought to have come, flatly refused to -have anything to do with it, because he regarded it as disgraceful. -He knows, too, that there may be changes any day in the government, -and that what was a ground for advancement yesterday may be the cause -of disgrace to-morrow. And he knows that there is a press, if not in -Russia, at least abroad, which may report the affair and cover him -with ignominy forever. He is already conscious of a change in public -opinion which condemns what was formerly a duty. Moreover, he cannot -feel fully assured that his soldiers will at the last moment obey -him. He is wavering, and none can say beforehand what he will do. - -All the officers and functionaries who accompany him experience in -greater or less degree the same emotions. In the depths of their -hearts they all know that what they are doing is shameful, that -to take part in it is a discredit and blemish in the eyes of some -people whose opinion they value. They know that after murdering and -torturing the defenseless, each of them will be ashamed to face his -betrothed or the woman he is courting. And besides, they too, like -the governor, are doubtful whether the soldiers' obedience to orders -can be reckoned on. What a contrast with the confident air they all -put on as they sauntered about the station and platform! Inwardly -they were not only in a state of suffering but even of suspense. -Indeed they only assumed this bold and composed manner to conceal the -wavering within. And this feeling increased as they drew near the -scene of action. - -And imperceptible as it was, and strange as it seems to say so, all -that mass of lads, the soldiers, who seemed so submissive, were in -precisely the same condition. - -These are not the soldiers of former days, who gave up the natural -life of industry and devoted their whole existence to debauchery, -plunder, and murder, like the Roman legionaries or the warriors of -the Thirty Years' War, or even the soldiers of more recent times who -served for twenty-five years in the army. They have mostly been only -lately taken from their families, and are full of the recollections -of the good, rational, natural life they have left behind them. - -All these lads, peasants for the most part, know what is the business -they have come about; they know that the landowners always oppress -their brothers the peasants, and that therefore it is most likely -the same thing here. Moreover, a majority of them can now read, -and the books they read are not all such as exalt a military life; -there are some which point out its immorality. Among them are often -free-thinking comrades--who have enlisted voluntarily--or young -officers of liberal ideas, and already the first germ of doubt has -been sown in regard to the unconditional legitimacy and glory of -their occupation. - -It is true that they have all passed through that terrible, skillful -education, elaborated through centuries, which kills all initiative -in a man, and that they are so trained to mechanical obedience -that at the word of command: "Fire!--All the line!--Fire!" and so -on, their guns will rise of themselves and the habitual movements -will be performed. But "Fire!" now does not mean shooting into the -sand for amusement, it means firing on their broken-down, exploited -fathers and brothers whom they see there in the crowd, with women and -children shouting and waving their arms. Here they are--one with his -scanty beard and patched coat and plaited shoes of reed, just like -the father left at home in Kazan or Riazan province; one with gray -beard and bent back, leaning on a staff like the old grand-father; -one, a young fellow in boots and a red shirt, just as he was himself -a year ago--he, the soldier who must fire upon him. There, too, a -woman in reed shoes and _panyova_, just like the mother left at home. - -Is it possible they must fire on them? And no one knows what each -soldier will do at the last minute. The least word, the slightest -allusion would be enough to stop them. - -At the last moment they will all find themselves in the position of -a hypnotized man to whom it has been suggested to chop a log, who -coming up to what has been indicated to him as a log, with the ax -already lifted to strike, sees that it is not a log but his sleeping -brother. He may perform the act that has been suggested to him, and -he may come to his senses at the moment of performing it. In the -same way all these men may come to themselves in time or they may go -on to the end. - -If they do not come to themselves, the most fearful crime will be -committed, as in Orel, and then the hypnotic suggestion under which -they act will be strengthened in all other men. If they do come to -themselves, not only this terrible crime will not be perpetrated, -but many also who hear of the turn the affair has taken will be -emancipated from the hypnotic influence in which they were held, or -at least will be nearer being emancipated from it. - -Even if a few only come to themselves, and boldly explain to the -others all the wickedness of such a crime, the influence of these few -may rouse the others to shake off the controlling suggestion, and the -atrocity will not be perpetrated. - -More than that, if a few men, even of those who are not taking part -in the affair but are only present at the preparations for it, or -have heard of such things being done in the past, do not remain -indifferent but boldly and plainly express their detestation of such -crimes to those who have to execute them, and point out to them all -the senselessness, cruelty, and wickedness of such acts, that alone -will be productive of good. - -That was what took place in the instance before us. It was enough for -a few men, some personally concerned in the affair and others simply -outsiders, to express their disapproval of floggings that had taken -place elsewhere, and their contempt and loathing for those who had -taken part in inflicting them, for a few persons in the Toula case -to express their repugnance to having any share in it; for a lady -traveling by the train, and a few other bystanders at the station, -to express to those who formed the expedition their disgust at -what they were doing; for one of the commanders of a company, who -was asked for troops for the restoration of order, to reply that -soldiers ought not to be butchers--and thanks to these and a few -other seemingly insignificant influences brought to bear on these -hypnotized men, the affair took a completely different turn, and the -troops, when they reached the place, did not inflict any punishment, -but contented themselves with cutting down the forest and giving it -to the landowner. - -Had not a few persons had a clear consciousness that what they were -doing was wrong, and consequently influenced one another in that -direction, what was done at Orel would have taken place at Toula. -Had this consciousness been still stronger, and had the influence -exerted been therefore greater than it was, it might well have been -that the governor with his troops would not even have ventured to cut -down the forest and give it to the landowner. Had that consciousness -been stronger still, it might well have been that the governor would -not have ventured to go to the scene of action at all; even that the -minister would not have ventured to form this decision or the Tzar to -ratify it. - -All depends, therefore, on the strength of the consciousness of -Christian truth on the part of each individual man. - -And, therefore, one would have thought that the efforts of all men -of the present day who profess to wish to work for the welfare of -humanity would have been directed to strengthening this consciousness -of Christian truth in themselves and others. - -But, strange to say, it is precisely those people who profess most -anxiety for the amelioration of human life, and are regarded as -the leaders of public opinion, who assert that there is no need -to do that, and that there are other more effective means for the -amelioration of men's condition. They affirm that the amelioration -of human life is effected not by the efforts of individual men, to -recognize and propagate the truth, but by the gradual modification -of the general conditions of life, and that therefore the efforts -of individuals should be directed to the gradual modification -of external conditions for the better. For every advocacy of a -truth inconsistent with the existing order by an individual is, -they maintain, not only useless but injurious, since it provokes -coercive measures on the part of the authorities, restricting these -individuals from continuing any action useful to society. According -to this doctrine all modifications in human life are brought about by -precisely the same laws as in the life of the animals. - -So that, according to this doctrine, all the founders of religions, -such as Moses and the prophets, Confucius, Lao-Tse, Buddha, Christ, -and others, preached their doctrines and their followers accepted -them, not because they loved the truth, but because the political, -social, and above all economic conditions of the peoples among whom -these religions arose were favorable for their origination and -development. - -And therefore the chief efforts of the man who wishes to serve -society and improve the condition of humanity ought, according to -this doctrine, to be directed not to the elucidation and propagation -of truth, but to the improvement of the external political, -social, and above all economic conditions. And the modification -of these conditions is partly effected by serving the government -and introducing liberal and progressive principles into it, partly -in promoting the development of industry and the propagation of -socialistic ideas, and most of all by the diffusion of science. -According to this theory it is of no consequence whether you profess -the truth revealed to you, and therefore realize it in your life, or -at least refrain from committing actions opposed to the truth, such -as serving the government and strengthening its authority when you -regard it as injurious, profiting by the capitalistic system when -you regard it as wrong, showing veneration for various ceremonies -which you believe to be degrading superstitions, giving support to -the law when you believe it to be founded on error, serving as a -soldier, taking oaths, and lying, and lowering yourself generally. It -is useless to refrain from all that; what is of use is not altering -the existing forms of life, but submitting to them against your own -convictions, introducing liberalism into the existing institutions, -promoting commerce, the propaganda of socialism, and the triumphs of -what is called science, and the diffusion of education. According -to this theory one can remain a landowner, merchant, manufacturer, -judge, official in government pay, officer or soldier, and still be -not only a humane man, but even a socialist and revolutionist. - -Hypocrisy, which had formerly only a religious basis in the doctrine -of original sin, the redemption, and the Church, has in our day -gained a new scientific basis and has consequently caught in its -nets all those who had reached too high a stage of development to be -able to find support in religious hypocrisy. So that while in former -days a man who professed the religion of the Church could take part -in all the crimes of the state, and profit by them, and still regard -himself as free from any taint of sin, so long as he fulfilled the -external observances of his creed, nowadays all who do not believe in -the Christianity of the Church, find similar well-founded irrefutable -reasons in science for regarding themselves as blameless and even -highly moral in spite of their participation in the misdeeds of -government and the advantages they gain from them. - -A rich landowner--not only in Russia, but in France, England, -Germany, or America--lives on the rents exacted from the people -living on his land, and robs these generally poverty-stricken people -of all he can get from them. This man's right of property in the land -rests on the fact that at every effort on the part of the oppressed -people, without his consent, to make use of the land he considers -his, troops are called out to subject them to punishment and murder. -One would have thought that it was obvious that a man living in this -way was an evil, egoistic creature and could not possibly consider -himself a Christian or a liberal. One would have supposed it evident -that the first thing such a man must do, if he wishes to approximate -to Christianity or liberalism, would be to cease to plunder and ruin -men by means of acts of state violence in support of his claim to the -land. And so it would be if it were not for the logic of hypocrisy, -which reasons that from a religious point of view possession or -non-possession of land is of no consequence for salvation, and from -the scientific point of view, giving up the ownership of land is a -useless individual renunciation, and that the welfare of mankind is -not promoted in that way, but by a gradual modification of external -forms. And so we see this man, without the least trouble of mind -or doubt that people will believe in his sincerity, organizing an -agricultural exhibition, or a temperance society, or sending some -soup and stockings by his wife or children to three old women, and -boldly in his family, in drawing rooms, in committees, and in the -press, advocating the Gospel or humanitarian doctrine of love for -one's neighbor in general and the agricultural laboring population -in particular whom he is continually exploiting and oppressing. -And other people who are in the same position as he believe him, -commend him, and solemnly discuss with him measures for ameliorating -the condition of the working-class, on whose exploitation their -whole life rests, devising all kinds of possible methods for this, -except the one without which all improvement of their condition -is impossible, _i. e._, refraining from taking from them the land -necessary for their subsistence. (A striking example of this -hypocrisy was the solicitude displayed by the Russian landowners last -year, their efforts to combat the famine which they had caused, and -by which they profited, selling not only bread at the highest price, -but even potato haulm at five rubles the dessiatine (about 2-4/5 -acres) for fuel to the freezing peasants.) - -Or take a merchant whose whole trade--like all trade indeed--is -founded on a series of trickery, by means of which, profiting by the -ignorance or need of others, he buys goods below their value and -sells them again above their value. One would have fancied it obvious -that a man whose whole occupation was based on what in his own -language is called swindling, if it is done under other conditions, -ought to be ashamed of his position, and could not any way, while he -continues a merchant, profess himself a Christian or a liberal. - -But the sophistry of hypocrisy reasons that the merchant can pass for -a virtuous man without giving up his pernicious course of action; -a religious man need only have faith and a liberal man need only -promote the modification of external conditions--the progress of -industry. And so we see the merchant (who often goes further and -commits acts of direct dishonesty, selling adulterated goods, using -false weights and measures, and trading in products injurious to -health, such as alcohol and opium) boldly regarding himself and -being regarded by others, so long as he does not directly deceive -his colleagues in business, as a pattern of probity and virtue. And -if he spends a thousandth part of his stolen wealth on some public -institution, a hospital or museum or school, then he is even regarded -as the benefactor of the people on the exploitation and corruption of -whom his whole prosperity has been founded: if he sacrifices, too, a -portion of his ill-gotten gains on a Church and the poor, then he is -an exemplary Christian. - -A manufacturer is a man whose whole income consists of value -squeezed out of the workmen, and whose whole occupation is based -on forced, unnatural labor, exhausting whole generations of men. -It would seem obvious that if this man professes any Christian -or liberal principles, he must first of all give up ruining human -lives for his own profit. But by the existing theory he is promoting -industry, and he ought not to abandon his pursuit. It would even be -injuring society for him to do so. And so we see this man, the harsh -slave-driver of thousands of men, building almshouses with little -gardens two yards square for the workmen broken down in toiling for -him, and a bank, and a poorhouse, and a hospital--fully persuaded -that he has amply expiated in this way for all the human lives -morally and physically ruined by him--and calmly going on with his -business, taking pride in it. - -Any civil, religious, or military official in government employ, who -serves the state from vanity, or, as is most often the case, simply -for the sake of the pay wrung from the harassed and toilworn working -classes (all taxes, however raised, always fall on labor), if he, as -is very seldom the case, does not directly rob the government in the -usual way, considers himself, and is considered by his fellows, as a -most useful and virtuous member of society. - -A judge or a public prosecutor knows that through his sentence or his -prosecution hundreds or thousands of poor wretches are at once torn -from their families and thrown into prison, where they may go out of -their minds, kill themselves with pieces of broken glass, or starve -themselves; he knows that they have wives and mothers and children, -disgraced and made miserable by separation from them, vainly begging -for pardon for them or some alleviation of their sentence, and this -judge or this prosecutor is so hardened in his hypocrisy that he and -his fellows and his wife and his household are all fully convinced -that he may be a most exemplary man. According to the metaphysics of -hypocrisy it is held that he is doing a work of public utility. And -this man who has ruined hundreds, thousands of men, who curse him and -are driven to desperation by his action, goes to mass, a smile of -shining benevolence on his smooth face, in perfect faith in good and -in God, listens to the Gospel, caresses his children, preaches moral -principles to them, and is moved by imaginary sufferings. - -All these men and those who depend on them, their wives, tutors, -children, cooks, actors, jockeys, and so on, are living on the blood -which by one means or another, through one set of blood-suckers or -another, is drawn out of the working class, and every day their -pleasures cost hundreds or thousands of days of labor. They see the -sufferings and privations of these laborers and their children, -their aged, their wives, and their sick, they know the punishments -inflicted on those who resist this organized plunder, and far from -decreasing, far from concealing their luxury, they insolently -display it before these oppressed laborers who hate them, as though -intentionally provoking them with the pomp of their parks and -palaces, their theaters, hunts, and races. At the same time they -continue to persuade themselves and others that they are all much -concerned about the welfare of these working classes, whom they have -always trampled under their feet, and on Sundays, richly dressed, -they drive in sumptuous carriages to the houses of God built in very -mockery of Christianity, and there listen to men, trained to this -work of deception, who in white neckties or in brocaded vestments, -according to their denomination, preach the love for their neighbor -which they all gainsay in their lives. And these people have so -entered into their part that they seriously believe that they really -are what they pretend to be. - -The universal hypocrisy has so entered into the flesh and blood of -all classes of our modern society, it has reached such a pitch that -nothing in that way can rouse indignation. Hypocrisy in the Greek -means "acting," and acting--playing a part--is always possible. -The representatives of Christ give their blessing to the ranks of -murderers holding their guns loaded against their brothers; "for -prayer" priests, ministers of various Christian sects are always -present, as indispensably as the hangman, at executions, and sanction -by their presence the compatibility of murder with Christianity -(a clergyman assisted at the attempt at murder by electricity in -America)--but such facts cause no one any surprise. - -There was recently held at Petersburg an international exhibition of -instruments of torture, handcuffs, models of solitary cells, that -is to say instruments of torture worse than knouts or rods, and -sensitive ladies and gentlemen went and amused themselves by looking -at them. - -No one is surprised that together with its recognition of liberty, -equality, and fraternity, liberal science should prove the necessity -of war, punishment, customs, the censure, the regulation of -prostitution, the exclusion of cheap foreign laborers, the hindrance -of emigration, the justifiableness of colonization, based on -poisoning and destroying whole races of men called savages, and so on. - -People talk of the time when all men shall profess what is called -Christianity (that is, various professions of faith hostile to one -another), when all shall be well-fed and clothed, when all shall -be united from one end of the world to the other by telegraphs -and telephones, and be able to communicate by balloons, when all -the working classes are permeated by socialistic doctrines, when -the Trades Unions possess so many millions of members and so many -millions of rubles, when everyone is educated and all can read -newspapers and learn all the sciences. - -But what good or useful thing can come of all these improvements, if -men do not speak and act in accordance with what they believe to be -the truth? - -The condition of men is the result of their disunion. Their disunion -results from their not following the truth which is one, but -falsehoods which are many. The sole means of uniting men is their -union in the truth. And therefore the more sincerely men strive -toward the truth, the nearer they get to unity. - -But how can men be united in the truth or even approximate to it, if -they do not even express the truth they know, but hold that there is -no need to do so, and pretend to regard as truth what they believe to -be false? - -And therefore no improvement is possible so long as men are -hypocritical and hide the truth from themselves, so long as they do -not recognize that their union and therefore their welfare is only -possible in the truth, and do not put the recognition and profession -of the truth revealed to them higher than everything else. - -All the material improvements that religious and scientific men can -dream of may be accomplished; all men may accept Christianity, and -all the reforms desired by the Bellamys may be brought about with -every possible addition and improvement, but if the hypocrisy which -rules nowadays still exists, if men do not profess the truth they -know, but continue to feign belief in what they do not believe and -veneration for what they do not respect, their condition will remain -the same, or even grow worse and worse. The more men are freed -from privation; the more telegraphs, telephones, books, papers, -and journals there are; the more means there will be of diffusing -inconsistent lies and hypocrisies, and the more disunited and -consequently miserable will men become, which indeed is what we see -actually taking place. - -All these material reforms may be realized, but the position of -humanity will not be improved. But only let each man, according -to his powers, at once realize in his life the truth he knows, or -at least cease to support the falsehoods he is supporting in the -place of the truth, and at once, in this year 1893, we should see -such reforms as we do not dare to hope for within a century--the -emancipation of men and the reign of truth upon earth. - -Not without good reason was Christ's only harsh and threatening -reproof directed against hypocrites and hypocrisy. It is not theft -nor robbery nor murder nor fornication, but falsehood, the special -falsehood of hypocrisy, which corrupts men, brutalizes them and makes -them vindictive, destroys all distinction between right and wrong in -their conscience, deprives them of what is the true meaning of all -real human life, and debars them from all progress toward perfection. - -Those who do evil through ignorance of the truth provoke sympathy -with their victims and repugnance for their actions, they do harm -only to those they attack; but those who know the truth and do -evil masked by hypocrisy, injure themselves and their victims, and -thousands of other men as well who are led astray by the falsehood -with which the wrongdoing is disguised. - -Thieves, robbers, murderers, and cheats, who commit crimes recognized -by themselves and everyone else as evil, serve as an example of -what ought not to be done, and deter others from similar crimes. -But those who commit the same thefts, robberies, murders, and other -crimes, disguising them under all kinds of religious or scientific -or humanitarian justifications, as all landowners, merchants, -manufacturers, and government officials do, provoke others to -imitation, and so do harm not only to those who are directly the -victims of their crimes, but to thousands and millions of men whom -they corrupt by obliterating their sense of the distinction between -right and wrong. - -A single fortune gained by trading in goods necessary to the -people or in goods pernicious in their effects, or by financial -speculations, or by acquiring land at a low price the value of which -is increased by the needs of the population, or by an industry -ruinous to the health and life of those employed in it, or by -military or civil service of the state, or by any employment which -trades on men's evil instincts--a single fortune acquired in any of -these ways, not only with the sanction, but even with the approbation -of the leading men in society, and masked with an ostentation of -philanthropy, corrupts men incomparably more than millions of thefts -and robberies committed against the recognized forms of law and -punishable as crimes. - -A single execution carried out by prosperous educated men -uninfluenced by passion, with the approbation and assistance of -Christian ministers, and represented as something necessary and even -just, is infinitely more corrupting and brutalizing to men than -thousands of murders committed by uneducated working people under the -influence of passion. An execution such as was proposed by Joukovsky, -which would produce even a sentiment of religious emotion in the -spectators, would be one of the most perverting actions imaginable. -(_See_ vol. iv. of the works of Joukovsky.) - -Every war, even the most humanely conducted, with all its ordinary -consequences, the destruction of harvests, robberies, the license and -debauchery, and the murder with the justifications of its necessity -and justice, the exaltation and glorification of military exploits, -the worship of the flag, the patriotic sentiments, the feigned -solicitude for the wounded, and so on, does more in one year to -pervert men's minds than thousands of robberies, murders, and arsons -perpetrated during hundreds of years by individual men under the -influence of passion. - -The luxurious expenditure of a single respectable and so-called -honorable family, even within the conventional limits, consuming -as it does the produce of as many days of labor as would suffice -to provide for thousands living in privation near, does more to -pervert men's minds than thousands of the violent orgies of coarse -tradespeople, officers, and workmen of drunken and debauched habits, -who smash up glasses and crockery for amusement. - -One solemn religious procession, one service, one sermon from the -altar-steps or the pulpit, in which the preacher does not believe, -produces incomparably more evil than thousands of swindling tricks, -adulteration of food, and so on. - -We talk of the hypocrisy of the Pharisees. But the hypocrisy of -our society far surpasses the comparatively innocent hypocrisy of -the Pharisees. They had at least an external religious law, the -fulfillment of which hindered them from seeing their obligations -to their neighbors. Moreover, these obligations were not nearly so -clearly defined in their day. Nowadays we have no such religious law -to exonerate us from our duties to our neighbors (I am not speaking -now of the coarse and ignorant persons who still fancy their sins can -be absolved by confession to a priest or by the absolution of the -Pope). On the contrary, the law of the Gospel which we all profess -in one form or another directly defines these duties. Besides, the -duties which had then been only vaguely and mystically expressed by -a few prophets have now been so clearly formulated, have become such -truisms, that they are repeated even by schoolboys and journalists. -And so it would seem that men of to-day cannot pretend that they do -not know these duties. - -A man of the modern world who profits by the order of things based on -violence, and at the same time protests that he loves his neighbor -and does not observe what he is doing in his daily life to his -neighbor, is like a brigand who has spent his life in robbing men, -and who, caught at last, knife in hand, in the very act of striking -his shrieking victim, should declare that he had no idea that what he -was doing was disagreeable to the man he had robbed and was prepared -to murder. Just as this robber and murderer could not deny what -was evident to everyone, so it would seem that a man living upon -the privations of the oppressed classes cannot persuade himself and -others that he desires the welfare of those he plunders, and that he -does not know how the advantages he enjoys are obtained. - -It is impossible to convince ourselves that we do not know that there -are a hundred thousand men in prison in Russia alone to guarantee -the security of our property and tranquillity, and that we do not -know of the law tribunals in which we take part, and which, at our -initiative, condemn those who have attacked our property or our -security to prison, exile, or forced labor, whereby men no worse than -those who condemn them are ruined and corrupted; or that we do not -know that we only possess all that we do possess because it has been -acquired and is defended for us by murder and violence. - -We cannot pretend that we do not see the armed policeman who marches -up and down beneath our windows to guarantee our security while we -eat our luxurious dinner, or look at the new piece at the theater, or -that we are unaware of the existence of the soldiers who will make -their appearance with guns and cartridges directly our property is -attacked. - -We know very well that we are only allowed to go on eating our -dinner, to finish seeing the new play, or to enjoy to the end the -ball, the Christmas fête, the promenade, the races or the hunt, -thanks to the policeman's revolver or the soldier's rifle, which will -shoot down the famished outcast who has been robbed of his share, and -who looks round the corner with covetous eyes at our pleasures, ready -to interrupt them instantly, were not the policeman and the soldier -there prepared to run up at our first call for help. - -And therefore just as a brigand caught in broad daylight in the act -cannot persuade us that he did not lift his knife in order to rob -his victim of his purse, and had no thought of killing him, we too, -it would seem, cannot persuade ourselves or others that the soldiers -and policemen around us are not to guard us, but only for defense -against foreign foes, and to regulate traffic and fêtes and reviews; -we cannot persuade ourselves and others that we do not know that -men do not like dying of hunger, bereft of the right to gain their -subsistence from the earth on which they live; that they do not like -working underground, in the water, or in stifling heat, for ten to -fourteen hours a day, at night in factories to manufacture objects -for our pleasure. One would imagine it impossible to deny what is so -obvious. Yet it is denied. - -Still, there are, among the rich, especially among the young, and -among women, persons whom I am glad to meet more and more frequently, -who, when they are shown in what way and at what cost their pleasures -are purchased, do not try to conceal the truth, but hiding their -heads in their hands, cry: "Ah! don't speak of that. If it is so, -life is impossible." But though there are such sincere people who -even though they cannot renounce their fault, at least see it, the -vast majority of the men of the modern world have so entered into -the parts they play in their hypocrisy that they boldly deny what is -staring everyone in the face. - -"All that is unjust," they say; "no one forces the people to work for -the landowners and manufacturers. That is an affair of free contract. -Great properties and fortunes are necessary, because they provide and -organize work for the working classes. And labor in the factories and -workshops is not at all the terrible thing you make it out to be. -Even if there are some abuses in factories, the government and the -public are taking steps to obviate them and to make the labor of the -factory workers much easier, and even agreeable. The working classes -are accustomed to physical labor, and are, so far, fit for nothing -else. The poverty of the people is not the result of private property -in land, nor of capitalistic oppression, but of other causes: it -is the result of the ignorance, brutality, and intemperance of -the people. And we men in authority who are striving against this -impoverishment of the people by wise legislation, we capitalists who -are combating it by the extension of useful inventions, we clergymen -by religious instruction, and we liberals by the formation of trades -unions, and the diffusion of education, are in this way increasing -the prosperity of the people without changing our own positions. -We do not want all to be as poor as the poor; we want all to be as -rich as the rich. As for the assertion that men are ill treated and -murdered to force them to work for the profit of the rich, that is -a sophism. The army is only called out against the mob, when the -people, in ignorance of their own interests, make disturbances and -destroy the tranquillity necessary for the public welfare. In the -same way, too, it is necessary to keep in restraint the malefactors -for whom the prisons and gallows are established. We ourselves -wish to suppress these forms of punishment and are working in that -direction." - -Hypocrisy in our day is supported on two sides: by false religion and -by false science. And it has reached such proportions that if we were -not living in its midst, we could not believe that men could attain -such a pitch of self-deception. Men of the present day have come into -such an extraordinary condition, their hearts are so hardened, that -seeing they see not, hearing they do not hear, and understand not. - -Men have long been living in antagonism to their conscience. If it -were not for hypocrisy they could not go on living such a life. This -social organization in opposition to their conscience only continues -to exist because it is disguised by hypocrisy. - -And the greater the divergence between actual life and men's -conscience, the greater the extension of hypocrisy. But even -hypocrisy has its limits. And it seems to me that we have reached -those limits in the present day. - -Every man of the present day with the Christian principles -assimilated involuntarily in his conscience, finds himself in -precisely the position of a man asleep who dreams that he is obliged -to do something which even in his dream he knows he ought not to -do. He knows this in the depths of his conscience, and all the same -he seems unable to change his position; he cannot stop and cease -doing what he ought not to do. And just as in a dream, his position -becoming more and more painful, at last reaches such a pitch of -intensity that he begins sometimes to doubt the reality of what is -passing and makes a moral effort to shake off the nightmare which is -oppressing him. - -This is just the condition of the average man of our Christian -society. He feels that all that he does himself and that is done -around him is something absurd, hideous, impossible, and opposed to -his conscience; he feels that his position is becoming more and more -unendurable and reaching a crisis of intensity. - -It is not possible that we modern men, with the Christian sense of -human dignity and equality permeating us soul and body, with our need -for peaceful association and unity between nations, should really go -on living in such a way that every joy, every gratification we have -is bought by the sufferings, by the lives of our brother men, and -moreover, that we should be every instant within a hair's-breadth -of falling on one another, nation against nation, like wild beasts, -mercilessly destroying men's lives and labor, only because some -benighted diplomatist or ruler says or writes some stupidity to -another equally benighted diplomatist or ruler. - -It is impossible. Yet every man of our day sees that this is so -and awaits the calamity. And the situation becomes more and more -insupportable. - -And as the man who is dreaming does not believe that what appears to -him can be truly the reality and tries to wake up to the actual real -world again, so the average man of modern days cannot in the bottom -of his heart believe that the awful position in which he is placed -and which is growing worse and worse can be the reality, and tries to -wake up to a true, real life, as it exists in his conscience. - -And just as the dreamer need only make a moral effort and ask -himself, "Isn't it a dream?" and the situation which seemed to him so -hopeless will instantly disappear, and he will wake up to peaceful -and happy reality, so the man of the modern world need only make -a moral effort to doubt the reality presented to him by his own -hypocrisy and the general hypocrisy around him, and to ask himself, -"Isn't it all a delusion?" and he will at once, like the dreamer -awakened, feel himself transported from an imaginary and dreadful -world to the true, calm, and happy reality. - -And to do this a man need accomplish no great feats or exploits. He -need only make a moral effort. - -But can a man make this effort? - -According to the existing theory so essential to support hypocrisy, -man is not free and cannot change his life. - -"Man cannot change his life, because he is not free. He is not free, -because all his actions are conditioned by previously existing -causes. And whatever the man may do there are always some causes -or other through which he does these or those acts, and therefore -man cannot be free and change his life," say the champions of the -metaphysics of hypocrisy. And they would be perfectly right if man -were a creature without conscience and incapable of moving toward -the truth; that is to say, if after recognizing a new truth, man -always remained at the same stage of moral development. But man -is a creature with a conscience and capable of attaining a higher -and higher degree of truth. And therefore even if man is not free -as regards performing these or those acts because there exists a -previous cause for every act, the very causes of his acts, consisting -as they do for the man of conscience of the recognition of this or -that truth, are within his own control. - -So that though man may not be free as regards the performance of -his actions, he is free as regards the foundation on which they are -performed. Just as the mechanician who is not free to modify the -movement of his locomotive when it is in motion, is free to regulate -the machine beforehand so as to determine what the movement is to be. - -Whatever the conscious man does, he acts just as he does, and not -otherwise, only because he recognizes that to act as he is acting is -in accord with the truth, or because he has recognized it at some -previous time, and is now only through inertia, through habit, acting -in accordance with his previous recognition of truth. - -In any case, the cause of his action is not to be found in any given -previous fact, but in the consciousness of a given relation to truth, -and the consequent recognition of this or that fact as a sufficient -basis for action. - -Whether a man eats or does not eat, works or rests, runs risks or -avoids them, if he has a conscience he acts thus only because he -considers it right and rational, because he considers that to act -thus is in harmony with truth, or else because he has made this -reflection in the past. - -The recognition or non-recognition of a certain truth depends not on -external causes, but on certain other causes within the man himself. -So that at times under external conditions apparently very favorable -for the recognition of truth, one man will not recognize it, and -another, on the contrary, under the most unfavorable conditions will, -without apparent cause, recognize it. As it is said in the Gospel, -"No man can come unto me, except the Father which hath sent me draw -him." That is to say, the recognition of truth, which is the cause -of all the manifestations of human life, does not depend on external -phenomena, but on certain inner spiritual characteristics of the man -which escape our observation. - -And therefore man, though not free in his acts, always feels -himself free in what is the motive of his acts--the recognition or -non-recognition of truth. And he feels himself independent not only -of facts external to his own personality, but even of his own actions. - -Thus a man who under the influence of passion has committed an act -contrary to the truth he recognizes, remains none the less free to -recognize it or not to recognize it; that is, he can by refusing to -recognize the truth regard his action as necessary and justifiable, -or he may recognize the truth and regard his act as wrong and censure -himself for it. - -Thus a gambler or a drunkard who does not resist temptation and -yields to his passion is still free to recognize gambling and -drunkenness as wrong or to regard them as a harmless pastime. In the -first case even if he does not at once get over his passion, he gets -the more free from it the more sincerely he recognizes the truth -about it; in the second case he will be strengthened in his vice and -will deprive himself of every possibility of shaking it off. - -In the same way a man who has made his escape alone from a house on -fire, not having had the courage to save his friend, remains free, -recognizing the truth that a man ought to save the life of another -even at the risk of his own, to regard his action as bad and to -censure himself for it, or, not recognizing this truth, to regard his -action as natural and necessary and to justify it to himself. In the -first case, if he recognizes the truth in spite of his departure -from it, he prepares for himself in the future a whole series of acts -of self-sacrifice necessarily flowing from this recognition of the -truth; in the second case, a whole series of egoistic acts. - -Not that a man is always free to recognize or to refuse to recognize -every truth. There are truths which he has recognized long before or -which have been handed down to him by education and tradition and -accepted by him on faith, and to follow these truths has become a -habit, a second nature with him; and there are truths, only vaguely, -as it were distantly, apprehended by him. The man is not free to -refuse to recognize the first, nor to recognize the second class of -truths. But there are truths of a third kind, which have not yet -become an unconscious motive of action, but yet have been revealed so -clearly to him that he cannot pass them by, and is inevitably obliged -to do one thing or the other, to recognize or not to recognize them. -And it is in regard to these truths that the man's freedom manifests -itself. - -Every man during his life finds himself in regard to truth in the -position of a man walking in the darkness with light thrown before -him by the lantern he carries. He does not see what is not yet -lighted up by the lantern; he does not see what he has passed which -is hidden in the darkness; but at every stage of his journey he sees -what is lighted up by the lantern, and he can always choose one side -or the other of the road. - -There are always unseen truths not yet revealed to the man's -intellectual vision, and there are other truths outlived, forgotten, -and assimilated by him, and there are also certain truths that rise -up before the light of his reason and require his recognition. And it -is in the recognition or non-recognition of these truths that what we -call his freedom is manifested. - -All the difficulty and seeming insolubility of the question of the -freedom of man results from those who tried to solve the question -imagining man as stationary in his relation to the truth. - -Man is certainly not free if we imagine him stationary, and if we -forget that the life of a man and of humanity is nothing but a -continual movement from darkness into light, from a lower stage of -truth to a higher, from a truth more alloyed with errors to a truth -more purified from them. - -Man would not be free if he knew no truth at all, and in the same way -he would not be free and would not even have any idea of freedom if -the whole truth which was to guide him in life had been revealed once -for all to him in all its purity without any admixture of error. - -But man is not stationary in regard to truth, but every individual -man as he passes through life, and humanity as a whole in the same -way, is continually learning to know a greater and greater degree of -truth, and growing more and more free from error. - -And therefore men are in a threefold relation to truth. Some -truths have been so assimilated by them that they have become the -unconscious basis of action, others are only just on the point of -being revealed to him, and a third class, though not yet assimilated -by him, have been revealed to him with sufficient clearness to force -him to decide either to recognize them or to refuse to recognize them. - -These, then, are the truths which man is free to recognize or to -refuse to recognize. - -The liberty of man does not consist in the power of acting -independently of the progress of life and the influences arising from -it, but in the capacity for recognizing and acknowledging the truth -revealed to him, and becoming the free and joyful participator in -the eternal and infinite work of God, the life of the world; or on -the other hand for refusing to recognize the truth, and so being a -miserable and reluctant slave dragged whither he has no desire to go. - -Truth not only points out the way along which human life ought to -move, but reveals also the only way along which it can move. And -therefore all men must willingly or unwillingly move along the way of -truth, some spontaneously accomplishing the task set them in life, -others submitting involuntarily to the law of life. Man's freedom -lies in the power of this choice. - -This freedom within these narrow limits seems so insignificant to men -that they do not notice it. Some--the determinists--consider this -amount of freedom so trifling that they do not recognize it at all. -Others--the champions of complete free will--keep their eyes fixed on -their hypothetical free will and neglect this which seemed to them -such a trivial degree of freedom. - -This freedom, confined between the limits of complete ignorance -of the truth and a recognition of a part of the truth, seems -hardly freedom at all, especially since, whether a man is willing -or unwilling to recognize the truth revealed to him, he will be -inevitably forced to carry it out in life. - -A horse harnessed with others to a cart is not free to refrain from -moving the cart. If he does not move forward the cart will knock him -down and go on dragging him with it, whether he will or not. But the -horse is free to drag the cart himself or to be dragged with it. And -so it is with man. - -Whether this is a great or small degree of freedom in comparison with -the fantastic liberty we should like to have, it is the only freedom -that really exists, and in it consists the only happiness attainable -by man. - -And more than that, this freedom is the sole means of accomplishing -the divine work of the life of the world. - -According to Christ's doctrine, the man who sees the significance of -life in the domain in which it is not free, in the domain of effects, -that is, of acts, has not the true life. According to the Christian -doctrine, that man is living in the truth who has transported his -life to the domain in which it is free--the domain of causes, that -is, the knowledge and recognition, the profession and realization in -life of revealed truth. - -Devoting his life to works of the flesh, a man busies himself with -actions depending on temporary causes outside himself. He himself -does nothing really, he merely seems to be doing something. In -reality all the acts which seem to be his are the work of a higher -power, and he is not the creator of his own life, but the slave of -it. Devoting his life to the recognition and fulfillment of the truth -revealed to him, he identifies himself with the source of universal -life and accomplishes acts not personal, and dependent on conditions -of space and time, but acts unconditioned by previous causes, acts -which constitute the causes of everything else, and have an infinite, -unlimited significance. - -"The kingdom of heaven suffereth violence, and the violent take it by -force." (Matt. xi. 12.) - -It is this violent effort to rise above external conditions to the -recognition and realization of truth by which the kingdom of heaven -is taken, and it is this effort of violence which must and can be -made in our times. - -Men need only understand this, they need only cease to trouble -themselves about the general external conditions in which they are -not free, and devote one-hundredth part of the energy they waste -on those material things to that in which they are free, to the -recognition and realization of the truth which is before them, and to -the liberation of themselves and others from deception and hypocrisy, -and, without effort or conflict, there would be an end at once of the -false organization of life which makes men miserable, and threatens -them with worse calamities in the future. And then the kingdom of -God would be realized, or at least that first stage of it for which -men are ready now by the degree of development of their conscience. - -Just as a single shock may be sufficient, when a liquid is saturated -with some salt, to precipitate it at once in crystals, a slight -effort may be perhaps all that is needed now that the truth already -revealed to men may gain a mastery over hundreds, thousands, millions -of men, that a public opinion consistent with conscience may be -established, and through this change of public opinion the whole -order of life may be transformed. And it depends upon us to make this -effort. - -Let each of us only try to understand and accept the Christian truth -which in the most varied forms surrounds us on all sides and forces -itself upon us; let us only cease from lying and pretending that we -do not see this truth or wish to realize it, at least in what it -demands from us above all else; only let us accept and boldly profess -the truth to which we are called, and we should find at once that -hundreds, thousands, millions of men are in the same position as -we, that they see the truth as we do, and dread as we do to stand -alone in recognizing it, and like us are only waiting for others to -recognize it also. - -Only let men cease to be hypocrites, and they would at once see that -this cruel social organization, which holds them in bondage, and is -represented to them as something stable, necessary, and ordained of -God, is already tottering and is only propped up by the falsehood of -hypocrisy, with which we, and others like us, support it. - -But if this is so, if it is true that it depends on us to break down -the existing organization of life, have we the right to destroy it, -without knowing clearly what we shall set up in its place? What will -become of human society when the existing order of things is at an -end? - -"What shall we find the other side of the walls of the world we are -abandoning? - -"Fear will come upon us--a void, a vast emptiness, freedom--how are -we to go forward not knowing whither, how face loss, not seeing -hope of gain?... If Columbus had reasoned thus he would never have -weighed anchor. It was madness to set off upon the ocean, not knowing -the route, on the ocean on which no one had sailed, to sail toward -a land whose existence was doubtful. By this madness he discovered -a new world. Doubtless if the peoples of the world could simply -transfer themselves from one furnished mansion to another and better -one--it would make it much easier; but unluckily there is no one to -get humanity's new dwelling ready for it. The future is even worse -than the ocean--there is nothing there--it will be what men and -circumstances make it. - -"If you are content with the old world, try to preserve it, it is -very sick and cannot hold out much longer. But if you cannot bear to -live in everlasting dissonance between your beliefs and your life, -thinking one thing and doing another, get out of the mediæval whited -sepulchers, and face your fears. I know very well it is not easy. - -"It is not a little thing to cut one's self off from all to which a -man has been accustomed from his birth, with which he has grown up -to maturity. Men are ready for tremendous sacrifices, but not for -those which life demands of them. Are they ready to sacrifice modern -civilization, their manner of life, their religion, the received -conventional morality? - -"Are we ready to give up all the results we have attained with such -effort, results of which we have been boasting for three centuries; -to give up every convenience and charm of our existence, to prefer -savage youth to the senile decay of civilization, to pull down the -palace raised for us by our ancestors only for the pleasure of having -a hand in the founding of a new house, which will doubtless be built -long after we are gone?" (Herzen, vol. v. p. 55.) - -Thus wrote almost half a century ago the Russian writer, who with -prophetic insight saw clearly then, what even the most unreflecting -man sees to-day, the impossibility, that is, of life continuing on -its old basis, and the necessity of establishing new forms of life. - -It is clear now from the very simplest, most commonplace point of -view, that it is madness to remain under the roof of a building which -cannot support its weight, and that we must leave it. And indeed it -is difficult to imagine a position more wretched than that of the -Christian world to-day, with its nations armed against one another, -with its constantly increasing taxation to maintain its armies, -with the hatred of the working class for the rich ever growing more -intense, with the Damocles sword of war forever hanging over the -heads of all, ready every instant to fall, certain to fall sooner or -later. - -Hardly could any revolution be more disastrous for the great mass -of the population than the present order or rather disorder of our -life, with its daily sacrifices to exhausting and unnatural toil, to -poverty, drunkenness, and profligacy, with all the horrors of the war -that is at hand, which will swallow up in one year more victims than -all the revolutions of the century. - -What will become of humanity if each of us performs the duty God -demands of us through the conscience implanted within us? Will not -harm come if, being wholly in the power of a master, I carry out, in -the workshop erected and directed by him, the orders he gives me, -strange though they may seem to me who do not know the Master's final -aims? - -But it is not even this question "What will happen?" that agitates -men when they hesitate to fulfill the Master's will. They are -troubled by the question how to live without those habitual -conditions of life which we call civilization, culture, art, and -science. We feel ourselves all the burdensomeness of life as it is; -we see also that this organization of life must inevitably be our -ruin, if it continues. At the same time we want the conditions of our -life which arise out of this organization--our civilization, culture, -art, and science--to remain intact. It is as though a man, living in -an old house and suffering from cold and all sorts of inconvenience -in it, knowing, too, that it is on the point of falling to pieces, -should consent to its being rebuilt, but only on the condition -that he should not be required to leave it: a condition which is -equivalent to refusing to have it rebuilt at all. - -"But what if I leave the house and give up every convenience for a -time, and the new house is not built, or is built on a different plan -so that I do not find in it the comforts to which I am accustomed?" -But seeing that the materials and the builders are here, there is -every likelihood that the new house will on the contrary be better -built than the old one. And at the same time, there is not only the -likelihood but the certainty that the old house will fall down and -crush those who remain within it. Whether the old habitual conditions -of life are supported, or whether they are abolished and altogether -new and better conditions arise; in any case, there is no doubt we -shall be forced to leave the old forms of life which have become -impossible and fatal, and must go forward to meet the future. - -"Civilization, art, science, culture, will disappear!" - -Yes, but all these we know are only various manifestations of truth, -and the change that is before us is only to be made for the sake -of a closer attainment and realization of truth. How then can the -manifestations of truth disappear through our realizing it? These -manifestations will be different, higher, better, but they will not -cease to be. Only what is false in them will be destroyed; all the -truth there was in them will only be stronger and more flourishing. - -Take thought, oh, men, and have faith in the Gospel, in whose -teaching is your happiness. If you do not take thought, you will -perish just as the men perished, slain by Pilate, or crushed by the -tower of Siloam; as millions of men have perished, slayers and slain, -executing and executed, torturers and tortured alike, and as the man -foolishly perished, who filled his granaries full and made ready -for a long life and died the very night that he planned to begin -his life. Take thought and have faith in the Gospel, Christ said -eighteen hundred years ago, and he says it with even greater force -now that the calamities foretold by him have come to pass, and the -senselessness of our life has reached the furthest point of suffering -and madness. - -Nowadays, after so many centuries of fruitless efforts to make our -life secure by the pagan organization of life, it must be evident -to everyone that all efforts in that direction only introduce fresh -dangers into personal and social life, and do not render it more -secure in any way. - -Whatever names we dignify ourselves with, whatever uniforms we wear, -whatever priests we anoint ourselves before, however many millions we -possess, however many guards are stationed along our road, however -many policemen guard our wealth, however many so-called criminals, -revolutionists, and anarchists we punish, whatever exploits we have -performed, whatever states we may have founded, fortresses and -towers we may have erected--from Babel to the Eiffel Tower--there -are two inevitable conditions of life, confronting all of us, which -destroy its whole meaning; (1) death, which may at any moment pounce -upon each of us; and (2) the transitoriness of all our works, which -so soon pass away and leave no trace. Whatever we may do--found -companies, build palaces and monuments, write songs and poems--it is -all not for long time. Soon it passes away, leaving no trace. And -therefore, however we may conceal it from ourselves, we cannot help -seeing that the significance of our life cannot lie in our personal -fleshly existence, the prey of incurable suffering and inevitable -death, nor in any social institution or organization. Whoever you may -be who are reading these lines, think of your position and of your -duties--not of your position as landowner, merchant, judge, emperor, -president, minister, priest, soldier, which has been temporarily -allotted you by men, and not of the imaginary duties laid on you by -those positions, but of your real positions in eternity as a creature -who at the will of Someone has been called out of unconsciousness -after an eternity of non-existence to which you may return at any -moment at his will. Think of your duties--not your supposed duties -as a landowner to your estate, as a merchant to your business, as -emperor, minister, or official to the state, but of your real duties, -the duties that follow from your real position as a being called into -life and endowed with reason and love. - -Are you doing what he demands of you who has sent you into the world, -and to whom you will soon return? Are you doing what he wills? Are -you doing his will, when as landowner or manufacturer you rob the -poor of the fruits of their toil, basing your life on this plunder -of the workers, or when, as judge or governor, you ill treat men, -sentence them to execution, or when as soldiers you prepare for war, -kill and plunder? - -You will say that the world is so made that this is inevitable, and -that you do not do this of your own free will, but because you are -forced to do so. But can it be that you have such a strong aversion -to men's sufferings, ill treatment, and murder, that you have such -an intense need of love and co-operation with your fellows that you -see clearly that only by the recognition of the equality of all, and -by mutual services, can the greatest possible happiness be realized; -that your head and your heart, the faith you profess, and even -science itself tell you the same thing, and yet that in spite of it -all you can be forced by some confused and complicated reasoning to -act in direct opposition to all this; that as landowner or capitalist -you are bound to base your whole life on the oppression of the -people; that as emperor or president you are to command armies, that -is, to be the head and commander of murderers; or that as government -official you are forced to take from the poor their last pence for -rich men to profit and share them among themselves; or that as -judge or juryman you could be forced to sentence erring men to ill -treatment and death because the truth was not revealed to them, or -above all, for that is the basis of all the evil, that you could be -forced to become a soldier, and renouncing your free will and your -human sentiments, could undertake to kill anyone at the command of -other men? - -It cannot be. - -Even if you are told that all this is necessary for the maintenance -of the existing order of things, and that this social order with -its pauperism, famines, prisons, gallows, armies, and wars is -necessary to society; that still greater disasters would ensue if -this organization were destroyed; all that is said only by those who -profit by this organization, while those who suffer from it--and they -are ten times as numerous--think and say quite the contrary. And at -the bottom of your heart you know yourself that it is not true, that -the existing organization has outlived its time, and must inevitably -be reconstructed on new principles, and that consequently there is -no obligation upon you to sacrifice your sentiments of humanity to -support it. - -Above all, even if you allow that this organization is necessary, -why do you believe it to be your duty to maintain it at the cost of -your best feelings? Who has made you the nurse in charge of this sick -and moribund organization? Not society nor the state nor anyone; -no one has asked you to undertake this; you who fill your position -of landowner, merchant, tzar, priest, or soldier know very well -that you occupy that position by no means with the unselfish aim of -maintaining the organization of life necessary to men's happiness, -but simply in your own interests, to satisfy your own covetousness or -vanity or ambition or indolence or cowardice. If you did not desire -that position, you would not be doing your utmost to retain it. Try -the experiment of ceasing to commit the cruel, treacherous, and base -actions that you are constantly committing in order to retain your -position, and you will lose it at once. Try the simple experiment, -as a government official, of giving up lying, and refusing to take -a part in executions and acts of violence; as a priest, of giving -up deception; as a soldier, of giving up murder; as landowner or -manufacturer, of giving up defending your property by fraud and -force; and you will at once lose the position which you pretend is -forced upon you, and which seems burdensome to you. - -A man cannot be placed against his will in a situation opposed to his -conscience. - -If you find yourself in such a position it is not because it is -necessary to anyone whatever, but simply because you wish it. And -therefore knowing that your position is repugnant to your heart and -your head, and to your faith, and even to the science in which you -believe, you cannot help reflecting upon the question whether in -retaining it, and above all trying to justify it, you are doing what -you ought to do. - -You might risk making a mistake if you had time to see and retrieve -your fault, and if you ran the risk for something of some value. But -when you know beyond all doubt that you may disappear any minute, -without the least possibility either for yourself or those you draw -after you into your error, of retrieving the mistake, when you know -that whatever you may do in the external organization of life it will -all disappear as quickly and surely as you will yourself, and will -leave no trace behind, it is clear that you have no reasonable ground -for running the risk of such a fearful mistake. - -It would be perfectly simple and clear if you did not by your -hypocrisy disguise the truth which has so unmistakably been revealed -to us. - -Share all that you have with others, do not heap up riches, do not -steal, do not cause suffering, do not kill, do not unto others what -you would not they should do unto you, all that has been said not -eighteen hundred, but five thousand years ago, and there could be no -doubt of the truth of this law if it were not for hypocrisy. Except -for hypocrisy men could not have failed, if not to put the law in -practice, at least to recognize it, and admit that it is wrong not to -put it in practice. - -But you will say that there is the public good to be considered, and -that on that account one must not and ought not to conform to these -principles; for the public good one may commit acts of violence and -murder. It is better for one man to die than that the whole people -perish, you will say like Caiaphas, and you sign the sentence of -death of one man, of a second, and a third; you load your gun against -this man who is to perish for the public good, you imprison him, you -take his possessions. You say that you commit these acts of cruelty -because you are a part of the society and of the state; that it is -your duty to serve them, and as landowner, judge, emperor, or soldier -to conform to their laws. But besides belonging to the state and -having duties created by that position, you belong also to eternity -and to God, who also lays duties upon you. And just as your duties -to your family and to society are subordinate to your superior -duties to the state, in the same way the latter must necessarily be -subordinated to the duties dictated to you by the eternal life and by -God. And just as it would be senseless to pull up the telegraph posts -for fuel for a family or society and thus to increase its welfare at -the expense of public interests, in the same way it is senseless to -do violence, to execute, and to murder to increase the welfare of the -nation, because that is at the expense of the interests of humanity. - -Your duties as a citizen cannot but be subordinated to the superior -obligations of the eternal life of God, and cannot be in opposition -to them. As Christ's disciples said eighteen centuries ago: "Whether -it be right in the sight of God to hearken unto you more than unto -God, judge ye" (Acts iv. 19); and, "We ought to obey God rather than -men" (Acts v. 29). - -It is asserted that, in order that the unstable order of things, -established in one corner of the world for a few men, may not be -destroyed, you ought to commit acts of violence which destroy the -eternal and immutable order established by God and by reason. Can -that possibly be? - -And therefore you cannot but reflect on your position as landowner, -manufacturer, judge, emperor, president, minister, priest, and -soldier, which is bound up with violence, deception, and murder, and -recognize its unlawfulness. - -I do not say that if you are a landowner you are bound to give up -your lands immediately to the poor; if a capitalist or manufacturer, -your money to your workpeople; or that if you are Tzar, minister, -official, judge, or general, you are bound to renounce immediately -the advantages of your position; or if a soldier, on whom all the -system of violence is based, to refuse immediately to obey in spite -of all the dangers of insubordination. - -If you do so, you will be doing the best thing possible. But it may -happen, and it is most likely, that you will not have the strength -to do so. You have relations, a family, subordinates and superiors; -you are under an influence so powerful that you cannot shake it off; -but you can always recognize the truth and refuse to tell a lie -about it. You need not declare that you are remaining a landowner, -manufacturer, merchant, artist, or writer because it is useful to -mankind; that you are governor, prosecutor, or tzar, not because -it is agreeable to you, because you are used to it, but for the -public good; that you continue to be a soldier, not from fear of -punishment, but because you consider the army necessary to society. -You can always avoid lying in this way to yourself and to others, and -you ought to do so; because the one aim of your life ought to be to -purify yourself from falsehood and to confess the truth. And you need -only do that and your situation will change directly of itself. - -There is one thing, and only one thing, in which it is granted to -you to be free in life, all else being beyond your power: that is to -recognize and profess the truth. - -And yet simply from the fact that other men as misguided and as -pitiful creatures as yourself have made you soldier, tzar, landowner, -capitalist, priest, or general, you undertake to commit acts of -violence obviously opposed to your reason and your heart, to base -your existence on the misfortunes of others, and above all, instead -of filling the one duty of your life, recognizing and professing the -truth, you feign not to recognize it and disguise it from yourself -and others. - -And what are the conditions in which you are doing this? You who -may die any instant, you sign sentences of death, you declare war, -you take part in it, you judge, you punish, you plunder the working -people, you live luxuriously in the midst of the poor, and teach weak -men who have confidence in you that this must be so, that the duty of -men is to do this, and yet it may happen at the moment when you are -acting thus that a bacterium or a bull may attack you and you will -fall and die, losing forever the chance of repairing the harm you -have done to others, and above all to yourself, in uselessly wasting -a life which has been given you only once in eternity, without -having accomplished the only thing you ought to have done. - -However commonplace and out of date it may seem to us, however -confused we may be by hypocrisy and by the hypnotic suggestion which -results from it, nothing can destroy the certainty of this simple -and clearly defined truth. No external conditions can guarantee our -life, which is attended with inevitable sufferings and infallibly -terminated by death, and which consequently can have no significance -except in the constant accomplishment of what is demanded by the -Power which has placed us in life with a sole certain guide--the -rational conscience. - -That is why that Power cannot require of us what is irrational and -impossible: the organization of our temporary external life, the life -of society or of the state. That Power demands of us only what is -reasonable, certain, and possible: to serve the kingdom of God, that -is, to contribute to the establishment of the greatest possible union -between all living beings--a union possible only in the truth; and to -recognize and to profess the revealed truth, which is always in our -power. - -"But seek ye first the kingdom of God, and his righteousness, and all -these things shall be added unto you." (Matt. vi. 33.) - -The sole meaning of life is to serve humanity by contributing to the -establishment of the kingdom of God, which can only be done by the -recognition and profession of the truth by every man. - -"The kingdom of God cometh not with outward show; neither shall they -say, Lo here! or, Lo there! for behold, the kingdom of God is within -you." (Luke xvii. 20, 21.) - - - THE END. - - * * * * * - -Transcriber's note: - -Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). - -Small capital text has been replaced with all capitals. - -Text enclosed by plus signs (+Greek+) is a transliteration of Greek. - -Variations in spelling, punctuation and hyphenation have been -retained except in obvious cases of typographical error. - -The transcriber has changed the page number for Chapter XII in the -Table of Contents from 279 to 278. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Kingdom of God is Within You, by -Count Leo Tolstoy - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE KINGDOM OF GOD IS WITHIN YOU *** - -***** This file should be named 43302-8.txt or 43302-8.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/3/3/0/43302/ - -Produced by David Edwards and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The Kingdom of God is Within You - Christianity Not as a Mystic Religion But as a New Theory of Life - -Author: Count Leo Tolstoy - -Translator: Constance Garnett - -Release Date: July 26, 2013 [EBook #43302] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE KINGDOM OF GOD IS WITHIN YOU *** - - - - -Produced by David Edwards and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - -</pre> - +<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 43302 ***</div> <hr class="tb" /> <p class="center"> @@ -14930,384 +14889,6 @@ very oppressed whom it is itself oppressing.</p></div></div> </p> </div> - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Kingdom of God is Within You, by -Count Leo Tolstoy - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE KINGDOM OF GOD IS WITHIN YOU *** - -***** This file should be named 43302-h.htm or 43302-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/3/3/0/43302/ - -Produced by David Edwards and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The Kingdom of God is Within You - Christianity Not as a Mystic Religion But as a New Theory of Life - -Author: Count Leo Tolstoy - -Translator: Constance Garnett - -Release Date: July 26, 2013 [EBook #43302] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE KINGDOM OF GOD IS WITHIN YOU *** - - - - -Produced by David Edwards and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - "THE KINGDOM OF GOD IS - WITHIN YOU" - - [Illustration: titlepage] - - "THE KINGDOM OF GOD IS - WITHIN YOU" - - _CHRISTIANITY NOT AS A MYSTIC RELIGION - BUT AS A NEW THEORY OF LIFE_ - - TRANSLATED FROM THE RUSSIAN OF - COUNT LEO TOLSTOY - - BY - CONSTANCE GARNETT - - NEW YORK - THE CASSELL PUBLISHING CO. - 31 EAST 17TH ST. (UNION SQUARE) - - - - - COPYRIGHT, 1894, BY - THE CASSELL PUBLISHING CO. - - _All rights reserved._ - - THE MERSHON COMPANY PRESS, - RAHWAY, N. J. - - - - -TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. - - -The book I have had the privilege of translating is, undoubtedly, -one of the most remarkable studies of the social and psychological -condition of the modern world which has appeared in Europe for many -years, and its influence is sure to be lasting and far reaching. -Tolstoy's genius is beyond dispute. The verdict of the civilized -world has pronounced him as perhaps the greatest novelist of our -generation. But the philosophical and religious works of his later -years have met with a somewhat indifferent reception. They have -been much talked about, simply because they were his work, but, as -Tolstoy himself complains, they have never been seriously discussed. -I hardly think that he will have to repeat the complaint in regard -to the present volume. One may disagree with his views, but no one -can seriously deny the originality, boldness, and depth of the social -conception which he develops with such powerful logic. The novelist -has shown in this book the religious fervor and spiritual insight -of the prophet; yet one is pleased to recognize that the artist is -not wholly lost in the thinker. The subtle intuitive perception of -the psychological basis of the social position, the analysis of the -frame of mind of oppressors and oppressed, and of the intoxication of -Authority and Servility, as well as the purely descriptive passages -in the last chapter--these could only have come from the author of -"War and Peace." - -The book will surely give all classes of readers much to think of, -and must call forth much criticism. It must be refuted by those who -disapprove of its teaching, if they do not want it to have great -influence. - -One cannot of course anticipate that English people, slow as they are -to be influenced by ideas, and instinctively distrustful of all that -is logical, will take a leap in the dark and attempt to put Tolstoy's -theory of life into practice. But one may at least be sure that his -destructive criticism of the present social and political _regime_ -will become a powerful force in the work of disintegration and social -reconstruction which is going on around us. Many earnest thinkers -who, like Tolstoy, are struggling to find their way out of the -contradictions of our social order will hail him as their spiritual -guide. The individuality of the author is felt in every line of his -work, and even the most prejudiced cannot resist the fascination -of his genuineness, sincerity, and profound earnestness. Whatever -comes from a heart such as his, swelling with anger and pity at the -sufferings of humanity, cannot fail to reach the hearts of others. No -reader can put down the book without feeling himself better and more -truth-loving for having read it. - -Many readers may be disappointed with the opening chapters of the -book. Tolstoy disdains all attempt to captivate the reader. He -begins by laying what he considers to be the logical foundation -of his doctrines, stringing together quotations from little-known -theological writers, and he keeps his own incisive logic for the -later part of the book. - -One word as to the translation. Tolstoy's style in his religious and -philosophical works differs considerably from that of his novels. -He no longer cares about the form of his work, and his style is -often slipshod, involved, and diffuse. It has been my aim to give a -faithful reproduction of the original. - - CONSTANCE GARNETT. - _January, 1894._ - - - - -PREFACE. - - -In the year 1884 I wrote a book under the title "What I Believe," in -which I did in fact make a sincere statement of my beliefs. - -In affirming my belief in Christ's teaching, I could not help -explaining why I do not believe, and consider as mistaken, the -Church's doctrine, which is usually called Christianity. - -Among the many points in which this doctrine falls short of the -doctrine of Christ I pointed out as the principal one the absence of -any commandment of non-resistance to evil by force. The perversion -of Christ's teaching by the teaching of the Church is more clearly -apparent in this than in any other point of difference. - -I know--as we all do--very little of the practice and the spoken and -written doctrine of former times on the subject of non-resistance to -evil. I knew what had been said on the subject by the fathers of the -Church--Origen, Tertullian, and others--I knew too of the existence -of some so-called sects of Mennonites, Herrnhuters, and Quakers, -who do not allow a Christian the use of weapons, and do not enter -military service; but I knew little of what had been done by these -so-called sects toward expounding the question. - -My book was, as I had anticipated, suppressed by the Russian -censorship; but partly owing to my literary reputation, partly -because the book had excited people's curiosity, it circulated -in manuscript and in lithographed copies in Russia and through -translations abroad, and it evoked, on one side, from those who -shared my convictions, a series of essays with a great deal of -information on the subject, on the other side a series of criticisms -on the principles laid down in my book. - -A great deal was made clear to me by both hostile and sympathetic -criticism, and also by the historical events of late years; and I was -led to fresh results and conclusions, which I wish now to expound. - -First I will speak of the information I received on the history of -the question of non-resistance to evil; then of the views of this -question maintained by spiritual critics, that is, by professed -believers in the Christian religion, and also by temporal ones, that -is, those who do not profess the Christian religion; and lastly I -will speak of the conclusions to which I have been brought by all -this in the light of the historical events of late years. - - L. TOLSTOY. - YASNAIA POLIANA, - _May 14/26, 1893_. - - - - -CONTENTS. - - - CHAPTER PAGE - - I. THE DOCTRINE OF NON-RESISTANCE TO EVIL BY FORCE - HAS BEEN PROFESSED BY A MINORITY OF MEN FROM - THE VERY FOUNDATION OF CHRISTIANITY, 1 - - II. CRITICISMS OF THE DOCTRINE OF NON-RESISTANCE TO - EVIL BY FORCE ON THE PART OF BELIEVERS AND OF - UNBELIEVERS, 29 - - III. CHRISTIANITY MISUNDERSTOOD BY BELIEVERS, 48 - - IV. CHRISTIANITY MISUNDERSTOOD BY MEN OF SCIENCE, 85 - - V. CONTRADICTION BETWEEN OUR LIFE AND OUR CHRISTIAN - CONSCIENCE, 109 - - VI. ATTITUDE OF MEN OF THE PRESENT DAY TO WAR, 133 - - VII. SIGNIFICANCE OF COMPULSORY SERVICE, 164 - - VIII. DOCTRINE OF NON-RESISTANCE TO EVIL BY FORCE MUST - INEVITABLY BE ACCEPTED BY MEN OF THE PRESENT - DAY, 184 - - IX. THE ACCEPTANCE OF THE CHRISTIAN CONCEPTION OF - LIFE WILL EMANCIPATE MEN FROM THE MISERIES - OF OUR PAGAN LIFE, 208 - - X. EVIL CANNOT BE SUPPRESSED BY THE PHYSICAL FORCE - OF THE GOVERNMENT--THE MORAL PROGRESS OF - HUMANITY IS BROUGHT ABOUT NOT ONLY BY INDIVIDUAL - RECOGNITION OF THE TRUTH, BUT ALSO - THROUGH THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A PUBLIC OPINION, 235 - - XI. THE CHRISTIAN CONCEPTION OF LIFE HAS ALREADY - ARISEN IN OUR SOCIETY, AND WILL INFALLIBLY PUT - AN END TO THE PRESENT ORGANIZATION OF OUR LIFE - BASED ON FORCE--WHEN THAT WILL BE, 264 - - XII. CONCLUSION--REPENT YE, FOR THE KINGDOM OF - HEAVEN IS AT HAND, 278 - - - - - "Ye shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you - free."--JOHN viii. 32. - - "Fear not them which kill the body, but are not able to kill the - soul; but rather fear him which is able to destroy both soul and - body in hell."--MATT. x. 28. - - "Ye have been bought with a price; be not ye the servants of - men."--1 COR. vii. 23. - - - - -"THE KINGDOM OF GOD IS WITHIN YOU." - - - - -CHAPTER I. - - THE DOCTRINE OF NON-RESISTANCE TO EVIL BY FORCE HAS BEEN - PROFESSED BY A MINORITY OF MEN FROM THE VERY FOUNDATION OF - CHRISTIANITY. - - Of the Book "What I Believe"--The Correspondence Evoked - by it--Letters from Quakers--Garrison's Declaration--Adin - Ballou, his Works, his Catechism--Helchitsky's "Net of - Faith"--The Attitude of the World to Works Elucidating Christ's - Teaching--Dymond's Book "On War"--Musser's "Non-resistance - Asserted"--Attitude of the Government in 1818 to Men who Refused - to Serve in the Army--Hostile Attitude of Governments Generally - and of Liberals to Those who Refuse to Assist in Acts of State - Violence, and their Conscious Efforts to Silence and Suppress - these Manifestations of Christian Non-resistance. - - -Among the first responses called forth by my book were some letters -from American Quakers. In these letters, expressing their sympathy -with my views on the unlawfulness for a Christian of war and the -use of force of any kind, the Quakers gave me details of their own -so-called sect, which for more than two hundred years has actually -professed the teaching of Christ on non-resistance to evil by force, -and does not make use of weapons in self-defense. The Quakers sent -me also their pamphlets, journals, and books, from which I learnt -how they had, years ago, established beyond doubt the duty for a -Christian of fulfilling the command of non-resistance to evil by -force, and had exposed the error of the Church's teaching in allowing -war and capital punishment. - -In a whole series of arguments and texts showing that war--that is, -the wounding and killing of men--is inconsistent with a religion -founded on peace and good will toward men, the Quakers maintain -and prove that nothing has contributed so much to the obscuring of -Christian truth in the eyes of the heathen, and has hindered so much -the diffusion of Christianity through the world, as the disregard of -this command by men calling themselves Christians, and the permission -of war and violence to Christians. - -"Christ's teaching, which came to be known to men, not by means of -violence and the sword," they say, "but by means of non-resistance to -evil, gentleness, meekness, and peaceableness, can only be diffused -through the world by the example of peace, harmony, and love among -its followers." - -"A Christian, according to the teaching of God himself, can act only -peaceably toward all men, and therefore there can be no authority -able to force the Christian to act in opposition to the teaching of -God and to the principal virtue of the Christian in his relation with -his neighbors." - -"The law of state necessity," they say, "can force only those to -change the law of God who, for the sake of earthly gains, try to -reconcile the irreconcilable; but for a Christian who sincerely -believes that following Christ's teaching will give him salvation, -such considerations of state can have no force." - -Further acquaintance with the labors of the Quakers and their -works--with Fox, Penn, and especially the work of Dymond (published -in 1827)--showed me not only that the impossibility of reconciling -Christianity with force and war had been recognized long, long ago, -but that this irreconcilability had been long ago proved so clearly -and so indubitably that one could only wonder how this impossible -reconciliation of Christian teaching with the use of force, which -has been, and is still, preached in the churches, could have been -maintained in spite of it. - -In addition to what I learned from the Quakers I received about the -same time, also from America, some information on the subject from a -source perfectly distinct and previously unknown to me. - -The son of William Lloyd Garrison, the famous champion of the -emancipation of the negroes, wrote to me that he had read my book, in -which he found ideas similar to those expressed by his father in the -year 1838, and that, thinking it would be interesting to me to know -this, he sent me a declaration or proclamation of "non-resistance" -drawn up by his father nearly fifty years ago. - -This declaration came about under the following circumstances: -William Lloyd Garrison took part in a discussion on the means of -suppressing war in the Society for the Establishment of Peace among -Men, which existed in 1838 in America. He came to the conclusion -that the establishment of universal peace can only be founded on -the open profession of the doctrine of non-resistance to evil by -violence (Matt. v. 39), in its full significance, as understood by -the Quakers, with whom Garrison happened to be on friendly relations. -Having come to this conclusion, Garrison thereupon composed and laid -before the society a declaration, which was signed at the time--in -1838--by many members. - - "DECLARATION OF SENTIMENTS ADOPTED BY THE PEACE CONVENTION. - - "BOSTON, 1838. - - "We, the undersigned, regard it as due to ourselves, to the - cause which we love, to the country in which we live, to - publish a declaration expressive of the purposes we aim to - accomplish and the measures we shall adopt to carry forward the - work of peaceful universal reformation. - - "We do not acknowledge allegiance to any human government. - We recognize but one King and Lawgiver, one Judge and Ruler - of mankind. Our country is the world, our countrymen are all - mankind. We love the land of our nativity only as we love all - other lands. The interests and rights of American citizens are - not dearer to us than those of the whole human race. Hence we - can allow no appeal to patriotism to revenge any national insult - or injury.... - - "We conceive that a nation has no right to defend itself against - foreign enemies or to punish its invaders, and no individual - possesses that right in his own case, and the unit cannot be of - greater importance than the aggregate. If soldiers thronging - from abroad with intent to commit rapine and destroy life may - not be resisted by the people or the magistracy, then ought no - resistance to be offered to domestic troublers of the public - peace or of private security. - - "The dogma that all the governments of the world are approvingly - ordained of God, and that the powers that be in the United - States, in Russia, in Turkey, are in accordance with his will, - is no less absurd than impious. It makes the impartial Author - of our existence unequal and tyrannical. It cannot be affirmed - that the powers that be in any nation are actuated by the spirit - or guided by the example of Christ in the treatment of enemies; - therefore they cannot be agreeable to the will of God, and - therefore their overthrow by a spiritual regeneration of their - subjects is inevitable. - - "We regard as unchristian and unlawful not only all wars, - whether offensive or defensive, but all preparations for - war; every naval ship, every arsenal, every fortification, - we regard as unchristian and unlawful; the existence of any - kind of standing army, all military chieftains, all monuments - commemorative of victory over a fallen foe, all trophies won - in battle, all celebrations in honor of military exploits, all - appropriations for defense by arms; we regard as unchristian and - unlawful every edict of government requiring of its subjects - military service. - - "Hence we deem it unlawful to bear arms, and we cannot hold - any office which imposes on its incumbent the obligation to - compel men to do right on pain of imprisonment or death. We - therefore voluntarily exclude ourselves from every legislative - and judicial body, and repudiate all human politics, worldly - honors, and stations of authority. If we cannot occupy a seat - in the legislature or on the bench, neither can we elect others - to act as our substitutes in any such capacity. It follows that - we cannot sue any man at law to force him to return anything he - may have wrongly taken from us; if he has seized our coat, we - shall surrender him our cloak also rather than subject him to - punishment. - - "We believe that the penal code of the old covenant--an eye for - an eye, and a tooth for a tooth--has been abrogated by Jesus - Christ, and that under the new covenant the forgiveness instead - of the punishment of enemies has been enjoined on all his - disciples in all cases whatsoever. To extort money from enemies, - cast them into prison, exile or execute them, is obviously not - to forgive but to take retribution. - - "The history of mankind is crowded with evidences proving that - physical coercion is not adapted to moral regeneration, and that - the sinful dispositions of men can be subdued only by love; that - evil can be exterminated only by good; that it is not safe to - rely upon the strength of an arm to preserve us from harm; that - there is great security in being gentle, long-suffering, and - abundant in mercy; that it is only the meek who shall inherit - the earth; for those who take up the sword shall perish by the - sword. - - "Hence as a measure of sound policy--of safety to property, - life, and liberty--of public quietude and private enjoyment--as - well as on the ground of allegiance to Him who is King of - kings and Lord of lords, we cordially adopt the non-resistance - principle, being confident that it provides for all possible - consequences, is armed with omnipotent power, and must - ultimately triumph over every assailing force. - - "We advocate no Jacobinical doctrines. The spirit of Jacobinism - is the spirit of retaliation, violence, and murder. It neither - fears God nor regards man. We would be filled with the spirit of - Christ. If we abide by our fundamental principle of not opposing - evil by evil we cannot participate in sedition, treason, - or violence. We shall submit to every ordinance and every - requirement of government, except such as are contrary to the - commands of the Gospel, and in no case resist the operation of - law, except by meekly submitting to the penalty of disobedience. - - "But while we shall adhere to the doctrine of non-resistance - and passive submission to enemies, we purpose, in a moral and - spiritual sense, to assail iniquity in high places and in low - places, to apply our principles to all existing evil, political, - legal, and ecclesiastical institutions, and to hasten the time - when the kingdoms of this world will have become the kingdom of - our Lord Jesus Christ. It appears to us a self-evident truth - that whatever the Gospel is designed to destroy at any period - of the world, being contrary to it, ought now to be abandoned. - If, then, the time is predicted when swords shall be beaten - into plowshares and spears into pruning hooks, and men shall - not learn the art of war any more, it follows that all who - manufacture, sell, or wield these deadly weapons do thus array - themselves against the peaceful dominion of the Son of God on - earth. - - "Having thus stated our principles, we proceed to specify the - measures we propose to adopt in carrying our object into effect. - - "We expect to prevail through the Foolishness of Preaching. We - shall endeavor to promulgate our views among all persons, to - whatever nation, sect, or grade of society they may belong. - Hence we shall organize public lectures, circulate tracts and - publications, form societies, and petition every governing body. - It will be our leading object to devise ways and means for - effecting a radical change in the views, feelings, and practices - of society respecting the sinfulness of war and the treatment of - enemies. - - "In entering upon the great work before us, we are not unmindful - that in its prosecution we may be called to test our sincerity - even as in a fiery ordeal. It may subject us to insult, outrage, - suffering, yea, even death itself. We anticipate no small amount - of misconception, misrepresentation, and calumny. Tumults may - arise against us. The proud and pharisaical, the ambitious and - tyrannical, principalities and powers, may combine to crush - us. So they treated the Messiah whose example we are humbly - striving to imitate. We shall not be afraid of their terror. - Our confidence is in the Lord Almighty and not in man. Having - withdrawn from human protection, what can sustain us but that - faith which overcomes the world? We shall not think it strange - concerning the fiery trial which is to try us, but rejoice - inasmuch as we are partakers of Christ's sufferings. - - "Wherefore we commit the keeping of our souls to God. For every - one that forsakes houses, or brethren, or sisters, or father, or - mother, or wife, or children, or lands for Christ's sake, shall - receive a hundredfold, and shall inherit everlasting life. - - "Firmly relying upon the certain and universal triumph of the - sentiments contained in this declaration, however formidable - may be the opposition arrayed against them, we hereby affix our - signatures to it; commending it to the reason and conscience - of mankind, and resolving, in the strength of the Lord God, to - calmly and meekly abide the issue." - -Immediately after this declaration a Society for Non-resistance -was founded by Garrison, and a journal called the _Non-resistant_, -in which the doctrine of non-resistance was advocated in its full -significance and in all its consequences, as it had been expounded in -the declaration. Further information as to the ultimate destiny of -the society and the journal I gained from the excellent biography of -W. L. Garrison, the work of his son. - -The society and the journal did not exist for long. The greater -number of Garrison's fellow-workers in the movement for the -liberation of the slaves, fearing that the too radical programme -of the journal, the _Non-resistant_, might keep people away from -the practical work of negro-emancipation, gave up the profession -of the principle of non-resistance as it had been expressed in the -declaration, and both society and journal ceased to exist. - -This declaration of Garrison's gave so powerful and eloquent an -expression of a confession of faith of such importance to men, that -one would have thought it must have produced a strong impression on -people, and have become known throughout the world and the subject of -discussion on every side. But nothing of the kind occurred. Not only -was it unknown in Europe, even the Americans, who have such a high -opinion of Garrison, hardly knew of the declaration. - -Another champion of non-resistance has been overlooked in the same -way--the American Adin Ballou, who lately died, after spending fifty -years in preaching this doctrine. How great the ignorance is of -everything relating to the question of non-resistance may be seen -from the fact that Garrison the son, who has written an excellent -biography of his father in four great volumes, in answer to my -inquiry whether there are existing now societies for non-resistance, -and adherents of the doctrine, told me that as far as he knew that -society had broken up, and that there were no adherents of that -doctrine, while at the very time when he was writing to me there was -living, at Hopedale in Massachusetts, Adin Ballou, who had taken part -in the labors of Garrison the father, and had devoted fifty years of -his life to advocating, both orally and in print, the doctrine of -non-resistance. Later on I received a letter from Wilson, a pupil and -colleague of Ballou's, and entered into correspondence with Ballou -himself. I wrote to Ballou, and he answered me and sent me his works. -Here is the summary of some extracts from them: - -"Jesus Christ is my Lord and teacher," says Ballou in one of his -essays exposing the inconsistency of Christians who allowed a right -of self-defense and of warfare. "I have promised, leaving all else, -to follow him, through good and through evil, to death itself. But -I am a citizen of the democratic republic of the United States; and -in allegiance to it I have sworn to defend the Constitution of my -country, if need be, with my life. Christ requires of me to do unto -others as I would they should do unto me. The Constitution of the -United States requires of me to do unto two millions of slaves [at -that time there were slaves; now one might venture to substitute the -word 'laborers'] the very opposite of what I would they should do -unto me--that is, to help to keep them in their present condition of -slavery. And, in spite of this, I continue to elect or be elected, I -propose to vote, I am even ready to be appointed to any office under -government. That will not hinder me from being a Christian. I shall -still profess Christianity, and shall find no difficulty in carrying -out my covenant with Christ and with the government. - -"Jesus Christ forbids me to resist evil doers, and to take from them -an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth, bloodshed for bloodshed, and -life for life. - -"My government demands from me quite the opposite, and bases a system -of self-defense on gallows, musket, and sword, to be used against its -foreign and domestic foes. And the land is filled accordingly with -gibbets, prisons, arsenals, ships of war, and soldiers. - -"In the maintenance and use of these expensive appliances for murder, -we can very suitably exercise to the full the virtues of forgiveness -to those who injure us, love toward our enemies, blessings to those -who curse us, and doing good to those who hate us. - -"For this we have a succession of Christian priests to pray for us -and beseech the blessing of Heaven on the holy work of slaughter. - -"I see all this (_i. e._, the contradiction between profession and -practice), and I continue to profess religion and take part in -government, and pride myself on being at the same time a devout -Christian and a devoted servant of the government. I do not want -to agree with these senseless notions of non-resistance. I cannot -renounce my authority and leave only immoral men in control of the -government. The Constitution says the government has the right to -declare war, and I assent to this and support it, and swear that I -will support it. And I do not for that cease to be a Christian. War, -too, is a Christian duty. Is it not a Christian duty to kill hundreds -of thousands of one's fellow-men, to outrage women, to raze and burn -towns, and to practice every possible cruelty? It is time to dismiss -all these false sentimentalities. It is the truest means of forgiving -injuries and loving enemies. If we only do it in the spirit of love, -nothing can be more Christian than such murder." - -In another pamphlet, entitled "How many Men are Necessary to Change a -Crime into a Virtue?" he says: "One man may not kill. If he kills a -fellow-creature, he is a murderer. If two, ten, a hundred men do so, -they, too, are murderers. But a government or a nation may kill as -many men as it chooses, and that will not be murder, but a great and -noble action. Only gather the people together on a large scale, and a -battle of ten thousand men becomes an innocent action. But precisely -how many people must there be to make it so?--that is the question. -One man cannot plunder and pillage, but a whole nation can. But -precisely how many are needed to make it permissible? Why is it that -one man, ten, a hundred, may not break the law of God, but a great -number may?" - -And here is a version of Ballou's catechism composed for his flock: - - -CATECHISM OF NON-RESISTANCE. - -_Q._ Whence is the word "non-resistance" derived? - -_A._ From the command, "Resist not evil." (M. v. 39.) - -_Q._ What does this word express? - -_A._ It expresses a lofty Christian virtue enjoined on us by Christ. - -_Q._ Ought the word "non-resistance" to be taken in its widest -sense--that is to say, as intending that we should not offer any -resistance of any kind to evil? - -_A._ No; it ought to be taken in the exact sense of our Saviour's -teaching--that is, not repaying evil for evil. We ought to oppose -evil by every righteous means in our power, but not by evil. - -_Q._ What is there to show that Christ enjoined non-resistance in -that sense? - -_A._ It is shown by the words he uttered at the same time. He said: -"Ye have heard, it was said of old, An eye for an eye, and a tooth -for a tooth. But I say unto you Resist not evil. But if one smites -thee on the right cheek, turn him the other also; and if one will go -to law with thee to take thy coat from thee, give him thy cloak also." - -_Q._ Of whom was he speaking in the words, "Ye have heard it was said -of old"? - -_A._ Of the patriarchs and the prophets, contained in the Old -Testament, which the Hebrews ordinarily call the Law and the Prophets. - -_Q._ What utterances did Christ refer to in the words, "It was said -of old"? - -_A._ The utterances of Noah, Moses, and the other prophets, in which -they admit the right of doing bodily harm to those who inflict harm, -so as to punish and prevent evil deeds. - -_Q._ Quote such utterances. - -_A._ "Whoso sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be -shed."--GEN. ix. 6. - -"He that smiteth a man, so that he die, shall be surely put to -death.... And if any mischief follow, then thou shalt give life for -life, eye for eye, tooth for tooth, hand for hand, foot for foot, -burning for burning, wound for wound, stripe for stripe."--EX. xxi. -12 and 23-25. - -"He that killeth any man shall surely be put to death. And if a man -cause a blemish in his neighbor, as he hath done, so shall it be done -unto him: breach for breach, eye for eye, tooth for tooth."--LEV. -xxiv. 17, 19, 20. - -"Then the judges shall make diligent inquisition; and behold, if the -witness be a false witness, and hath testified falsely against his -brother, then shall ye do unto him as he had thought to have done -unto his brother.... And thine eye shall not pity; but life shall -go for life, eye for eye, tooth for tooth, hand for hand, foot for -foot."--DEUT. xix. 18, 21. - -Noah, Moses, and the Prophets taught that he who kills, maims, -or injures his neighbors does evil. To resist such evil, and to -prevent it, the evil doer must be punished with death, or maiming, -or some physical injury. Wrong must be opposed by wrong, murder by -murder, injury by injury, evil by evil. Thus taught Noah, Moses, -and the Prophets. But Christ rejects all this. "I say unto you," is -written in the Gospel, "resist not evil," do not oppose injury with -injury, but rather bear repeated injury from the evil doer. What was -permitted is forbidden. When we understand what kind of resistance -they taught, we know exactly what resistance Christ forbade. - -_Q._ Then the ancients allowed the resistance of injury by injury? - -_A._ Yes. But Jesus forbids it. The Christian has in no case the -right to put to death his neighbor who has done him evil, or to do -him injury in return. - -_Q._ May he kill or maim him in self-defense? - -_A._ No. - -_Q._ May he go with a complaint to the judge that he who has wronged -him may be punished? - -_A._ No. What he does through others, he is in reality doing himself. - -_Q._ Can he fight in conflict with foreign enemies or disturbers of -the peace? - -_A._ Certainly not. He cannot take any part in war or in preparations -for war. He cannot make use of a deadly weapon. He cannot oppose -injury to injury, whether he is alone or with others, either in -person or through other people. - -_Q._ Can he voluntarily vote or furnish soldiers for the government? - -_A._ He can do nothing of that kind if he wishes to be faithful to -Christ's law. - -_Q._ Can he voluntarily give money to aid a government resting on -military force, capital punishment, and violence in general? - -_A._ No, unless the money is destined for some special object, right -in itself, and good both in aim and means. - -_Q._ Can he pay taxes to such a government? - -_A._ No; he ought not voluntarily to pay taxes, but he ought not to -resist the collecting of taxes. A tax is levied by the government, -and is exacted independently of the will of the subject. It is -impossible to resist it without having recourse to violence of some -kind. Since the Christian cannot employ violence, he is obliged to -offer his property at once to the loss by violence inflicted on it by -the authorities. - -_Q._ Can a Christian give a vote at elections, or take part in -government or law business? - -_A._ No; participation in election, government, or law business is -participation in government by force. - -_Q._ Wherein lies the chief significance of the doctrine of -non-resistance? - -_A._ In the fact that it alone allows of the possibility of -eradicating evil from one's own heart, and also from one's -neighbor's. This doctrine forbids doing that whereby evil has endured -for ages and multiplied in the world. He who attacks another and -injures him, kindles in the other a feeling of hatred, the root of -every evil. To injure another because he has injured us, even with -the aim of overcoming evil, is doubling the harm for him and for -oneself; it is begetting, or at least setting free and inciting, that -evil spirit which we should wish to drive out. Satan can never be -driven out by Satan. Error can never be corrected by error, and evil -cannot be vanquished by evil. - -True non-resistance is the only real resistance to evil. It is -crushing the serpent's head. It destroys and in the end extirpates -the evil feeling. - -_Q._ But if that is the true meaning of the rule of non-resistance, -can it always be put into practice? - -_A._ It can be put into practice like every virtue enjoined by the -law of God. A virtue cannot be practiced in all circumstances without -self-sacrifice, privation, suffering, and in extreme cases loss of -life itself. But he who esteems life more than fulfilling the will of -God is already dead to the only true life. Trying to save his life he -loses it. Besides, generally speaking, where non-resistance costs the -sacrifice of a single life or of some material welfare, resistance -costs a thousand such sacrifices. - -Non-resistance is Salvation; Resistance is Ruin. - -It is incomparably less dangerous to act justly than unjustly, to -submit to injuries than to resist them with violence, less dangerous -even in one's relations to the present life. If all men refused to -resist evil by evil our world would be happy. - -_Q._ But so long as only a few act thus, what will happen to them? - -_A._ If only one man acted thus, and all the rest agreed to -crucify him, would it not be nobler for him to die in the glory of -non-resisting love, praying for his enemies, than to live to wear -the crown of Caesar stained with the blood of the slain? However, one -man, or a thousand men, firmly resolved not to oppose evil by evil -are far more free from danger by violence than those who resort to -violence, whether among civilized or savage neighbors. The robber, -the murderer, and the cheat will leave them in peace, sooner than -those who oppose them with arms, and those who take up the sword -shall perish by the sword, but those who seek after peace, and -behave kindly and harmlessly, forgiving and forgetting injuries, for -the most part enjoy peace, or, if they die, they die blessed. In -this way, if all kept the ordinance of non-resistance, there would -obviously be no evil nor crime. If the majority acted thus they would -establish the rule of love and good will even over evil doers, never -opposing evil with evil, and never resorting to force. If there were -a moderately large minority of such men, they would exercise such -a salutary moral influence on society that every cruel punishment -would be abolished, and violence and feud would be replaced by peace -and love. Even if there were only a small minority of them, they -would rarely experience anything worse than the world's contempt, and -meantime the world, though unconscious of it, and not grateful for -it, would be continually becoming wiser and better for their unseen -action on it. And if in the worst case some members of the minority -were persecuted to death, in dying for the truth they would have -left behind them their doctrine, sanctified by the blood of their -martyrdom. Peace, then, to all who seek peace, and may overruling -love be the imperishable heritage of every soul who obeys willingly -Christ's word, "Resist not evil." - - ADIN BALLOU. - - * * * * * - -For fifty years Ballou wrote and published books dealing principally -with the question of non-resistance to evil by force. In these -works, which are distinguished by the clearness of their thought -and eloquence of exposition, the question is looked at from every -possible side, and the binding nature of this command on every -Christian who acknowledges the Bible as the revelation of God is -firmly established. All the ordinary objections to the doctrine of -non-resistance from the Old and New Testaments are brought forward, -such as the expulsion of the money-changers from the Temple, and -so on, and arguments follow in disproof of them all. The practical -reasonableness of this rule of conduct is shown independently of -Scripture, and all the objections ordinarily made against its -practicability are stated and refuted. Thus one chapter in a book -of his treats of non-resistance in exceptional cases, and he owns -in this connection that if there were cases in which the rule of -non-resistance were impossible of application, it would prove that -the law was not universally authoritative. Quoting these cases, he -shows that it is precisely in them that the application of the rule -is both necessary and reasonable. There is no aspect of the question, -either on his side or on his opponents', which he has not followed up -in his writings. I mention all this to show the unmistakable interest -which such works ought to have for men who make a profession of -Christianity, and because one would have thought Ballou's work would -have been well known, and the ideas expressed by him would have been -either accepted or refuted; but such has not been the case. - -The work of Garrison, the father, in his foundation of the Society of -Non-resistants and his Declaration, even more than my correspondence -with the Quakers, convinced me of the fact that the departure of the -ruling form of Christianity from the law of Christ on non-resistance -by force is an error that has long been observed and pointed out, and -that men have labored, and are still laboring, to correct. Ballou's -work confirmed me still more in this view. But the fate of Garrison, -still more that of Ballou, in being completely unrecognized in -spite of fifty years of obstinate and persistent work in the same -direction, confirmed me in the idea that there exists a kind of tacit -but steadfast conspiracy of silence about all such efforts. - -Ballou died in August, 1890, and there was an obituary notice of him -in an American journal of Christian views (_Religio-philosophical -Journal_, August 23). In this laudatory notice it is recorded that -Ballou was the spiritual director of a parish, that he delivered -from eight to nine thousand sermons, married one thousand couples, -and wrote about five hundred articles; but there is not a single -word said of the object to which he devoted his life; even the word -"non-resistance" is not mentioned. Precisely as it was with all the -preaching of the Quakers for two hundred years, and, too, with the -efforts of Garrison the father, the foundation of his society and -journal, and his Declaration, so it is with the life-work of Ballou. -It seems just as though it did not exist and never had existed. - -We have an astounding example of the obscurity of works which aim at -expounding the doctrine of non-resistance to evil by force, and at -confuting those who do not recognize this commandment, in the book of -the Tsech Helchitsky, which has only lately been noticed and has not -hitherto been printed. - -Soon after the appearance of my book in German, I received a letter -from Prague, from a professor of the university there, informing me -of the existence of a work, never yet printed, by Helchitsky, a Tsech -of the fifteenth century, entitled "The Net of Faith." In this work, -the professor told me, Helchitsky expressed precisely the same view -as to true and false Christianity as I had expressed in my book "What -I Believe." The professor wrote to me that Helchitsky's work was to -be published for the first time in the Tsech language in the _Journal -of The Petersburg Academy of Science_. Since I could not obtain the -book itself, I tried to make myself acquainted with what was known of -Helchitsky, and I gained the following information from a German book -sent me by the Prague professor and from Pypin's history of Tsech -literature. This was Pypin's account: - -"'The Net of Faith' is Christ's teaching, which ought to draw man -up out of the dark depths of the sea of worldliness and his own -iniquity. True faith consists in believing God's Word; but now a time -has come when men mistake the true faith for heresy, and therefore -it is for the reason to point out what the true faith consists in, -if anyone does not know this. It is hidden in darkness from men, and -they do not recognize the true law of Christ. - -"To make this law plain, Helchitsky points to the primitive -organization of Christian society--the organization which, he says, -is now regarded in the Roman Church as an abominable heresy. This -primitive Church was his special ideal of social organization, -founded on equality, liberty, and fraternity. Christianity, in -Helchitsky's view, still preserves these elements, and it is only -necessary for society to return to its pure doctrine to render -unnecessary every other form of social order in which kings and popes -are essential; the law of love would alone be sufficient in every -case. - -"Historically, Helchitsky attributes the degeneration of Christianity -to the times of Constantine the Great, whom the Pope Sylvester -admitted into the Christian Church with all his heathen morals -and life. Constantine, in his turn, endowed the Pope with worldly -riches and power. From that time forward these two ruling powers -were constantly aiding one another to strive for nothing but outward -glory. Divines and ecclesiastical dignitaries began to concern -themselves only about subduing the whole world to their authority, -incited men against one another to murder and plunder, and in creed -and life reduced Christianity to a nullity. Helchitsky denies -completely the right to make war and to inflict the punishment of -death; every soldier, even the 'knight,' is only a violent evil -doer--a murderer." - -The same account is given by the German book, with the addition of a -few biographical details and some extracts from Helchitsky's writings. - -Having learnt the drift of Helchitsky's teaching in this way, I -awaited all the more impatiently the appearance of "The Net of Faith" -in the journal of the Academy. But one year passed, then two and -three, and still the book did not appear. It was only in 1888 that -I learned that the printing of the book, which had been begun, was -stopped. I obtained the proofs of what had been printed and read -them through. It is a marvelous book from every point of view. - -Its general tenor is given with perfect accuracy by Pypin. -Helchitsky's fundamental idea is that Christianity, by allying itself -with temporal power in the days of Constantine, and by continuing -to develop in such conditions, has become completely distorted, and -has ceased to be Christian altogether. Helchitsky gave the title -"The Net of Faith" to his book, taking as his motto the verse of -the Gospel about the calling of the disciples to be fishers of men; -and, developing this metaphor, he says: "Christ, by means of his -disciples, would have caught all the world in his net of faith, but -the greater fishes broke the net and escaped out of it, and all the -rest have slipped through the holes made by the greater fishes, -so that the net has remained quite empty. The greater fishes who -broke the net are the rulers, emperors, popes, kings, who have not -renounced power, and instead of true Christianity have put on what -is simply a mask of it." Helchitsky teaches precisely what has been -and is taught in these days by the non-resistant Mennonites and -Quakers, and in former times by the Bogomilites, Paulicians, and many -others. He teaches that Christianity, expecting from its adherents -gentleness, meekness, peaceableness, forgiveness of injuries, -turning the other cheek when one is struck, and love for enemies, -is inconsistent with the use of force, which is an indispensable -condition of authority. - -The Christian, according to Helchitsky's reasoning, not only cannot -be a ruler or a soldier; he cannot take any part in government nor -in trade, or even be a landowner; he can only be an artisan or a -husbandman. - -This book is one of the few works attacking official Christianity -which has escaped being burned. All such so-called heretical works -were burned at the stake, together with their authors, so that there -are few ancient works exposing the errors of official Christianity. -The book has a special interest for this reason alone. But apart -from its interest from every point of view, it is one of the most -remarkable products of thought for its depth of aim, for the -astounding strength and beauty of the national language in which -it is written, and for its antiquity. And yet for more than four -centuries it has remained unprinted, and is still unknown, except to -a few learned specialists. - -One would have thought that all such works, whether of the Quakers, -of Garrison, of Ballou, or of Helchitsky, asserting and proving as -they do, on the principles of the Gospel, that our modern world takes -a false view of Christ's teaching, would have awakened interest, -excitement, talk, and discussion among spiritual teachers and their -flocks alike. - -Works of this kind, dealing with the very essence of Christian -doctrine, ought, one would have thought, to have been examined -and accepted as true, or refuted and rejected. But nothing of the -kind has occurred, and the same fate has been repeated with all -those works. Men of the most diverse views, believers, and, what is -surprising, unbelieving liberals also, as though by agreement, all -preserve the same persistent silence about them, and all that has -been done by people to explain the true meaning of Christ's doctrine -remains either ignored or forgotten. - -But it is still more astonishing that two other books, of which I -heard on the appearance of my book, should be so little known. I mean -Dymond's book "On War," published for the first time in London in -1824, and Daniel Musser's book on "Non-resistance," written in 1864. -It is particularly astonishing that these books should be unknown, -because, apart from their intrinsic merits, both books treat not so -much of the theory as of the practical application of the theory to -life, of the attitude of Christianity to military service, which is -especially important and interesting now in these days of universal -conscription. - -People will ask, perhaps: How ought a subject to behave who believes -that war is inconsistent with his religion while the government -demands from him that he should enter military service? - -This question is, I think, a most vital one, and the answer to it is -specially important in these days of universal conscription. All--or -at least the great majority of the people--are Christians, and all -men are called upon for military service. How ought a man, as a -Christian, to meet this demand? This is the gist of Dymond's answer: - -"His duty is humbly but steadfastly to refuse to serve." - -There are some people, who, without any definite reasoning about it, -conclude straightway that the responsibility of government measures -rests entirely on those who resolve on them, or that the governments -and sovereigns decide the question of what is good or bad for their -subjects, and the duty of the subjects is merely to obey. I think -that arguments of this kind only obscure men's conscience. I cannot -take part in the councils of government, and therefore I am not -responsible for its misdeeds. Indeed, but we are responsible for our -own misdeeds. And the misdeeds of our rulers become our own, if we, -knowing that they are misdeeds, assist in carrying them out. Those -who suppose that they are bound to obey the government, and that the -responsibility for the misdeeds they commit is transferred from them -to their rulers, deceive themselves. They say: "We give our acts up -to the will of others, and our acts cannot be good or bad; there is -no merit in what is good nor responsibility for what is evil in our -actions, since they are not done of our own will." - -It is remarkable that the very same thing is said in the instructions -to soldiers which they make them learn--that is, that the officer -is alone responsible for the consequences of his command. But -this is not right. A man cannot get rid of the responsibility for -his own actions. And that is clear from the following example. If -your officer commands you to kill your neighbor's child, to kill -your father or your mother, would you obey? If you would not obey, -the whole argument falls to the ground, for if you can disobey -the governors in one case, where do you draw the line up to which -you can obey them? There is no line other than that laid down by -Christianity, and that line is both reasonable and practicable. - -And therefore we consider it the duty of every man who thinks war -inconsistent with Christianity, meekly but firmly to refuse to serve -in the army. And let those whose lot it is to act thus, remember -that the fulfillment of a great duty rests with them. The destiny of -humanity in the world depends, so far as it depends on men at all, on -their fidelity to their religion. Let them confess their conviction, -and stand up for it, and not in words alone, but in sufferings too, -if need be. If you believe that Christ forbade murder, pay no heed -to the arguments nor to the commands of those who call on you to -bear a hand in it. By such a steadfast refusal to make use of force, -you call down on yourselves the blessing promised to those "who hear -these sayings and do them," and the time will come when the world -will recognize you as having aided in the reformation of mankind. - -Musser's book is called "Non-resistance Asserted," or "Kingdom of -Christ and Kingdoms of this World Separated." This book is devoted to -the same question, and was written when the American Government was -exacting military service from its citizens at the time of the Civil -War. And it has, too, a value for all time, dealing with the question -how, in such circumstances, people should and can refuse to enter -military service. Here is the tenor of the author's introductory -remarks: "It is well known that there are many persons in the United -States who refuse to fight on grounds of conscience. They are called -the 'defenseless,' or 'non-resistant' Christians. These Christians -refuse to defend their country, to bear arms, or at the call of -government to make war on its enemies. Till lately this religious -scruple seemed a valid excuse to the government, and those who urged -it were let off service. But at the beginning of our Civil War public -opinion was agitated on this subject. It was natural that persons -who considered it their duty to bear all the hardships and dangers -of war in defense of their country should feel resentment against -those persons who had for long shared with them the advantages of the -protection of the government, and who now in time of need and danger -would not share in bearing the labors and dangers of its defense. It -was even natural that they should declare the attitude of such men -monstrous, irrational, and suspicious." - -A host of orators and writers, our author tells us, arose to oppose -this attitude, and tried to prove the sinfulness of non-resistance, -both from Scripture and on common-sense grounds. And this was -perfectly natural, and in many cases the authors were right--right, -that is, in regard to persons who did not renounce the benefits -they received from the government and tried to avoid the hardships -of military service, but not right in regard to the principle of -non-resistance itself. Above all, our author proves the binding -nature of the rule of non-resistance for a Christian, pointing out -that this command is perfectly clear, and is enjoined upon every -Christian by Christ without possibility of misinterpretation. -"Bethink yourselves whether it is righteous to obey man more than -God," said Peter and John. And this is precisely what ought to be -the attitude of every man who wishes to be Christian to the claim -on him for military service, when Christ has said, "Resist not -evil by force." As for the question of the principle itself, the -author regards that as decided. As to the second question, whether -people have the right to refuse to serve in the army who have not -refused the benefits conferred by a government resting on force, the -author considers it in detail, and arrives at the conclusion that -a Christian following the law of Christ, since he does not go to -war, ought not either to take advantage of any of the institutions -of government, courts of law, or elections, and that in his private -concerns he must not have recourse to the authorities, the police, -or the law. Further on in the book he treats of the relation of -the Old Testament to the New, the value of government for those -who are Christians, and makes some observations on the doctrine of -non-resistance and the attacks made on it. The author concludes his -book by saying: "Christians do not need government, and therefore -they cannot either obey it in what is contrary to Christ's teaching -nor, still less, take part in it." Christ took his disciples out of -the world, he says. They do not expect worldly blessings and worldly -happiness, but they expect eternal life. The Spirit in whom they -live makes them contented and happy in every position. If the world -tolerates them, they are always happy. If the world will not leave -them in peace, they will go elsewhere, since they are pilgrims on the -earth and they have no fixed place of habitation. They believe that -"the dead may bury their dead." One thing only is needful for them, -"to follow their Master." - -Even putting aside the question as to the principle laid down in -these two books as to the Christian's duty in his attitude to war, -one cannot help perceiving the practical importance and the urgent -need of deciding the question. - -There are people, hundreds of thousands of Quakers, Mennonites, -all our Douhobortsi, Molokani, and others who do not belong to -any definite sect, who consider that the use of force--and, -consequently, military service--is inconsistent with Christianity. -Consequently there are every year among us in Russia some men called -upon for military service who refuse to serve on the ground of their -religious convictions. Does the government let them off then? No. -Does it compel them to go, and in case of disobedience punish them? -No. This was how the government treated them in 1818. Here is an -extract from the diary of Nicholas Myravyov of Kars, which was not -passed by the censor, and is not known in Russia: - - "TIFLIS, October 2, 1818. - - "In the morning the commandant told me that five peasants - belonging to a landowner in the Tamboff government had lately - been sent to Georgia. These men had been sent for soldiers, but - they would not serve; they had been several times flogged and - made to run the gauntlet, but they would submit readily to the - cruelest tortures, and even to death, rather than serve. 'Let us - go,' they said, 'and leave us alone; we will not hurt anyone; - all men are equal, and the Tzar is a man like us; why should we - pay him tribute; why should I expose my life to danger to kill - in battle some man who has done me no harm? You can cut us to - pieces and we will not be soldiers. He who has compassion on - us will give us charity, but as for the government rations, we - have not had them and we do not want to have them.' These were - the words of those peasants, who declare that there are numbers - like them in Russia. They brought them four times before the - Committee of Ministers, and at last decided to lay the matter - before the Tzar, who gave orders that they should be taken to - Georgia for correction, and commanded the commander-in-chief - to send him a report every month of their gradual success in - bringing these peasants to a better mind." - -How the correction ended is not known, as the whole episode indeed -was unknown, having been kept in profound secrecy. - -This was how the government behaved seventy-five years ago--this is -how it has behaved in a great number of cases, studiously concealed -from the people. And this is how the government behaves now, except -in the case of the German Mennonites, living in the province of -Kherson, whose plea against military service is considered well -grounded. They are made to work off their term of service in labor in -the forests. - -But in the recent cases of refusal on the part of Mennonites to serve -in the army on religious grounds, the government authorities have -acted in the following manner: - -To begin with, they have recourse to every means of coercion used in -our times to "correct" the culprit and bring him to "a better mind," -and these measures are carried out with the greatest secrecy. I know -that in the case of one man who declined to serve in 1884 in Moscow, -the official correspondence on the subject had two months after his -refusal accumulated into a big folio, and was kept absolutely secret -among the Ministry. - -They usually begin by sending the culprit to the priests, and the -latter, to their shame be it said, always exhort him to obedience. -But since the exhortation in Christ's name to forswear Christ is for -the most part unsuccessful, after he has received the admonitions of -the spiritual authorities, they send him to the gendarmes, and the -latter, finding, as a rule, no political cause for offense in him, -dispatch him back again, and then he is sent to the learned men, to -the doctors, and to the madhouse. During all these vicissitudes he -is deprived of liberty and has to endure every kind of humiliation -and suffering as a convicted criminal. (All this has been repeated -in four cases.) The doctors let him out of the madhouse, and then -every kind of secret shift is employed to prevent him from going -free--whereby others would be encouraged to refuse to serve as he has -done--and at the same time to avoid leaving him among the soldiers, -for fear they too should learn from him that military service is not -at all their duty by the law of God, as they are assured, but quite -contrary to it. - -The most convenient thing for the government would be to kill the -non-resistant by flogging him to death or some other means, as -was done in former days. But to put a man openly to death because -he believes in the creed we all confess is impossible. To let a -man alone who has refused obedience is also impossible. And so -the government tries either to compel the man by ill-treatment -to renounce Christ, or in some way or other to get rid of him -unobserved, without openly putting him to death, and to hide -somehow both the action and the man himself from other people. And -so all kinds of shifts and wiles and cruelties are set on foot -against him. They either send him to the frontier or provoke him to -insubordination, and then try him for breach of discipline and shut -him up in the prison of the disciplinary battalion, where they can -ill treat him freely unseen by anyone, or they declare him mad, and -lock him up in a lunatic asylum. They sent one man in this way to -Tashkend--that is, they pretended to transfer him to the Tashkend -army; another to Omsk; a third they convicted of insubordination and -shut up in prison; a fourth they sent to a lunatic asylum. - -Everywhere the same story is repeated. Not only the government, but -the great majority of liberal, advanced people, as they are called, -studiously turn away from everything that has been said, written, or -done, or is being done by men to prove the incompatibility of force -in its most awful, gross, and glaring form--in the form, that is, -of an army of soldiers prepared to murder anyone, whoever it may -be--with the teachings of Christianity, or even of the humanity which -society professes as its creed. - -So that the information I have gained of the attitude of the higher -ruling classes, not only in Russia but in Europe and America, toward -the elucidation of this question has convinced me that there exists -in these ruling classes a consciously hostile attitude to true -Christianity, which is shown pre-eminently in their reticence in -regard to all manifestations of it. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - - CRITICISMS OF THE DOCTRINE OF NON-RESISTANCE TO EVIL BY FORCE ON - THE PART OF BELIEVERS AND OF UNBELIEVERS. - - Fate of the Book "What I Believe"--Evasive Character of - Religious Criticisms of Principles of my Book--1st Reply: Use - of Force not Opposed to Christianity--2d Reply: Use of Force - Necessary to Restrain Evil Doers--3d Reply: Duty of Using - Force in Defense of One's Neighbor--4th Reply: The Breach - of the Command of Non-resistance to be Regarded Simply as a - Weakness--5th Reply: Reply Evaded by Making Believe that the - Question has long been Decided--To Devise such Subterfuges - and to take Refuge Behind the Authority of the Church, of - Antiquity, and of Religion is all that Ecclesiastical Critics - can do to get out of the Contradiction between Use of Force and - Christianity in Theory and in Practice--General Attitude of the - Ecclesiastical World and of the Authorities to Profession of - True Christianity--General Character of Russian Freethinking - Critics--Foreign Freethinking Critics--Mistaken Arguments of - these Critics the Result of Misunderstanding the True Meaning of - Christ's Teaching. - - -The impression I gained of a desire to conceal, to hush up, what I -had tried to express in my book, led me to judge the book itself -afresh. - -On its appearance it had, as I had anticipated, been forbidden, and -ought therefore by law to have been burnt. But, at the same time, it -was discussed among officials, and circulated in a great number of -manuscript and lithograph copies, and in translations printed abroad. - -And very quickly after the book, criticisms, both religious and -secular in character, made their appearance, and these the government -tolerated, and even encouraged. So that the refutation of a book -which no one was supposed to know anything about was even chosen as -the subject for theological dissertations in the academies. - -The criticisms of my book, Russian and foreign alike, fall under -two general divisions--the religious criticisms of men who regard -themselves as believers, and secular criticisms, that is, those of -freethinkers. - -I will begin with the first class. In my book I made it an accusation -against the teachers of the Church that their teaching is opposed -to Christ's commands clearly and definitely expressed in the Sermon -on the Mount, and opposed in especial to his command in regard to -resistance to evil, and that in this way they deprive Christ's -teaching of all value. The Church authorities accept the teaching of -the Sermon on the Mount on non-resistance to evil by force as divine -revelation; and therefore one would have thought that if they felt -called upon to write about my book at all, they would have found it -inevitable before everything else to reply to the principal point of -my charge against them, and to say plainly, do they or do they not -admit the teaching of the Sermon on the Mount and the commandment -of non-resistance to evil as binding on a Christian. And they were -bound to answer this question, not after the usual fashion (_i. e._, -"that although on the one side one cannot absolutely deny, yet on -the other side one cannot again fully assent, all the more seeing -that," etc., etc.). No; they should have answered the question as -plainly as it was put in my book--Did Christ really demand from his -disciples that they should carry out what he taught them in the -Sermon on the Mount? And can a Christian, then, or can he not, -always remaining a Christian, go to law or make any use of the law, -or seek his own protection in the law? And can the Christian, or can -he not, remaining a Christian, take part in the administration of -government, using compulsion against his neighbors? And--the most -important question hanging over the heads of all of us in these days -of universal military service--can the Christian, or can he not, -remaining a Christian, against Christ's direct prohibition, promise -obedience in future actions directly opposed to his teaching? And can -he, by taking his share of service in the army, prepare himself to -murder men, and even actually murder them? - -These questions were put plainly and directly, and seemed to require -a plain and direct answer; but in all the criticisms of my book there -was no such plain and direct answer. No; my book received precisely -the same treatment as all the attacks upon the teachers of the Church -for their defection from the Law of Christ of which history from the -days of Constantine is full. - -A very great deal was said in connection with my book of my having -incorrectly interpreted this and other passages of the Gospel, of -my being in error in not recognizing the Trinity, the redemption, -and the immortality of the soul. A very great deal was said, but not -a word about the one thing which for every Christian is the most -essential question in life--how to reconcile the duty of forgiveness, -meekness, patience, and love for all, neighbors and enemies alike, -which is so clearly expressed in the words of our teacher, and in the -heart of each of us--how to reconcile this duty with the obligation -of using force in war upon men of our own or a foreign people. - -All that are worth calling answers to this question can be brought -under the following five heads. I have tried to bring together in -this connection all I could, not only from the criticisms on my book, -but from what has been written in past times on this theme. - -The first and crudest form of reply consists in the bold assertion -that the use of force is not opposed by the teaching of Christ; that -it is permitted, and even enjoined, on the Christian by the Old and -New Testaments. - -Assertions of this kind proceed, for the most part, from men who -have attained the highest ranks in the governing or ecclesiastical -hierarchy, and who are consequently perfectly assured that no one -will dare to contradict their assertion, and that if anyone does -contradict it they will hear nothing of the contradiction. These men -have, for the most part, through the intoxication of power, so lost -the right idea of what that Christianity is in the name of which they -hold their position that what is Christian in Christianity presents -itself to them as heresy, while everything in the Old and New -Testaments which can be distorted into an antichristian and heathen -meaning they regard as the foundation of Christianity. In support of -their assertion that Christianity is not opposed to the use of force, -these men usually, with the greatest audacity, bring together all the -most obscure passages from the Old and New Testaments, interpreting -them in the most unchristian way--the punishment of Ananias and -Sapphira, of Simon the Sorcerer, etc. They quote all those sayings -of Christ's which can possibly be interpreted as justification of -cruelty: the expulsion from the Temple; "It shall be more tolerable -for the land of Sodom than for this city," etc., etc. According to -these people's notions, a Christian government is not in the least -bound to be guided by the spirit of peace, forgiveness of injuries, -and love for enemies. - -To refute such an assertion is useless, because the very people who -make this assertion refute themselves, or, rather, renounce Christ, -inventing a Christianity and a Christ of their own in the place of -him in whose name the Church itself exists, as well as their office -in it. If all men were to learn that the Church professes to believe -in a Christ of punishment and warfare, not of forgiveness, no one -would believe in the Church and it could not prove to anyone what it -is trying to prove. - -The second, somewhat less gross, form of argument consists in -declaring that, though Christ did indeed preach that we should turn -the left cheek, and give the cloak also, and this is the highest -moral duty, yet that there are wicked men in the world, and if these -wicked men were not restrained by force, the whole world and all good -men would come to ruin through them. This argument I found for the -first time in John Chrysostom, and I show how he is mistaken in my -book "What I Believe." - -This argument is ill grounded, because if we allow ourselves to -regard any men as intrinsically wicked men, then in the first place -we annul, by so doing, the whole idea of the Christian teaching, -according to which we are all equals and brothers, as sons of one -Father in heaven. Secondly, it is ill founded, because even if to -use force against wicked men had been permitted by God, since it is -impossible to find a perfect and unfailing distinction by which one -could positively know the wicked from the good, so it would come to -all individual men and societies of men mutually regarding each other -as wicked men, as is the case now. Thirdly, even if it were possible -to distinguish the wicked from the good unfailingly, even then it -would be impossible to kill or injure or shut up in prison these -wicked men, because there would be no one in a Christian society to -carry out such punishment, since every Christian, as a Christian, has -been commanded to use no force against the wicked. - -The third kind of answer, still more subtle than the preceding, -consists in asserting that though the command of non-resistance to -evil by force is binding on the Christian when the evil is directed -against himself personally, it ceases to be binding when the evil -is directed against his neighbors, and that then the Christian is -not only not bound to fulfill the commandment, but is even bound -to act in opposition to it in defense of his neighbors, and to -use force against transgressors by force. This assertion is an -absolute assumption, and one cannot find in all Christ's teaching -any confirmation of such an argument. Such an argument is not -only a limitation, but a direct contradiction and negation of the -commandment. If every man has the right to have recourse to force -in face of a danger threatening another, the question of the use -of force is reduced to a question of the definition of danger for -another. If my private judgment is to decide the question of what is -danger for another, there is no occasion for the use of force which -could not be justified on the ground of danger threatening some -other man. They killed and burnt witches, they killed aristocrats -and girondists, they killed their enemies, because those who were in -authority regarded them as dangerous for the people. - -If this important limitation, which fundamentally undermines the -whole value of the commandment, had entered into Christ's meaning, -there must have been mention of it somewhere. This restriction is -made nowhere in our Saviour's life or preaching. On the contrary, -warning is given precisely against this treacherous and scandalous -restriction which nullifies the commandment. The error and -impossibility of such a limitation is shown in the Gospel with -special clearness in the account of the judgment of Caiaphas, who -makes precisely this distinction. He acknowledged that it was wrong -to punish the innocent Jesus, but he saw in him a source of danger -not for himself, but for the whole people, and therefore he said: -It is better for one man to die, that the whole people perish not. -And the erroneousness of such a limitation is still more clearly -expressed in the words spoken to Peter when he tried to resist by -force evil directed against Jesus (Matt. xxvi. 52). Peter was not -defending himself, but his beloved and heavenly Master. And Christ -at once reproved him for this, saying, that he who takes up the sword -shall perish by the sword. - -Besides, apologies for violence used against one's neighbor in -defense of another neighbor from greater violence are always -untrustworthy, because when force is used against one who has not -yet carried out his evil intent, I can never know which would be -greater--the evil of my act of violence or of the act I want to -prevent. We kill the criminal that society may be rid of him, and -we never know whether the criminal of to-day would not have been -a changed man to-morrow, and whether our punishment of him is not -useless cruelty. We shut up the dangerous--as we think--member of -society, but the next day this man might cease to be dangerous and -his imprisonment might be for nothing. I see that a man I know to be -a ruffian is pursuing a young girl. I have a gun in my hand--I kill -the ruffian and save the girl. But the death or the wounding of the -ruffian has positively taken place, while what would have happened -if this had not been I cannot know. And what an immense mass of evil -must result, and indeed does result, from allowing men to assume the -right of anticipating what may happen. Ninety-nine per cent. of the -evil of the world is founded on this reasoning--from the Inquisition -to dynamite bombs, and the executions or punishments of tens of -thousands of political criminals. - -A fourth, still more refined, reply to the question, What ought to -be the Christian's attitude to Christ's command of non-resistance -to evil by force? consists in declaring that they do not deny the -command of non-resistance to evil, but recognize it; but they only -do not ascribe to this command the special exclusive value attached -to it by sectarians. To regard this command as the indispensable -condition of Christian life, as Garrison, Ballou, Dymond, the -Quakers, the Mennonites, and the Shakers do now, and as the Moravian -brothers, the Waldenses, the Albigenses, the Bogomilites, and the -Paulicians did in the past, is a one-sided heresy. This command has -neither more nor less value than all the other commands, and the man -who through weakness transgresses any command whatever, the command -of non-resistance included, does not cease to be a Christian if -he hold the true faith. This is a very skillful device, and many -people who wish to be deceived are easily deceived by it. The device -consists in reducing a direct conscious denial of a command to a -casual breach of it. But one need only compare the attitude of the -teachers of the Church to this and to other commands which they -really do recognize, to be convinced that their attitude to this is -completely different from their attitude to other duties. - -The command against fornication they do really recognize, and -consequently they do not admit that in any case fornication can cease -to be wrong. The Church preachers never point out cases in which the -command against fornication can be broken, and always teach that -we must avoid seductions which lead to temptation to fornication. -But not so with the command of non-resistance. All church preachers -recognize cases in which that command can be broken, and teach the -people accordingly. And they not only do not teach that we should -avoid temptations to break it, chief of which is the military oath, -but they themselves administer it. The preachers of the Church never -in any other case advocate the breaking of any other commandment. -But in connection with the commandment of non-resistance they openly -teach that we must not understand it too literally, but that there -are conditions and circumstances in which we must do the direct -opposite, that is, go to law, fight, punish. So that occasions for -fulfilling the commandment of non-resistance to evil by force are -taught for the most part as occasions for not fulfilling it. The -fulfillment of this command, they say, is very difficult and pertains -only to perfection. And how can it not be difficult, when the breach -of it is not only not forbidden, but law courts, prisons, cannons, -guns, armies, and wars are under the immediate sanction of the -Church? It cannot be true, then, that this command is recognized by -the preachers of the Church as on a level with other commands. - -The preachers of the Church clearly do not recognize it; only not -daring to acknowledge this, they try to conceal their not recognizing -it. - -So much for the fourth reply. - -The fifth kind of answer, which is the subtlest, the most often used, -and the most effective, consists in avoiding answering, in making -believe that this question is one which has long ago been decided -perfectly clearly and satisfactorily, and that it is not worth while -to talk about it. This method of reply is employed by all the more or -less cultivated religious writers, that is to say, those who feel the -laws of Christ binding for themselves. Knowing that the contradiction -existing between the teaching of Christ which we profess with our -lips and the whole order of our lives cannot be removed by words, -and that touching upon it can only make it more obvious, they, with -more or less ingenuity, evade it, pretending that the question of -reconciling Christianity with the use of force has been decided -already, or does not exist at all.[1] - - [1] I only know one work which differs somewhat from this general - definition, and that is not a criticism in the precise meaning of - the word, but an article treating of the same subject and having - my book in view. I mean the pamphlet of Mr. Troizky (published at - Kazan), "A Sermon for the People." The author obviously accepts - Christ's teaching in its true meaning. He says that the prohibition - of resistance to evil by force means exactly what it does mean; and - the same with the prohibition of swearing. He does not, as others - do, deny the meaning of Christ's teaching, but unfortunately he does - not draw from this admission the inevitable deductions which present - themselves spontaneously in our life when we understand Christ's - teaching in that way. If we must not oppose evil by force, nor swear, - everyone naturally asks, "How, then, about military service? and the - oath of obedience?" To this question the author gives no reply; but - it must be answered. And if he cannot answer, then he would do better - not to speak on the subject at all, as such silence leads to error. - -The majority of religious critics of my book use this fifth method -of replying to it. I could quote dozens of such critics, in all of -whom, without exception, we find the same thing repeated: everything -is discussed except what constitutes the principal subject of -the book. As a characteristic example of such criticisms, I will -quote the article of a well-known and ingenious English writer and -preacher--Farrar--who, like many learned theologians, is a great -master of the art of circuitously evading a question. The article was -published in an American journal, the _Forum_, in October, 1888. - -After conscientiously explaining in brief the contents of my book, -Farrar says: "Tolstoy came to the conclusion that a coarse deceit -had been palmed upon the world when these words, 'Resist not evil,' -were held by civil society to be compatible with war, courts of -justice, capital punishment, divorce, oaths, national prejudice, and, -indeed, with most of the institutions of civil and social life. He -now believes that the kingdom of God would come if all men kept these -five commandments of Christ, viz.: 1. Live in peace with all men. 2. -Be pure. 3. Take no oaths. 4. Resist not evil. 5. Renounce national -distinctions. - -"Tolstoy," he says, "rejects the inspiration of the Old Testament; -hence he rejects the chief doctrines of the Church--that of the -Atonement by blood, the Trinity, the descent of the Holy Ghost -on the Apostles, and his transmission through the priesthood." -And he recognizes only the words and commands of Christ. "But is -this interpretation of Christ a true one?" he says. "Are all men -bound to act as Tolstoy teaches--_i. e._, to carry out these five -commandments of Christ?" You expect, then, that in answer to this -essential question, which is the only one that could induce a man -to write an article about the book, he will say either that this -interpretation of Christ's teaching is true and we ought to follow -it, or he will say that such an interpretation is untrue, will show -why, and will give some other correct interpretation of those words -which I interpret incorrectly. But nothing of the kind is done. -Farrar only expresses his "belief" that, "though actuated by the -noblest sincerity, Count Tolstoy has been misled by partial and -one-sided interpretations of the meaning of the Gospel and the mind -and will of Christ." What this error consists in is not made clear; -it is only said: "To enter into the proof of this is impossible in -this article, for I have already exceeded the space at my command." - -And he concludes, in a tranquil spirit: - -"Meanwhile, the reader who feels troubled lest it should be his duty -also to forsake all the conditions of his life and to take up the -position and work of a common laborer, may rest for the present on -the principle, _securus judicat orbis terrarum_. With few and rare -exceptions," he continues, "the whole of Christendom, from the days -of the Apostles down to our own, has come to the firm conclusion that -it was the object of Christ to lay down great eternal principles, but -not to disturb the bases and revolutionize the institutions of all -human society, which themselves rest on divine sanctions as well as -on inevitable conditions. Were it my object to prove how untenable -is the doctrine of communism, based by Count Tolstoy upon the divine -paradoxes [_sic_], which can be interpreted only on historical -principles in accordance with the whole method of the teaching of -Jesus, it would require an ampler canvas than I have here at my -disposal." What a pity he has not "an ampler canvas at his disposal"! -And what a strange thing it is that for all these last fifteen -centuries no one has had "a canvas ample enough" to prove that -Christ, whom we profess to believe in, says something utterly unlike -what he does say! Still, they could prove it if they wanted to. But -it is not worth while to prove what everyone knows; it is enough to -say, "_securus judicat orbis terrarum_." - -And of this kind, without exception, are all the criticisms of -educated believers, who must, as such, understand the danger of -their position. The sole escape from it for them lies in their hope -that they may be able, by using the authority of the Church, of -antiquity, and of their sacred office, to overawe the reader and -draw him away from the idea of reading the Gospel for himself and -thinking out the question in his own mind for himself. And in this -they are successful; for, indeed, how could the notion occur to -anyone that all that has been repeated from century to century with -such earnestness and solemnity by all those archdeacons, bishops, -archbishops, holy synods, and popes, is all of it a base lie and a -calumny foisted upon Christ by them for the sake of keeping safe -the money they must have to live luxuriously on the necks of other -men? And it is a lie and a calumny so transparent that the only way -of keeping it up consists in overawing people by their earnestness, -their conscientiousness. It is just what has taken place of late -years at recruiting sessions; at a table before the zertzal--the -symbol of the Tzar's authority--in the seat of honor under the -life-size portrait of the Tzar, sit dignified old officials, wearing -decorations, conversing freely and easily, writing notes, summoning -men before them, and giving orders. Here, wearing a cross on his -breast, near them, is a prosperous-looking old priest in a silken -cassock, with long gray hair flowing on to his cope, before a lectern -who wears the golden cross and has a Gospel bound in gold. - -They summon Ivan Petroff. A young man comes in, wretchedly, shabbily -dressed, and in terror, the muscles of his face working, his eyes -bright and restless; and in a broken voice, hardly above a whisper, -he says: "I--by Christ's law--as a Christian--I cannot." "What is -he muttering?" asks the president, frowning impatiently and raising -his eyes from his book to listen. "Speak louder," the colonel with -shining epaulets shouts to him. "I--I as a Christian----" And at last -it appears that the young man refuses to serve in the army because he -is a Christian. "Don't talk nonsense. Stand to be measured. Doctor, -may I trouble you to measure him. He is all right?" "Yes." "Reverend -father, administer the oath to him." - -No one is the least disturbed by what the poor scared young man is -muttering. They do not even pay attention to it. "They all mutter -something, but we've no time to listen to it, we have to enroll so -many." - -The recruit tries to say something still. "It's opposed to the law -of Christ." "Go along, go along; we know without your help what is -opposed to the law and what's not; and you soothe his mind, reverend -father, soothe him. Next: Vassily Nikitin." And they lead the -trembling youth away. And it does not strike anyone--the guards, or -Vassily Nikitin, whom they are bringing in, or any of the spectators -of this scene--that these inarticulate words of the young man, at -once suppressed by the authorities, contain the truth, and that the -loud, solemnly uttered sentences of the calm, self-confident official -and the priest are a lie and a deception. - -Such is the impression produced not only by Farrar's article, but -by all those solemn sermons, articles, and books which make their -appearance from all sides directly there is anywhere a glimpse of -truth exposing a predominant falsehood. At once begins the series of -long, clever, ingenious, and solemn speeches and writings, which deal -with questions nearly related to the subject, but skillfully avoid -touching the subject itself. - -That is the essence of the fifth and most effective means of getting -out of the contradictions in which Church Christianity has placed -itself, by professing its faith in Christ's teaching in words, while -it denies it in its life, and teaches people to do the same. - -Those who justify themselves by the first method, directly, crudely -asserting that Christ sanctioned violence, wars, and murder, -repudiate Christ's doctrine directly; those who find their defense -in the second, the third, or the fourth method are confused and can -easily be convicted of error; but this last class, who do not argue, -who do not condescend to argue about it, but take shelter behind -their own grandeur, and make a show of all this having been decided -by them or at least by someone long ago, and no longer offering a -possibility of doubt to anyone--they seem safe from attack, and will -be beyond attack till men come to realize that they are under the -narcotic influence exerted on them by governments and churches, and -are no longer affected by it. - -Such was the attitude of the spiritual critics--_i. e._, those -professing faith in Christ--to my book. And their attitude could -not have been different. They are bound to take up this attitude by -the contradictory position in which they find themselves between -belief in the divinity of their Master and disbelief in his clearest -utterances, and they want to escape from this contradiction. So that -one cannot expect from them free discussion of the very essence of -the question--that is, of the change in men's life which must result -from applying Christ's teaching to the existing order of the world. -Such free discussion I only expected from worldly, freethinking -critics who are not bound to Christ's teaching in any way, and can -therefore take an independent view of it. I had anticipated that -freethinking writers would look at Christ, not merely, like the -Churchmen, as the founder of a religion of personal salvation, but, -to express it in their language, as a reformer who laid down new -principles of life and destroyed the old, and whose reforms are not -yet complete, but are still in progress even now. - -Such a view of Christ and his teaching follows from my book. But to -my astonishment, out of the great number of critics of my book there -was not one, either Russian or foreign, who treated the subject from -the side from which it was approached in the book--that is, who -criticised Christ's doctrines as philosophical, moral, and social -principles, to use their scientific expressions. This was not done in -a single criticism. The freethinking Russian critics taking my book -as though its whole contents could be reduced to non-resistance to -evil, and understanding the doctrine of non-resistance to evil itself -(no doubt for greater convenience in refuting it) as though it would -prohibit every kind of conflict with evil, fell vehemently upon this -doctrine, and for some years past have been very successfully proving -that Christ's teaching is mistaken in so far as it forbids resistance -to evil. Their refutations of this hypothetical doctrine of Christ -were all the more successful since they knew beforehand that their -arguments could not be contested or corrected, for the censorship, -not having passed the book, did not pass articles in its defense. - -It is a remarkable thing that among us, where one cannot say a word -about the Holy Scriptures without the prohibition of the censorship, -for some years past there have been in all the journals constant -attacks and criticisms on the command of Christ simply and directly -stated in Matt. v. 39. The Russian advanced critics, obviously -unaware of all that has been done to elucidate the question of -non-resistance, and sometimes even imagining apparently that the rule -of non-resistance to evil had been invented by me personally, fell -foul of the very idea of it. They opposed it and attacked it, and -advancing with great heat arguments which had long ago been analyzed -and refuted from every point of view, they demonstrated that a man -ought invariably to defend (with violence) all the injured and -oppressed, and that thus the doctrine of non-resistance to evil is an -immoral doctrine. - -To all Russian critics the whole import of Christ's command -seemed reducible to the fact that it would hinder them from -the active opposition to evil to which they are accustomed. So -that the principle of non-resistance to evil by force has been -attacked by two opposing camps: the conservatives, because this -principle would hinder their activity in resistance to evil as -applied to the revolutionists, in persecution and punishment -of them; the revolutionists, too, because this principle would -hinder their resistance to evil as applied to the conservatives -and the overthrowing of them. The conservatives were indignant -at the doctrine of non-resistance to evil by force hindering the -energetic destruction of the revolutionary elements, which may ruin -the national prosperity; the revolutionists were indignant at the -doctrine of non-resistance to evil by force hindering the overthrow -of the conservatives, who are ruining the national prosperity. It -is worthy of remark in this connection that the revolutionists have -attacked the principle of non-resistance to evil by force, in spite -of the fact that it is the greatest terror and danger for every -despotism. For ever since the beginning of the world, the use of -violence of every kind, from the Inquisition to the Schluesselburg -fortress, has rested and still rests on the opposite principle of the -necessity of resisting evil by force. - -Besides this, the Russian critics have pointed out the fact that the -application of the command of non-resistance to practical life would -turn mankind aside out of the path of civilization along which it is -moving. The path of civilization on which mankind in Europe is moving -is in their opinion the one along which all mankind ought always to -move. - -So much for the general character of the Russian critics. - -Foreign critics started from the same premises, but their discussions -of my book were somewhat different from those of Russian critics, not -only in being less bitter, and in showing more culture, but even in -the subject-matter. - -In discussing my book and the Gospel teaching generally, as it is -expressed in the Sermon on the Mount, the foreign critics maintained -that such doctrine is not peculiarly Christian (Christian doctrine is -either Catholicism or Protestantism according to their views)--the -teaching of the Sermon on the Mount is only a string of very pretty -impracticable dreams _du charmant docteur_, as Renan says, fit for -the simple and half-savage inhabitants of Galilee who lived eighteen -hundred years ago, and for the half-savage Russian peasants--Sutaev -and Bondarev--and the Russian mystic Tolstoy, but not at all -consistent with a high degree of European culture. - -The foreign freethinking critics have tried in a delicate manner, -without being offensive to me, to give the impression that my -conviction that mankind could be guided by such a naive doctrine as -that of the Sermon on the Mount proceeds from two causes: that such -a conviction is partly due to my want of knowledge, my ignorance -of history, my ignorance of all the vain attempts to apply the -principles of the Sermon on the Mount to life, which have been -made in history and have led to nothing; and partly it is due to -my failing to appreciate the full value of the lofty civilization -to which mankind has attained at present, with its Krupp cannons, -smokeless powder, colonization of Africa, Irish Coercion Bill, -parliamentary government, journalism, strikes, and the Eiffel Tower. - -So wrote de Voguee and Leroy Beaulieu and Matthew Arnold; so wrote -the American author Savage, and Ingersoll, the popular freethinking -American preacher, and many others. - -"Christ's teaching is no use, because it is inconsistent with -our industrial age," says Ingersoll naively, expressing in this -utterance, with perfect directness and simplicity, the exact notion -of Christ's teaching held by persons of refinement and culture of our -times. The teaching is no use for our industrial age, precisely as -though the existence of this industrial age were a sacred fact which -ought not to and could not be changed. It is just as though drunkards -when advised how they could be brought to habits of sobriety should -answer that the advice is incompatible with their habit of taking -alcohol. - -The arguments of all the freethinking critics, Russian and foreign -alike, different as they may be in tone and manner of presentation, -all amount essentially to the same strange misapprehension--namely, -that Christ's teaching, one of the consequences of which is -non-resistance to evil, is of no use to us because it requires a -change of our life. - -Christ's teaching is useless because, if it were carried into -practice, life could not go on as at present; we must add: if we have -begun by living sinfully, as we do live and are accustomed to live. -Not only is the question of non-resistance to evil not discussed; -the very mention of the fact that the duty of non-resistance enters -into Christ's teaching is regarded as satisfactory proof of the -impracticability of the whole teaching. - -Meanwhile one would have thought it was necessary to point out at -least some kind of solution of the following question, since it is at -the root of almost everything that interests us. - -The question amounts to this: In what way are we to decide men's -disputes, when some men consider evil what others consider good, and -_vice versa_? And to reply that that is evil which I think evil, in -spite of the fact that my opponent thinks it good, is not a solution -of the difficulty. There can only be two solutions: either to find a -real unquestionable criterion of what is evil or not to resist evil -by force. - -The first course has been tried ever since the beginning of -historical times, and, as we all know, it has not hitherto led to any -successful results. - -The second solution--not forcibly to resist what we consider evil -until we have found a universal criterion--that is the solution given -by Christ. - -We may consider the answer given by Christ unsatisfactory; we may -replace it by another and better, by finding a criterion by which -evil could be defined for all men unanimously and simultaneously; we -may simply, like savage nations, not recognize the existence of the -question. But we cannot treat the question as the learned critics of -Christianity do. They pretend either that no such question exists at -all or that the question is solved by granting to certain persons -or assemblies of persons the right to define evil and to resist it -by force. But we know all the while that granting such a right to -certain persons does not decide the question (still less so when we -are ourselves the certain persons), since there are always people who -do not recognize this right in the authorized persons or assemblies. - -But this assumption, that what seems evil to us is really evil, shows -a complete misunderstanding of the question, and lies at the root of -the argument of freethinking critics about the Christian religion. In -this way, then, the discussions of my book on the part of Churchmen -and freethinking critics alike showed me that the majority of men -simply do not understand either Christ's teaching or the questions -which Christ's teaching solves. - - - - -CHAPTER III. - - CHRISTIANITY MISUNDERSTOOD BY BELIEVERS. - - Meaning of Christian Doctrine, Understood by a Minority, - has Become Completely Incomprehensible for the Majority - of Men--Reason of this to be Found in Misinterpretation - of Christianity and Mistaken Conviction of Believers and - Unbelievers Alike that they Understand it--The Meaning of - Christianity Obscured for Believers by the Church--The First - Appearance of Christ's Teaching--Its Essence and Difference - from Heathen Religions--Christianity not Fully Comprehended - at the Beginning, Became More and More Clear to those who - Accepted it from its Correspondence with Truth--Simultaneously - with this Arose the Claim to Possession of the Authentic - Meaning of the Doctrine Based on the Miraculous Nature of - its Transmission--Assembly of Disciples as Described in the - Acts--The Authoritative Claim to the Sole Possession of the - True Meaning of Christ's Teaching Supported by Miraculous - Evidence has Led by Logical Development to the Creeds of the - Churches--A Church Could Not be Founded by Christ--Definitions - of a Church According to the Catechisms--The Churches have - Always been Several in Number and Hostile to One Another--What - is Heresy--The Work of G. Arnold on Heresies--Heresies - the Manifestations of Progress in the Churches--Churches - Cause Dissension among Men, and are Always Hostile to - Christianity--Account of the Work Done by the Russian - Church--Matt. xxiii. 23--The Sermon on the Mount or the - Creed--The Orthodox Church Conceals from the People the True - Meaning of Christianity--The Same Thing is Done by the Other - Churches--All the External Conditions of Modern Life are such - as to Destroy the Doctrine of the Church, and therefore the - Churches use Every Effort to Support their Doctrines. - - -Thus the information I received, after my book came out, went to show -that the Christian doctrine, in its direct and simple sense, was -understood, and had always been understood, by a minority of men, -while the critics, ecclesiastical and freethinking alike, denied the -possibility of taking Christ's teaching in its direct sense. All this -convinced me that while on one hand the true understanding of this -doctrine had never been lost to a minority, but had been established -more and more clearly, on the other hand the meaning of it had been -more and more obscured for the majority. So that at last such a depth -of obscurity has been reached that men do not take in their direct -sense even the simplest precepts, expressed in the simplest words, in -the Gospel. - -Christ's teaching is not generally understood in its true, simple, -and direct sense even in these days, when the light of the Gospel -has penetrated even to the darkest recesses of human consciousness; -when, in the words of Christ, that which was spoken in the ear is -proclaimed from the housetops; and when the Gospel is influencing -every side of human life--domestic, economic, civic, legislative, -and international. This lack of true understanding of Christ's words -at such a time would be inexplicable, if there were not causes to -account for it. - -One of these causes is the fact that believers and unbelievers alike -are firmly persuaded that they have understood Christ's teaching a -long time, and that they understand it so fully, indubitably, and -conclusively that it can have no other significance than the one -they attribute to it. And the reason of this conviction is that the -false interpretation and consequent misapprehension of the Gospel is -an error of such long standing. Even the strongest current of water -cannot add a drop to a cup which is already full. - -The most difficult subjects can be explained to the most slow-witted -man if he has not formed any idea of them already; but the simplest -thing cannot be made clear to the most intelligent man if he is -firmly persuaded that he knows already, without a shadow of doubt, -what is laid before him. - -The Christian doctrine is presented to the men of our world to-day -as a doctrine which everyone has known so long and accepted so -unhesitatingly in all its minutest details that it cannot be -understood in any other way than it is understood now. - -Christianity is understood now by all who profess the doctrines of -the Church as a supernatural miraculous revelation of everything -which is repeated in the Creed. By unbelievers it is regarded as -an illustration of man's craving for a belief in the supernatural, -which mankind has now outgrown, as an historical phenomenon which -has received full expression in Catholicism, Greek Orthodoxy, and -Protestantism, and has no longer any living significance for us. The -significance of the Gospel is hidden from believers by the Church, -from unbelievers by Science. - -I will speak first of the former. Eighteen hundred years ago there -appeared in the midst of the heathen Roman world a strange new -doctrine, unlike any of the old religions, and attributed to a man, -Christ. - -This new doctrine was in both form and content absolutely new to the -Jewish world in which it originated, and still more to the Roman -world in which it was preached and diffused. - -In the midst of the elaborate religious observances of Judaism, in -which, in the words of Isaiah, law was laid upon law, and in the -midst of the Roman legal system worked out to the highest point -of perfection, a new doctrine appeared, which denied not only -every deity, and all fear and worship of them, but even all human -institutions and all necessity for them. In place of all the rules -of the old religions, this doctrine sets up only a type of inward -perfection, truth, and love in the person of Christ, and--as a result -of this inward perfection being attained by men--also the outward -perfection foretold by the Prophets--the kingdom of God, when all men -will cease to learn to make war, when all shall be taught of God and -united in love, and the lion will lie down with the lamb. Instead -of the threats of punishment which all the old laws of religions -and governments alike laid down for non-fulfillment of their rules, -instead of promises of rewards for fulfillment of them, this doctrine -called men to it only because it was the truth. John vii. 17: "If any -man will do His will, he shall know of the doctrine whether it be -of God." John viii. 46: "If I say the truth, why do ye not believe -me? But ye seek to kill me, a man that hath told you the truth. Ye -shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free. God is a -spirit, and they that worship him must worship him in spirit and in -truth. Keep my sayings, and ye shall know of my sayings whether they -be true." No proofs of this doctrine were offered except its truth, -the correspondence of the doctrine with the truth. The whole teaching -consisted in the recognition of truth and following it, in a greater -and greater attainment of truth, and a closer and closer following -of it in the acts of life. There are no acts in this doctrine which -could justify a man and make him saved. There is only the image of -truth to guide him, for inward perfection in the person of Christ, -and for outward perfection in the establishment of the kingdom of -God. The fulfillment of this teaching consists only in walking in the -chosen way, in getting nearer to inward perfection in the imitation -of Christ, and outward perfection in the establishment of the kingdom -of God. The greater or less blessedness of a man depends, according -to this doctrine, not on the degree of perfection to which he has -attained, but on the greater or less swiftness with which he is -pursuing it. - -The progress toward perfection of the publican Zaccheus, of the woman -that was a sinner, of the robber on the cross, is a greater state -of blessedness, according to this doctrine, than the stationary -righteousness of the Pharisee. The lost sheep is dearer than -ninety-nine that were not lost. The prodigal son, the piece of money -that was lost and found again, are dearer, more precious to God than -those which have not been lost. - -Every condition, according to this doctrine, is only a particular -step in the attainment of inward and outward perfection, and -therefore has no significance of itself. Blessedness consists in -progress toward perfection; to stand still in any condition whatever -means the cessation of this blessedness. - -"Let not thy left hand know what thy right hand doeth." "No man -having put his hand to the plow and looking back is fit for the -kingdom of God." "Rejoice not that the spirits are subject to you, -but seek rather that your names be written in heaven." "Be ye -perfect, even as your Father in heaven is perfect." "Seek ye first -the kingdom of heaven and its righteousness." - -The fulfillment of this precept is only to be found in uninterrupted -progress toward the attainment of ever higher truth, toward -establishing more and more firmly an ever greater love within -oneself, and establishing more and more widely the kingdom of God -outside oneself. - -It is obvious that, appearing as it did in the midst of the Jewish -and heathen world, such teaching could not be accepted by the -majority of men, who were living a life absolutely different from -what was required by it. It is obvious, too, that even for those by -whom it was accepted, it was so absolutely opposed to all their old -views that it could not be comprehensible in its full significance. - -It has been only by a succession of misunderstandings, errors, -partial explanations, and the corrections and additions of -generations that the meaning of the Christian doctrine has grown -continually more and more clear to men. The Christian view of -life has exerted an influence on the Jewish and heathen, and the -heathen and Jewish view of life has, too, exerted an influence on -the Christian. And Christianity, as the living force, has gained -more and more upon the extinct Judaism and heathenism, and has -grown continually clearer and clearer, as it freed itself from the -admixture of falsehood which had overlaid it. Men went further -and further in the attainment of the meaning of Christianity, and -realized it more and more in life. - -The longer mankind lived, the clearer and clearer became the meaning -of Christianity, as must always be the case with every theory of life. - -Succeeding generations corrected the errors of their predecessors, -and grew ever nearer and nearer to a comprehension of the true -meaning. It was thus from the very earliest times of Christianity. -And so, too, from the earliest times of Christianity there were men -who began to assert on their own authority that the meaning they -attribute to the doctrine is the only true one, and as proof bring -forward supernatural occurrences in support of the correctness of -their interpretation. - -This was the principal cause at first of the misunderstanding of the -doctrine, and afterward of the complete distortion of it. - -It was supposed that Christ's teaching was transmitted to men not -like every other truth, but in a special miraculous way. Thus the -truth of the teaching was not proved by its correspondence with the -needs of the mind and the whole nature of man, but by the miraculous -manner of its transmission, which was advanced as an irrefutable -proof of the truth of the interpretation put on it. This hypothesis -originated from misunderstanding of the teaching, and its result was -to make it impossible to understand it rightly. - -And this happened first in the earliest times, when the doctrine -was still not so fully understood and often interpreted wrongly, -as we see by the Gospels and the Acts. The less the doctrine was -understood, the more obscure it appeared and the more necessary were -external proofs of its truth. The proposition that we ought not to -do unto others as we would not they should do unto us, did not need -to be proved by miracles and needed no exercise of faith, because -this proposition is in itself convincing and in harmony with man's -mind and nature; but the proposition that Christ was God had to be -proved by miracles completely beyond our comprehension. - -The more the understanding of Christ's teaching was obscured, -the more the miraculous was introduced into it; and the more the -miraculous was introduced into it, the more the doctrine was strained -from its meaning and the more obscure it became; and the more it -was strained from its meaning and the more obscure it became, the -more strongly its infallibility had to be asserted, and the less -comprehensible the doctrine became. - -One can see by the Gospels, the Acts, and the Epistles how from the -earliest times the non-comprehension of the doctrine called forth the -need for proofs through the miraculous and incomprehensible. - -The first example in the book of Acts is the assembly which gathered -together in Jerusalem to decide the question which had arisen, -whether to baptize or not the uncircumcised and those who had eaten -of food sacrificed to idols. - -The very fact of this question being raised showed that those who -discussed it did not understand the teaching of Christ, who rejected -all outward observances--ablutions, purifications, fasts, and -sabbaths. It was plainly said, "Not that which goeth into a man's -mouth, but that which cometh out of a man's mouth, defileth him," and -therefore the question of baptizing the uncircumcised could only have -arisen among men who, though they loved their Master and dimly felt -the grandeur of his teaching, still did not understand the teaching -itself very clearly. And this was the fact. - -Just in proportion to the failure of the members of the assembly -to understand the doctrine was their need of external confirmation -of their incomplete interpretation of it. And then to settle this -question, the very asking of which proved their misunderstanding of -the doctrine, there was uttered in this assembly, as is described in -the Acts, that strange phrase, which was for the first time found -necessary to give external confirmation to certain assertions, and -which has been productive of so much evil. - -That is, it was asserted that the correctness of what they had -decided was guaranteed by the miraculous participation of the Holy -Ghost, that is, of God, in their decision. But the assertion that -the Holy Ghost, that is, God, spoke through the Apostles, in its -turn wanted proof. And thus it was necessary, to confirm this, that -the Holy Ghost should descend at Pentecost in tongues of fire upon -those who made this assertion. (In the account of it, the descent -of the Holy Ghost precedes the assembly, but the book of Acts was -written much later than both events.) But the descent of the Holy -Ghost too had to be proved for those who had not seen the tongues -of fire (though it is not easy to understand why a tongue of fire -burning above a man's head should prove that what that man is going -to say will be infallibly the truth). And so arose the necessity for -still more miracles and changes, raisings of the dead to life, and -strikings of the living dead, and all those marvels which have been -a stumbling-block to men, of which the Acts is full, and which, far -from ever convincing one of the truth of the Christian doctrine, can -only repel men from it. The result of such a means of confirming the -truth was that the more these confirmations of truth by tales of -miracles were heaped up one after another, the more the doctrine was -distorted from its original meaning, and the more incomprehensible it -became. - -Thus it was from the earliest times, and so it went on, constantly -increasing, till it reached in our day the logical climax of the -dogmas of transubstantiation and the infallibility of the Pope, or of -the bishops, or of Scripture, and of requiring a blind faith rendered -incomprehensible and utterly meaningless, not in God, but in Christ, -not in a doctrine, but in a person, as in Catholicism, or in persons, -as in Greek Orthodoxy, or in a book, as in Protestantism. The more -widely Christianity was diffused, and the greater the number of -people unprepared for it who were brought under its sway, the less it -was understood, the more absolutely was its infallibility insisted -on, and the less possible it became to understand the true meaning of -the doctrine. In the times of Constantine the whole interpretation -of the doctrine had been already reduced to a _resume_--supported by -the temporal authority--of the disputes that had taken place in the -Council--to a creed which reckoned off--I believe in so and so, and -so and so, and so and so to the end--to one holy, Apostolic Church, -which means the infallibility of those persons who call themselves -the Church. So that it all amounts to a man no longer believing in -God nor Christ, as they are revealed to him, but believing in what -the Church orders him to believe in. - -But the Church is holy; the Church was founded by Christ. God could -not leave men to interpret his teaching at random--therefore he -founded the Church. All those statements are so utterly untrue -and unfounded that one is ashamed to refute them. Nowhere nor in -anything, except in the assertion of the Church, can we find that -God or Christ founded anything like what Churchmen understand by the -Church. In the Gospels there is a warning against the Church, as it -is an external authority, a warning most clear and obvious in the -passage where it is said that Christ's followers should "call no -man master." But nowhere is anything said of the foundation of what -Churchmen call the Church. - -The word church is used twice in the Gospels--once in the sense of -an assembly of men to decide a dispute, the other time in connection -with the obscure utterance about a stone--Peter, and the gates of -hell. From these two passages in which the word church is used, in -the signification merely of an assembly, has been deduced all that we -now understand by the Church. - -But Christ could not have founded the Church, that is, what we now -understand by that word. For nothing like the idea of the Church as -we know it now, with its sacraments, miracles, and above all its -claim to infallibility, is to be found either in Christ's words or in -the ideas of the men of that time. - -The fact that men called what was formed afterward by the same word -as Christ used for something totally different, does not give them -the right to assert that Christ founded the one, true Church. - -Besides, if Christ had really founded such an institution as the -Church for the foundation of all his teaching and the whole faith, -he would certainly have described this institution clearly and -definitely, and would have given the only true Church, besides tales -of miracles, which are used to support every kind of superstition, -some tokens so unmistakable that no doubt of its genuineness could -ever have arisen. But nothing of the sort was done by him. And there -have been and still are different institutions, each calling itself -the true Church. - -The Catholic catechism says: "L'Eglise est la societe des fideles -etablie par notre Seigneur Jesus Christ, repandue sur toute la terre -et soumise a l'authorite des pasteurs legitimes, principalement -notre Saint Pere le Pape,"[2] understanding by the words "pasteurs -legitimes" an association of men having the Pope at its head, -and consisting of certain individuals bound together by a certain -organization. - - [2] "The Church is the society of the faithful, established by our - Lord Jesus Christ, spread over the whole earth, and subject to the - authority of its lawful pastors, and chief of them our Holy Father - the Pope." - -The Greek Orthodox catechism says: "The Church is a society founded -upon earth by Jesus Christ, which is united into one whole, by one -divine doctrine and by sacraments, under the rule and guidance of a -priesthood appointed by God," meaning by the "priesthood appointed by -God" the Greek Orthodox priesthood, consisting of certain individuals -who happen to be in such or such positions. - -The Lutheran catechism says: "The Church is holy Christianity, or the -collection of all believers under Christ, their head, to whom the -Holy Ghost through the Gospels and sacraments promises, communicates, -and administers heavenly salvation," meaning that the Catholic -Church is lost in error, and that the true means of salvation is in -Lutheranism. - -For Catholics the Church of God coincides with the Roman priesthood -and the Pope. For the Greek Orthodox believer the Church of God -coincides with the establishment and priesthood of Russia.[3] - - [3] Homyakov's definition of the Church, which was received with some - favor among Russians, does not improve matters, if we are to agree - with Homyakov in considering the Greek Orthodox Church as the one - true Church. Homyakov asserts that a church is a collection of men - (all without distinction of clergy and laymen) united together by - love, and that only to men united by love is the truth revealed (let - us love each other, that in the unity of thought, etc.), and that - such a church is the church which, in the first place, recognizes - the Nicene Creed, and in the second place does not, after the - division of the churches, recognize the popes and new dogmas. But - with such a definition of the church, there is still more difficulty - in reconciling, as Homyakov tries to do, the church united by love - with the church that recognizes the Nicene Creed and the doctrine - of Photius. So that Homyakov's assertion that this church, united - by love, and consequently holy, is the same church as the Greek - Orthodox priesthood profess faith in, is even more arbitrary than the - assertions of the Catholics or the Orthodox. If we admit the idea of - a church in the sense Homyakov gives to it--that is, a body of men - bound together by love and truth--then all that any man can predicate - in regard to this body, if such an one exists, is its love and truth, - but there can be no outer signs by which one could reckon oneself - or another as a member of this holy body, nor by which one could - put anyone outside it; so that no institution having an external - existence can correspond to this idea. - -For Lutherans the Church of God coincides with a body of men who -recognize the authority of the Bible and Luther's catechism. - -Ordinarily, when speaking of the rise of Christianity, men belonging -to one of the existing churches use the word church in the singular, -as though there were and had been only one church. But this is -absolutely incorrect. The Church, as an institution which asserted -that it possessed infallible truth, did not make its appearance -singly; there were at least two churches directly this claim was made. - -While believers were agreed among themselves and the body was one, it -had no need to declare itself as a church. It was only when believers -were split up into opposing parties, renouncing one another, that -it seemed necessary to each party to confirm their own truth by -ascribing to themselves infallibility. The conception of one church -only arose when there were two sides divided and disputing, who each -called the other side heresy, and recognized their own side only as -the infallible church. - -If we knew that there was a church which decided in the year 51 to -receive the uncircumcised, it is only so because there was another -church--of the Judaists--who decided to keep the uncircumcised out. - -If there is a Catholic Church now which asserts its -own infallibility, that is only because there are -churches--Greco-Russian, Old Orthodox, and Lutheran--each asserting -its own infallibility and denying that of all other churches. So that -the one Church is only a fantastic imagination which has not the -least trace of reality about it. - -As a real historical fact there has existed, and still exist, several -bodies of men, each asserting that it is the one Church, founded by -Christ, and that all the others who call themselves churches are only -sects and heresies. - -The catechisms of the churches of the most world-wide influence--the -Catholic, the Old Orthodox, and the Lutheran--openly assert this. - -In the Catholic catechism it is said: "Quels sont ceux qui sont hors -de l'eglise? Les infideles, les heretiques, les schismatiques."[4] -The so-called Greek Orthodox are regarded as schismatics, the -Lutherans as heretics; so that according to the Catholic catechism -the only people in the Church are Catholics. - - [4] "Who are those who are outside the Church? Infidels, heretics, - and schismatics." - -In the so-called Orthodox catechism it is said: By the one Christian -Church is understood the Orthodox, which remains fully in accord -with the Universal Church. As for the Roman Church and other sects -(the Lutherans and the rest they do not even dignify by the name of -church), they cannot be included in the one true Church, since they -have themselves separated from it. - -According to this definition the Catholics and Lutherans are outside -the Church, and there are only Orthodox in the Church. - -The Lutheran catechism says: "Die wahre Kirche wird darein erkannt, -dass in ihr das Wort Gottes lauter und rein ohne Menschenzusaetze -gelehrt und die Sacramente treu nach Christi Einsetzung gewahret -werden."[5] - - [5] "The true Church will be known by the Word of God being studied - clear and unmixed with man's additions and the sacraments being - maintained faithful to Christ's teaching." - -According to this definition all those who have added anything to -the teaching of Christ and the apostles, as the Catholic and Greek -churches have done, are outside the Church. And in the Church there -are only Protestants. - -The Catholics assert that the Holy Ghost has been transmitted without -a break in their priesthood. The Orthodox assert that the same Holy -Ghost has been transmitted without a break in their priesthood. -The Arians asserted that the Holy Ghost was transmitted in their -priesthood (they asserted this with just as much right as the -churches in authority now). The Protestants of every kind--Lutherans, -Reformed Church, Presbyterians, Methodists, Swedenborgians, -Mormons--assert that the Holy Ghost is only present in their -communities. If the Catholics assert that the Holy Ghost, at the time -of the division of the Church into Arian and Greek, left the Church -that fell away and remained in the one true Church, with precisely -the same right the Protestants of every denomination can assert that -at the time of the separation of their Church from the Catholic -the Holy Ghost left the Catholic and passed into the Church they -professed. And this is just what they do. - -Every church traces its creed through an uninterrupted transmission -from Christ and the Apostles. And truly every Christian creed that -has been derived from Christ must have come down to the present -generation through a certain transmission. But that does not prove -that it alone of all that has been transmitted, excluding all the -rest, can be the sole truth, admitting of no doubt. - -Every branch in a tree comes from the root in unbroken connection; -but the fact that each branch comes from the one root, does not -prove at all that each branch was the only one. It is precisely the -same with the Church. Every church presents exactly the same proofs -of the succession, and even the same miracles, in support of its -authenticity, as every other. So that there is but one strict and -exact definition of what is a church (not of something fantastic -which we would wish it to be, but of what it is and has been in -reality)--a church is a body of men who claim for themselves that -they are in complete and sole possession of the truth. And these -bodies, having in course of time, aided by the support of the -temporal authorities, developed into powerful institutions, have been -the principal obstacles to the diffusion of a true comprehension of -the teaching of Christ. - -It could not be otherwise. The chief peculiarity which distinguished -Christ's teaching from previous religions consisted in the fact -that those who accepted it strove ever more and more to comprehend -and realize its teaching. But the Church doctrine asserted its own -complete and final comprehension and realization of it. - -Strange though it may seem to us who have been brought up in the -erroneous view of the Church as a Christian institution, and in -contempt for heresy, yet the fact is that only in what was called -heresy was there any true movement, that is, true Christianity, and -that it only ceased to be so when those heresies stopped short in -their movement and also petrified into the fixed forms of a church. - -And, indeed, what is a heresy? Read all the theological works one -after another. In all of them heresy is the subject which first -presents itself for definition; since every theological work deals -with the true doctrine of Christ as distinguished from the erroneous -doctrines which surround it, that is, heresies. Yet you will not find -anywhere anything like a definition of heresy. - -The treatment of this subject by the learned historian of -Christianity, E. de Pressense, in his "Histoire du Dogme" (Paris, -1869), under the heading "Ubi Christus, ibi Ecclesia," may serve as -an illustration of the complete absence of anything like a definition -of what is understood by the word heresy. Here is what he says in -his introduction (p. 3): "Je sais que l'on nous conteste le droit de -qualifier ainsi [that is, to call heresies] les tendances qui furent -si vivement combattues par les premiers Peres. La designation meme -d'heresie semble une atteinte portee a la liberte de conscience et de -pensee. Nous ne pouvons partager ce scrupule, car il n'irait a rien -moins qu'a enlever au Christianisme tout caractere distinctif."[6] - - [6] "I know that our right to qualify thus the tendencies which were - so actively opposed by the early Fathers is contested. The very use - of the word heresy seems an attack upon liberty of conscience and - thought. We cannot share this scruple; for it would amount to nothing - less than depriving Christianity of all distinctive character." - -And though he tells us that after Constantine's time the Church did -actually abuse its power by designating those who dissented from it -as heretics and persecuting them, yet he says, when speaking of early -times: "L'eglise est une libre association; il y a tout profit a se -separer d'elle. La polemique contre l'erreur n'a d'autres ressources -que la pensee et le sentiment. Un type doctrinal uniforme n'a pas -encore ete elabore; les divergences secondaires se produisent en -Orient et en Occident avec une entiere liberte; la theologie n'est -point liee a d'invariables formules. Si au sein de cette diversite -apparait un fonds commun de croyances, n'est-on pas en droit d'y -voir non pas un systeme formule et compose par les representants -d'une autorite d'ecole, mais la foi elle-meme dans son instinct -le plus sur et sa manifestation la plus spontanee? Si cette meme -unanimite qui se revele dans les croyances essentielles, se retrouve -pour repousser telles ou telles tendances, ne serons-nous pas en -droit de conclure que ces tendances etaient en desacord flagrant -avec les principes fondamentaux du christianisme? Cette presomption -ne se transformera-t-elle pas en certitude si nous reconnaissons -dans la doctrine universellement repoussee par l'Eglise les traits -caracteristiques de l'une des religions du passe? Pour dire que -le gnosticisme ou l'ebionitisme sont les formes legitimes de la -pensee chretienne il faut dire hardiment qu'il n'y a pas de pensee -chretienne, ni de caractere specifique qui la fasse reconnaitre. Sous -pretexte de l'elargir, on la dissout. Personne au temps de Platon -n'eut ose couvrir de son nom une doctrine qui n'eut pas fait place -a la theorie des idees; et l'on eut excite les justes moqueries -de la Grece, en voulant faire d'Epicure ou de Zenon un disciple -de l'Academie. Reconnaissons donc que s'il existe une religion -ou une doctrine qui s'appelle christianisme, elle peut avoir ses -heresies."[7] - - [7] "The Church is a free association; there is much to be gained by - separation from it. Conflict with error has no weapons other than - thought and feeling. One uniform type of doctrine has not yet been - elaborated; divergencies in secondary matters arise freely in East - and West; theology is not wedded to invariable formulas. If in the - midst of this diversity a mass of beliefs common to all is apparent, - is one not justified in seeing in it, not a formulated system, framed - by the representatives of pedantic authority, but faith itself in - its surest instinct and its most spontaneous manifestation? If the - same unanimity which is revealed in essential points of belief is - found also in rejecting certain tendencies, are we not justified in - concluding that these tendencies were in flagrant opposition to the - fundamental principles of Christianity? And will not this presumption - be transformed into certainty if we recognize in the doctrine - universally rejected by the Church the characteristic features of one - of the religions of the past? To say that gnosticism or ebionitism - are legitimate forms of Christian thought, one must boldly deny the - existence of Christian thought at all, or any specific character by - which it could be recognized. While ostensibly widening its realm, - one undermines it. No one in the time of Plato would have ventured - to give his name to a doctrine in which the theory of ideas had no - place, and one would deservedly have excited the ridicule of Greece - by trying to pass off Epicurus or Zeno as a disciple of the Academy. - Let us recognize, then, that if a religion or a doctrine exists which - is called Christianity, it may have its heresies." - -The author's whole argument amounts to this: that every opinion which -differs from the code of dogmas we believe in at a given time, is -heresy. But of course at any given time and place men always believe -in something or other; and this belief in something, indefinite at -any place, at some time, cannot be a criterion of truth. - -It all amounts to this: since ubi Christus ibi Ecclesia, then -Christus is where we are. - -Every so-called heresy, regarding, as it does, its own creed as -the truth, can just as easily find in Church history a series of -illustrations of its own creed, can use all Pressense's arguments on -its own behalf, and can call its own creed the one truly Christian -creed. And that is just what all heresies do and have always done. - -The only definition of heresy (the word +hairesis+, means a -part) is this: the name given by a body of men to any opinion which -rejects a part of the Creed professed by that body. The more frequent -meaning, more often ascribed to the word heresy, is--that of an -opinion which rejects the Church doctrine founded and supported by -the temporal authorities. - -There is a remarkable and voluminous work, very little known, -"Unpartheyische Kirchen- und Ketzer-Historie," 1729, by Gottfried -Arnold, which deals with precisely this subject, and points out all -the unlawfulness, the arbitrariness, the senselessness, and the -cruelty of using the word heretic in the sense of reprobate. This -book is an attempt to write the history of Christianity in the form -of a history of heresy. - -In the introduction the author propounds a series of questions: (1) -Of those who make heretics; (2) Of those whom they made heretics; -(3) Of heretical subjects themselves; (4) Of the method of making -heretics; and (5) Of the object and result of making heretics. - -On each of these points he propounds ten more questions, the answers -to which he gives later on from the works of well-known theologians. -But he leaves the reader to draw for himself the principal -conclusion from the expositions in the whole book. As examples of -these questions, in which the answers are to some extent included -also, I will quote the following. Under the 4th head, of the manner -in which heretics are made, he says, in one of the questions (in the -7th): - -"Does not all history show that the greatest makers of heretics -and masters of that craft were just these wise men, from whom the -Father hid his secrets, that is, the hypocrites, the Pharisees, and -lawyers, men utterly godless and perverted (Question 20-21)? And -in the corrupt times of Christianity were not these very men cast -out, denounced by the hypocrites and envious, who were endowed by -God with great gifts and who would in the days of pure Christianity -have been held in high honor? And, on the other hand, would not the -men who, in the decline of Christianity raised themselves above all, -and regarded themselves as the teachers of the purest Christianity, -would not these very men, in the times of the apostles and disciples -of Christ, have been regarded as the most shameless heretics and -anti-Christians?" - -He expounds, among other things in these questions, the theory -that any verbal expression of faith, such as was demanded by the -Church, and the departure from which was reckoned as heresy, could -never fully cover the exact religious ideas of a believer, and that -therefore the demand for an expression of faith in certain words was -ever productive of heresy, and he says, in Question 21: - -"And if heavenly things and thoughts present themselves to a man's -mind as so great and so profound that he does not find corresponding -words to express them, ought one to call him a heretic, because he -cannot express his idea with perfect exactness?" And in Question 33: - -"And is not the fact that there was no heresy in the earliest days -due to the fact that the Christians did not judge one another by -verbal expressions, but by deed and by heart, since they had perfect -liberty to express their ideas without the dread of being called -heretics; was it not the easiest and most ordinary ecclesiastical -proceeding, if the clergy wanted to get rid of or to ruin anyone, for -them to cast suspicion on the person's belief, and to throw a cloak -of heresy upon him, and by this means to procure his condemnation and -removal? - -"True though it may be that there were sins and errors among the -so-called heretics, it is no less true and evident," he says farther -on, "from the innumerable examples quoted here (_i. e._, in the -history of the Church and of heresy), that there was not a single -sincere and conscientious man of any importance whom the Churchmen -would not from envy or other causes have ruined." - -Thus, almost two hundred years ago, the real meaning of heresy was -understood. And notwithstanding that, the same conception of it has -gone on existing up to now. And it cannot fail to exist so long as -the conception of a church exists. Heresy is the obverse side of the -Church. Wherever there is a church, there must be the conception -of heresy. A church is a body of men who assert that they are in -possession of infallible truth. Heresy is the opinion of the men who -do not admit the infallibility of the Church's truth. - -Heresy makes its appearance in the Church. It is the effort to break -through the petrified authority of the Church. All effort after a -living comprehension of the doctrine has been made by heretics. -Tertullian, Origen, Augustine, Luther, Huss, Savonarola, Helchitsky, -and the rest were heretics. It could not be otherwise. - -The follower of Christ, whose service means an ever-growing -understanding of his teaching, and an ever-closer fulfillment of it, -in progress toward perfection, cannot, just because he is a follower -of Christ, claim for himself or any other that he understands -Christ's teaching fully and fulfills it. Still less can he claim this -for any body of men. - -To whatever degree of understanding and perfection the follower of -Christ may have attained, he always feels the insufficiency of his -understanding and fulfillment of it, and is always striving toward -a fuller understanding and fulfillment. And therefore, to assert -of one's self or of any body of men, that one is or they are in -possession of perfect understanding and fulfillment of Christ's word, -is to renounce the very spirit of Christ's teaching. - -Strange as it may seem, the churches as churches have always been, -and cannot but be, institutions not only alien in spirit to Christ's -teaching, but even directly antagonistic to it. With good reason -Voltaire calls the Church _l'infame_; with good reason have all or -almost all so-called sects of Christians recognized the Church as -the scarlet woman foretold in the Apocalypse; with good reason is -the history of the Church the history of the greatest cruelties and -horrors. - -The churches as churches are not, as many people suppose, -institutions which have Christian principles for their basis, -even though they may have strayed a little away from the straight -path. The churches as churches, as bodies which assert their own -infallibility, are institutions opposed to Christianity. There is not -only nothing in common between the churches as such and Christianity, -except the name, but they represent two principles fundamentally -opposed and antagonistic to one another. One represents pride, -violence, self-assertion, stagnation, and death; the other, meekness, -penitence, humility, progress, and life. - -We cannot serve these two masters; we have to choose between them. - -The servants of the churches of all denominations, especially of -later times, try to show themselves champions of progress in -Christianity. They make concessions, wish to correct the abuses -that have slipped into the Church, and maintain that one cannot, on -account of these abuses, deny the principle itself of a Christian -church, which alone can bind all men together in unity and be a -mediator between men and God. But this is all a mistake. Not only -have the churches never bound men together in unity; they have always -been one of the principal causes of division between men, of their -hatred of one another, of wars, battles, inquisitions, massacres of -St. Bartholomew, and so on. And the churches have never served as -mediators between men and God. Such mediation is not wanted, and was -directly forbidden by Christ, who has revealed his teaching directly -and immediately to each man. But the churches set up dead forms in -the place of God, and far from revealing God, they obscure him from -men's sight. The churches, which originated from misunderstanding of -Christ's teaching and have maintained this misunderstanding by their -immovability, cannot but persecute and refuse to recognize all true -understanding of Christ's words. They try to conceal this, but in -vain; for every step forward along the path pointed out for us by -Christ is a step toward their destruction. - -To hear and to read the sermons and articles in which Church writers -of later times of all denominations speak of Christian truths and -virtues; to hear or read these skillful arguments that have been -elaborated during centuries, and exhortations and professions, -which sometimes seem like sincere professions, one is ready to -doubt whether the churches can be antagonistic to Christianity. "It -cannot be," one says, "that these people who can point to such men -as Chrysostom, Fenelon, Butler, and others professing the Christian -faith, were antagonistic to Christianity." One is tempted to say, -"The churches may have strayed away from Christianity, they may be -in error, but they cannot be hostile to it." But we must look to -the fruit to judge the tree, as Christ taught us. And if we see that -their fruits were evil, that the results of their activity were -antagonistic to Christianity, we cannot but admit that however good -the men were--the work of the Church in which these men took part -was not Christian. The goodness and worth of these men who served -the churches was the goodness and worth of the men, and not of -the institution they served. All the good men, such as Francis of -Assisi, and Francis of Sales, our Tihon Zadonsky, Thomas a Kempis, -and others, were good men in spite of their serving an institution -hostile to Christianity, and they would have been still better if -they had not been under the influence of the error which they were -serving. - -But why should we speak of the past and judge from the past, which -may have been misrepresented and misunderstood by us? The churches, -with their principles and their practice, are not a thing of the -past. The churches are before us to-day, and we can judge of them to -some purpose by their practical activity, their influence on men. - -What is the practical work of the churches to-day? What is their -influence upon men? What is done by the churches among us, among the -Catholics and the Protestants of all denominations--what is their -practical work? and what are the results of their practical work? - -The practice of our Russian so-called Orthodox Church is plain to -all. It is an enormous fact which there is no possibility of hiding -and about which there can be no disputing. - -What constitutes the practical work of this Russian Church, this -immense, intensely active institution, which consists of a regiment -of half a million men and costs the people tens of millions of rubles? - -The practical business of the Church consists in instilling by every -conceivable means into the mass of one hundred millions of the -Russian people those extinct relics of beliefs for which there is -nowadays no kind of justification, "in which scarcely anyone now -believes, and often not even those whose duty it is to diffuse these -false beliefs." To instill into the people the formulas of Byzantine -theology, of the Trinity, of the Mother of God, of Sacraments, of -Grace, and so on, extinct conceptions, foreign to us, and having no -kind of meaning for men of our times, forms only one part of the -work of the Russian Church. Another part of its practice consists in -the maintenance of idol-worship in the most literal meaning of the -word; in the veneration of holy relics, and of ikons, the offering of -sacrifices to them, and the expectation of their answers to prayer. -I am not going to speak of what is preached and what is written -by clergy of scientific or liberal tendencies in the theological -journals. I am going to speak of what is actually done by the clergy -through the wide expanse of the Russian land among a people of one -hundred millions. What do they, diligently, assiduously, everywhere -alike, without intermission, teach the people? What do they demand -from the people in virtue of their (so-called) Christian faith? - -I will begin from the beginning with the birth of a child. At the -birth of a child they teach them that they must recite a prayer over -the child and mother to purify them, as though without this prayer -the mother of a newborn child were unclean. To do this the priest -holds the child in his arms before the images of the saints (called -by the people plainly gods) and reads words of exorcizing power, and -this purifies the mother. Then it is suggested to the parents, and -even exacted of them, under fear of punishment for non-fulfillment, -that the child must be baptized; that is, be dipped by the priest -three times into the water, while certain words, understood by no -one, are read aloud, and certain actions, still less understood, -are performed; various parts of the body are rubbed with oil, and -the hair is cut, while the sponsors blow and spit at an imaginary -devil. All this is necessary to purify the child and to make him a -Christian. Then it is instilled into the parents that they ought to -administer the sacrament to the child, that is, give him, in the -guise of bread and wine, a portion of Christ's body to eat, as a -result of which the child receives the grace of God within it, and -so on. Then it is suggested that the child as it grows up must be -taught to pray. To pray means to place himself directly before the -wooden boards on which are painted the faces of Christ, the Mother of -God, and the saints, to bow his head and his whole body, and to touch -his forehead, his shoulders and his stomach with his right hand, -holding his fingers in a certain position, and to utter some words -of Slavonic, the most usual of which as taught to all children are: -Mother of God, virgin, rejoice thee, etc., etc. - -Then it is instilled into the child as it is brought up that at the -sight of any church or ikon he must repeat the same action--_i. -e._, cross himself. Then it is instilled into him that on holidays -(holidays are the days on which Christ was born, though no one knows -when that was, on which he was circumcised, on which the Mother of -God died, on which the cross was carried in procession, on which -ikons have been set up, on which a lunatic saw a vision, and so -on)--on holidays he must dress himself in his best clothes and go to -church, and must buy candles and place them there before the images -of the saints. Then he must give offerings and prayers for the dead, -and little loaves to be cut up into three-cornered pieces, and must -pray many times for the health and prosperity of the Tzar and the -bishops, and for himself and his own affairs, and then kiss the cross -and the hand of the priest. - -Besides these observances, it is instilled into him that at least -once a year he must confess. To confess means to go to the church -and to tell the priest his sins, on the theory that this informing -a stranger of his sins completely purifies him from them. And after -that he must eat with a little spoon a morsel of bread with wine, -which will purify him still more. Next it is instilled into him that -if a man and woman want their physical union to be sanctified they -must go to church, put on metal crowns, drink certain potions, walk -three times round a table to the sound of singing, and that then -the physical union of a man and woman becomes sacred and altogether -different from all other such unions. - -Further it is instilled into him in his life that he must observe -the following rules: not to eat butter or milk on certain days, and -on certain other days to sing Te Deums and requiems for the dead, -on holidays to entertain the priest and give him money, and several -times in the year to bring the ikons from the church, and to carry -them slung on his shoulders through the fields and houses. It is -instilled into him that on his death-bed a man must not fail to eat -bread and wine with a spoon, and that it will be still better if -he has time to be rubbed with sacred oil. This will guarantee his -welfare in the future life. After his death it is instilled into -his relatives that it is a good thing for the salvation of the dead -man to place a printed paper of prayers in his hands; it is a good -thing further to read aloud a certain book over the dead body, and to -pronounce the dead man's name in church at a certain time. All this -is regarded as faith obligatory on everyone. - -But if anyone wants to take particular care of his soul, then -according to this faith he is instructed that the greatest security -of the salvation of the soul in the world is attained by offering -money to the churches and monasteries, and engaging the holy men by -this means to pray for him. Entering monasteries too, and kissing -relics and miraculous ikons, are further means of salvation for the -soul. - -According to this faith ikons and relics communicate a special -sanctity, power, and grace, and even proximity to these objects, -touching them, kissing them, putting candles before them, crawling -under them while they are being carried along, are all efficacious -for salvation, as well as Te Deums repeated before these holy things. - -So this, and nothing else, is the faith called Orthodox, that is -the actual faith which, under the guise of Christianity, has been -with all the forces of the Church, and is now with especial zeal, -instilled into the people. - -And let no one say that the Orthodox teachers place the essential -part of their teaching in something else, and that all these are -only ancient forms, which it is not thought necessary to do away -with. That is false. This, and nothing but this, is the faith taught -through the whole of Russia by the whole of the Russian clergy, and -of late years with especial zeal. There is nothing else taught. -Something different may be talked of and written of in the capitals; -but among the hundred millions of the people this is what is done, -this is what is taught, and nothing more. Churchmen may talk of -something else, but this is what they teach by every means in their -power. - -All this, and the worship of relics and of ikons, has been introduced -into works of theology and into the catechisms. Thus they teach it -to the people in theory and in practice, using every resource of -authority, solemnity, pomp, and violence to impress them. They compel -the people, by overawing them, to believe in this, and jealously -guard this faith from any attempt to free the people from these -barbarous superstitions. - -As I said when I published my book, Christ's teaching and his very -words about non-resistance to evil were for many years a subject -for ridicule and low jesting in my eyes, and Churchmen, far from -opposing it, even encouraged this scoffing at sacred things. But try -the experiment of saying a disrespectful word about a hideous idol -which is carried sacrilegiously about Moscow by drunken men under the -name of the ikon of the Iversky virgin, and you will raise a groan -of indignation from these same Churchmen. All that they preach is an -external observance of the rites of idolatry. And let it not be said -that the one does not hinder the other, that "These ought ye to have -done, and not to leave the other undone." "All, therefore, whatsoever -they bid you observe, that observe and do; but do not ye after their -works: for they say, and do not" (Matt. xxiii. 23, 3). - -This was spoken of the Pharisees, who fulfilled all the external -observances prescribed by the law, and therefore the words -"whatsoever they bid you observe, that observe and do," refer to -works of mercy and goodness, and the words "do not ye after their -works, for they say and do not," refer to their observance of -ceremonies and their neglect of good works, and have exactly the -opposite meaning to that which the Churchmen try to give to the -passage, interpreting it as an injunction to observe ceremonies. -External observances and the service of truth and goodness are for -the most part difficult to combine; the one excludes the other. So it -was with the Pharisees, so it is now with Church Christians. - -If a man can be saved by the redemption, by sacraments, and by -prayer, then he does not need good works. - -The Sermon on the Mount, or the Creed. One cannot believe in both. -And Churchmen have chosen the latter. The Creed is taught and is -read as a prayer in the churches, but the Sermon on the Mount is -excluded even from the Gospel passages read in the churches, so that -the congregation never hears it in church, except on those days when -the whole of the Gospel is read. Indeed, it could not be otherwise. -People who believe in a wicked and senseless God--who has cursed -the human race and devoted his own Son to sacrifice, and a part of -mankind to eternal torment--cannot believe in the God of love. The -man who believes in a God, in a Christ coming again in glory to judge -and to punish the quick and the dead, cannot believe in the Christ -who bade us turn the left cheek, judge not, forgive those that wrong -us, and love our enemies. The man who believes in the inspiration of -the Old Testament and the sacred character of David, who commanded -on his deathbed the murder of an old man who had cursed him, and -whom he could not kill himself because he was bound by an oath to -him, and the similar atrocities of which the Old Testament is full, -cannot believe in the holy love of Christ. The man who believes in -the Church's doctrine of the compatibility of warfare and capital -punishment with Christianity cannot believe in the brotherhood of all -men. - -And what is most important of all--the man who believes in salvation -through faith in the redemption or the sacraments, cannot devote all -his powers to realizing Christ's moral teaching in his life. - -The man who has been instructed by the Church in the profane doctrine -that a man cannot be saved by his own powers, but that there is -another means of salvation, will infallibly rely upon this means and -not on his own powers, which, they assure him, it is sinful to trust -in. - -The teaching of every Church, with its redemption and sacraments, -excludes the teaching of Christ; most of all the teaching of the -Orthodox Church with its idolatrous observances. - -"But the people have always believed of their own accord as they -believe now," will be said in answer to this. "The whole history -of the Russian people proves it. One cannot deprive the people of -their traditions." This statement, too, is misleading. The people -did certainly at one time believe in something like what the Church -believes in now, though it was far from being the same thing. In -spite of their superstitious regard for ikons, house-spirits, relics, -and festivals with wreaths of birch leaves, there has still always -been in the people a profound moral and living understanding of -Christianity, which there has never been in the Church as a whole, -and which is only met with in its best representatives. But the -people, notwithstanding all the prejudices instilled into them by the -government and the Church, have in their best representatives long -outgrown that crude stage of understanding, a fact which is proved -by the springing up everywhere of the rationalist sects with which -Russia is swarming to-day, and on which Churchmen are now carrying on -an ineffectual warfare. The people are advancing to a consciousness -of the moral, living side of Christianity. And then the Church comes -forward, not borrowing from the people, but zealously instilling into -them the petrified formalities of an extinct paganism, and striving -to thrust them back again into the darkness from which they are -emerging with such effort. - -"We teach the people nothing new, nothing but what they believe, only -in a more perfect form," say the Churchmen. This is just what the man -did who tied up the full-grown chicken and thrust it back into the -shell it had come out of. - -I have often been irritated, though it would be comic if the -consequences were not so awful, by observing how men shut one another -in a delusion and cannot get out of this magic circle. - -The first question, the first doubt of a Russian who is beginning to -think, is a question about the ikons, and still more the miraculous -relics: Is it true that they are genuine, and that miracles are -worked through them? Hundreds of thousands of men put this question -to themselves, and their principal difficulty in answering it is -the fact that bishops, metropolitans, and all men in positions of -authority kiss the relics and wonder-working ikons. Ask the bishops -and men in positions of authority why they do so, and they will say -they do it for the sake of the people, while the people kiss them -because the bishops and men in authority do so. - -In spite of all the external varnish of modernity, learning, and -spirituality which the members of the Church begin nowadays to assume -in their works, their articles, their theological journals, and their -sermons, the practical work of the Russian Church consists of nothing -more than keeping the people in their present condition of coarse -and savage idolatry, and worse still, strengthening and diffusing -superstition and religious ignorance, and suppressing that living -understanding of Christianity which exists in the people side by side -with idolatry. - -I remember once being present in the monks' bookshop of the Optchy -Hermitage while an old peasant was choosing books for his grandson, -who could read. A monk pressed on him accounts of relics, holidays, -miraculous ikons, a psalter, etc. I asked the old man, "Has he the -Gospel?" "No." "Give him the Gospel in Russian," I said to the monk. -"That will not do for him," answered the monk. There you have an -epitome of the work of our Church. - -But this is only in barbarous Russia, the European and American -reader will observe. And such an observation is just, but only so far -as it refers to the government, which aids the Church in its task of -stultification and corruption in Russia. - -It is true that there is nowhere in Europe a government so despotic -and so closely allied with the ruling Church. And therefore the share -of the temporal power in the corruption of the people is greatest in -Russia. But it is untrue that the Russian Church in its influence on -the people is in any respect different from any other church. - -The churches are everywhere the same, and if the Catholic, the -Anglican, or the Lutheran Church has not at hand a government as -compliant as the Russian, it is not due to any indisposition to -profit by such a government. - -The Church as a church, whatever it may be--Catholic, Anglican, -Lutheran, Presbyterian--every church, in so far as it is a church, -cannot but strive for the same object as the Russian Church. That -object is to conceal the real meaning of Christ's teaching and to -replace it by their own, which lays no obligation on them, excludes -the possibility of understanding the true teaching of Christ, and -what is the chief consideration, justifies the existence of priests -supported at the people's expense. - -What else has Catholicism done, what else is it doing in its -prohibition of reading the Gospel, and in its demand for unreasoning -submission to Church authorities and to an infallible Pope? Is the -religion of Catholicism any other than that of the Russian Church? -There is the same external ritual, the same relics, miracles, and -wonder-working images of Notre Dame, and the same processions; the -same loftily vague discussions of Christianity in books and sermons, -and when it comes to practice, the same supporting of the present -idolatry. And is not the same thing done in Anglicanism, Lutheranism, -and every denomination of Protestantism which has been formed into a -church? There is the same duty laid on their congregations to believe -in the dogmas expressed in the fourth century, which have lost -all meaning for men of our times, and the same duty of idolatrous -worship, if not of relics and ikons, then of the Sabbath Day and the -letter of the Bible. There is always the same activity directed to -concealing the real duties of Christianity, and to putting in their -place an external respectability and cant, as it is so well described -by the English, who are peculiarly oppressed by it. In Protestantism -this tendency is specially remarkable because it has not the excuse -of antiquity. And does not exactly the same thing show itself even -in contemporary revivalism--the revived Calvinism and Evangelicalism, -to which the Salvation Army owes its origin? - -Uniform is the attitude of all the churches to the teaching of -Christ, whose name they assume for their own advantage. - -The inconsistency of all church forms of religion with the teaching -of Christ is, of course, the reason why special efforts are -necessary to conceal this inconsistency from people. Truly, we need -only imagine ourselves in the position of any grown-up man, not -necessarily educated, even the simplest man of the present day, who -has picked up the ideas that are everywhere in the air nowadays -of geology, physics, chemistry, cosmography, or history, when he, -for the first time, consciously compares them with the articles -of belief instilled into him in childhood, and maintained by the -churches--that God created the world in six days, and light before -the sun; that Noah shut up all the animals in his ark, and so on; -that Jesus is also God the Son, who created all before time was; -that this God came down upon earth to atone for Adam's sin; that he -rose again, ascended into heaven, and sitteth on the right hand of -the Father, and will come in the clouds to judge the world, and so -on. All these propositions, elaborated by men of the fourth century, -had a certain meaning for men of that time, but for men of to-day -they have no meaning whatever. Men of the present day can repeat -these words with their lips, but believe them they cannot. For such -sentences as that God lives in heaven, that the heavens opened and -a voice from somewhere said something, that Christ rose again, and -ascended somewhere in heaven, and again will come from somewhere on -the clouds, and so on, have no meaning for us. - -A man who regarded the heavens as a solid, finite vault could believe -or disbelieve that God created the heavens, that the heavens opened, -that Christ ascended into heaven, but for us all these phrases have -no sense whatever. Men of the present can only believe, as indeed -they do, that they ought to believe in this; but believe it they -cannot, because it has no meaning for them. - -Even if all these phrases ought to be interpreted in a figurative -sense and are allegories, we know that in the first place all -Churchmen are not agreed about it, but, on the contrary, the majority -stick to understanding the Holy Scripture in its literal sense; and -secondly, that these allegorical interpretations are very varied and -are not supported by any evidence. - -But even if a man wants to force himself to believe in the doctrines -of the Church just as they are taught to him, the universal diffusion -of education and of the Gospel and of communication between people -of different forms of religion presents a still more insurmountable -obstacle to his doing so. - -A man of the present day need only buy a Gospel for three copecks -and read through the plain words, admitting of no misinterpretation, -that Christ said to the Samaritan woman "that the Father seeketh -not worshipers at Jerusalem, nor in this mountain nor in that, but -worshipers in spirit and in truth," or the saying that "the Christian -must not pray like the heathen, nor for show, but secretly, that is, -in his closet," or that Christ's follower must call no man master or -father--he need only read these words to be thoroughly convinced that -the Church pastors, who call themselves teachers in opposition to -Christ's precept, and dispute among themselves, constitute no kind of -authority, and that what the Churchmen teach us is not Christianity. -Less even than that is necessary. Even if a man nowadays did continue -to believe in miracles and did not read the Gospel, mere association -with people of different forms of religion and faith, which happens -so easily in these days, compels him to doubt of the truth of his -own faith. It was all very well when a man did not see men of any -other form of religion than his own; he believed that his form of -religion was the one true one. But a thinking man has only to come -into contact--as constantly happens in these days--with people, -equally good and bad, of different denominations, who condemn each -other's beliefs, to doubt of the truth of the belief he professes -himself. In these days only a man who is absolutely ignorant or -absolutely indifferent to the vital questions with which religion -deals, can remain in the faith of the Church. - -What deceptions and what strenuous efforts the churches must employ -to continue, in spite of all these tendencies subversive of the -faith, to build churches, to perform masses, to preach, to teach, to -convert, and, most of all, to receive for it all immense emoluments, -as do all these priests, pastors, incumbents, superintendents, -abbots, archdeacons, bishops, and archbishops. They need special -supernatural efforts. And the churches do, with ever-increasing -intensity and zeal, make such efforts. With us in Russia, besides -other means, they employ simple brute force, as there the temporal -power is willing to obey the Church. Men who refuse an external -assent to the faith, and say so openly, are either directly punished -or deprived of their rights; men who strictly keep the external forms -of religion are rewarded and given privileges. - -That is how the Orthodox clergy proceed; but indeed all churches -without exception avail themselves of every means for the -purpose--one of the most important of which is what is now called -hypnotism. - -Every art, from architecture to poetry, is brought into requisition -to work its effect on men's souls and to reduce them to a state of -stupefaction, and this effect is constantly produced. This use of -hypnotizing influence on men to bring them to a state of stupefaction -is especially apparent in the proceedings of the Salvation Army, -who employ new practices to which we are unaccustomed: trumpets, -drums, songs, flags, costumes, marching, dancing, tears, and dramatic -performances. - -But this only displeases us because these are new practices. Were -not the old practices in churches essentially the same, with their -special lighting, gold, splendor, candles, choirs, organ, bells, -vestments, intoning, etc.? - -But however powerful this hypnotic influence may be, it is not the -chief nor the most pernicious activity of the Church. The chief and -most pernicious work of the Church is that which is directed to the -deception of children--these very children of whom Christ said: "Woe -to him that offendeth one of these little ones." From the very first -awakening of the consciousness of the child they begin to deceive -him, to instill into him with the utmost solemnity what they do not -themselves believe in, and they continue to instill it into him -till the deception has by habit grown into the child's nature. They -studiously deceive the child on the most important subject in life, -and when the deception has so grown into his life that it would be -difficult to uproot it, then they reveal to him the whole world of -science and reality, which cannot by any means be reconciled with the -beliefs that have been instilled into him, leaving it to him to find -his way as best he can out of these contradictions. - -If one set oneself the task of trying to confuse a man so that he -could not think clearly nor free himself from the perplexity of two -opposing theories of life which had been instilled into him from -childhood, one could not invent any means more effectual than the -treatment of every young man educated in our so-called Christian -society. - -It is terrible to think what the churches do to men. But if one -imagines oneself in the position of the men who constitute the -Church, we see they could not act differently. The churches are -placed in a dilemma: the Sermon on the Mount or the Nicene Creed--the -one excludes the other. If a man sincerely believes in the Sermon -on the Mount, the Nicene Creed must inevitably lose all meaning and -significance for him, and the Church and its representatives together -with it. If a man believes in the Nicene Creed, that is, in the -Church, that is, in those who call themselves its representatives, -the Sermon on the Mount becomes superfluous for him. And therefore -the churches cannot but make every possible effort to obscure the -meaning of the Sermon on the Mount, and to attract men to themselves. -It is only due to the intense zeal of the churches in this direction -that the influence of the churches has lasted hitherto. - -Let the Church stop its work of hypnotizing the masses, and deceiving -children even for the briefest interval of time, and men would begin -to understand Christ's teaching. But this understanding will be -the end of the churches and all their influence. And therefore the -churches will not for an instant relax their zeal in the business -of hypnotizing grown-up people and deceiving children. This, then, -is the work of the churches: to instill a false interpretation of -Christ's teaching into men, and to prevent a true interpretation of -it for the majority of so-called believers. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - - CHRISTIANITY MISUNDERSTOOD BY MEN OF SCIENCE. - - Attitude of Men of Science to Religions in General--What - Religion is, and What is its Significance for the Life of - Humanity--Three Conceptions of Life--Christian Religion the - Expression of the Divine Conception of Life--Misinterpretation - of Christianity by Men of Science, who Study it in its - External Manifestations Due to their Criticising it from - Standpoint of Social Conception of Life--Opinion, Resulting - from this Misinterpretation, that Christ's Moral Teaching is - Exaggerated and Cannot be put into Practice--Expression of - Divine Conception of Life in the Gospel--False Ideas of Men - of Science on Christianity Proceed from their Conviction that - they have an Infallible Method of Criticism--From which come - Two Misconceptions in Regard to Christian Doctrine--First - Misconception, that the Teaching Cannot be put into Practice, - Due to the Christian Religion Directing Life in a Way Different - from that of the Social Theory of Life--Christianity holds up - Ideal, does not lay down Rules--To the Animal Force of Man - Christ Adds the Consciousness of a Divine Force--Christianity - Seems to Destroy Possibility of Life only when the Ideal held - up is Mistaken for Rule--Ideal Must Not be Lowered--Life, - According to Christ's Teaching, is Movement--The Ideal and - the Precepts--Second Misconception Shown in Replacing Love - and Service of God by Love and Service of Humanity--Men of - Science Imagine their Doctrine of Service of Humanity and - Christianity are Identical--Doctrine of Service of Humanity - Based on Social Conception of Life--Love for Humanity, Logically - Deduced from Love of Self, has No Meaning because Humanity is - a Fiction--Christian Love Deduced from Love of God, Finds its - Object in the whole World, not in Humanity Alone--Christianity - Teaches Man to Live in Accordance with his Divine Nature--It - Shows that the Essence of the Soul of Man is Love, and that his - Happiness Ensues from Love of God, whom he Recognizes as Love - within himself. - - -Now I will speak of the other view of Christianity which hinders the -true understanding of it--the scientific view. - -Churchmen substitute for Christianity the version they have framed of -it for themselves, and this view of Christianity they regard as the -one infallibly true one. - -Men of science regard as Christianity only the tenets held by the -different churches in the past and present; and finding that these -tenets have lost all the significance of Christianity, they accept it -as a religion which has outlived its age. - -To see clearly how impossible it is to understand the Christian -teaching from such a point of view, one must form for oneself an -idea of the place actually held by religions in general, by the -Christian religion in particular, in the life of mankind, and of the -significance attributed to them by science. - -Just as the individual man cannot live without having some -theory of the meaning of his life, and is always, though often -unconsciously, framing his conduct in accordance with the meaning -he attributes to his life, so too associations of men living in -similar conditions--nations--cannot but have theories of the meaning -of their associated life and conduct ensuing from those theories. -And as the individual man, when he attains a fresh stage of growth, -inevitably changes his philosophy of life, and the grown-up man -sees a different meaning in it from the child, so too associations -of men--nations--are bound to change their philosophy of life and -the conduct ensuing from their philosophy, to correspond with their -development. - -The difference, as regards this, between the individual man and -humanity as a whole, lies in the fact that the individual, in -forming the view of life proper to the new period of life on which -he is entering and the conduct resulting from it, benefits by the -experience of men who have lived before him, who have already passed -through the stage of growth upon which he is entering. But humanity -cannot have this aid, because it is always moving along a hitherto -untrodden track, and has no one to ask how to understand life, and to -act in the conditions on which it is entering and through which no -one has ever passed before. - -Nevertheless, just as a man with wife and children cannot continue -to look at life as he looked at it when he was a child, so too in -the face of the various changes that are taking place, the greater -density of population, the establishment of communication between -different peoples, the improvements of the methods of the struggle -with nature, and the accumulation of knowledge, humanity cannot -continue to look at life as of old, and it must frame a new theory of -life, from which conduct may follow adapted to the new conditions on -which it has entered and is entering. - -To meet this need humanity has the special power of producing men -who give a new meaning to the whole of human life--a theory of life -from which follow new forms of activity quite different from all -preceding them. The formation of this philosophy of life appropriate -to humanity in the new conditions on which it is entering, and of the -practice resulting from it, is what is called religion. - -And therefore, in the first place, religion is not, as science -imagines, a manifestation which at one time corresponded with the -development of humanity, but is afterward outgrown by it. It is a -manifestation always inherent in the life of humanity, and is as -indispensable, as inherent in humanity at the present time as at -any other. Secondly, religion is always the theory of the practice -of the future and not of the past, and therefore it is clear that -investigation of past manifestations cannot in any case grasp the -essence of religion. - -The essence of every religious teaching lies not in the desire for -a symbolic expression of the forces of nature, nor in the dread -of these forces, nor in the craving for the marvelous, nor in the -external forms in which it is manifested, as men of science imagine; -the essence of religion lies in the faculty of men of foreseeing and -pointing out the path of life along which humanity must move in the -discovery of a new theory of life, as a result of which the whole -future conduct of humanity is changed and different from all that has -been before. - -This faculty of foreseeing the path along which humanity must move, -is common in a greater or less degree to all men. But in all times -there have been men in whom this faculty was especially strong, and -these men have given clear and definite expression to what all men -felt vaguely, and formed a new philosophy of life from which new -lines of action followed for hundreds and thousands of years. - -Of such philosophies of life we know three; two have already been -passed through by humanity, and the third is that we are passing -through now in Christianity. These philosophies of life are three -in number, and only three, not because we have arbitrarily brought -the various theories of life together under these three heads, but -because all men's actions are always based on one of these three -views of life--because we cannot view life otherwise than in these -three ways. - -These three views of life are as follows: First, embracing the -individual, or the animal view of life; second, embracing the -society, or the pagan view of life; third, embracing the whole world, -or the divine view of life. - -In the first theory of life a man's life is limited to his one -individuality; the aim of life is the satisfaction of the will of -this individuality. In the second theory of life a man's life is -limited not to his own individuality, but to certain societies and -classes of individuals: to the tribe, the family, the clan, the -nation; the aim of life is limited to the satisfaction of the will -of those associations of individuals. In the third theory of life a -man's life is limited not to societies and classes of individuals, -but extends to the principle and source of life--to God. - -These three conceptions of life form the foundation of all the -religions that exist or have existed. - -The savage recognizes life only in himself and his personal desires. -His interest in life is concentrated on himself alone. The highest -happiness for him is the fullest satisfaction of his desires. The -motive power of his life is personal enjoyment. His religion consists -in propitiating his deity and in worshiping his gods, whom he -imagines as persons living only for their personal aims. - -The civilized pagan recognizes life not in himself alone, but -in societies of men--in the tribe, the clan, the family, the -kingdom--and sacrifices his personal good for these societies. The -motive power of his life is glory. His religion consists in the -exaltation of the glory of those who are allied to him--the founders -of his family, his ancestors, his rulers--and in worshiping gods who -are exclusively protectors of his clan, his family, his nation, his -government.[8] - - [8] The fact that so many varied forms of existence, as the life of - the family, of the tribe, of the clan, of the state, and even the - life of humanity theoretically conceived by the Positivists, are - founded on this social or pagan theory of life, does not destroy the - unity of this theory of life. All these varied forms of life are - founded on the same conception, that the life of the individual is - not a sufficient aim of life--that the meaning of life can be found - only in societies of individuals. - -The man who holds the divine theory of life recognizes life not in -his own individuality, and not in societies of individualities (in -the family, the clan, the nation, the tribe, or the government), -but in the eternal undying source of life--in God; and to fulfill -the will of God he is ready to sacrifice his individual and family -and social welfare. The motor power of his life is love. And his -religion is the worship in deed and in truth of the principle of the -whole--God. - -The whole historic existence of mankind is nothing else than the -gradual transition from the personal, animal conception of life -to the social conception of life, and from the social conception -of life to the divine conception of life. The whole history of the -ancient peoples, lasting through thousands of years and ending with -the history of Rome, is the history of the transition from the -animal, personal view of life to the social view of life. The whole -of history from the time of the Roman Empire and the appearance of -Christianity is the history of the transition, through which we are -still passing now, from the social view of life to the divine view of -life. - -This view of life is the last, and founded upon it is the Christian -teaching, which is a guide for the whole of our life and lies at the -root of all our activity, practical and theoretic. Yet men of what is -falsely called science, pseudo-scientific men, looking at it only in -its externals, regard it as something outgrown and having no value -for us. - -Reducing it to its dogmatic side only--to the doctrines of the -Trinity, the redemption, the miracles, the Church, the sacraments, -and so on--men of science regard it as only one of an immense number -of religions which have arisen among mankind, and now, they say, -having played out its part in history, it is outliving its own age -and fading away before the light of science and of true enlightenment. - -We come here upon what, in a large proportion of cases, forms the -source of the grossest errors of mankind. Men on a lower level of -understanding, when brought into contact with phenomena of a higher -order, instead of making efforts to understand them, to raise -themselves up to the point of view from which they must look at the -subject, judge it from their lower standpoint, and the less they -understand what they are talking about, the more confidently and -unhesitatingly they pass judgment on it. - -To the majority of learned men, looking at the living, moral teaching -of Christ from the lower standpoint of the state conception of -life, this doctrine appears as nothing but a very indefinite and -incongruous combination of Indian asceticism, Stoic and Neoplatonic -philosophy, and insubstantial anti-social visions, which have -no serious significance for our times. Its whole meaning is -concentrated for them in its external manifestations--in Catholicism, -Protestantism, in certain dogmas, or in the conflict with the -temporal power. Estimating the value of Christianity by these -phenomena is like a deaf man's judging of the character and quality -of music by seeing the movements of the musicians. - -The result of this is that all these scientific men, from Kant, -Strauss, Spencer, and Renan down, do not understand the meaning of -Christ's sayings, do not understand the significance, the object, or -the reason of their utterance, do not understand even the question -to which they form the answer. Yet, without even taking the pains -to enter into their meaning, they refuse, if unfavorably disposed, -to recognize any reasonableness in his doctrines; or if they want -to treat them indulgently, they condescend, from the height of -their superiority, to correct them, on the supposition that Christ -meant to express precisely their own ideas, but did not succeed in -doing so. They behave to his teaching much as self-assertive people -talk to those whom they consider beneath them, often supplying -their companions' words: "Yes, you mean to say this and that." This -correction is always with the aim of reducing the teaching of the -higher, divine conception of life to the level of the lower, state -conception of life. - -They usually say that the moral teaching of Christianity is very -fine, but overexaggerated; that to make it quite right we must reject -all in it that is superfluous and unnecessary to our manner of life. -"And the doctrine that asks too much, and requires what cannot be -performed, is worse than that which requires of men what is possible -and consistent with their powers," these learned interpreters of -Christianity maintain, repeating what was long ago asserted, and -could not but be asserted, by those who crucified the Teacher because -they did not understand him--the Jews. - -It seems that in the judgment of the learned men of our time the -Hebrew law--a tooth for a tooth, and an eye for an eye--is a law of -just retaliation, known to mankind five thousand years before the law -of holiness which Christ taught in its place. - -It seems that all that has been done by those men who understood -Christ's teaching literally and lived in accordance with such an -understanding of it, all that has been said and done by all true -Christians, by all the Christian saints, all that is now reforming -the world in the shape of socialism and communism--is simply -exaggeration, not worth talking about. - -After eighteen hundred years of education in Christianity the -civilized world, as represented by its most advanced thinkers, -holds the conviction that the Christian religion is a religion of -dogmas; that its teaching in relation to life is unreasonable, and -is an exaggeration, subversive of the real lawful obligations of -morality consistent with the nature of man; and that very doctrine of -retribution which Christ rejected, and in place of which he put his -teaching, is more practically useful for us. - -To learned men the doctrine of non-resistance to evil by force -is exaggerated and even irrational. Christianity is much better -without it, they think, not observing closely what Christianity, as -represented by them, amounts to. - -They do not see that to say that the doctrine of non-resistance to -evil is an exaggeration in Christ's teaching is just like saying -that the statement of the equality of the radii of a circle is an -exaggeration in the definition of a circle. And those who speak -thus are acting precisely like a man who, having no idea of what a -circle is, should declare that this requirement, that every point -of the circumference should be an equal distance from the center, -is exaggerated. To advocate the rejection of Christ's command of -non-resistance to evil, or its adaptation to the needs of life, -implies a misunderstanding of the teaching of Christ. - -And those who do so certainly do not understand it. They do not -understand that this teaching is the institution of a new theory -of life, corresponding to the new conditions on which men have -entered now for eighteen hundred years, and also the definition -of the new conduct of life which results from it. They do not -believe that Christ meant to say what he said; or he seems to them -to have said what he said in the Sermon on the Mount and in other -places accidentally, or through his lack of intelligence or of -cultivation.[9] - - [9] Here, for example, is a characteristic view of that kind from the - American journal the _Arena_ (October, 1890): "New Basis of Church - Life." Treating of the significance of the Sermon on the Mount and - non-resistance to evil in particular, the author, being under no - necessity, like the Churchmen, to hide its significance, says: - - "Christ in fact preached complete communism and anarchy; but one must - learn to regard Christ always in his historical and psychological - significance. Like every advocate of the love of humanity, Christ - went to the furthest extreme in his teaching. Every step forward - toward the moral perfection of humanity is always guided by men who - see nothing but their vocation. Christ, in no disparaging sense be it - said, had the typical temperament of such a reformer. And therefore - we must remember that his precepts cannot be understood literally as - a complete philosophy of life. We ought to analyze his words with - respect for them, but in the spirit of criticism, accepting what is - true," etc. - - Christ would have been happy to say what he ought, but he was not - able to express himself as exactly and clearly as we can in the - spirit of criticism, and therefore let us correct him. All that he - said about meekness, sacrifice, lowliness, not caring for the morrow, - was said by accident, through lack of knowing how to express himself - scientifically. - -Matt. vi. 25-34: "Therefore I say unto you, Take no thought for your -life, what ye shall eat, or what ye shall drink; nor yet for your -body, what ye shall put on. Is not the life more than meat, and -the body than raiment? Behold the fowls of the air; for they sow -not, neither do they reap, nor gather into barns; yet your heavenly -Father feedeth them. Are ye not much better than they? Which of you -by taking thought can add one cubit unto his stature? And why take -ye thought for raiment? Consider the lilies of the field how they -grow; they toil not, neither do they spin; and yet I say unto you, -That even Solomon in all his glory was not arrayed like one of these. -Wherefore, if God so clothe the grass of the field, which to-day is, -and to-morrow is cast into the oven, shall he not much more clothe -you, O ye of little faith? Therefore take no thought, saying, What -shall we eat? or, What shall we drink? or, Where-withal shall we -be clothed? (For after all these things do the Gentiles seek), for -your heavenly Father knoweth that ye have need of all these things. -But seek ye first the kingdom of God, and his righteousness, and -all these things shall be added unto you. Take therefore no thought -for the morrow; for the morrow shall take thought for the things -of itself. Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof." Luke xii. -33-34: "Sell that ye have, and give alms; provide yourselves bags -which wax not old, a treasure in the heavens that faileth not, -where no thief approacheth, neither moth corrupteth. For where your -treasure is, there will your heart be also." Sell all thou hast and -follow me; and he who will not leave father, or mother, or children, -or brothers, or fields, or house, he cannot be my disciple. Deny -thyself, take up thy cross each day and follow me. My meat is to do -the will of him that sent me, and to perform his works. Not my will, -but thine be done; not what I will, but as thou wilt. Life is to do -not one's will, but the will of God. - -All these principles appear to men who regard them from the -standpoint of a lower conception of life as the expression of an -impulsive enthusiasm, having no direct application to life. These -principles, however, follow from the Christian theory of life, just -as logically as the principles of paying a part of one's private -gains to the commonwealth and of sacrificing one's life in defense of -one's country follow from the state theory of life. - -As the man of the state conception of life said to the savage: -Reflect, bethink yourself! The life of your individuality cannot be -true life, because that life is pitiful and passing. But the life -of a society and succession of individuals, family, clan, tribe, or -state, goes on living, and therefore a man must sacrifice his own -individuality for the life of the family or the state. In exactly -the same way the Christian doctrine says to the man of the social, -state conception of life, Repent ye--+metanosete+--_i. e._, -bethink yourself, or you will be ruined. Understand that this casual, -personal life which now comes into being and to-morrow is no more can -have no permanence, that no external means, no construction of it can -give it consecutiveness and permanence. Take thought and understand -that the life you are living is not real life--the life of the -family, of society, of the state will not save you from annihilation. -The true, the rational life is only possible for man according to the -measure in which he can participate, not in the family or the state, -but in the source of life--the Father; according to the measure -in which he can merge his life in the life of the Father. Such is -undoubtedly the Christian conception of life, visible in every -utterance of the Gospel. - -One may not share this view of life, one may reject it, one may show -its inaccuracy and its erroneousness, but we cannot judge of the -Christian teaching without mastering this view of life. Still less -can one criticise a subject on a higher plane from a lower point of -view. From the basement one cannot judge of the effect of the spire. -But this is just what the learned critics of the day try to do. For -they share the erroneous idea of the orthodox believers that they -are in possession of certain infallible means for investigating a -subject. They fancy if they apply their so-called scientific methods -of criticism, there can be no doubt of their conclusion being correct. - -This testing the subject by the fancied infallible method of science -is the principal obstacle to understanding the Christian religion for -unbelievers, for so-called educated people. From this follow all the -mistakes made by scientific men about the Christian religion, and -especially two strange misconceptions which, more than everything -else, hinder them from a correct understanding of it. One of these -misconceptions is that the Christian moral teaching cannot be carried -out, and that therefore it has either no force at all--that is, -it should not be accepted as the rule of conduct--or it must be -transformed, adapted to the limits within which its fulfillment is -possible in our society. Another misconception is that the Christian -doctrine of love of God, and therefore of his service, is an obscure, -mystic principle, which gives no definite object for love, and should -therefore be replaced by the more exact and comprehensible principles -of love for men and the service of humanity. - -The first misconception in regard to the impossibility of following -the principle is the result of men of the state conception of life -unconsciously taking that conception as the standard by which the -Christian religion directs men, and taking the Christian principle -of perfection as the rule by which that life is to be ordered; they -think and say that to follow Christ's teaching is impossible, because -the complete fulfilment of all that is required by this teaching -would put an end to life. "If a man were to carry out all that Christ -teaches, he would destroy his own life; and if all men carried it -out, then the human race would come to an end," they say. - -"If we take no thought for the morrow, what we shall eat and what we -shall drink, and wherewithal we shall be clothed, do not defend our -life, nor resist evil by force, lay down our life for others, and -observe perfect chastity, the human race cannot exist," they say. - -And they are perfectly right if they take the principle of perfection -given by Christ's teaching as a rule which everyone is bound to -fulfill, just as in the state principles of life everyone is bound to -carry out the rule of paying taxes, supporting the law, and so on. - -The misconception is based precisely on the fact that the teaching -of Christ guides men differently from the way in which the precepts -founded on the lower conception of life guide men. The precepts of -the state conception of life only guide men by requiring of them an -exact fulfillment of rules or laws. Christ's teaching guides men by -pointing them to the infinite perfection of their heavenly Father, to -which every man independently and voluntarily struggles, whatever the -degree of his imperfection in the present. - -The misunderstanding of men who judge of the Christian principle from -the point of view of the state principle, consists in the fact that -on the supposition that the perfection which Christ points to, can -be fully attained, they ask themselves (just as they ask the same -question on the supposition that state laws will be carried out) what -will be the result of all this being carried out? This supposition -cannot be made, because the perfection held up to Christians is -infinite and can never be attained; and Christ lays down his -principle, having in view the fact that absolute perfection can never -be attained, but that striving toward absolute, infinite perfection -will continually increase the blessedness of men, and that this -blessedness may be increased to infinity thereby. - -Christ is teaching not angels, but men, living and moving in -the animal life. And so to this animal force of movement Christ, -as it were, applies the new force--the recognition of Divine -perfection--and thereby directs the movement by the resultant of -these two forces. - -To suppose that human life is going in the direction to which Christ -pointed it, is just like supposing that a little boat afloat on a -rapid river, and directing its course almost exactly against the -current, will progress in that direction. - -Christ recognizes the existence of both sides of the parallelogram, -of both eternal indestructible forces of which the life of man is -compounded: the force of his animal nature and the force of the -consciousness of kinship to God. Saying nothing of the animal force -which asserts itself, remains always the same, and is therefore -independent of human will, Christ speaks only of the Divine force, -calling upon a man to know it more closely, to set it more free from -all that retards it, and to carry it to a higher degree of intensity. - -In the process of liberating, of strengthening this force, the true -life of man, according to Christ's teaching, consists. The true life, -according to preceding religions, consists in carrying out rules, the -law; according to Christ's teaching it consists in an ever closer -approximation to the divine perfection held up before every man, and -recognized within himself by every man, in an ever closer and closer -approach to the perfect fusion of his will in the will of God, that -fusion toward which man strives, and the attainment of which would be -the destruction of the life we know. - -The divine perfection is the asymptote of human life to which it -is always striving, and always approaching, though it can only be -reached in infinity. - -The Christian religion seems to exclude the possibility of life only -when men mistake the pointing to an ideal as the laying down of a -rule. It is only then that the principles presented in Christ's -teaching appear to be destructive of life. These principles, on the -contrary, are the only ones that make true life possible. Without -these principles true life could not be possible. - -"One ought not to expect so much," is what people usually say in -discussing the requirements of the Christian religion. "One cannot -expect to take absolutely no thought for the morrow, as is said in -the Gospel, but only not to take too much thought for it; one cannot -give away all to the poor, but one must give away a certain definite -part; one need not aim at virginity, but one must avoid debauchery; -one need not forsake wife and children, but one must not give too -great a place to them in one's heart," and so on. - -But to speak like this is just like telling a man who is struggling -on a swift river and is directing his course against the current, -that it is impossible to cross the river rowing against the current, -and that to cross it he must float in the direction of the point he -wants to reach. - -In reality, in order to reach the place to which he wants to go, he -must row with all his strength toward a point much higher up. - -To let go the requirements of the ideal means not only to diminish -the possibility of perfection, but to make an end of the ideal -itself. The ideal that has power over men is not an ideal invented by -someone, but the ideal that every man carries within his soul. Only -this ideal of complete infinite perfection has power over men, and -stimulates them to action. A moderate perfection loses its power of -influencing men's hearts. - -Christ's teaching only has power when it demands absolute -perfection--that is, the fusion of the divine nature which exists in -every man's soul with the will of God--the union of the Son with the -Father. Life according to Christ's teaching consists of nothing but -this setting free of the Son of God, existing in every man, from the -animal, and in bringing him closer to the Father. - -The animal existence of a man does not constitute human life alone. -Life, according to the will of God only, is also not human life. -Human life is a combination of the animal life and the divine life. -And the more this combination approaches to the divine life, the more -life there is in it. - -Life, according to the Christian religion, is a progress toward the -divine perfection. No one condition, according to this doctrine, can -be higher or lower than another. Every condition, according to this -doctrine, is only a particular stage, of no consequence in itself, -on the way toward unattainable perfection, and therefore in itself -it does not imply a greater or lesser degree of life. Increase of -life, according to this, consists in nothing but the quickening of -the progress toward perfection. And therefore the progress toward -perfection of the publican Zaccheus, of the woman that was a sinner, -and of the robber on the cross, implies a higher degree of life than -the stagnant righteousness of the Pharisee. And therefore for this -religion there cannot be rules which it is obligatory to obey. The -man who is at a lower level but is moving onward toward perfection -is living a more moral, a better life, is more fully carrying out -Christ's teaching, than the man on a much higher level of morality -who is not moving onward toward perfection. - -It is in this sense that the lost sheep is dearer to the Father than -those that were not lost. The prodigal son, the piece of money lost -and found again, were more precious than those that were not lost. - -The fulfillment of Christ's teaching consists in moving away from -self toward God. It is obvious that there cannot be definite laws -and rules for this fulfillment of the teaching. Every degree of -perfection and every degree of imperfection are equal in it; no -obedience to laws constitutes a fulfillment of this doctrine, and -therefore for it there can be no binding rules and laws. - -From this fundamental distinction between the religion of Christ -and all preceding religions based on the state conception of life, -follows a corresponding difference in the special precepts of -the state theory and the Christian precepts. The precepts of the -state theory of life insist for the most part on certain practical -prescribed acts, by which men are justified and secure of being -right. The Christian precepts (the commandment of love is not a -precept in the strict sense of the word, but the expression of the -very essence of the religion) are the five commandments of the Sermon -on the Mount--all negative in character. They show only what at a -certain stage of development of humanity men may not do. - -These commandments are, as it were, signposts on the endless road to -perfection, toward which humanity is moving, showing the point of -perfection which is possible at a certain period in the development -of humanity. - -Christ has given expression in the Sermon on the Mount to the eternal -ideal toward which men are spontaneously struggling, and also the -degree of attainment of it to which men may reach in our times. - -The ideal is not to desire to do ill to anyone, not to provoke ill -will, to love all men. The precept, showing the level below which we -cannot fall in the attainment of this ideal, is the prohibition of -evil speaking. And that is the first command. - -The ideal is perfect chastity, even in thought. The precept, showing -the level below which we cannot fall in the attainment of this ideal, -is that of purity of married life, avoidance of debauchery. That is -the second command. - -The ideal is to take no thought for the future, to live in the -present moment. The precept, showing the level below which we cannot -fall, is the prohibition of swearing, of promising anything in the -future. And that is the third command. - -The ideal is never for any purpose to use force. The precept, showing -the level below which we cannot fall is that of returning good for -evil, being patient under wrong, giving the cloak also. That is the -fourth command. - -The ideal is to love the enemies who hate us. The precept, showing -the level below which we cannot fall, is not to do evil to our -enemies, to speak well of them, and to make no difference between -them and our neighbors. - -All these precepts are indications of what, on our journey to -perfection, we are already fully able to avoid, and what we must -labor to attain now, and what we ought by degrees to translate into -instinctive and unconscious habits. But these precepts, far from -constituting the whole of Christ's teaching and exhausting it, are -simply stages on the way to perfection. These precepts must and -will be followed by higher and higher precepts on the way to the -perfection held up by the religion. - -And therefore it is essentially a part of the Christian religion to -make demands higher than those expressed in its precepts; and by no -means to diminish the demands either of the ideal itself, or of the -precepts, as people imagine who judge it from the standpoint of the -social conception of life. - -So much for one misunderstanding of the scientific men, in relation -to the import and aim of Christ's teaching. Another misunderstanding -arising from the same source consists in substituting love for men, -the service of humanity, for the Christian principles of love for God -and his service. - -The Christian doctrine to love God and serve him, and only as a -result of that love to love and serve one's neighbor, seems to -scientific men obscure, mystic, and arbitrary. And they would -absolutely exclude the obligation of love and service of God, holding -that the doctrine of love for men, for humanity alone, is far more -clear, tangible, and reasonable. - -Scientific men teach in theory that the only good and rational life -is that which is devoted to the service of the whole of humanity. -That is for them the import of the Christian doctrine, and to that -they reduce Christ's teaching. They seek confirmation of their own -doctrine in the Gospel, on the supposition that the two doctrines are -really the same. - -This idea is an absolutely mistaken one. The Christian doctrine has -nothing in common with the doctrine of the Positivists, Communists, -and all the apostles of the universal brotherhood of mankind, based -on the general advantage of such a brotherhood. They differ from one -another especially in Christianity's having a firm and clear basis -in the human soul, while love for humanity is only a theoretical -deduction from analogy. - -The doctrine of love for humanity alone is based on the social -conception of life. - -The essence of the social conception of life consists in the -transference of the aim of the individual life to the life of -societies of individuals: family, clan, tribe, or state. This -transference is accomplished easily and naturally in its earliest -forms, in the transference of the aim of life from the individual to -the family and the clan. The transference to the tribe or the nation -is more difficult and requires special training. And the transference -of the sentiment to the state is the furthest limit which the process -can reach. - -To love one's self is natural to everyone, and no one needs any -encouragement to do so. To love one's clan who support and protect -one, to love one's wife, the joy and help of one's existence, one's -children, the hope and consolation of one's life, and one's parents, -who have given one life and education, is natural. And such love, -though far from being so strong as love of self, is met with pretty -often. - -To love--for one's own sake, through personal pride--one's tribe, -one's nation, though not so natural, is nevertheless common. Love -of one's own people who are of the same blood, the same tongue, -and the same religion as one's self is possible, though far from -being so strong as love of self, or even love of family or clan. -But love for a state, such as Turkey, Germany, England, Austria, -or Russia is a thing almost impossible. And though it is zealously -inculcated, it is only an imagined sentiment; it has no existence in -reality. And at that limit man's power of transferring his interest -ceases, and he cannot feel any direct sentiment for that fictitious -entity. The Positivists, however, and all the apostles of fraternity -on scientific principles, without taking into consideration the -weakening of sentiment in proportion to the extension of its object, -draw further deductions in theory in the same direction. "Since," -they say, "it was for the advantage of the individual to extend his -personal interest to the family, the tribe, and subsequently to the -nation and the state, it would be still more advantageous to extend -his interest in societies of men to the whole of mankind, and so all -to live for humanity just as men live for the family or the state." - -Theoretically it follows, indeed, having extended the love and -interest for the personality to the family, the tribe, and thence -to the nation and the state, it would be perfectly logical for men -to save themselves the strife and calamities which result from the -division of mankind into nations and states by extending their -love to the whole of humanity. This would be most logical, and -theoretically nothing would appear more natural to its advocates, who -do not observe that love is a sentiment which may or may not be felt, -but which it is useless to advocate; and moreover, that love must -have an object, and that humanity is not an object. It is nothing but -a fiction. - -The family, the tribe, even the state were not invented by men, but -formed themselves spontaneously, like ant-hills or swarms of bees, -and have a real existence. The man who, for the sake of his own -animal personality, loves his family, knows whom he loves: Anna, -Dolly, John, Peter, and so on. The man who loves his tribe and -takes pride in it, knows that he loves all the Guelphs or all the -Ghibellines; the man who loves the state knows that he loves France -bounded by the Rhine, and the Pyrenees, and its principal city Paris, -and its history and so on. But the man who loves humanity--what does -he love? There is such a thing as a state, as a nation; there is the -abstract conception of man; but humanity as a concrete idea does not, -and cannot exist. - -Humanity! Where is the definition of humanity? Where does it end and -where does it begin? Does humanity end with the savage, the idiot, -the dipsomaniac, or the madman? If we draw a line excluding from -humanity its lowest representatives, where are we to draw the line? -Shall we exclude the negroes like the Americans, or the Hindoos like -some Englishmen, or the Jews like some others? If we include all men -without exception, why should we not include also the higher animals, -many of whom are superior to the lowest specimens of the human race. - -We know nothing of humanity as an eternal object, and we know -nothing of its limits. Humanity is a fiction, and it is impossible -to love it. It would, doubtless, be very advantageous if men could -love humanity just as they love their family. It would be very -advantageous, as Communists advocate, to replace the competitive, -individualistic organization of men's activity by a social universal -organisation, so that each would be for all and all for each. -Only there are no motives to lead men to do this. The Positivists, -the Communists, and all the apostles of fraternity on scientific -principles advocate the extension to the whole of humanity of the -love men feel for themselves, their families, and the state. They -forget that the love which they are discussing is a personal love, -which might expand in a rarefied form to embrace a man's native -country, but which disappears before it can embrace an artificial -state such as Austria, England, or Turkey, and which we cannot -even conceive of in relation to all humanity, an absolutely mystic -conception. - -"A man loves himself (his animal personality), he loves his family, -he even loves his native country. Why should he not love humanity? -That would be such an excellent thing. And by the way, it is -precisely what is taught by Christianity." So think the advocates of -Positivist, Communistic, or Socialistic fraternity. - -It would indeed be an excellent thing. But it can never be, for the -love that is based on a personal or social conception of life can -never rise beyond love for the state. - -The fallacy of the argument lies in the fact that the social -conception of life, on which love for family and nation is founded, -rests itself on love of self, and that love grows weaker and weaker -as it is extended from self to family, tribe, nationality, and state; -and in the state we reach the furthest limit beyond which it cannot -go. - -The necessity of extending the sphere of love is beyond dispute. But -in reality the possibility of this love is destroyed by the necessity -of extending its object indefinitely. And thus the insufficiency of -personal human love is made manifest. - -And here the advocates of Positivist, Communistic, Socialistic -fraternity propose to draw upon Christian love to make up the default -of this bankrupt human love; but Christian love only in its results, -not in its foundations, They propose love for humanity alone, apart -from love for God. - -But such a love cannot exist. There is no motive to produce it. -Christian love is the result only of the Christian conception of -life, in which the aim of life is to love and serve God. - -The social conception of life has led men, by a natural transition -from love of self and then of family, tribe, nation, and state, to -a consciousness of the necessity of love for humanity, a conception -which has no definite limits and extends to all living things. And -this necessity for love of what awakens no kind of sentiment in a man -is a contradiction which cannot be solved by the social theory of -life. - -The Christian doctrine in its full significance can alone solve -it, by giving a new meaning to life. Christianity recognizes love -of self, of family, of nation, and of humanity, and not only -of humanity, but of everything living, everything existing; it -recognizes the necessity of an infinite extension of the sphere -of love. But the object of this love is not found outside self in -societies of individuals, nor in the external world, but within self, -in the divine self whose essence is that very love, which the animal -self is brought to feel the need of through its consciousness of its -own perishable nature. - -The difference between the Christian doctrine and those which -preceded it is that the social doctrine said: "Live in opposition -to your nature [understanding by this only the animal nature], make -it subject to the external law of family, society, and state." -Christianity says: "Live according to your nature [understanding by -this the divine nature]; do not make it subject to anything--neither -you (an animal self) nor that of others--and you will attain the very -aim to which you are striving when you subject your external self." - -The Christian doctrine brings a man to the elementary consciousness -of self, only not of the animal self, but of the divine self, the -divine spark, the self as the Son of God, as much God as the Father -himself, though confined in an animal husk. The consciousness of -being the Son of God, whose chief characteristic is love, satisfies -the need for the extension of the sphere of love to which the man of -the social conception of life had been brought. For the latter, the -welfare of the personality demanded an ever-widening extension of -the sphere of love; love was a necessity and was confined to certain -objects--self, family, society. With the Christian conception of -life, love is not a necessity and is confined to no object; it is the -essential faculty of the human soul. Man loves not because it is his -interest to love this or that, but because love is the essence of his -soul, because he cannot but love. - -The Christian doctrine shows man that the essence of his soul is -love--that his happiness depends not on loving this or that object, -but on loving the principle of the whole--God, whom he recognizes -within himself as love, and therefore he loves all things and all men. - -In this is the fundamental difference between the Christian doctrine -and the doctrine of the Positivists, and all the theorizers about -universal brotherhood on non-christian principles. - -Such are the two principal misunderstandings relating to the -Christian religion, from which the greater number of false reasonings -about it proceed. The first consists in the belief that Christ's -teaching instructs men, like all previous religions, by rules, which -they are bound to follow, and that these rules cannot be fulfilled. -The second is the idea that the whole purport of Christianity is to -teach men to live advantageously together, as one family, and that -to attain this we need only follow the rule of love to humanity, -dismissing all thought of love of God altogether. - -The mistaken notion of scientific men that the essence of -Christianity consists in the supernatural, and that its moral -teaching is impracticable, constitutes another reason of the failure -of men of the present day to understand Christianity. - - - - -CHAPTER V. - - CONTRADICTION BETWEEN OUR LIFE AND OUR CHRISTIAN CONSCIENCE. - - Men Think they can Accept Christianity without Altering their - Life--Pagan Conception of Life does not Correspond with Present - Stage of Development of Humanity, and Christian Conception - Alone Can Accord with it--Christian Conception of Life not yet - Understood by Men, but the Progress of Life itself will Lead - them Inevitably to Adopt it--The Requirements of a New Theory of - Life Always Seem Incomprehensible, Mystic, and Supernatural--So - Seem the Requirements of the Christian Theory of Life to the - Majority of Men--The Absorption of the Christian Conception of - Life will Inevitably be Brought About as the Result of Material - and Spiritual Causes--The Fact of Men Knowing the Requirements - of the Higher View of Life, and yet Continuing to Preserve - Inferior Organizations of Life, Leads to Contradictions and - Sufferings which Embitter Existence and Must Result in its - Transformation--The Contradictions of our Life--The Economic - Contradiction and the Suffering Induced by it for Rich and - Poor Alike--The Political Contradiction and the Sufferings - Induced by Obedience to the Laws of the State--The International - Contradiction and the Recognition of it by Contemporaries: - Komarovsky, Ferri, Booth, Passy, Lawson, Wilson, Bartlett, - Defourney, Moneta--The Striking Character of the Military - Contradiction. - - -There are many reasons why Christ's teaching is not understood. One -reason is that people suppose they have understood it when they have -decided, as the Churchmen do, that it was revealed by supernatural -means, or when they have studied, as the scientific men do, the -external forms in which it has been manifested. Another reason -is the mistaken notion that it is impracticable, and ought to be -replaced by the doctrine of love for humanity. But the principal -reason, which is the source of all the other mistaken ideas about it, -is the notion that Christianity is a doctrine which can be accepted -or rejected without any change of life. - -Men who are used to the existing order of things, who like it and -dread its being changed, try to take the doctrine as a collection of -revelations and rules which one can accept without their modifying -one's life. While Christ's teaching is not only a doctrine which -gives rules which a man must follow, it unfolds a new meaning in -life, and defines a whole world of human activity quite different -from all that has preceded it and appropriate to the period on which -man is entering. - -The life of humanity changes and advances, like the life of the -individual, by stages, and every stage has a theory of life -appropriate to it, which is inevitably absorbed by men. Those who -do not absorb it consciously, absorb it unconsciously. It is the -same with the changes in the beliefs of peoples and of all humanity -as it is with the changes of belief of individuals. If the father -of a family continues to be guided in his conduct by his childish -conceptions of life, life becomes so difficult for him that he -involuntarily seeks another philosophy and readily absorbs that which -is appropriate to his age. - -That is just what is happening now to humanity at this time of -transition through which we are passing, from the pagan conception -of life to the Christian. The socialized man of the present day -is brought by experience of life itself to the necessity of -abandoning the pagan conception of life, which is inappropriate to -the present stage of humanity, and of submitting to the obligation -of the Christian doctrines, the truths of which, however corrupt -and misinterpreted, are still known to him, and alone offer him a -solution of the contradictions surrounding him. - -If the requirements of the Christian doctrine seem strange and even -alarming to the man of the social theory of life, no less strange, -incomprehensible, and alarming to the savage of ancient times seemed -the requirements of the social doctrine when it was not fully -understood and could not be foreseen in its results. - -"It is unreasonable," said the savage, "to sacrifice my peace of mind -or my life in defense of something incomprehensible, impalpable, and -conventional--family, tribe, or nation; and above all it is unsafe to -put oneself at the disposal of the power of others." - -But the time came when the savage, on one hand, felt, though vaguely, -the value of the social conception of life, and of its chief motor -power, social censure, or social approbation--glory, and when, on -the other hand, the difficulties of his personal life became so -great that he could not continue to believe in the value of his old -theory of life. Then he accepted the social, state theory of life and -submitted to it. - -That is just what the man of the social theory of life is passing -through now. - -"It is unreasonable," says the socialized man, "to sacrifice my -welfare and that of my family and my country in order to fulfill -some higher law, which requires me to renounce my most natural and -virtuous feelings of love of self, of family, of kindred, and of -country; and above all, it is unsafe to part with the security of -life afforded by the organization of government." - -But the time is coming when, on one hand, the vague consciousness in -his soul of the higher law, of love to God and his neighbor, and, -on the other hand, the suffering, resulting from the contradictions -of life, will force the man to reject the social theory and to -assimilate the new one prepared ready for him, which solves all the -contradictions and removes all his sufferings--the Christian theory -of life. And this time has now come. - -We, who thousands of years ago passed through the transition, from -the personal, animal view of life to the socialized view, imagine -that that transition was an inevitable and natural one; but this -transition through which we have been passing for the last eighteen -hundred years seems arbitrary, unnatural, and alarming. But we -only fancy this because that first transition has been so fully -completed that the practice attained by it has become unconscious and -instinctive in us, while the present transition is not yet over and -we have to complete it consciously. - -It took ages, thousands of years, for the social conception of life -to permeate men's consciousness. It went through various forms -and has now passed into the region of the instinctive through -inheritance, education, and habit. And therefore it seems natural to -us. But five thousand years ago it seemed as unnatural and alarming -to men as the Christian doctrine in its true sense seems to-day. - -We think to-day that the requirements of the Christian doctrine--of -universal brotherhood, suppression of national distinctions, -abolition of private property, and the strange injunction of -non-resistance to evil by force--demand what is impossible. But it -was just the same thousands of years ago, with every social or even -family duty, such as the duty of parents to support their children, -of the young to maintain the old, of fidelity in marriage. Still -more strange, and even unreasonable, seemed the state duties of -submitting to the appointed authority, and paying taxes, and fighting -in defense of the country, and so on. All such requirements seem -simple, comprehensible, and natural to us to-day, and we see nothing -mysterious or alarming in them. But three or five thousand years ago -they seemed to require what was impossible. - -The social conception of life served as the basis of religion because -at the time when it was first presented to men it seemed to them -absolutely incomprehensible, mystic, and supernatural. Now that we -have outlived that phase of the life of humanity, we understand -the rational grounds for uniting men in families, communities, and -states. But in antiquity the duties involved by such association were -presented under cover of the supernatural and were confirmed by it. - -The patriarchal religions exalted the family, the tribe, the nation. -State religions deified emperors and states. Even now most ignorant -people--like our peasants, who call the Tzar an earthly god--obey -state laws, not through any rational recognition of their necessity, -nor because they have any conception of the meaning of state, but -through a religious sentiment. - -In precisely the same way the Christian doctrine is presented to men -of the social or heathen theory of life to-day, in the guise of a -supernatural religion, though there is in reality nothing mysterious, -mystic, or supernatural about it. It is simply the theory of life -which is appropriate to the present degree of material development, -the present stage of growth of humanity, and which must therefore -inevitably be accepted. - -The time will come--it is already coming--when the Christian -principles of equality and fraternity, community of property, -non-resistance of evil by force, will appear just as natural and -simple as the principles of family or social life seem to us now. - -Humanity can no more go backward in its development than the -individual man. Men have outlived the social, family, and state -conceptions of life. Now they must go forward and assimilate the -next and higher conception of life, which is what is now taking -place. This change is brought about in two ways: consciously through -spiritual causes, and unconsciously through material causes. - -Just as the individual man very rarely changes his way of life at -the dictates of his reason alone, but generally continues to live -as before, in spite of the new interests and aims revealed to him -by his reason, and only alters his way of living when it has become -absolutely opposed to his conscience, and consequently intolerable -to him; so, too, humanity, long after it has learnt through its -religions the new interests and aims of life, toward which it must -strive, continues in the majority of its representatives to live as -before, and is only brought to accept the new conception by finding -it impossible to go on living its old life as before. - -Though the need of a change of life is preached by the religious -leaders and recognized and realized by the most intelligent men, the -majority, in spite of their reverential attitude to their leaders, -that is, their faith in their teaching, continue to be guided by the -old theory of life in their present complex existence. As though the -father of a family, knowing how he ought to behave at his age, should -yet continue through habit and thoughtlessness to live in the same -childish way as he did in boyhood. - -That is just what is happening in the transition of humanity from -one stage to another, through which we are passing now. Humanity -has outgrown its social stage and has entered upon a new period. It -recognizes the doctrine which ought to be made the basis of life in -this new period. But through inertia it continues to keep up the old -forms of life. From this inconsistency between the new conception of -life and practical life follows a whole succession of contradictions -and sufferings which embitter our life and necessitate its alteration. - -One need only compare the practice of life with the theory of it, to -be dismayed at the glaring antagonism between our conditions of life -and our conscience. - -Our whole life is in flat contradiction with all we know, and with -all we regard as necessary and right. This contradiction runs through -everything, in economic life, in political life, and in international -life. As though we had forgotten what we knew and put away for a time -the principles we believe in (we cannot help still believing in them -because they are the only foundation we have to base our life on) we -do the very opposite of all that our conscience and our common sense -require of us. - -We are guided in economical, political, and international questions -by the principles which were appropriate to men of three or five -thousand years ago, though they are directly opposed to our -conscience and the conditions of life in which we are placed to-day. - -It was very well for the man of ancient times to live in a society -based on the division of mankind into masters and slaves, because he -believed that such a distinction was decreed by God and must always -exist. But is such a belief possible in these days? - -The man of antiquity could believe he had the right to enjoy the -good things of this world at the expense of other men, and to keep -them in misery for generations, since he believed that men came -from different origins, were base or noble in blood, children of -Ham or of Japhet. The greatest sages of the world, the teachers of -humanity, Plato and Aristotle, justified the existence of slaves and -demonstrated the lawfulness of slavery; and even three centuries ago, -the men who described an imaginary society of the future, Utopia, -could not conceive of it without slaves. - -Men of ancient and mediaeval times believed, firmly believed, that -men are not equal, that the only true men are Persians, or Greeks, -or Romans, or Franks. But we cannot believe that now. And people -who sacrifice themselves for the principles of aristocracy and of -patriotism to-day, don't believe and can't believe what they assert. - -We all know and cannot help knowing--even though we may never have -heard the idea clearly expressed, may never have read of it, and may -never have put it into words, still through unconsciously imbibing -the Christian sentiments that are in the air--with our whole heart we -know and cannot escape knowing the fundamental truth of the Christian -doctrine, that we are all sons of one Father, wherever we may live -and whatever language we may speak; we are all brothers and are -subject to the same law of love implanted by our common Father in our -hearts. - -Whatever the opinions and degree of education of a man of to-day, -whatever his shade of liberalism, whatever his school of philosophy, -or of science, or of economics, however ignorant or superstitious -he may be, every man of the present day knows that all men have an -equal right to life and the good things of life, and that one set -of people are no better nor worse than another, that all are equal. -Everyone knows this, beyond doubt; everyone feels it in his whole -being. Yet at the same time everyone sees all round him the division -of men into two castes--the one, laboring, oppressed, poor, and -suffering, the other idle, oppressing, luxurious, and profligate. -And everyone not only sees this, but voluntarily or involuntarily, -in one way or another, he takes part in maintaining this distinction -which his conscience condemns. And he cannot help suffering from the -consciousness of this contradiction and his share in it. - -Whether he be master or slave, the man of to-day cannot help -constantly feeling the painful opposition between his conscience and -actual life, and the miseries resulting from it. - -The toiling masses, the immense majority of mankind who are suffering -under the incessant, meaningless, and hopeless toil and privation -in which their whole life is swallowed up, still find their keenest -suffering in the glaring contrast between what is and what ought to -be, according to all the beliefs held by themselves, and those who -have brought them to that condition and keep them in it. - -They know that they are in slavery and condemned to privation and -darkness to minister to the lusts of the minority who keep them down. -They know it, and they say so plainly. And this knowledge increases -their sufferings and constitutes its bitterest sting. - -The slave of antiquity knew that he was a slave by nature, but our -laborer, while he feels he is a slave, knows that he ought not to be, -and so he tastes the agony of Tantalus, forever desiring and never -gaining what might and ought to be his. - -The sufferings of the working classes, springing from the -contradiction between what is and what ought to be, are increased -tenfold by the envy and hatred engendered by their consciousness of -it. - -The laborer of the present day would not cease to suffer even if -his toil were much lighter than that of the slave of ancient times, -even if he gained an eight-hour working day and a wage of three -dollars a day. For he is working at the manufacture of things which -he will not enjoy, working not by his own will for his own benefit, -but through necessity, to satisfy the desires of luxurious and idle -people in general, and for the profit of a single rich man, the -owner of a factory or workshop in particular. And he knows that all -this is going on in a world in which it is a recognized scientific -principle that labor alone creates wealth, and that to profit by the -labor of others is immoral, dishonest, and punishable by law; in a -world, moreover, which professes to believe Christ's doctrine that we -are all brothers, and that true merit and dignity is to be found in -serving one's neighbor, not in exploiting him. All this he knows, and -he cannot but suffer keenly from the sharp contrast between what is -and what ought to be. - -"According to all principles, according to all I know, and what -everyone professes," the workman says to himself. "I ought to -be free, equal to everyone else, and loved; and I am--a slave, -humiliated and hated." And he too is filled with hatred and tries to -find means to escape from his position, to shake off the enemy who -is over-riding him, and to oppress him in turn. People say, "Workmen -have no business to try to become capitalists, the poor to try to -put themselves in the place of the rich." That is a mistake. The -workingmen and the poor would be wrong if they tried to do so in a -world in which slaves and masters were regarded as different species -created by God; but they are living in a world which professes the -faith of the Gospel, that all are alike sons of God, and so brothers -and equal. And however men may try to conceal it, one of the first -conditions of Christian life is love, not in words but in deeds. - -The man of the so-called educated classes lives in still more glaring -inconsistency and suffering. Every educated man, if he believes in -anything, believes in the brotherhood of all men, or at least he has -a sentiment of humanity, or else of justice, or else he believes in -science. And all the while he knows that his whole life is framed on -principles in direct opposition to it all, to all the principles of -Christianity, humanity, justice, and science. - -He knows that all the habits in which he has been brought up, and -which he could not give up without suffering, can only be satisfied -through the exhausting, often fatal, toil of oppressed laborers, -that is, through the most obvious and brutal violation of the -principles of Christianity, humanity, and justice, and even of -science (that is, economic science). He advocates the principles -of fraternity, humanity, justice, and science, and yet he lives so -that he is dependent on the oppression of the working classes, which -he denounces, and his whole life is based on the advantages gained -by their oppression. Moreover he is directing every effort to -maintaining this state of things so flatly opposed to all his beliefs. - -We are all brothers--and yet every morning a brother or a sister -must empty the bedroom slops for me. We are all brothers, but every -morning I must have a cigar, a sweetmeat, an ice, and such things, -which my brothers and sisters have been wasting their health in -manufacturing, and I enjoy these things and demand them. We are all -brothers, yet I live by working in a bank, or mercantile house, -or shop at making all goods dearer for my brothers. We are all -brothers, but I live on a salary paid me for prosecuting, judging, -and condemning the thief or the prostitute whose existence the whole -tenor of my life tends to bring about, and who I know ought not to -be punished but reformed. We are all brothers, but I live on the -salary I gain by collecting taxes from needy laborers to be spent -on the luxuries of the rich and idle. We are all brothers, but I -take a stipend for preaching a false Christian religion, which I -do not myself believe in, and which only serves to hinder men from -understanding true Christianity. I take a stipend as priest or -bishop for deceiving men in the matter of the greatest importance to -them. We are all brothers, but I will not give the poor the benefit -of my educational, medical, or literary labors except for money. -We are all brothers, yet I take a salary for being ready to commit -murder, for teaching men to murder, or making firearms, gunpowder, or -fortifications. - -The whole life of the upper classes is a constant inconsistency. -The more delicate a man's conscience is, the more painful this -contradiction is to him. - -A man of sensitive conscience cannot but suffer if he lives such a -life. The only means by which he can escape from this suffering is -by blunting his conscience, but even if some men succeed in dulling -their conscience they cannot dull their fears. - -The men of the higher dominating classes whose conscience is -naturally not sensitive or has become blunted, if they don't suffer -through conscience, suffer from fear and hatred. They are bound to -suffer. They know all the hatred of them existing, and inevitably -existing in the working classes. They are aware that the working -classes know that they are deceived and exploited, and that they -are beginning to organize themselves to shake off oppression and -revenge themselves on their oppressors. The higher classes see the -unions, the strikes, the May Day Celebrations, and feel the calamity -that is threatening them, and their terror passes into an instinct -of self-defense and hatred. They know that if for one instant they -are worsted in the struggle with their oppressed slaves, they will -perish, because the slaves are exasperated and their exasperation is -growing more intense with every day of oppression. The oppressors, -even if they wished to do so, could not make an end to oppression. -They know that they themselves will perish directly they even relax -the harshness of their oppression. And they do not relax it, in spite -of all their pretended care for the welfare of the working classes, -for the eight-hour day, for regulation of the labor of minors and of -women, for savings banks and pensions. All that is humbug, or else -simply anxiety to keep the slave fit to do his work. But the slave is -still a slave, and the master who cannot live without a slave is less -disposed to set him free than ever. - -The attitude of the ruling classes to the laborers is that of a man -who has felled his adversary to the earth and holds him down, not -so much because he wants to hold him down, as because he knows that -if he let him go, even for a second, he would himself be stabbed, -for his adversary is infuriated and has a knife in his hand. And -therefore, whether their conscience is tender or the reverse, our -rich men cannot enjoy the wealth they have filched from the poor -as the ancients did who believed in their right to it. Their whole -life and all their enjoyments are embittered either by the stings of -conscience or by terror. - -So much for the economic contradiction. The political contradiction -is even more striking. - -All men are brought up to the habit of obeying the laws of the state -before everything. The whole existence of modern times is defined by -laws. A man marries and is divorced, educates his children, and even -(in many countries) professes his religious faith in accordance with -the law. What about the law then which defines our whole existence? -Do men believe in it? Do they regard it as good? Not at all. In the -majority of cases people of the present time do not believe in the -justice of the law, they despise it, but still they obey it. It was -very well for the men of the ancient world to observe their laws. -They firmly believed that their law (it was generally of a religious -character) was the only just law, which everyone ought to obey. But -is it so with us? we know and cannot help knowing that the law of -our country is not the one eternal law; that it is only one of the -many laws of different countries, which are equally imperfect, often -obviously wrong and unjust, and are criticised from every point of -view in the newspapers. The Jew might well obey his laws, since -he had not the slightest doubt that God had written them with his -finger; the Roman too might well obey the laws which he thought had -been dictated by the nymph Egeria. Men might well observe the laws if -they believed the Tzars who made them were God's anointed, or even if -they thought they were the work of assemblies of lawgivers who had -the power and the desire to make them as good as possible. But we all -know how our laws are made. We have all been behind the scenes, we -know that they are the product of covetousness, trickery, and party -struggles; that there is not and cannot be any real justice in them. -And so modern men cannot believe that obedience to civic or political -laws can satisfy the demands of the reason or of human nature. Men -have long ago recognized that it is irrational to obey a law the -justice of which is very doubtful, and so they cannot but suffer in -obeying a law which they do not accept as judicious and binding. - -A man cannot but suffer when his whole life is defined beforehand for -him by laws, which he must obey under threat of punishment, though -he does not believe in their wisdom or justice, and often clearly -perceives their injustice, cruelty, and artificiality. - -We recognize the uselessness of customs and import duties, and are -obliged to pay them. We recognize the uselessness of the expenditure -on the maintenance of the Court and other members of Government, and -we regard the teaching of the Church as injurious, but we are obliged -to bear our share of the expenses of these institutions. We regard -the punishments inflicted by law as cruel and shameless, but we must -assist in supporting them. We regard as unjust and pernicious the -distribution of landed property, but we are obliged to submit to it. -We see no necessity for wars and armies, but we must bear terribly -heavy burdens in support of troops and war expenses. - -But this contradiction is nothing in comparison with the -contradiction which confronts us when we turn to international -questions, and which demands a solution under pain of the loss of -the sanity and even the existence of the human race. That is the -contradiction between the Christian conscience and war. - -We are all Christian nations living the same spiritual life, so that -every noble and pregnant thought, springing up at one end of the -world, is at once communicated to the whole of Christian humanity and -evokes everywhere the same emotion of pride and rejoicing without -distinction of nationalities. We who love thinkers, philanthropists, -poets, and scientific men of foreign origin, and are as proud of -the exploits of Father Damien as if he were one of ourselves, we, -who have a simple love for men of foreign nationalities, Frenchmen, -Germans, Americans, and Englishmen, who respect their qualities, are -glad to meet them and make them so warmly welcome, cannot regard war -with them as anything heroic. We cannot even imagine without horror -the possibility of a disagreement between these people and ourselves -which would call for reciprocal murder. Yet we are all bound to take -a hand in this slaughter which is bound to come to pass to-morrow--if -not to-day. - -It was very well for the Jew, the Greek, and the Roman to defend -the independence of his nation by murder. For he piously believed -that his people was the only true, fine, and good people dear to -God, and all the rest were Philistines, barbarians. Men of mediaeval -times--even up to the end of the last and beginning of this -century--might continue to hold this belief. But however much we -work upon ourselves we cannot believe it. And this contradiction for -men of the present day has become so full of horror that without its -solution life is no longer possible. - -"We live in a time which is full of inconsistencies," writes Count -Komarovsky, the professor of international law, in his learned -treatise. "The press of all countries is continually expressing the -universal desire for peace, and the general sense of its necessity -for all nations. - -"Representatives of governments, private persons, and official -organs say the same thing; it is repeated in parliamentary debates, -diplomatic correspondence, and even in state treaties. At the same -time governments are increasing the strength of their armies every -year, levying fresh taxes, raising loans, and leaving as a bequest -to future generations the duty of repairing the blunders of the -senseless policy of the present. What a striking contrast between -words and deeds! Of course governments will plead in justification -of these measures that all their expenditure and armament are -exclusively for purposes of defense. But it remains a mystery to -every disinterested man whence they can expect attacks if all -the great powers are single-hearted in their policy, in pursuing -nothing but self-defense. In reality it looks as if each of the -great powers were every instant anticipating an attack on the part -of the others. And this results in a general feeling of insecurity -and superhuman efforts on the part of each government to increase -their forces beyond those of the other powers. Such a competition -of itself increases the danger of war. Nations cannot endure the -constant increase of armies for long, and sooner or later they will -prefer war to all the disadvantages of their present position and -the constant menace of war. Then the most trifling pretext will be -sufficient to throw the whole of Europe into the fire of universal -war. And it is a mistaken idea that such a crisis might deliver us -from the political and economical troubles that are crushing us. The -experience of the wars of latter years teaches us that every war -has only intensified national hatreds, made military burdens more -crushing and insupportable, and rendered the political and economical -position of Europe more grievous and insoluble." - -"Modern Europe keeps under arms an active army of nine millions of -men," writes Enrico Ferri, "besides fifteen millions of reserve, with -an outlay of four hundred millions of francs per annum. By continual -increase of the armed force, the sources of social and individual -prosperity are paralyzed, and the state of the modern world may be -compared to that of a man who condemns himself to wasting from lack -of nutrition in order to provide himself with arms, losing thereby -the strength to use the arms he provides, under the weight of which -he will at last succumb." - -Charles Booth, in his paper read in London before the Association -for the Reform and Codification of the Law of Nations, June 26, -1887, says the same thing. After referring to the same number, nine -millions of the active army and fifteen millions of reserve, and -the enormous expenditure of governments on the support and arming -of these forces, he says: "These figures represent only a small -part of the real cost, because besides the recognized expenditure -of the war budget of the various nations, we ought also to take -into account the enormous loss to society involved in withdrawing -from it such an immense number of its most vigorous men, who are -taken from industrial pursuits and every kind of labor, as well as -the enormous interest on the sums expended on military preparations -without any return. The inevitable result of this expenditure on war -and preparations for war is a continually growing national debt. The -greater number of loans raised by the governments of Europe were -with a view to war. Their total sum amounts to four hundred millions -sterling, and these debts are increasing every year." - -The same Professor Komarovsky says in another place: "We live in -troubled times. Everywhere we hear complaints of the depression of -trade and manufactures, and the wretchedness of the economic position -generally, the miserable conditions of existence of the working -classes, and the universal impoverishment of the masses. But in spite -of this, governments in their efforts to maintain their independence -rush to the greatest extremes of senselessness. New taxes and duties -are being devised everywhere, and the financial oppression of the -nations knows no limits. If we glance at the budgets of the states -of Europe for the last hundred years, what strikes us most of all is -their rapid and continually growing increase. - -"How can we explain this extraordinary phenomenon, which sooner or -later threatens us all with inevitable bankruptcy? - -"It is caused beyond dispute by the expenditure for the maintenance -of armaments which swallows up a third and even a half of all the -expenditure of European states. And the most melancholy thing is -that one can foresee no limit to this augmentation of the budget -and impoverishment of the masses. What is socialism but a protest -against this abnormal position in which the greater proportion of the -population of our world is placed?" - -"We are ruining ourselves," says Frederick Passy in a letter read -before the last Congress of Universal Peace (in 1890) in London, -"we are ruining ourselves in order to be able to take part in the -senseless wars of the future or to pay the interest on debts we have -incurred by the senseless and criminal wars of the past. We are dying -of hunger so as to secure the means of killing each other." - -Speaking later on of the way the subject is looked at in France, he -says: "We believe that, a hundred years after the Declaration of the -Rights of Man and of the citizen, the time has come to recognize -the rights of nations and to renounce at once and forever all those -undertakings based on fraud and force, which, under the name of -conquests, are veritable crimes against humanity, and which, whatever -the vanity of monarchs and the pride of nations may think of them, -only weaken even those who are triumphant over them." - -"I am surprised at the way religion is carried on in this country," -said Sir Wilfrid Lawson at the same congress. "You send a boy to -Sunday school, and you tell him: 'Dear boy, you must love your -enemies. If another boy strikes you, you mustn't hit him back, but -try to reform him by loving him.' Well. The boy stays in the Sunday -school till he is fourteen or fifteen, and then his friends send him -into the army. What has he to do in the army? He certainly won't -love his enemy; quite the contrary, if he can only get at him, he -will run him through with his bayonet. That is the nature of all -religious teaching in this country. I do not think that that is a -very good way of carrying out the precepts of religion. I think if -it is a good thing for a boy to love his enemy, it is good for a -grown-up man." - -"There are in Europe twenty-eight millions of men under arms," says -Wilson, "to decide disputes, not by discussion, but by murdering one -another. That is the accepted method for deciding disputes among -Christian nations. This method is, at the same time, very expensive, -for, according to the statistics I have read, the nations of Europe -spent in the year 1872 a hundred and fifty millions sterling on -preparations for deciding disputes by means of murder. It seems to -me, therefore, that in such a state of things one of two alternatives -must be admitted: either Christianity is a failure, or those who have -undertaken to expound it have failed in doing so. Until our warriors -are disarmed and our armies disbanded, we have not the right to call -ourselves a Christian nation." - -In a conference on the subject of the duty of Christian ministers -to preach against war, G. D. Bartlett said among other things: "If -I understand the Scriptures, I say that men are only playing with -Christianity so long as they ignore the question of war. I have lived -a longish life and have heard our ministers preach on universal peace -hardly half a dozen times. Twenty years ago, in a drawing room, I -dared in the presence of forty persons to moot the proposition that -war was incompatible with Christianity; I was regarded as an arrant -fanatic. The idea that we could get on without war was regarded as -unmitigated weakness and folly." - -The Catholic priest Defourney has expressed himself in the same -spirit. "One of the first precepts of the eternal law inscribed -in the consciences of all men," says the Abbe Defourney, "is -the prohibition of taking the life or shedding the blood of a -fellow-creature without sufficient cause, without being forced -into the necessity of it. This is one of the commandments which -is most deeply stamped in the heart of man. But so soon as it is -a question of war, that is, of shedding blood in torrents, men of -the present day do not trouble themselves about a sufficient cause. -Those who take part in wars do not even think of asking themselves -whether there is any justification for these innumerable murders, -whether they are justifiable or unjustifiable, lawful or unlawful, -innocent or criminal; whether they are breaking that fundamental -commandment that forbids killing without lawful cause. But their -conscience is mute. War has ceased to be something dependent on moral -considerations. In warfare men have in all the toil and dangers they -endure no other pleasure than that of being conquerors, no sorrow -other than that of being conquered. Don't tell me that they are -serving their country. A great genius answered that long ago in the -words that have become a proverb: 'Without justice, what is an empire -but a great band of brigands?' And is not every band of brigands a -little empire? They too have their laws; and they too make war to -gain booty, and even for honor. - -"The aim of the proposed institution [the institution of an -international board of arbitration] is that the nations of Europe may -cease to be nations of robbers, and their armies, bands of brigands. -And one must add, not only brigands, but slaves. For our armies are -simply gangs of slaves at the disposal of one or two commanders or -ministers, who exercise a despotic control over them without any real -responsibility, as we very well know. - -"The peculiarity of a slave is that he is a mere tool in the hands -of his master, a thing, not a man. That is just what soldiers, -officers, and generals are, going to murder and be murdered at the -will of a ruler or rulers. Military slavery is an actual fact, and -it is the worst form of slavery, especially now when by means of -compulsory service it lays its fetters on the necks of all the strong -and capable men of a nation, to make them instruments of murder, -butchers of human flesh, for that is all they are taken and trained -to do. - -"The rulers, two or three in number, meet together in cabinets, -secretly deliberate without registers, without publicity, and -consequently without responsibility, and send men to be murdered." - -"Protests against armaments, burdensome to the people, have not -originated in our times," says Signor E. G. Moneta. "Hear what -Montesquieu wrote in his day. 'France [and one might say, Europe] -will be ruined by soldiers. A new plague is spreading throughout -Europe. It attacks sovereigns and forces them to maintain an -incredible number of armed men. This plague is infectious and -spreads, because directly one government increases its armament, all -the others do likewise. So that nothing is gained by it but general -ruin. - -"'Every government maintains as great an army as it possibly could -maintain if its people were threatened with extermination, and people -call peace this state of tension of all against all. And therefore -Europe is so ruined that if private persons were in the position of -the governments of our continent, the richest of them would not have -enough to live on. We are poor though we have the wealth and trade of -the whole world.' - -"That was written almost 150 years ago. The picture seems drawn -from the world of to-day. One thing only has changed--the form -of government. In Montesquieu's time it was said that the cause -of the maintenance of great armaments was the despotic power of -kings, who made war in the hope of augmenting by conquest their -personal revenues and gaining glory. People used to say then: 'Ah, -if only people could elect those who would have the right to refuse -governments the soldiers and the money--then there would be an end -to military politics.' Now there are representative governments in -almost the whole of Europe, and in spite of that, war expenditures -and the preparations for war have increased to alarming proportions. - -"It is evident that the insanity of sovereigns has gained possession -of the ruling classes. War is not made now because one king has -been wanting in civility to the mistress of another king, as it was -in Louis XIV.'s time. But the natural and honorable sentiments of -national honor and patriotism are so exaggerated, and the public -opinion of one nation so excited against another, that it is enough -for a statement to be made (even though it may be a false report) -that the ambassador of one state was not received by the principal -personage of another state to cause the outbreak of the most awful -and destructive war there has ever been seen. Europe keeps more -soldiers under arms to-day than in the time of the great Napoleonic -wars. All citizens with few exceptions are forced to spend some years -in barracks. Fortresses, arsenals, and ships are built, new weapons -are constantly being invented, to be replaced in a short time by -fresh ones, for, sad to say, science, which ought always to be aiming -at the good of humanity, assists in the work of destruction, and is -constantly inventing new means for killing the greatest number of -men in the shortest time. And to maintain so great a multitude of -soldiers and to make such vast preparations for murder, hundreds of -millions are spent annually, sums which would be sufficient for the -education of the people and for immense works of public utility, -and which would make it possible to find a peaceful solution of the -social question. - -"Europe, then, is, in this respect, in spite of all the conquests of -science, in the same position as in the darkest and most barbarous -days of the Middle Ages. All deplore this state of things--neither -peace nor war--and all would be glad to escape from it. The heads of -governments all declare that they all wish for peace, and vie with -one another in the most solemn protestations of peaceful intentions. -But the same day or the next they will lay a scheme for the increase -of the armament before their legislative assembly, saying that -these are the preventive measures they take for the very purpose of -securing peace. - -"But this is not the kind of peace we want. And the nations are not -deceived by it. True peace is based on mutual confidence, while -these huge armaments show open and utter lack of confidence, if not -concealed hostility, between states. What should we say of a man who, -wanting to show his friendly feelings for his neighbor, should invite -him to discuss their differences with a loaded revolver in his hand? - -"It is just this flagrant contradiction between the peaceful -professions and the warlike policy of governments which all good -citizens desire to put an end to, at any cost." - -People are astonished that every year there are sixty thousand cases -of suicide in Europe, and those only the recognized and recorded -cases--and excluding Russia and Turkey; but one ought rather to be -surprised that there are so few. Every man of the present day, if we -go deep enough into the contradiction between his conscience and his -life, is in a state of despair. - -Not to speak of all the other contradictions between modern life and -the conscience, the permanently armed condition of Europe together -with its profession of Christianity is alone enough to drive any man -to despair, to doubt of the sanity of mankind, and to terminate an -existence in this senseless and brutal world. This contradiction, -which is a quintessence of all the other contradictions, is so -terrible that to live and to take part in it is only possible if one -does not think of it--if one is able to forget it. - -What! all of us, Christians, not only profess to love one another, -but do actually live one common life; we whose social existence beats -with one common pulse--we aid one another, learn from one another, -draw ever closer to one another to our mutual happiness, and find -in this closeness the whole meaning of life!--and to-morrow some -crazy ruler will say some stupidity, and another will answer in the -same spirit, and then I must go expose myself to being murdered, -and murder men--who have done me no harm--and more than that, whom -I love. And this is not a remote contingency, but the very thing we -are all preparing for, which is not only probable, but an inevitable -certainty. - -To recognize this clearly is enough to drive a man out of his senses -or to make him shoot himself. And this is just what does happen, and -especially often among military men. A man need only come to himself -for an instant to be impelled inevitably to such an end. - -And this is the only explanation of the dreadful intensity with which -men of modern times strive to stupefy themselves, with spirits, -tobacco, opium, cards, reading newspapers, traveling, and all kinds -of spectacles and amusements. These pursuits are followed up as an -important, serious business. And indeed they are a serious business. -If there were no external means of dulling their sensibilities, half -of mankind would shoot themselves without delay, for to live in -opposition to one's reason is the most intolerable condition. And -that is the condition of all men of the present day. All men of the -modern world exist in a state of continual and flagrant antagonism -between their conscience and their way of life. This antagonism is -apparent in economic as well as political life. But most striking of -all is the contradiction between the Christian law of the brotherhood -of men existing in the conscience and the necessity under which all -men are placed by compulsory military service of being prepared -for hatred and murder--of being at the same time a Christian and a -gladiator. - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - - ATTITUDE OF MEN OF THE PRESENT DAY TO WAR. - - People do not Try to Remove the Contradiction between Life and - Conscience by a Change of Life, but their Cultivated Leaders - Exert Every Effort to Obscure the Demands of Conscience, and - Justify their Life; in this Way they Degrade Society below - Paganism to a State of Primeval Barbarism--Undefined Attitude - of Modern Leaders of Thought to War, to Universal Militarism, - and to Compulsory Service in Army--One Section Regards War as - an Accidental Political Phenomenon, to be Avoided by External - Measures only--Peace Congress--The Article in the _Revue des - Revues_--Proposition of Maxime du Camp--Value of Boards of - Arbitration and Suppression of Armies--Attitude of Governments - to Men of this Opinion and What they Do--Another Section - Regards War as Cruel, but Inevitable--Maupassant--Rod--A - Third Section Regard War as Necessary, and not without its - Advantages--Doucet--Claretie--Zola--Voguee. - - -The antagonism between life and the conscience may be removed in two -ways: by a change of life or by a change of conscience. And there -would seem there can be no doubt as to these alternatives. - -A man may cease to do what he regards as wrong, but he cannot cease -to consider wrong what is wrong. Just in the same way all humanity -may cease to do what it regards as wrong, but far from being able to -change, it cannot even retard for a time the continual growth of a -clearer recognition of what is wrong and therefore ought not to be. -And therefore it would seem inevitable for Christian men to abandon -the pagan forms of society which they condemn, and to reconstruct -their social existence on the Christian principles they profess. - -So it would be were it not for the law of inertia, as immutable a -force in men and nations as in inanimate bodies. In men it takes the -form of the psychological principle, so truly expressed in the words -of the Gospel, "They have loved darkness better than light because -their deeds were evil." This principle shows itself in men not trying -to recognize the truth, but to persuade themselves that the life -they are leading, which is what they like and are used to, is a life -perfectly consistent with truth. - -Slavery was opposed to all the moral principles advocated by Plato -and Aristotle, yet neither of them saw that, because to renounce -slavery would have meant the break up of the life they were living. -We see the same thing in our modern world. - -The division of men into two castes, as well as the use of force in -government and war, are opposed to every moral principle professed by -our modern society. Yet the cultivated and advanced men of the day -seem not to see it. - -The majority, if not all, of the cultivated men of our day try -unconsciously to maintain the old social conception of life, which -justifies their position, and to hide from themselves and others its -insufficiency, and above all the necessity of adopting the Christian -conception of life, which will mean the break up of the whole -existing social order. They struggle to keep up the organization -based on the social conception of life, but do not believe in it -themselves, because it is extinct and it is impossible to believe in -it. - -All modern literature--philosophical, political, and artistic--is -striking in this respect. What wealth of idea, of form, of color, -what erudition, what art, but what a lack of serious matter, what -dread of any exactitude of thought or expression! Subtleties, -allegories, humorous fancies, the widest generalizations, but nothing -simple and clear, nothing going straight to the point, that is, to -the problem of life. - -But that is not all; besides these graceful frivolities, our -literature is full of simple nastiness and brutality, of arguments -which would lead men back in the most refined way to primeval -barbarism, to the principles not only of the pagan, but even of the -animal life, which we have left behind us five thousand years ago. - -And it could not be otherwise. In their dread of the Christian -conception of life which will destroy the social order, which some -cling to only from habit, others also from interest, men cannot but -be thrown back upon the pagan conception of life and the principles -based on it. Nowadays we see advocated not only patriotism and -aristocratic principles just as they were advocated two thousand -years ago, but even the coarsest epicureanism and animalism, only -with this difference, that the men who then professed those views -believed in them, while nowadays even the advocates of such views do -not believe in them, for they have no meaning for the present day. No -one can stand still when the earth is shaking under his feet. If we -do not go forward we must go back. And strange and terrible to say, -the cultivated men of our day, the leaders of thought, are in reality -with their subtle reasoning drawing society back, not to paganism -even, but to a state of primitive barbarism. - -This tendency on the part of the leading thinkers of the day is -nowhere more apparent than in their attitude to the phenomenon in -which all the insufficiency of the social conception of life is -presented in the most concentrated form--in their attitude, that is, -to war, to the general arming of nations, and to universal compulsory -service. - -The undefined, if not disingenuous, attitude of modern thinkers to -this phenomenon is striking. It takes three forms in cultivated -society. One section look at it as an incidental phenomenon, arising -out of the special political situation of Europe, and consider -that this state of things can be reformed without a revolution in -the whole internal social order of nations, by external measures -of international diplomacy. Another section regard it as something -cruel and hideous, but at the same time fated and inevitable, like -disease and death. A third party with cool indifference consider war -as an inevitable phenomenon, beneficial in its effects and therefore -desirable. - -Men look at the subject from different points of view, but all alike -talk of war as though it were something absolutely independent of -the will of those who take part in it. And consequently they do not -even admit the natural question which presents itself to every simple -man: "How about me--ought I to take any part in it?" In their view -no question of this kind even exists, and every man, however he may -regard war from a personal standpoint, must slavishly submit to the -requirements of the authorities on the subject. - -The attitude of the first section of thinkers, those who see a way -out of war in international diplomatic measures, is well expressed in -the report of the last Peace Congress in London, and the articles and -letters upon war that appeared in No. 8 of the _Revue des Revues_, -1891. The congress after gathering together from various quarters the -verbal and written opinion of learned men opened the proceedings by -a religious service, and after listening to addresses for five whole -days, concluded them by a public dinner and speeches. They adopted -the following resolutions: - -"1. The congress affirms its belief that the brotherhood of man -involves as a necessary consequence a brotherhood of nations. - -"2. The congress recognizes the important influence that Christianity -exercises on the moral and political progress of mankind, and -earnestly urges upon ministers of the Gospel and other religious -teachers the duty of setting forth the principles of peace and good -will toward men. _And it recommends that the third Sunday in December -be set apart for that purpose._ - -"3. The congress expresses the opinion that all teachers of history -should call the attention of the young to the grave evils inflicted -on mankind in all ages by war, and to the fact that such war has been -waged for most inadequate causes. - -"4. The congress protests against the use of military drill in -schools by way of physical exercise, and suggests the formation of -brigades for saving life rather than of a quasi-military character; -and urges the desirability of impressing on the Board of Examiners -who formulate the questions for examination the propriety of guiding -the minds of children in the principles of peace. - -"5. The congress holds that the doctrine of the Rights of Man -requires that the aboriginal and weaker races, their territories and -liberties, shall be guarded from injustice and fraud, and that these -races shall be shielded against the vices so prevalent among the -so-called advanced races of men. It further expresses its conviction -that there should be concert of action among the nations for the -accomplishment of these ends. The congress expresses its hearty -appreciation of the resolutions of the Anti-slavery Conference held -recently at Brussels for the amelioration of the condition of the -peoples of Africa. - -"6. The congress believes that the warlike prejudices and traditions -which are still fostered in the various nationalities, and the -misrepresentations by leaders of public opinion in legislative -assemblies or through the press, are often indirect causes of war, -and that these evils should be counteracted by the publication of -accurate information tending to the removal of misunderstanding -between nations, and recommends the importance of considering the -question of commencing an international newspaper with such a -purpose. - -"7. The congress proposes to the Inter-parliamentary Conference that -the utmost support should be given to every project for unification -of weights and measures, coinage, tariff, postage, and telegraphic -arrangements, etc., which would assist in constituting a commercial, -industrial, and scientific union of the peoples. - -"8. The congress, in view of the vast social and moral influence -of woman, urges upon every woman to sustain the things that make -for peace, as otherwise she incurs grave responsibility for the -continuance of the systems of militarism. - -"9. The congress expresses the hope that the Financial Reform -Association and other similar societies in Europe and America should -unite in considering means for establishing equitable commercial -relations between states, by the reduction of import duties. The -congress feels that it can affirm that the whole of Europe desires -peace, and awaits with impatience the suppression of armaments, -which, under the plea of defense, become in their turn a danger by -keeping alive mutual distrust, and are, at the same time, the cause -of that general economic disturbance which stands in the way of -settling in a satisfactory manner the problems of labor and poverty, -which ought to take precedence of all others. - -"10. The congress, recognizing that a general disarmament would be -the best guarantee of peace and would lead to the solution of the -questions which now most divide states, expresses the wish that -a congress of representatives of all the states of Europe may be -assembled as soon as possible to consider the means of effecting a -gradual general disarmament. - -"11. The congress, in consideration of the fact that the timidity of -a single power might delay the convocation of the above-mentioned -congress, is of opinion that the government which should first -dismiss any considerable number of soldiers would confer a signal -benefit on Europe and mankind, because it would, by public opinion, -oblige other governments to follow its example, and by the moral -force of this accomplished fact would have increased rather than -diminished the conditions of its national defense. - -"12. The congress, considering the question of disarmament, as of -peace in general, depends on public opinion, recommends the peace -societies, as well as all friends of peace, to be active in its -propaganda, especially at the time of parliamentary elections, in -order that the electors should give their votes to candidates who are -pledged to support Peace, Disarmament, and Arbitration. - -"13. The congress congratulates the friends of peace on the -resolution adopted by the International American Conference, held -at Washington in April last, by which it was recommended that -arbitration should be obligatory in all controversies, whatever their -origin, except only those which may imperil the independence of one -of the nations involved. - -"14. The congress recommends this resolution to the attention of -European statesmen, and expresses the ardent desire that similar -treaties may speedily be entered into between the other nations of -the world. - -"15. The congress expresses its satisfaction at the adoption by the -Spanish Senate on June 16 last of a project of law authorizing the -government to negotiate general or special treaties of arbitration -for the settlement of all disputes except those relating to the -independence or internal government of the states affected; also -at the adoption of resolutions to a like effect by the Norwegian -Storthing and by the Italian Chamber. - -"16. The congress resolves that a committee be appointed to address -communications to the principal political, religious, commercial, -and labor and peace organizations, requesting them to send petitions -to the governmental authorities praying that measures be taken -for the formation of suitable tribunals for the adjudicature of -international questions so as to avoid the resort to war. - -"17. Seeing (1) that the object pursued by all peace societies is -the establishment of judicial order between nations, and (2) that -neutralization by international treaties constitutes a step toward -this judicial state and lessens the number of districts in which war -can be carried on, the congress recommends a larger extension of the -rule of neutralization, and expresses the wish, (1) that all treaties -which at present assure to certain states the benefit of neutrality -remain in force, or if necessary be amended in a manner to render the -neutrality more effective, either by extending neutralization to the -whole of the state or by ordering the demolition of fortresses, which -constitute rather a peril than a guarantee for neutrality; (2) that -new treaties in harmony with the wishes of the populations concerned -be concluded for establishing the neutralization of other states. - -"18. The sub-committee proposes, (1) that the annual Peace Congress -should be held either immediately before the meeting of the annual -Sub-parliamentary Conference, or immediately after it in the same -town; (2) that the question of an international peace emblem be -postponed _sine die_; (3) that the following resolutions be adopted: - -"_a._ To express satisfaction at the official overtures of the -Presbyterian Church in the United States addressed to the highest -representatives of each church organization in Christendom to unite -in a general conference to promote the substitution of international -arbitration for war. - -"_b._ To express in the name of the congress its profound reverence -for the memory of Aurelio Saffi, the great Italian jurist, a member -of the committee of the International League of Peace and Liberty. - -"(4) That the memorial adopted by this congress and signed by the -president to the heads of the civilized states should, as far as -practicable, be presented to each power by influential deputations. - -"(5) That the following resolutions be adopted: - -"_a._ A resolution of thanks to the presidents of the various -sittings of the congress. - -"_b._ A resolution of thanks to the chairman, the secretaries, and -the members of the bureau of the congress. - -"_c._ A resolution of thanks to the conveners and members of the -sectional committees. - -"_d._ A resolution of thanks to Rev. Canon Scott Holland, Rev. Dr. -Reuen Thomas, and Rev. J. Morgan Gibbon for their pulpit addresses -before the congress, and also to the authorities of St. Paul's -Cathedral, the City Temple, and Stamford Hill Congregational Church -for the use of those buildings for public services. - -"_e._ A letter of thanks to her Majesty for permission to visit -Windsor Castle. - -"_f._ And also a resolution of thanks to the Lord Mayor and Lady -Mayoress, to Mr. Passmore Edwards, and other friends who have -extended their hospitality to the members of the congress. - -"19. The congress places on record a heartfelt expression of -gratitude to Almighty God for the remarkable harmony and concord -which have characterized the meetings of the assembly, in which so -many men and women of varied nations, creeds, tongues, and races -have gathered in closest co-operation, and for the conclusion of the -labors of the congress; and expresses its firm and unshaken belief -in the ultimate triumph of the cause of peace and of the principles -advocated at these meetings." - -The fundamental idea of the congress is the necessity (1) of -diffusing among all people by all means the conviction of the -disadvantages of war and the great blessing of peace, and (2) of -rousing governments to the sense of the superiority of international -arbitration over war and of the consequent advisability and -necessity of disarmament. To attain the first aim the congress -has recourse to teachers of history, to women, and to the clergy, -with the advice to the latter to preach on the evil of war and the -blessing of peace every third Sunday in December. To attain the -second object the congress appeals to governments with the suggestion -that they should disband their armies and replace war by arbitration. - -To preach to men of the evil of war and the blessing of peace! But -the blessing of peace is so well known to men that, ever since there -have been men at all, their best wish has been expressed in the -greeting, "Peace be with you." So why preach about it? - -Not only Christians, but pagans, thousands of years ago, all -recognized the evil of war and the blessing of peace. So that the -recommendation to ministers of the Gospel to preach on the evil of -war and the blessing of peace every third Sunday in December is quite -superfluous. - -The Christian cannot but preach on that subject every day of his -life. If Christians and preachers of Christianity do not do so, -there must be reasons for it. And until these have been removed no -recommendations will be effective. Still less effective will be the -recommendations to governments to disband their armies and replace -them by international boards of arbitration. Governments, too, know -very well the difficulty and the burdensomeness of raising and -maintaining forces, and if in spite of that knowledge they do, at the -cost of terrible strain and effort, raise and maintain forces, it is -evident that they cannot do otherwise, and the recommendation of the -congress can never change it. But the learned gentlemen are unwilling -to see that, and keep hoping to find a political combination, through -which governments shall be induced to limit their powers themselves. - -"Can we get rid of war"? asks a learned writer in the _Revue des -Revues_. "All are agreed that if it were to break out in Europe, its -consequences would be like those of the great inroads of barbarians. -The existence of whole nationalities would be at stake, and therefore -the war would be desperate, bloody, atrocious. - -"This consideration, together with the terrible engines of -destruction invented by modern science, retards the moment of -declaring war, and maintains the present temporary situation, which -might continue for an indefinite period, except for the fearful cost -of maintaining armaments which are exhausting the European states and -threatening to reduce nations to a state of misery hardly less than -that of war itself. - -"Struck by this reflection, men of various countries have tried to -find means for preventing, or at least for softening, the results of -the terrible slaughter with which we are threatened. - -"Such are the questions brought forward by the Peace Congress shortly -to be held in Rome, and the publication of a pamphlet, 'Sur le -Desarmement'. - -"It is unhappily beyond doubt that with the present organization of -the majority of European states, isolated from one another and guided -by distinct interests, the absolute suppression of war is an illusion -with which it would be dangerous to cheat ourselves. Wiser rules and -regulations imposed on these duels between nations might, however, at -least limit its horrors. - -"It is equally chimerical to reckon on projects of disarmament, the -execution of which is rendered almost impossible by considerations -of a popular character present to the mind of all our readers. [This -probably means that France cannot disband its army before taking -its revenge.] Public opinion is not prepared to accept them, and -moreover, the international relations between different peoples are -not such as to make their acceptance possible. Disarmament imposed -on one nation by another in circumstances threatening its security -would be equivalent to a declaration of war. - -"However, one may admit that an exchange of ideas between the nations -interested could aid, to a certain degree, in bringing about the good -understanding indispensable to any negotiations, and would render -possible a considerable reduction of the military expenditure which -is crushing the nations of Europe and greatly hindering the solution -of the social question, which each individually must solve on pain of -having internal war as the price for escaping it externally. - -"We might at least demand the reduction of the enormous expenses -of war organized as it is at present with a view to the power of -invasion within twenty-four hours and a decisive battle within a week -of the declaration of war. - -"We ought to manage so that states could not make the attack suddenly -and invade each other's territories within twenty-four hours." - -This practical notion has been put forth by Maxime du Camp, and his -article concludes with it. - -The propositions of M. du Camp are as follows: - -1. A diplomatic congress to be held every year. - -2. No war to be declared till two months after the incident which -provoked it. (The difficulty here would be to decide precisely what -incident did provoke the war, since whenever war is declared there -are very many such incidents, and one would have to decide from which -to reckon the two months' interval.) - -3. No war to be declared before it has been submitted to a -plebiscitum of the nations preparing to take part in it. - -4. No hostilities to be commenced till a month after the official -declaration of war. - -"No war to be declared. No hostilities to be commenced," etc. But who -is to arrange that no war is to be declared? Who is to compel people -to do this and that? Who is to force states to delay their operations -for a certain fixed time? All the other states. But all these others -are also states which want holding in check and keeping within -limits, and forcing, too. Who is to force them, and how? Public -opinion. But if there is a public opinion which can force governments -to delay their operations for a fixed period, the same public opinion -can force governments not to declare war at all. - -But, it will be replied, there may be such a balance of power, such -a _ponderation de forces_, as would lead states to hold back of -their own accord. Well, that has been tried and is being tried even -now. The Holy Alliance was nothing but that, the League of Peace was -another attempt at the same thing, and so on. - -But, it will be answered, suppose all were agreed. If all were agreed -there would be no more war certainly, and no need for arbitration -either. - -"A court of arbitration! Arbitration shall replace war. Questions -shall be decided by a court of arbitration. The Alabama question was -decided by a court of arbitration, and the question of the Caroline -Islands was submitted to the decision of the Pope. Switzerland, -Belgium, Denmark, and Holland have all declared that they prefer -arbitration to war." - -I dare say Monaco has expressed the same preference. The only -unfortunate thing is that Germany, Russia, Austria, and France have -not so far shown the same inclination. It is amazing how men can -deceive themselves when they find it necessary! Governments consent -to decide their disagreements by arbitration and to disband their -armies! The differences between Russia and Poland, between England -and Ireland, between Austria and Bohemia, between Turkey and the -Slavonic states, between France and Germany, to be soothed away by -amiable conciliation! - -One might as well suggest to merchants and bankers that they should -sell nothing for a greater price than they gave for it, should -undertake the distribution of wealth for no profit, and should -abolish money, as it would thus be rendered unnecessary. - -But since commercial and banking operations consist in nothing but -selling for more than the cost price, this would be equivalent to -an invitation to suppress themselves. It is the same in regard to -governments. To suggest to governments that they should not have -recourse to violence, but should decide their misunderstandings in -accordance with equity, is inviting them to abolish themselves as -rulers, and that no government can ever consent to do. - -The learned men form societies (there are more than a hundred such -societies), assemble in congresses (such as those recently held in -London and Paris, and shortly to be held in Rome), deliver addresses, -eat public dinners and make speeches, publish journals, and prove by -every means possible that the nations forced to support millions of -troops are strained to the furthest limits of their endurance, that -the maintenance of these huge armed forces is in opposition to all -the aims, the interests, and the wishes of the people, and that it is -possible, moreover, by writing numerous papers, and uttering a great -many words, to bring all men into agreement and to arrange so that -they shall have no antagonistic interests, and then there will be no -more war. - -When I was a little boy they told me if I wanted to catch a bird I -must put salt on its tail. I ran after the birds with the salt in -my hand, but I soon convinced myself that if I could put salt on a -bird's tail, I could catch it, and realized that I had been hoaxed. - -People ought to realize the same fact when they read books and -articles on arbitration and disarmament. - -If one could put salt on a bird's tail, it would be because it could -not fly and there would be no difficulty in catching it. If the bird -had wings and did not want to be caught, it would not let one put -salt on its tail, because the specialty of a bird is to fly. In -precisely the same way the specialty of government is not to obey, -but to enforce obedience. And a government is only a government so -long as it can make itself obeyed, and therefore it always strives -for that and will never willingly abandon its power. But since it is -on the army that the power of government rests, it will never give up -the army, and the use of the army in war. - -The error arises from the learned jurists deceiving themselves -and others, by asserting that government is not what it really -is, one set of men banded together to oppress another set of men, -but, as shown by science, is the representation of the citizens in -their collective capacity. They have so long been persuading other -people of this that at last they have persuaded themselves of it; -and thus they often seriously suppose that government can be bound -by considerations of justice. But history shows that from Caesar -to Napoleon, and from Napoleon to Bismarck, government is in its -essence always a force acting in violation of justice, and that it -cannot be otherwise. Justice can have no binding force on a ruler -or rulers who keep men, deluded and drilled in readiness for acts -of violence--soldiers, and by means of them control others. And so -governments can never be brought to consent to diminish the number of -these drilled slaves, who constitute their whole power and importance. - -Such is the attitude of certain learned men to the contradiction -under which our society is being crushed, and such are their methods -of solving it. Tell these people that the whole matter rests on the -personal attitude of each man to the moral and religious question -put nowadays to everyone, the question, that is, whether it is -lawful or unlawful for him to take his share of military service, -and these learned gentlemen will shrug their shoulders and not -condescend to listen or to answer you. The solution of the question -in their idea is to be found in reading addresses, writing books, -electing presidents, vice-presidents, and secretaries, and meeting -and speaking first in one town and then in another. From all this -speechifying and writing it will come to pass, according to their -notions, that governments will cease to levy the soldiers, on whom -their whole strength depends, will listen to their discourses, -and will disband their forces, leaving themselves without any -defense, not only against their neighbors, but also against their -own subjects. As though a band of brigands, who have some unarmed -travelers bound and ready to be plundered, should be so touched by -their complaints of the pain caused by the cords they are fastened -with as to let them go again. - -Still there are people who believe in this, busy themselves over -peace congresses, read addresses, and write books. And governments, -we may be quite sure, express their sympathy and make a show of -encouraging them. In the same way they pretend to support temperance -societies, while they are living principally on the drunkenness of -the people; and pretend to encourage education, when their whole -strength is based on ignorance; and to support constitutional -freedom, when their strength rests on the absence of freedom; and -to be anxious for the improvement of the condition of the working -classes, when their very existence depends on their oppression; and -to support Christianity, when Christianity destroys all government. - -To be able to do this they have long ago elaborated methods -encouraging temperance, which cannot suppress drunkenness; methods of -supporting education, which not only fail to prevent ignorance, but -even increase it; methods of aiming at freedom and constitutionalism, -which are no hindrance to despotism; methods of protecting the -working classes, which will not free them from slavery; and a -Christianity, too, they have elaborated, which does not destroy, but -supports governments. - -Now there is something more for the government to encourage--peace. -The sovereigns, who nowadays take counsel with their ministers, -decide by their will alone whether the butchery of millions is to -be begun this year or next. They know very well that all these -discourses upon peace will not hinder them from sending millions of -men to butchery when it seems good to them. They listen even with -satisfaction to these discourses, encourage them, and take part in -them. - -All this, far from being detrimental, is even of service to -governments, by turning people's attention from the most important -and pressing question: Ought or ought not each man called upon for -military service to submit to serve in the army? - -"Peace will soon be arranged, thanks to alliances and congresses, -to books and pamphlets; meantime go and put on your uniform, and -prepare to cause suffering and to endure it for our benefit," is the -government's line of argument. And the learned gentlemen who get up -congresses and write articles are in perfect agreement with it. - -This is the attitude of one set of thinkers. And since it is that -most beneficial to governments, it is also the most encouraged by all -intelligent governments. - -Another attitude to war has something tragical in it. There are men -who maintain that the love for peace and the inevitability of war -form a hideous contradiction, and that such is the fate of man. These -are mostly gifted and sensitive men, who see and realize all the -horror and imbecility and cruelty of war, but through some strange -perversion of mind neither see nor seek to find any way out of this -position, and seem to take pleasure in teasing the wound by dwelling -on the desperate position of humanity. A notable example of such an -attitude to war is to be found in the celebrated French writer Guy de -Maupassant. Looking from his yacht at the drill and firing practice -of the French soldiers the following reflections occur to him: - -"When I think only of this word war, a kind of terror seizes upon -me, as though I were listening to some tale of sorcery, of the -Inquisition, some long past, remote abomination, monstrous, unnatural. - -"When cannibalism is spoken of, we smile with pride, proclaiming -our superiority to these savages. Which are the savages, the real -savages? Those who fight to eat the conquered, or those who fight to -kill, for nothing but to kill? - -"The young recruits, moving about in lines yonder, are destined to -death like the flocks of sheep driven by the butcher along the road. -They will fall in some plain with a saber cut in the head, or a -bullet through the breast. And these are young men who might work, be -productive and useful. Their fathers are old and poor. Their mothers, -who have loved them for twenty years, worshiped them as none but -mothers can, will learn in six months' time, or a year perhaps, that -their son, their boy, the big boy reared with so much labor, so much -expense, so much love, has been thrown in a hole like some dead dog, -after being disemboweled by a bullet, and trampled, crushed, to a -mass of pulp by the charges of cavalry. Why have they killed her boy, -her handsome boy, her one hope, her pride, her life? She does not -know. Ah, why? - -"War! fighting! slaughter! massacres of men! And we have now, in our -century, with our civilization, with the spread of science, and the -degree of philosophy which the genius of man is supposed to have -attained, schools for training to kill, to kill very far off, to -perfection, great numbers at once, to kill poor devils of innocent -men with families and without any kind of trial. - -"_And what is most bewildering is that the people do not rise against -their governments. For what difference is there between monarchies -and republics? The most bewildering thing is that the whole of -society is not in revolt at the word war._" - -"Ah! we shall always live under the burden of the ancient and -odious customs, the criminal prejudices, the ferocious ideas of our -barbarous ancestors, for we are beasts, and beasts we shall remain, -dominated by instinct and changed by nothing. Would not any other man -than Victor Hugo have been exiled for that mighty cry of deliverance -and truth? 'To-day force is called violence, and is being brought to -judgment; war has been put on its trial. At the plea of the human -race, civilization arraigns warfare, and draws up the great list of -crimes laid at the charge of conquerors and generals. The nations -are coming to understand that the magnitude of a crime cannot be -its extenuation; that if killing is a crime, killing many can be no -extenuating circumstance; that if robbery is disgraceful, invasion -cannot be glorious. Ah! let us proclaim these absolute truths; let us -dishonor war!' - -"Vain wrath," continues Maupassant, "a poet's indignation. War is -held in more veneration than ever. - -"A skilled proficient in that line, a slaughterer of genius, Von -Moltke, in reply to the peace delegates, once uttered these strange -words: - -"'War is holy, war is ordained of God. It is one of the most sacred -laws of the world. It maintains among men all the great and noble -sentiments--honor, devotion, virtue, and courage, and saves them in -short from falling into the most hideous materialism.' - -"So, then, bringing millions of men together into herds, marching by -day and by night without rest, thinking of nothing, studying nothing, -learning nothing, reading nothing, being useful to no one, wallowing -in filth, sleeping in mud, living like brutes in a continual state -of stupefaction, sacking towns, burning villages, ruining whole -populations, then meeting another mass of human flesh, falling upon -them, making pools of blood, and plains of flesh mixed with trodden -mire and red with heaps of corpses, having your arms or legs carried -off, your brains blown out for no advantage to anyone, and dying in -some corner of a field while your old parents, your wife and children -are perishing of hunger--that is what is meant by not falling into -the most hideous materialism! - -"Warriors are the scourge of the world. We struggle against nature -and ignorance and obstacles of all kinds to make our wretched life -less hard. Learned men--benefactors of all--spend their lives in -working, in seeking what can aid, what be of use, what can alleviate -the lot of their fellows. They devote themselves unsparingly to their -task of usefulness, making one discovery after another, enlarging the -sphere of human intelligence, extending the bounds of science, adding -each day some new store to the sum of knowledge, gaining each day -prosperity, ease, strength for their country. - -"War breaks out. In six months the generals have destroyed the work -of twenty years of effort, of patience, and of genius. - -"That is what is meant by not falling into the most hideous -materialism. - -"We have seen it, war. We have seen men turned to brutes, frenzied, -killing for fun, for terror, for bravado, for ostentation. Then -when right is no more, law is dead, every notion of justice has -disappeared. We have seen men shoot innocent creatures found on the -road, and suspected because they were afraid. We have seen them kill -dogs chained at their masters' doors to try their new revolvers. We -have seen them fire on cows lying in a field for no reason whatever, -simply for the sake of shooting, for a joke. - -"That is what is meant by not falling into the most hideous -materialism. - -"Going into a country, cutting the man's throat who defends his house -because he wears a blouse and has not a military cap on his head, -burning the dwellings of wretched beings who have nothing to eat, -breaking furniture and stealing goods, drinking the wine found in -the cellars, violating the women in the streets, burning thousands -of francs' worth of powder, and leaving misery and cholera in one's -track-- - -"That is what is meant by not falling into the most hideous -materialism. - -"What have they done, those warriors, that proves the least -intelligence? Nothing. What have they invented? Cannons and muskets. -That is all. - -"What remains to us from Greece? Books and statues. Is Greece great -from her conquests or her creations? - -"Was it the invasions of the Persians which saved Greece from falling -into the most hideous materialism? - -"Were the invasions of the barbarians what saved and regenerated Rome? - -"Was it Napoleon I. who carried forward the great intellectual -movement started by the philosophers of the end of last century? - -"Yes, indeed, since government assumes the right of annihilating -peoples thus, there is nothing surprising in the fact that the -peoples assume the right of annihilating governments. - -"They defend themselves. They are right. No one has an absolute right -to govern others. It ought only to be done for the benefit of those -who are governed. And it is as much the duty of anyone who governs to -avoid war as it is the duty of a captain of a ship to avoid shipwreck. - -"When a captain has let his ship come to ruin, he is judged and -condemned, if he is found guilty of negligence or even incapacity. - -"Why should not the government be put on its trial after every -declaration of war? _If the people understood that, if they -themselves passed judgment on murderous governments, if they refused -to let themselves be killed for nothing, if they would only turn -their arms against those who have given them to them for massacre, on -that day war would be no more. But that day will never come."_[10] - - [10] "Sur l'Eau," pp. 71-80. - -The author sees all the horror of war. He sees that it is caused by -governments forcing men by deception to go out to slaughter and be -slain without any advantage to themselves. And he sees, too, that -the men who make up the armies could turn their arms against the -governments and bring them to judgment. But he thinks that that -will never come to pass, and that there is, therefore, no escape -from the present position. "I think war is terrible, but that it is -inevitable; that compulsory military service is as inevitable as -death, and that since government will always desire it, war will -always exist." - -So writes this talented and sincere writer, who is endowed with that -power of penetrating to the innermost core of the subjects which -is the essence of the poetic faculty. He brings before us all the -cruelty of the inconsistency between men's moral sense and their -actions, but without trying to remove it; seems to admit that this -inconsistency must exist and that it is the poetic tragedy of life. - -Another no less gifted writer, Edouard Rod, paints in still more -vivid colors the cruelty and madness of the present state of -things. He too only aims at presenting its tragic features, without -suggesting or forseeing any issue from the position. - -"What is the good of doing anything? What is the good of undertaking -any enterprise? And how are we to love men in these troubled times -when every fresh day is a menace of danger?... All we have begun, the -plans we are developing, our schemes of work, the little good we may -have been able to do, will it not all be swept away by the tempest -that is in preparation?... Every where the earth is shaking under -our feet and storm-clouds are gathering on our horizon which will -have no pity on us. - -"Ah! if all we had to dread were the revolution which is held up -as a specter to terrify us! Since I cannot imagine a society more -detestable than ours, I feel more skeptical than alarmed in regard -to that which will replace it. If I should have to suffer from the -change, I should be consoled by thinking that the executioners of -that day were the victims of the previous time, and the hope of -something better would help us to endure the worst. But it is not -that remote peril which frightens me. I see another danger, nearer -and far more cruel; more cruel because there is no excuse for it, -because it is absurd, because it can lead to no good. Every day one -balances the chances of war on the morrow, every day they become more -merciless. - -"The imagination revolts before the catastrophe which is coming -at the end of our century as the goal of the progress of our era, -and yet we must get used to facing it. For twenty years past every -resource of science has been exhausted in the invention of engines -of destruction, and soon a few charges of cannon will suffice to -annihilate a whole army. No longer a few thousands of poor devils, -who were paid a price for their blood, are kept under arms, but whole -nations are under arms to cut each other's throats. They are robbed -of their time now (by compulsory service) that they may be robbed -of their lives later. To prepare them for the work of massacre, -their hatred is kindled by persuading them that they are hated. And -peaceable men let themselves be played on thus and go and fall on one -another with the ferocity of wild beasts; furious troops of peaceful -citizens taking up arms at an empty word of command, for some -ridiculous question of frontiers or colonial trade interests--Heaven -only knows what.... They will go like sheep to the slaughter, knowing -all the while where they are going, knowing that they are leaving -their wives, knowing that their children will want for food, full -of misgivings, yet intoxicated by the fine-sounding lies that are -dinned into their ears. _They will march without revolt, passive, -resigned--though the numbers and the strength are theirs, and they -might, if they knew how to co-operate together, establish the reign -of good sense and fraternity_, instead of the barbarous trickery of -diplomacy. They will march to battle so deluded, so duped, that they -will believe slaughter to be a duty, and will ask the benediction -of God on their lust for blood. They will march to battle trampling -underfoot the harvests they have sown, burning the towns they have -built--with songs of triumph, festive music, and cries of jubilation. -And their sons will raise statues to those who have done most in -their slaughter. - -"The destiny of a whole generation depends on the hour in which some -ill-fated politician may give the signal that will be followed. -We know that the best of us will be cut down and our work will be -destroyed in embryo. _We know it and tremble with rage, but we can -do nothing._ We are held fast in the toils of officialdom and red -tape, and too rude a shock would be needed to set us free. We are -enslaved by the laws we set up for our protection, which have become -our oppression. _We are but the tools of that autocratic abstraction -the state, which enslaves each individual in the name of the will of -all, who would all, taken individually, desire exactly the opposite -of what they will be made to do._ - -"And if it were only a generation that must be sacrificed! But there -are graver interests at stake. - -"The paid politicians, the ambitious statesmen, who exploit the -evil passions of the populace, and the imbeciles who are deluded by -fine-sounding phrases, have so embittered national feuds that the -existence of a whole race will be at stake in the war of the morrow. -One of the elements that constitute the modern world is threatened, -the conquered people will be wiped out of existence, and whichever -it may be, we shall see a moral force annihilated, as if there were -too many forces to work for good--we shall have a new Europe formed -on foundations so unjust, so brutal, so sanguinary, stained with so -monstrous a crime, that it cannot but be worse than the Europe of -to-day--more iniquitous, more barbarous, more violent. - -"Thus one feels crushed under the weight of an immense -discouragement. We are struggling in a _cul de sac_ with muskets -aimed at us from the housetops. Our labor is like that of sailors -executing their last task as the ship begins to sink. Our pleasures -are those of the condemned victim, who is offered his choice -of dainties a quarter of an hour before his execution. Thought -is paralyzed by anguish, and the most it is capable of is to -calculate--interpreting the vague phrases of ministers, spelling out -the sense of the speeches of sovereigns, and ruminating on the words -attributed to diplomatists reported on the uncertain authority of the -newspapers--whether it is to be to-morrow or the day after, this year -or the next, that we are to be murdered. So that one might seek in -vain in history an epoch more insecure, more crushed under the weight -of suffering."[11] - - [11] "Le Sens de la Vie," pp. 208-13. - -Here it is pointed out that the force is in the hands of those who -work their own destruction, in the hands of the individual men who -make up the masses; it is pointed out that the source of the evil is -the government. It would seem evident that the contradiction between -life and conscience had reached the limit beyond which it cannot go, -and after reaching this limit some solution of it must be found. - -But the author does not think so. He sees in this the tragedy of -human life, and after depicting all the horror of the position he -concludes that human life must be spent in the midst of this horror. - -So much for the attitude to war of those who regard it as something -tragic and fated by destiny. - -The third category consists of men who have lost all conscience and, -consequently, all common sense and feeling of humanity. - -To this category belongs Moltke, whose opinion has been quoted above -by Maupassant, and the majority of military men, who have been -educated in this cruel superstition, live by it, and consequently are -often in all simplicity convinced that war is not only an inevitable, -but even a necessary and beneficial thing. This is also the view of -some civilians, so-called educated and cultivated people. - -Here is what the celebrated academician Camille Doucet writes in -reply to the editor of the _Revue des Revues_, where several letters -on war were published together: - - "DEAR SIR: When you ask the least warlike of academicians - whether he is a partisan of war, his answer is known beforehand. - - "Alas! sir, you yourself speak of the pacific ideal inspiring - your generous compatriots as a dream. - - "During my life I have heard a great many good people protest - against this frightful custom of international butchery, which - all admit and deplore; but how is it to be remedied? - - "Often, too, there have been attempts to suppress dueling; one - would fancy that seemed an easy task: but not at all! All that - has been done hitherto with that noble object has never been and - never will be of use. - - "All the congresses of both hemispheres may vote against - war, and against dueling too, but above all arbitrations, - conventions, and legislations there will always be the _personal - honor of individual men_, which has always demanded dueling, and - _the interests of nations_, which will always demand war. - - "I wish none the less from the depths of my heart that the - Congress of Universal Peace may succeed at last in its very - honorable and difficult enterprise. - - "I am, dear sir, etc., - "CAMILLE DOUCET." - -The upshot of this is that personal honor requires men to fight, and -the interests of nations require them to ruin and exterminate each -other. As for the efforts to abolish war, they call for nothing but a -smile. - -The opinion of another well-known academician, Jules Claretie, is of -the same kind. - - "DEAR SIR [he writes]: For a man of sense there can be but one - opinion on the subject of peace and war. - - "Humanity is created to live, to live free, to perfect and - ameliorate its fate by peaceful labor. The general harmony - preached by the Universal Peace Congress is but a dream perhaps, - but at least it is the fairest of all dreams. Man is always - looking toward the Promised Land, and there the harvests are to - ripen with no fear of their being torn up by shells or crushed - by cannon wheels.... But! Ah! but--since philosophers and - philanthropists are not the controlling powers, it is well for - our soldiers to guard our frontier and homes, and their arms, - skillfully used, are perhaps the surest guarantee of the peace - we all love. - - "Peace is a gift only granted to the strong and the resolute. - - "I am, dear sir, etc., - "JULES CLARETIE." - -The upshot of this letter is that there is no harm in talking about -what no one intends or feels obliged to do. But when it comes to -practice, we must fight. - -And here now is the view lately expressed by the most popular -novelist in Europe, Emile Zola: - -"I regard war as a fatal necessity, which appears inevitable for -us from its close connection with human nature and the whole -constitution of the world. I should wish that war could be put -off for the longest possible time. Nevertheless, the moment will -come when we shall be forced to go to war. I am considering it at -this moment from the standpoint of universal humanity, and making -no reference to our misunderstanding with Germany--a most trivial -incident in the history of mankind. I say that war is necessary and -beneficial, since it seems one of the conditions of existence for -humanity. War confronts us everywhere, not only war between different -races and peoples, but war too, in private and family life. It seems -one of the principal elements of progress, and every step in advance -that humanity has taken hitherto has been attended by bloodshed. - -"Men have talked, and still talk, of disarmament, while disarmament -is something impossible, to which, even if it were possible, we ought -not to consent. I am convinced that a general disarmament throughout -the world would involve something like a moral decadence, which would -show itself in general feebleness, and would hinder the progressive -advancement of humanity. A warlike nation has always been strong and -flourishing. The art of war has led to the development of all the -other arts. History bears witness to it. So in Athens and in Rome, -commerce, manufactures, and literature never attained so high a point -of development as when those cities were masters of the whole world -by force of arms. To take an example from times nearer our own, we -may recall the age of Louis XIV. The wars of the Grand Monarque were -not only no hindrance to the progress of the arts and sciences, -but even, on the contrary, seem to have promoted and favored their -development." - -So war is a beneficial thing! - -But the best expression of this attitude is the view of the most -gifted of the writers of this school, the academician de Voguee. -This is what he writes in an article on the Military Section of the -Exhibition of 1889: - -"On the Esplanade des Invalides, among the exotic and colonial -encampments, a building in a more severe style overawes the -picturesque bazaar; all these fragments of the globe have come -to gather round the Palace of War, and in turn our guests mount -guard submissively before the mother building, but for whom they -would not be here. Fine subject for the antithesis of rhetoric, of -humanitarians who could not fail to whimper over this juxtaposition, -and to say that '_ceci tuera cela_,'[12] that the union of the -nations through science and labor will overcome the instinct of war. -Let us leave them to cherish the chimera of a golden age, which -would soon become, if it could be realized, an age of mud. All -history teaches us that the one is created for the other, that blood -is needed to hasten and cement the union of the nations. Natural -science has ratified in our day the mysterious law revealed to Joseph -de Maistre by the intuition of his genius and by meditation on -fundamental truths; he saw the world redeeming itself from hereditary -degenerations by sacrifice; science shows it advancing to perfection -through struggle and violent selection; there is the statement of -the same law in both, expressed in different formulas. The statement -is disagreeable, no doubt; but the laws of the world are not made -for our pleasure, they are made for our progress. Let us enter this -inevitable, necessary palace of war; we shall be able to observe -there how the most tenacious of our instincts, without losing any of -its vigor, is transformed and adapted to the varying exigencies of -historical epochs." - - [12] Phrase quoted from Victor-Hugo, "Notre-Dame de Paris." - -M. de Voguee finds the necessity for war, according to his views, well -expressed by the two great writers, Joseph de Maistre and Darwin, -whose statements he likes so much that he quotes them again. - - "DEAR SIR [he writes to the editor of the _Revue des Revues_]: - You ask me my view as to the possible success of the Universal - Congress of Peace. I hold with Darwin that violent struggle - is a law of nature which overrules all other laws; I hold - with Joseph de Maistre that it is a divine law; two different - ways of describing the same thing. If by some impossible - chance a fraction of human society--all the civilized West, - let us suppose--were to succeed in suspending the action of - this law, some races of stronger instincts would undertake - the task of putting it into action against us: those races - would vindicate nature's reasoning against human reason; they - would be successful, because the certainty of peace--I do - not say _peace_, I say _the certainty of peace_--would, in - half a century, engender a corruption and a decadence more - destructive for mankind than the worst of wars. I believe that - we must do with war--the criminal law of humanity--as with all - our criminal laws, that is, soften them, put them in force as - rarely as possible; use every effort to make their application - unnecessary. But all the experience of history teaches us that - they cannot be altogether suppressed so long as two men are left - on earth, with bread, money, and a woman between them. - - "I should be very happy if the Congress would prove me in error. - But I doubt if it can prove history, nature, and God in error - also. - - "I am, dear sir, etc., - "E. M. DE VOGUeE." - -This amounts to saying that history, human nature, and God show -us that so long as there are two men, and bread, money and a -woman--there will be war. That is to say that no progress will lead -men to rise above the savage conception of life, which regards no -participation of bread, money (money is good in this context) and -woman possible without fighting. - -They are strange people, these men who assemble in Congresses, and -make speeches to show us how to catch birds by putting salt on their -tails, though they must know it is impossible to do it. And amazing -are they too, who, like Maupassant, Rod, and many others, see clearly -all the horror of war, all the inconsistency of men not doing what -is needful, right, and beneficial for them to do; who lament over -the tragedy of life, and do not see that the whole tragedy is at -an end directly men, ceasing to take account of any unnecessary -considerations, refuse to do what is hateful and disastrous to them. -They are amazing people truly, but those who, like De Voguee and -others, who, professing the doctrine of evolution, regard war as not -only inevitable, but beneficial, and therefore desirable--they are -terrible, hideous, in their moral perversion. The others, at least, -say that they hate evil, and love good, but these openly declare that -good and evil do not exist. - -All discussion of the possibility of re-establishing peace instead of -everlasting war--is the pernicious sentimentality of phrasemongers. -There is a law of evolution by which it follows that I must live -and act in an evil way; what is to be done? I am an educated man, I -know the law of evolution, and therefore I will act in an evil way. -"_Entrons au palais de la guerre._" There is the law of evolution, -and therefore there is neither good nor evil, and one must live for -the sake of one's personal existence, leaving the rest to the action -of the law of evolution. This is the last word of refined culture, -and with it, of that overshadowing of conscience which has come upon -the educated classes of our times. The desire of the educated classes -to support the ideas they prefer, and the order of existence based -on them, has attained its furthest limits. They lie, and delude -themselves, and one another, with the subtlest forms of deception, -simply to obscure, to deaden conscience. - -Instead of transforming their life into harmony with their -conscience, they try by every means to stifle its voice. But it is in -darkness that the light begins to shine, and so the light is rising -upon our epoch. - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - - SIGNIFICANCE OF COMPULSORY SERVICE. - - Universal Compulsory Service is not a Political Accident, but - the Furthest Limit of the Contradiction Inherent in the Social - Conception of Life--Origin of Authority in Society--Basis of - Authority is Physical Violence--To be Able to Perform its - Acts of Violence Authority Needs a Special Organization--The - Army--Authority, that is, Violence, is the Principle which - is Destroying the Social Conception of Life--Attitude of - Authority to the Masses, that is, Attitude of Government to - Working Oppressed Classes--Governments Try to Foster in Working - Classes the Idea that State Force is Necessary to Defend Them - from External Enemies--But the Army is Principally Needed - to Preserve Government from its own Subjects--The Working - Classes--Speech of M. de Caprivi--All Privileges of Ruling - Classes Based on Violence--The Increase of Armies up to Point - of Universal Service--Universal Compulsory Service Destroys all - the Advantages of Social Life, which Government is Intended - to Preserve--Compulsory Service is the Furthest Limit of - Submission, since in Name of the State it Requires Sacrifice of - all that can be Precious to a Man--Is Government Necessary?--The - Sacrifices Demanded by Government in Compulsory Service have No - Longer any Reasonable Basis--And there is More Advantage to be - Gained by not Submitting to the Demands of the State than by - Submitting to Them. - - -Educated people of the upper classes are trying to stifle the -ever-growing sense of the necessity of transforming the existing -social order. But life, which goes on growing more complex, and -developing in the same direction, and increases the inconsistencies -and the sufferings of men, brings them to the limit beyond which -they cannot go. This furthest limit of inconsistency is universal -compulsory military service. - -It is usually supposed that universal military service and the -increased armaments connected with it, as well as the resulting -increase of taxes and national debts, are a passing phenomenon, -produced by the particular political situation of Europe, and that -it may be removed by certain political combinations without any -modification of the inner order of life. - -This is absolutely incorrect. Universal military service is only the -internal inconsistency inherent in the social conception of life, -carried to its furthest limits, and becoming evident when a certain -stage of material development is reached. - -The social conception of life, we have seen, consists in the -transfer of the aim of life from the individual to groups and their -maintenance--to the tribe, family, race, or state. - -In the social conception of life it is supposed that since the -aim of life is found in groups of individuals, individuals will -voluntarily sacrifice their own interests for the interests of -the group. And so it has been, and still is, in fact, in certain -groups, the distinction being that they are the most primitive -forms of association in the family or tribe or race, or even in the -patriarchal state. Through tradition handed down by education and -supported by religious sentiment, individuals without compulsion -merged their interests in the interest of the group and sacrificed -their own good for the general welfare. - -But the more complex and the larger societies become, and especially -the more often conquest becomes the cause of the amalgamation of -people into a state, the more often individuals strive to attain -their own aims at the public expense, and the more often it becomes -necessary to restrain these insubordinate individuals by recourse -to authority, that is, to violence. The champions of the social -conception of life usually try to connect the idea of authority, -that is, of violence, with the idea of moral influence, but this -connection is quite impossible. - -The effect of moral influence on a man is to change his desires and -to bend them in the direction of the duty required of him. The man -who is controlled by moral influence acts in accordance with his own -desires. Authority, in the sense in which the word is ordinarily -understood, is a means of forcing a man to act in opposition to -his desires. The man who submits to authority does not do as he -chooses but as he is obliged by authority. Nothing can oblige a -man to do what he does not choose except physical force, or the -threat of it, that is--deprivation of freedom, blows, imprisonment, -or threats--easily carried out--of such punishments. This is what -authority consists of and always has consisted of. - -In spite of the unceasing efforts of those who happen to be in -authority to conceal this and attribute some other significance to -it, authority has always meant for man the cord, the chain with -which he is bound and fettered, or the knout with which he is to be -flogged, or the ax with which he is to have hands, ears, nose, or -head cut off, or at the very least, the threat of these terrors. So -it was under Nero and Ghenghis Khan, and so it is to-day, even under -the most liberal government in the Republics of the United States -or of France. If men submit to authority, it is only because they -are liable to these punishments in case of non-submission. All state -obligations, payment of taxes, fulfillment of state duties, and -submission to punishments, exile, fines, etc., to which people appear -to submit voluntarily, are always based on bodily violence or the -threat of it. - -The basis of authority is bodily violence. The possibility of -applying bodily violence to people is provided above all by an -organization of armed men, trained to act in unison in submission to -one will. These bands of armed men, submissive to a single will, are -what constitute the army. The army has always been and still is the -basis of power. Power is always in the hands of those who control the -army, and all men in power--from the Roman Caesars to the Russian and -German Emperors--take more interest in their army than in anything, -and court popularity in the army, knowing that if that is on their -side their power is secure. - -The formation and aggrandizement of the army, indispensable to the -maintenance of authority, is what has introduced into the social -conception of life the principle that is destroying it. - -The object of authority and the justification for its existence -lie in the restraint of those who aim at attaining their personal -interests to the detriment of the interests of society. - -But however power has been gained, those who possess it are in no -way different from other men, and therefore no more disposed than -others to subordinate their own interests to those of the society. -On the contrary, having the power to do so at their disposal, they -are more disposed than others to subordinate the public interests to -their own. Whatever means men have devised for preventing those in -authority from over-riding public interests for their own benefit, or -for intrusting power only to the most faultless people, they have not -so far succeeded in either of those aims. - -All the methods of appointing authorities that have been tried, -divine right, and election, and heredity, and balloting, and -assemblies and parliaments and senate--have all proved ineffectual. -Everyone knows that not one of these methods attains the aim either -of intrusting power only to the incorruptible, or of preventing -power from being abused. Everyone knows on the contrary that men -in authority--be they emperors, ministers, governors, or police -officers--are always, simply from the possession of power, more -liable to be demoralized, that is, to subordinate public interests -to their personal aims than those who have not the power to do so. -Indeed, it could not be otherwise. - -The state conception of life could be justified only so long as -all men voluntarily sacrificed their personal interests to the -public welfare. But so soon as there were individuals who would -not voluntarily sacrifice their own interests, and authority, that -is, violence, was needed to restrain them, then the disintegrating -principle of the coercion of one set of people by another set entered -into the social conception of the organization based on it. - -For the authority of one set of men over another to attain its object -of restraining those who override public interests for their personal -ends, power ought only to be put into the hands of the impeccable, -as it is supposed to be among the Chinese, and as it was supposed to -be in the Middle Ages, and is even now supposed to be by those who -believe in the consecration by anointing. Only under those conditions -could the social organization be justified. - -But since this is not the case, and on the contrary men in power -are always far from being saints, through the very fact of their -possession of power, the social organization based on power has no -justification. - -Even if there was once a time when, owing to the low standard of -morals, and the disposition of men to violence, the existence of an -authority to restrain such violence was an advantage, because the -violence of government was less than the violence of individuals, -one cannot but see that this advantage could not be lasting. As -the disposition of individuals to violence diminished, and as the -habits of the people became more civilized, and as power grew more -demoralized through lack of restraint, this advantage disappeared. - -The whole history of the last two thousand years is nothing but -the history of this gradual change of relation between the moral -development of the masses on the one hand and the demoralization of -governments on the other. - -This, put simply, is how it has come to pass. - -Men lived in families, tribes, and races, at feud with one another, -plundering, outraging, and killing one another. These violent -hostilities were carried on on a large and on a small scale: man -against man, family against family, tribe against tribe, race against -race, and people against people. The larger and stronger groups -conquered and absorbed the weaker, and the larger and stronger -they became, the more internal feuds disappeared and the more the -continuity of the group seemed assured. - -The members of a family or tribe, united into one community, are less -hostile among themselves, and families and tribes do not die like one -man, but have a continuity of existence. Between the members of one -state, subject to a single authority, the strife between individuals -seems still less and the life of the state seems even more secure. - -Their association into larger and larger groups was not the result -of the conscious recognition of the benefits of such associations, -as it is said to be in the story of the Varyagi. It was produced, on -one hand, by the natural growth of population, and, on the other, by -struggle and conquest. - -After conquest the power of the emperor puts an end to internal -dissensions, and so the state conception of life justifies itself. -But this justification is never more than temporary. Internal -dissensions disappear only in proportion to the degree of oppression -exerted by the authority over the dissentient individuals. The -violence of internal feud crushed by authority reappears in authority -itself, which falls into the hands of men who, like the rest, are -frequently or always ready to sacrifice the public welfare to their -personal interest, with the difference that their subjects cannot -resist them, and thus they are exposed to all the demoralizing -influence of authority. And thus the evil of violence, when it passes -into the hands of authority, is always growing and growing, and in -time becomes greater than the evil it is supposed to suppress, while, -at the same time, the tendency to violence in the members of the -society becomes weaker and weaker, so that the violence of authority -is less and less needed. - -Government authority, even if it does suppress private violence, -always introduces into the life of men fresh forms of violence, which -tend to become greater and greater in proportion to the duration and -strength of the government. - -So that though the violence of power is less noticeable in government -than when it is employed by members of society against one another, -because it finds expression in submission, and not in strife, it -nevertheless exists, and often to a greater degree than in former -days. - -And it could not be otherwise, since, apart from the demoralizing -influence of power, the policy or even the unconscious tendency of -those in power will always be to reduce their subjects to the extreme -of weakness, for the weaker the oppressed, the less effort need be -made to keep him in subjection. - -And therefore the oppression of the oppressed always goes on growing -up to the furthest limit, beyond which it cannot go without killing -the goose with the golden eggs. And if the goose lays no more eggs, -like the American Indians, negroes, and Fijians, then it is killed in -spite of the sincere protests of philanthropists. - -The most convincing example of this is to be found in the condition -of the working classes of our epoch, who are in reality no better -than the slaves of ancient times subdued by conquest. - -In spite of the pretended efforts of the higher classes to ameliorate -the position of the workers, all the working classes of the present -day are kept down by the inflexible iron law by which they only -get just what is barely necessary, so that they are forced to work -without ceasing while still retaining strength enough to labor for -their employers, who are really those who have conquered and enslaved -them. - -So it has always been. In ratio to the duration and increasing -strength of authority its advantages for its subjects disappear and -its disadvantages increase. - -And this has been so, independently of the forms of government -under which nations have lived. The only difference is that under -a despotic form of government the authority is concentrated in a -small number of oppressors and violence takes a cruder form; under -constitutional monarchies and republics as in France and America -authority is divided among a great number of oppressors and the -forms assumed by violence is less crude, but its effect of making -the disadvantages of authority greater than its advantages, and of -enfeebling the oppressed to the furthest extreme to which they can be -reduced with advantage to the oppressors, remains always the same. - -Such has been and still is the condition of all the oppressed, but -hitherto they have not recognized the fact. In the majority of -instances they have believed in all simplicity that governments exist -for their benefit; that they would be lost without a government; that -the very idea of living without a government is a blasphemy which -one hardly dare put into words; that this is the--for some reason -terrible--doctrine of anarchism, with which a mental picture of all -kinds of horrors is associated. - -People have believed, as though it were something fully proved, and -so needing no proof, that since all nations have hitherto developed -in the form of states, that form of organization is an indispensable -condition of the development of humanity. - -And in that way it has lasted for hundreds and thousands of years, -and governments--those who happened to be in power--have tried it, -and are now trying more zealously than ever to keep their subjects in -this error. - -So it was under the Roman emperors and so it is now. In spite of the -fact that the sense of the uselessness and even injurious effects of -state violence is more and more penetrating into men's consciousness, -things might have gone on in the same way forever if governments were -not under the necessity of constantly increasing their armies in -order to maintain their power. - -It is generally supposed that governments strengthen their forces -only to defend the state from other states, in oblivion of the fact -that armies are necessary, before all things, for the defense of -governments from their own oppressed and enslaved subjects. - -That has always been necessary, and has become more and more -necessary with the increased diffusion of education among the masses, -with the improved communication between people of the same and of -different nationalities. It has become particularly indispensable -now in the face of communism, socialism, anarchism, and the labor -movement generally. Governments feel that it is so, and strengthen -the force of their disciplined armies.[13] - - [13] The fact that in America the abuses of authority exist in spite - of the small number of their troops not only fails to disprove this - position, but positively confirms it. In America there are fewer - soldiers than in other states. That is why there is nowhere else so - little oppression of the working classes, and no country where the - end of the abuses of government and of government itself seems so - near. Of late as the combinations of laborers gain in strength, one - hears more and more frequently the cry raised for the increase of the - army, though the United States are not threatened with any attack - from without. The upper classes know that an army of fifty thousand - will soon be insufficient, and no longer relying on Pinkerton's - men, they feel that the security of their position depends on the - increased strength of the army. - -In the German Reichstag not long ago, in reply to a question why -funds were needed for raising the salaries of the under-officers, the -German Chancellor openly declared that trustworthy under-officers -were necessary to contend against socialism. Caprivi only said -aloud what every statesman knows and assiduously conceals from the -people. The reason to which he gave expression is essentially the -same as that which made the French kings and the popes engage Swiss -and Scotch guards, and makes the Russian authorities of to-day so -carefully distribute the recruits, so that the regiments from the -frontiers are stationed in central districts, and the regiments from -the center are stationed on the frontiers. The meaning of Caprivi's -speech, put into plain language, is that funds are needed, not to -resist foreign foes, but to _buy under-officers_ to be ready to act -against the enslaved toiling masses. - -Caprivi incautiously gave utterance to what everyone knows perfectly -well, or at least feels vaguely if he does not recognize it, that -is, that the existing order of life is as it is, not, as would be -natural and right, because the people wish it to be so, but because -it is so maintained by state violence, by the army with its _bought -under-officers_ and generals. - -If the laborer has no land, if he cannot use the natural right of -every man to derive subsistence for himself and his family out of the -land, that is not because the people wish it to be so, but because a -certain set of men, the land-owners, have appropriated the right of -giving or refusing admittance to the land to the laborers. And this -abnormal order of things is maintained by the army. If the immense -wealth produced by the labor of the working classes is not regarded -as the property of all, but as the property of a few exceptional -persons; if labor is taxed by authority and the taxes spent by a -few on what they think fit; if strikes on the part of laborers are -repressed, while on the part of capitalists they are encouraged; if -certain persons appropriate the right of choosing the form of the -education, religious and secular, of children, and certain persons -monopolize the right of making the laws all must obey, and so dispose -of the lives and properties of other people--all this is not done -because the people wish it and because it is what is natural and -right, but because the government and ruling classes wish this to be -so for their own benefit, and insist on its being so even by physical -violence. - -Everyone, if he does not recognize this now, will know that it is so -at the first attempt at insubordination or at a revolution of the -existing order. - -Armies, then, are needed by governments and by the ruling classes -above all to support the present order, which, far from being the -result of the people's needs, is often in direct antagonism to them, -and is only beneficial to the government and ruling classes. - -To keep their subjects in oppression and to be able to enjoy the -fruits of their labor the government must have armed forces. - -But there is not only one government. There are other governments, -exploiting their subjects by violence in the same way, and always -ready to pounce down on any other government and carry off the -fruits of the toil of its enslaved subjects. And so every government -needs an army also to protect its booty from its neighbor brigands. -Every government is thus involuntarily reduced to the necessity of -emulating one another in the increase of their armies. This increase -is contagious, as Montesquieu pointed out 150 years ago. - -Every increase in the army of one state, with the aim of self-defense -against its subjects, becomes a source of danger for neighboring -states and calls for a similar increase in their armies. - -The armed forces have reached their present number of millions not -only through the menace of danger from neighboring states, but -principally through the necessity of subduing every effort at revolt -on the part of the subjects. - -Both causes, mutually dependent, contribute to the same result at -once; troops are required against internal forces and also to keep -up a position with other states. One is the result of the other. -The despotism of a government always increases with the strength of -the army and its external successes, and the aggressiveness of a -government increases with its internal despotism. - -The rivalry of the European states in constantly increasing their -forces has reduced them to the necessity of having recourse to -universal military service, since by that means the greatest possible -number of soldiers is obtained at the least possible expense. Germany -first hit on this device. And directly one state adopted it the -others were obliged to do the same. And by this means all citizens -are under arms to support the iniquities practiced upon them; all -citizens have become their own oppressors. - -Universal military service was an inevitable logical necessity, to -which we were bound to come. But it is also the last expression -of the inconsistency inherent in the social conception of life, -when violence is needed to maintain it. This inconsistency has -become obvious in universal military service. In fact, the whole -significance of the social conception of life consists in man's -recognition of the barbarity of strife between individuals, and the -transitoriness of personal life itself, and the transference of -the aim of life to groups of persons. But with universal military -service it comes to pass that men, after making every sacrifice to -get rid of the cruelty of strife and the insecurity of existence, -are called upon to face all the perils they had meant to avoid. And -in addition to this the state, for whose sake individuals renounced -their personal advantages, is exposed again to the same risks of -insecurity and lack of permanence as the individual himself was in -previous times. - -Governments were to give men freedom from the cruelty of personal -strife and security in the permanence of the state order of -existence. But instead of doing that they expose the individuals to -the same necessity of strife, substituting strife with individuals of -other states for strife with neighbors. And the danger of destruction -for the individual, and the state too, they leave just as it was. - -Universal military service may be compared to the efforts of a man to -prop up his falling house who so surrounds it and fills it with props -and buttresses and planks and scaffolding that he manages to keep the -house standing only by making it impossible to live in it. - -In the same way universal military service destroys all the benefits -of the social order of life which it is employed to maintain. - -The advantages of social organization are security of property and -labor and associated action for the improvement of existence--universal -military service destroys all this. - -The taxes raised from the people for war preparations absorb the -greater part of the produce of labor which the army ought to defend. - -The withdrawing of all men from the ordinary course of life destroys -the possibility of labor itself. The danger of war, ever ready to -break out, renders all reforms of social life vain and fruitless. - -In former days if a man were told that if he did not acknowledge -the authority of the state, he would be exposed to attack from -enemies domestic and foreign, that he would have to resist them -alone, and would be liable to be killed, and that therefore it would -be to his advantage to put up with some hardships to secure himself -from these calamities, he might well believe it, seeing that the -sacrifices he made to the state were only partial and gave him the -hope of a tranquil existence in a permanent state. But now, when the -sacrifices have been increased tenfold and the promised advantages -are disappearing, it would be a natural reflection that submission to -authority is absolutely useless. - -But the fatal significance of universal military service, as the -manifestation of the contradiction inherent in the social conception -of life, is not only apparent in that. The greatest manifestation of -this contradiction consists in the fact that every citizen in being -made a soldier becomes a prop of the government organization, and -shares the responsibility of everything the government does, even -though he may not admit its legitimacy. - -Governments assert that armies are needed above all for external -defense, but that is not true. They are needed principally against -their subjects, and every man, under universal military service, -becomes an accomplice in all the acts of violence of the government -against the citizens without any choice of his own. - -To convince oneself of this one need only remember what things are -done in every state, in the name of order and the public welfare, of -which the execution always falls to the army. All civil outbreaks -for dynastic or other party reasons, all the executions that follow -on such disturbances, all repression of insurrections, and military -intervention to break up meetings and to suppress strikes, all forced -extortion of taxes, all the iniquitous distributions of land, all -the restrictions on labor--are either carried out directly by the -military or by the police with the army at their back. Anyone who -serves his time in the army shares the responsibility of all these -things, about which he is, in some cases, dubious, while very often -they are directly opposed to his conscience. People are unwilling to -be turned out of the land they have cultivated for generations, or -they are unwilling to disperse when the government authority orders -them, or they are unwilling to pay the taxes required of them, or -to recognize laws as binding on them when they have had no hand in -making them, or to be deprived of their nationality--and I, in the -fulfillment of my military duty, must go and shoot them for it. -How can I help asking myself when I take part in such punishments, -whether they are just, and whether I ought to assist in carrying them -out? - -Universal service is the extreme limit of violence necessary for the -support of the whole state organization, and it is the extreme limit -to which submission on the part of the subjects can go. It is the -keystone of the whole edifice, and its fall will bring it all down. - -The time has come when the ever-growing abuse of power by governments -and their struggles with one another has led to their demanding such -material and even moral sacrifices from their subjects that everyone -is forced to reflect and ask himself, "Can I make these sacrifices? -And for the sake of what am I making them? I am expected for the -sake of the state to make these sacrifices, to renounce everything -that can be precious to man--peace, family, security, and human -dignity." What is this state, for whose sake such terrible sacrifices -have to be made? And why is it so indispensably necessary? "The -state," they tell us, "is indispensably needed, in the first place, -because without it we should not be protected against the attacks of -evil-disposed persons; and secondly, except for the state we should -be savages and should have neither religion, culture, education, nor -commerce, nor means of communication, nor other social institutions; -and thirdly, without the state to defend us we should be liable to be -conquered and enslaved by neighboring peoples." - -"Except for the state," they say, "we should be exposed to the -attacks of evil-disposed persons in our own country." - -But who are these evil-disposed persons in our midst from whose -attacks we are preserved by the state and its army? Even if, three -or four centuries ago, when men prided themselves on their warlike -prowess, when killing men was considered an heroic achievement, there -were such persons; we know very well that there are no such persons -now, that we do not nowadays carry or use firearms, but everyone -professes humane principles and feels sympathy for his fellows, and -wants nothing more than we all do--that is, to be left in peace -to enjoy his existence undisturbed. So that nowadays there are no -special malefactors from whom the state could defend us. If by these -evil-disposed persons is meant the men who are punished as criminals, -we know very well that they are not a different kind of being like -wild beasts among sheep, but are men just like ourselves, and no more -naturally inclined to crimes than those against whom they commit -them. We know now that threats and punishments cannot diminish their -number; that that can only be done by change of environment and moral -influence. So that the justification of state violence on the ground -of the protection it gives us from evil-disposed persons, even if it -had some foundation three or four centuries ago, has none whatever -now. At present one would rather say on the contrary that the action -of the state with its cruel methods of punishment, behind the general -moral standard of the age, such as prisons, galleys, gibbets, and -guillotines, tends rather to brutalize the people than to civilize -them, and consequently rather to increase than diminish the number of -malefactors. - -"Except for the state," they tell us, "we should not have any -religion, education, culture, means of communication, and so on. -Without the state men would not have been able to form the social -institutions needed for doing anything." This argument too was well -founded only some centuries ago. - -If there was a time when people were so disunited, when they had so -little means of communication and interchange of ideas, that they -could not co-operate and agree together in any common action in -commerce, economics, or education without the state as a center, this -want of common action exists no longer. The great extension of means -of communication and interchange of ideas has made men completely -able to dispense with state aid in forming societies, associations, -corporations, and congresses for scientific, economic, and political -objects. Indeed government is more often an obstacle than an -assistance in attaining these aims. - -From the end of last century there has hardly been a single -progressive movement of humanity which has not been retarded by the -government. So it has been with abolition of corporal punishment, of -trial by torture, and of slavery, as well as with the establishment -of the liberty of the press and the right of public meeting. In our -day governments not only fail to encourage, but directly hinder -every movement by which people try to work out new forms of life for -themselves. Every attempt at the solution of the problems of labor, -land, politics, and religion meets with direct opposition on the part -of government. - -"Without governments nations would be enslaved by their neighbors." -It is scarcely necessary to refute this last argument. It carries its -refutation on the face of it. The government, they tell us, with its -army, is necessary to defend us from neighboring states who might -enslave us. But we know this is what all governments say of one -another, and yet we know that all the European nations profess the -same principles of liberty and fraternity, and therefore stand in -no need of protection against one another. And if defense against -barbarous nations is meant, one-thousandth part of the troops now -under arms would be amply sufficient for that purpose. We see that -it is really the very opposite of what we have been told. The power -of the state, far from being a security against the attacks of our -neighbors, exposes us, on the contrary, to much greater danger of -such attacks. So that every man who is led, through his compulsory -service in the army, to reflect on the value of the state for whose -sake he is expected to be ready to sacrifice his peace, security, and -life, cannot fail to perceive that there is no kind of justification -in modern times for such a sacrifice. - -And it is not only from the theoretical standpoint that every -man must see that the sacrifices demanded by the state have no -justification. Even looking at it practically, weighing, that is to -say, all the burdens laid on him by the state, no man can fail to see -that for him personally to comply with state demands and serve in the -army, would, in the majority of cases, be more disadvantageous than -to refuse to do so. - -If the majority of men choose to submit rather than to refuse, it is -not the result of sober balancing of advantages and disadvantages, -but because they are induced by a kind of hypnotizing process -practiced upon them. In submitting they simply yield to the -suggestions given them as orders, without thought or effort of -will. To resist would need independent thought and effort of which -every man is not capable. Even apart from the moral significance of -compliance or non-compliance, considering material advantage only, -non-compliance will be more advantageous in general. - -Whoever I may be, whether I belong to the well-to-do class of the -oppressors, or the working class of the oppressed, in either case the -disadvantages of non-compliance are less and its advantages greater -than those of compliance. If I belong to the minority of oppressors -the disadvantages of non-compliance will consist in my being brought -to judgment for refusing to perform my duties to the state, and -if I am lucky, being acquitted or, as is done in the case of the -Mennonites in Russia, being set to work out my military service at -some civil occupation for the state; while if I am unlucky, I may be -condemned to exile or imprisonment for two or three years (I judge -by the cases that have occurred in Russia), possibly to even longer -imprisonment, or possibly to death, though the probability of that -latter is very remote. - -So much for the disadvantages of non-compliance. The disadvantages of -compliance will be as follows: if I am lucky I shall not be sent to -murder my fellow-creatures, and shall not be exposed to great danger -of being maimed and killed, but shall only be enrolled into military -slavery. I shall be dressed up like a clown, I shall be at the beck -and call of every man of a higher grade than my own from corporal to -field-marshal, shall be put through any bodily contortions at their -pleasure, and after being kept from one to five years I shall have -for ten years afterward to be in readiness to undertake all of it -again at any minute. If I am unlucky I may, in addition, be sent to -war, where I shall be forced to kill men of foreign nations who have -done me no harm, where I may be maimed or killed, or sent to certain -destruction as in the case of the garrison of Sevastopol, and other -cases in every war, or what would be most terrible of all, I may be -sent against my own compatriots and have to kill my own brothers for -some dynastic or other state interests which have absolutely nothing -to do with me. So much for the comparative disadvantages. - -The comparative advantages of compliance and non-compliance are as -follows: - -For the man who submits, the advantages will be that, after exposing -himself to all the humiliation and performing all the barbarities -required of him, he may, if he escapes being killed, get a decoration -of red or gold tinsel to stick on his clown's dress; he may, if he is -very lucky, be put in command of hundreds of thousands of others as -brutalized as himself; be called a field-marshal, and get a lot of -money. - -The advantages of the man who refuses to obey will consist in -preserving his dignity as a man, gaining the approbation of good -men, and above all knowing that he is doing the work of God, and so -undoubtedly doing good to his fellow-men. - -So much for the advantages and disadvantages of both lines of conduct -for a man of the wealthy classes, an oppressor. For a man of the poor -working class the advantages and disadvantages will be the same, but -with a great increase of disadvantages. The disadvantages for the -poor man who submits will be aggravated by the fact that he will by -taking part in it, and, as it were, assenting to it strengthen the -state of subjection in which he is held himself. - -But no considerations as to how far the state is useful or beneficial -to the men who help to support it by serving in the army, nor of -the advantages or disadvantages for the individual of compliance or -non-compliance with state demands, will decide the question of the -continued existence or the abolition of government. This question -will be finally decided beyond appeal by the religious consciousness -or conscience of every man who is forced, whether he will or no, -through universal conscription, to face the question whether the -state is to continue to exist or not. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - - DOCTRINE OF NON-RESISTANCE TO EVIL BY FORCE MUST INEVITABLY BE - ACCEPTED BY MEN OF THE PRESENT DAY. - - Christianity is Not a System of Rules, but a New Conception of - Life, and therefore it was Not Obligatory and was Not Accepted - in its True Significance by All, but only by a Few--Christianity - is, Moreover, Prophetic of the Destruction of the Pagan Life, - and therefore of Necessity of the Acceptance of the Christian - Doctrines--Non-resistance of Evil by Force is One Aspect of - the Christian Doctrine, which must Inevitably in Our Times be - Accepted by Men--Two Methods of Deciding Every Quarrel--First - Method is to Find a Universal Definition of Evil, which All Must - Accept, and to Resist this Evil by Force--Second Method is the - Christian One of Complete Non-resistance by Force--Though the - Failure of the First Method was Recognized since the Early Days - of Christianity, it was Still Proposed, and only as Mankind - has Progressed it has Become More and More Evident that there - Cannot be any Universal Definition of Evil--This is Recognized - by All at the Present Day, and if Force is Still Used to Resist - Evil, it is Not Because it is Now Regarded as Right, but - Because People Don't Know How to Avoid It--The Difficulty of - Avoiding It is the Result of the Subtle and Complex Character - of the Government Use of Force--Force is Used in Four Ways: - Intimidation, Bribery, Hypnotism, and Coercion by Force of - Arms--State Violence Can Never be Suppressed by the Forcible - Overthrow of the Government--Men are Led by the Sufferings of - the Pagan Mode of Life to the Necessity of Accepting Christ's - Teaching with its Doctrine of Non-resistance by Force--The - Consciousness of its Truth which is Diffused Throughout - Our Society, Will also Bring About its Acceptance--This - Consciousness is in Complete Contradiction with Our Life--This - is Specially Obvious in Compulsory Military Service, but Through - Habit and the Application of the Four Methods of Violence by - the State, Men do not See this Inconsistency of Christianity - with Life of a Soldier--They do Not even See It, though the - Authorities Themselves Show all the Immorality of a Soldier's - Duties with Perfect Clearness--The Call to Military Service is - the Supreme Test for Every Man, when the Choice is Offered Him, - between Adopting the Christian Doctrine of Non-resistance, or - Slavishly Submitting to the Existing State Organization--Men - Usually Renounce All They Hold Sacred, and Submit to the Demands - of Government, Seeming to See No Other Course Open to Them--For - Men of the Pagan Conception of Life there is No Other Course - Open, and Never Will Be, in Spite of the Growing Horrors of - War--Society, Made Up of Such Men, Must Perish, and No Social - Reorganization Can Save It--Pagan Life Has Reached Its Extreme - Limit, and Will Annihilate Itself. - - -It is often said that if Christianity is a truth, it ought to have -been accepted by everyone directly it appeared, and ought to have -transformed men's lives for the better. But this is like saying that -if the seed were ripe it ought at once to bring forth stalk, flower, -and fruit. - -The Christian religion is not a legal system which, being imposed by -violence, may transform men's lives. Christianity is a new and higher -conception of life. A new conception of life cannot be imposed on -men; it can only be freely assimilated. And it can only be freely -assimilated in two ways: one spiritual and internal, the other -experimental and external. - -Some people--a minority--by a kind of prophetic instinct divine -the truth of the doctrine, surrender themselves to it and adopt -it. Others--the majority--only through a long course of mistakes, -experiments, and suffering are brought to recognize the truth of the -doctrine and the necessity of adopting it. - -And by this experimental external method the majority of Christian -men have now been brought to this necessity of assimilating the -doctrine. One sometimes wonders what necessitated the corruption of -Christianity which is now the greatest obstacle to its acceptance in -its true significance. - -If Christianity had been presented to men in its true, uncorrupted -form, it would not have been accepted by the majority, who would have -been as untouched by it as the nations of Asia are now. The peoples -who accepted it in its corrupt form were subjected to its slow but -certain influence, and by a long course of errors and experiments and -their resultant sufferings have now been brought to the necessity of -assimulating it in its true significance. - -The corruption of Christianity and its acceptance in its corrupt form -by the majority of men was as necessary as it is that the seed should -remain hidden for a certain time in the earth in order to germinate. - -Christianity is at once a doctrine of truth and a prophecy. Eighteen -centuries ago Christianity revealed to men the truth in which they -ought to live, and at the same time foretold what human life would -become if men would not live by it but continued to live by their -previous principles, and what it would become if they accepted the -Christian doctrine and carried it out in their lives. - -Laying down in the Sermon on the Mount the principles by which to -guide men's lives, Christ said: "Whosoever heareth these sayings of -mine, and doeth them, I will liken him unto a wise man, who built his -house upon a rock; and the rain descended, and the floods came, and -the winds blew, and beat upon that house; and it fell not, for it was -founded upon a rock. And everyone that heareth these sayings, and -doeth them not, shall be likened unto a foolish man, who built his -house upon the sand; and the rain descended, and the floods came, and -the winds blew, and beat upon that house; and it fell: and great was -the fall of it" (Matt. vii. 24-27). - -And now after eighteen centuries the prophecy has been fulfilled. Not -having followed Christ's teaching generally and its application to -social life in non-resistance to evil, men have been brought in spite -of themselves to the inevitable destruction foretold by Christ for -those who do not fulfill his teaching. - -People often think the question of non-resistance to evil by force -is a theoretical one, which can be neglected. Yet this question -is presented by life itself to all men, and calls for some answer -from every thinking man. Ever since Christianity has been outwardly -professed, this question is for men in their social life like the -question which presents itself to a traveler when the road on which -he has been journeying divides into two branches. He must go on and -he cannot say: I will not think about it, but will go on just as I -did before. There was one road, now there are two, and he must make -his choice. - -In the same way since Christ's teaching has been known by men they -cannot say: I will live as before and will not decide the question of -resistance or non-resistance to evil by force. At every new struggle -that arises one must inevitably decide; am I, or am I not, to resist -by force what I regard as evil. - -The question of resistance or non-resistance to evil arose when -the first conflict between men took place, since every conflict is -nothing else than resistance by force to what each of the combatants -regards as evil. But before Christ, men did not see that resistance -by force to what each regards as evil, simply because one thinks evil -what the other thinks good, is only one of the methods of settling -the dispute, and that there is another method, that of not resisting -evil by force at all. - -Before Christ's teaching, it seemed to men that the one only means -of settling a dispute was by resistance to evil by force. And they -acted accordingly, each of the combatants trying to convince himself -and others that what each respectively regards as evil, is actually, -absolutely evil. - -And to do this from the earliest time men have devised definitions of -evil and tried to make them binding on everyone. And such definitions -of evil sometimes took the form of laws, supposed to have been -received by supernatural means, sometimes of the commands of rulers -or assemblies to whom infallibility was attributed. Men resorted to -violence against others, and convinced themselves and others that -they were directing their violence against evil recognized as such by -all. - -This means was employed from the earliest times, especially by those -who had gained possession of authority, and for a long while its -irrationality was not detected. - -But the longer men lived in the world and the more complex their -relations became, the more evident it was that to resist by force -what each regarded as evil was irrational, that conflict was in no -way lessened thereby, and that no human definitions can succeed in -making what some regard as evil be accepted as such by others. - -Already at the time Christianity arose, it was evident to a great -number of people in the Roman Empire where it arose, that what was -regarded as evil by Nero and Caligula could not be regarded as evil -by others. Even at that time men had begun to understand that human -laws, though given out for divine laws, were compiled by men, and -cannot be infallible, whatever the external majesty with which they -are invested, and that erring men are not rendered infallible by -assembling together and calling themselves a senate or any other -name. Even at that time this was felt and understood by many. And it -was then that Christ preached his doctrine, which consisted not only -of the prohibition of resistance to evil by force, but gave a new -conception of life and a means of putting an end to conflict between -all men, not by making it the duty of one section only of mankind -to submit without conflict to what is prescribed to them by certain -authorities, but by making it the duty of all--and consequently of -those in authority--not to resort to force against anyone in any -circumstances. - -This doctrine was accepted at the time by only a very small number -of disciples. The majority of men, especially all who were in power, -even after the nominal acceptance of Christianity, continued to -maintain for themselves the principle of resistance by force to -what they regarded as evil. So it was under the Roman and Byzantine -emperors, and so it continued to be later. - -The insufficiency of the principle of the authoritative definition of -evil and resistance to it by force, evident as it was in the early -ages of Christianity, becomes still more obvious through the division -of the Roman Empire into many states of equal authority, through -their hostilities and the internal conflicts that broke out within -them. - -But men were not ready to accept the solution given by Christ, and -the old definitions of evil, which ought to be resisted, continued to -be laid down by means of making laws binding on all and enforced by -forcible means. The authority who decided what ought to be regarded -as evil and resisted by force was at one time the Pope, at another -an emperor or king, an elective assembly or a whole nation. But both -within and without the state there were always men to be found who -did not accept as binding on themselves the laws given out as the -decrees of a god, or made by men invested with a sacred character, -or the institutions supposed to represent the will of the nation; -and there were men who thought good what the existing authorities -regarded as bad, and who struggled against the authorities with the -same violence as was employed against them. - -The men invested with religious authority regarded as evil what the -men and institutions invested with temporal authority regarded as -good and _vice versa_, and the struggle grew more and more intense. -And the longer men used violence as the means of settling their -disputes, the more obvious it became that it was an unsuitable means, -since there could be no external authority able to define evil -recognized by all. - -Things went on like this for eighteen centuries, and at last reached -the present position in which it is absolutely obvious that there -is, and can be, no external definition of evil binding upon all. -Men have come to the point of ceasing to believe in the possibility -or even desirability of finding and establishing such a general -definition. It has come to men in power ceasing to attempt to prove -that what they regard as evil is evil, and simply declaring that they -regard as evil what they don't like, while their subjects no longer -obey them because they accept the definition of evil laid down by -them, but simply obey because they cannot help themselves. It was not -because it was a good thing, necessary and beneficial to men, and the -contrary course would have been an evil, but simply because it was -the will of those in power that Nice was incorporated into France, -and Lorraine into Germany, and Bohemia into Austria, and that Poland -was divided, and Ireland and India ruled by the English government, -and that the Chinese are attacked and the Africans slaughtered, and -the Chinese prevented from immigrating by the Americans, and the Jews -persecuted by the Russians, and that landowners appropriate lands -they do not cultivate and capitalists enjoy the fruits of the labor -of others. It has come to the present state of things; one set of -men commit acts of violence no longer on the pretext of resistance -to evil, but simply for their profit or their caprice, and another -set submit to violence, not because they suppose, as was supposed in -former times, that this violence was practised upon them for the sake -of securing them from evil, but simply because they cannot avoid it. - -If the Roman, or the man of mediaeval times, or the average Russian of -fifty years ago, as I remember him, was convinced without a shade of -doubt that the violence of authority was indispensable to preserve -him from evil; that taxes, dues, serfage, prisons, scourging, knouts, -executions, the army and war were what ought to be--we know now that -one can seldom find a man who believes that all these means of -violence preserve anyone from any evil whatever, and indeed does not -clearly perceive that most of these acts of violence to which he is -exposed, and in which he has some share, are in themselves a great -and useless evil. - -There is no one to-day who does not see the uselessness and -injustice of collecting taxes from the toiling masses to enrich idle -officials; or the senselessness of inflicting punishments on weak or -depraved persons in the shape of transportation from one place to -another, or of imprisonment in a fortress where, living in security -and indolence, they only become weaker and more depraved; or the -worse than uselessness and injustice, the positive insanity and -barbarity of preparations for war and of wars, causing devastation -and ruin, and having no kind of justification. Yet these forms of -violence continue and are supported by the very people who see their -uselessness, injustice, and cruelty, and suffer from them. If fifty -years ago the idle rich man and the illiterate laborer were both -alike convinced that their state of everlasting holiday for one and -everlasting toil for the other was ordained by God himself, we know -very well that nowadays, thanks to the growth of population and -the diffusion of books and education, it would be hard to find in -Europe or even in Russia, either among rich or poor, a man to whom -in one shape or another a doubt as to the justice of this state -of things had never presented itself. The rich know that they are -guilty in the very fact of being rich, and try to expiate their guilt -by sacrifices to art and science, as of old they expiated their -sins by sacrifices to the Church. And even the larger half of the -working people openly declare that the existing order is iniquitous -and bound to be destroyed or reformed. One set of religious people -of whom there are millions in Russia, the so-called sectaries, -consider the existing social order as unjust and to be destroyed on -the ground of the Gospel teaching taken in its true sense. Others -regard it as unjust on the ground of the socialistic, communistic, -or anarchistic theories, which are springing up in the lower strata -of the working people. Violence no longer rests on the belief in its -utility, but only on the fact of its having existed so long, and -being organized by the ruling classes who profit by it, so that those -who are under their authority cannot extricate themselves from it. -The governments of our day--all of them, the most despotic and the -liberal alike--have become what Herzen so well called "Ghenghis Khan -with the telegraph;" that is to say, organizations of violence based -on no principle but the grossest tyranny, and at the same time taking -advantage of all the means invented by science for the peaceful -collective social activity of free and equal men, used by them to -enslave and oppress their fellows. - -Governments and the ruling classes no longer take their stand -on right or even on the semblance of justice, but on a skillful -organization carried to such a point of perfection by the aid of -science that everyone is caught in the circle of violence and has -no chance of escaping from it. This circle is made up now of four -methods of working upon men, joined together like the links of a -chain ring. - -The first and oldest method is intimidation. This consists in -representing the existing state organization--whatever it may be, -free republic or the most savage despotism--as something sacred and -immutable, and therefore following any efforts to alter it with the -cruellest punishments. This method is in use now--as it has been from -olden times--wherever there is a government: in Russia against the -so-called Nihilists, in America against Anarchists, in France against -Imperialists, Legitimists, Communards, and Anarchists. - -Railways, telegraphs, telephones, photographs, and the great -perfection of the means of getting rid of men for years, without -killing them, by solitary confinement, where, hidden from the -world, they perish and are forgotten, and the many other modern -inventions employed by government, give such power that when once -authority has come into certain hands, the police, open and secret, -the administration and prosecutors, jailers and executioners of -all kinds, do their work so zealously that there is no chance of -overturning the government, however cruel and senseless it may be. - -The second method is corruption. It consists in plundering the -industrious working people of their wealth by means of taxes and -distributing it in satisfying the greed of officials, who are bound -in return to support and keep up the oppression of the people. These -bought officials, from the highest ministers to the poorest copying -clerks, make up an unbroken network of men bound together by the same -interest--that of living at the expense of the people. They become -the richer the more submissively they carry out the will of the -government; and at all times and places, sticking at nothing, in all -departments support by word and deed the violence of government, on -which their own prosperity also rests. - -The third method is what I can only describe as hypnotizing the -people. This consists in checking the moral development of men, -and by various suggestions keeping them back in the ideal of life, -outgrown by mankind at large, on which the power of government rests. -This hypnotizing process is organized at the present in the most -complex manner, and starting from their earliest childhood, continues -to act on men till the day of their death. It begins in their -earliest years in the compulsory schools, created for this purpose, -in which the children have instilled into them the ideas of life of -their ancestors, which are in direct antagonism with the conscience -of the modern world. In countries where there is a state religion, -they teach the children the senseless blasphemies of the Church -catechisms, together with the duty of obedience to their superiors. -In republican states they teach them the savage superstition of -patriotism and the same pretended obedience to the governing -authorities. - -The process is kept up during later years by the encouragement of -religious and patriotic superstitions. - -The religious superstition is encouraged by establishing, with -money taken from the people, temples, processions, memorials, and -festivals, which, aided by painting, architecture, music, and -incense, intoxicate the people, and above all by the support of the -clergy, whose duty consists in brutalizing the people and keeping -them in a permanent state of stupefaction by their teaching, the -solemnity of their services, their sermons, and their interference -in private life--at births, deaths, and marriages. The patriotic -superstition is encouraged by the creation, with money taken from -the people, of national fetes, spectacles, monuments, and festivals -to dispose men to attach importance to their own nation, and to the -aggrandizement of the state and its rulers, and to feel antagonism -and even hatred for other nations. With these objects under -despotic governments there is direct prohibition against printing -and disseminating books to enlighten the people, and everyone who -might rouse the people from their lethargy is exiled or imprisoned. -Moreover, under every government without exception everything is -kept back that might emancipate and everything encouraged that -tends to corrupt the people, such as literary works tending to keep -them in the barbarism of religious and patriotic superstition, all -kinds of sensual amusements, spectacles, circuses, theaters, and -even the physical means of inducing stupefaction, as tobacco and -alcohol, which form the principal source of revenue of states. -Even prostitution is encouraged, and not only recognized, but even -organized by the government in the majority of states. So much for -the third method. - -The fourth method consists in selecting from all the men who -have been stupefied and enslaved by the three former methods a -certain number, exposing them to special and intensified means of -stupefaction and brutalization, and so making them into a passive -instrument for carrying out all the cruelties and brutalities needed -by the government. This result is attained by taking them at the -youthful age when men have not had time to form clear and definite -principles of morals, and removing them from all natural and human -conditions of life, home, family and kindred, and useful labor. They -are shut up together in barracks, dressed in special clothes, and -worked upon by cries, drums, music, and shining objects to go through -certain daily actions invented for this purpose, and by this means -are brought into an hypnotic condition in which they cease to be men -and become mere senseless machines, submissive to the hypnotizer. -These physically vigorous young men (in these days of universal -conscription, all young men), hypnotized, armed with murderous -weapons, always obedient to the governing authorities and ready for -any act of violence at their command, constitute the fourth and -principal method of enslaving men. - -By this method the circle of violence is completed. - -Intimidation, corruption, and hypnotizing bring people into a -condition in which they are willing to be soldiers; the soldiers give -the power of punishing and plundering them (and purchasing officials -with the spoils), and hypnotizing them and converting them in time -into these same soldiers again. - -The circle is complete, and there is no chance of breaking through it -by force. - -Some persons maintain that freedom from violence, or at least a great -diminution of it, may be gained by the oppressed forcibly overturning -the oppressive government and replacing it by a new one under which -such violence and oppression will be unnecessary, but they deceive -themselves and others, and their efforts do not better the position -of the oppressed, but only make it worse. Their conduct only tends -to increase the despotism of government. Their efforts only afford a -plausible pretext for government to strengthen their power. - -Even if we admit that under a combination of circumstances specially -unfavorable for the government, as in France in 1870, any government -might be forcibly overturned and the power transferred to other -hands, the new authority would rarely be less oppressive than the -old one; on the contrary, always having to defend itself against its -dispossessed and exasperated enemies, it would be more despotic and -cruel, as has always been the rule in all revolutions. - -While socialists and communists regard the individualistic, -capitalistic organization of society as an evil, and the anarchists -regard as an evil all government whatever, there are royalists, -conservatives, and capitalists who consider any socialistic or -communistic organization or anarchy as an evil, and all these -parties have no means other than violence to bring men to agreement. -Whichever of these parties were successful in bringing their schemes -to pass, must resort to support its authority to all the existing -methods of violence, and even invent new ones. - -The oppressed would be another set of people, and coercion would take -some new form; but the violence and oppression would be unchanged or -even more cruel, since hatred would be intensified by the struggle, -and new forms of oppression would have been devised. So it has always -been after all revolutions and all attempts at revolution, all -conspiracies, and all violent changes of government. Every conflict -only strengthens the means of oppression in the hands of those who -happen at a given moment to be in power. - -The position of our Christian society, and especially the ideals most -current in it, prove this in a strikingly convincing way. - -There remains now only one sphere of human life not encroached upon -by government authority--that is the domestic, economic sphere, the -sphere of private life and labor. And even this is now--thanks to the -efforts of communists and socialists--being gradually encroached upon -by government, so that labor and recreation, dwellings, dress, and -food will gradually, if the hopes of the reformers are successful, be -prescribed and regulated by government. - -The slow progress of eighteen centuries has brought the Christian -nations again to the necessity of deciding the question they have -evaded--the question of the acceptance or non-acceptance of Christ's -teaching, and the question following upon it in social life of -resistance or non-resistance to evil by force. But there is this -difference, that whereas formerly men could accept or refuse to -accept the solution given by Christ, now that solution cannot be -avoided, since it alone can save men from the slavery in which they -are caught like a net. - -But it is not only the misery of the position which makes this -inevitable. - -While the pagan organization has been proved more and more false, -the truth of the Christian religion has been growing more and more -evident. - -Not in vain have the best men of Christian humanity, who apprehended -the truth by spiritual intuition, for eighteen centuries testified to -it in spite of every menace, every privation, and every suffering. By -their martyrdom they passed on the truth to the masses, and impressed -it on their hearts. - -Christianity has penetrated into the consciousness of humanity, -not only negatively by the demonstration of the impossibility of -continuing in the pagan life, but also through its simplification, -its increased clearness and freedom from the superstitions -intermingled with it, and its diffusion through all classes of the -population. - -Eighteen centuries of Christianity have not passed without an -effect even on those who accepted it only externally. These -eighteen centuries have brought men so far that even while they -continue to live the pagan life which is no longer consistent with -the development of humanity, they not only see clearly all the -wretchedness of their position, but in the depths of their souls -they believe (they can only live through this belief) that the -only salvation from this position is to be found in fulfilling -the Christian doctrine in its true significance. As to the time -and manner of salvation, opinions are divided according to the -intellectual development and the prejudices of each society. But -every man of the modern world recognizes that our salvation lies in -fulfilling the law of Christ. Some believers in the supernatural -character of Christianity hold that salvation will come when all men -are brought to believe in Christ, whose second coming is at hand. -Other believers in supernatural Christianity hold that salvation -will come through the Church, which will draw all men into its -fold, train them in the Christian virtues, and transform their -life. A third section, who do not admit the divinity of Christ, -hold that the salvation of mankind will be brought about by slow -and gradual progress, through which the pagan principles of our -existence will be replaced by the principles of liberty, equality, -and fraternity--that is, by Christian principles. A fourth section, -who believe in the social revolution, hold that salvation will come -when through a violent revolution men are forced into community -of property, abolition of government, and collective instead of -individual industry--that is to say, the realization of one side of -the Christian doctrine. In one way or another all men of our day in -their inner consciousness condemn the existing effete pagan order, -and admit, often unconsciously and while regarding themselves as -hostile to Christianity, that our salvation is only to be found in -the application of the Christian doctrine, or parts of it, in its -true significance to our daily life. - -Christianity cannot, as its Founder said, be realized by the majority -of men all at once; it must grow like a huge tree from a tiny seed. -And so it has grown, and now has reached its full development, not -yet in actual life, but in the conscience of men of to-day. - -Now not only the minority, who have always comprehended Christianity -by spiritual intuition, but all the vast majority who seem so far -from it in their social existence recognize its true significance. - -Look at individual men in their private life, listen to their -standards of conduct in their judgment of one another; hear not -only their public utterances, but the counsels given by parents -and guardians to the young in their charge; and you will see that, -far as their social life based on violence may be from realizing -Christian truth, in their private life what is considered good by -all without exception is nothing but the Christian virtues; what is -considered as bad is nothing but the antichristian vices. Those who -consecrate their lives self-sacrificingly to the service of humanity -are regarded as the best men. The selfish, who make use of the -misfortunes of others for their own advantage, are regarded as the -worst of men. - -Though some non-Christian ideals, such as strength, courage, and -wealth, are still worshiped by a few who have not been penetrated by -the Christian spirit, these ideals are out of date and are abandoned, -if not by all, at least by all those regarded as the best people. -There are no ideals, other than the Christian ideals, which are -accepted by all and regarded as binding on all. - -The position of our Christian humanity, if you look at it from the -outside with all its cruelty and degradation of men, is terrible -indeed. But if one looks at it within, in its inner consciousness, -the spectacle it presents is absolutely different. - -All the evil of our life seems to exist only because it has been so -for so long; those who do the evil have not had time yet to learn how -to act otherwise, though they do not want to act as they do. - -All the evil seems to exist through some cause independent of the -conscience of men. - -Strange and contradictory as it seems, all men of the present day -hate the very social order they are themselves supporting. - -I think it is Max Mueller who describes the amazement of an Indian -convert to Christianity, who after absorbing the essence of the -Christian doctrine came to Europe and saw the actual life of -Christians. He could not recover from his astonishment at the -complete contrast between the reality and what he had expected to -find among Christian nations. If we feel no astonishment at the -contrast between our convictions and our conduct, that is because -the influences, tending to obscure the contrast, produce an effect -upon us too. We need only look at our life from the point of view of -that Indian, who understood Christianity in its true significance, -without any compromises or concessions, we need but look at the -savage brutalities of which our life is full, to be appalled at the -contradictions in the midst of which we live often without observing -them. - -We need only recall the preparations for war, the mitrailleuses, the -silver-gilt bullets, the torpedoes, and--the Red Cross; the solitary -prison cells, the experiments of execution by electricity--and the -care of the hygienic welfare of prisoners; the philanthropy of the -rich, and their life, which produces the poor they are benefiting. - -And these inconsistencies are not, as it might seem, because men -pretend to be Christians while they are really pagans, but because of -something lacking in men, or some kind of force hindering them from -being what they already feel themselves to be in their consciousness, -and what they genuinely wish to be. Men of the present day do not -merely pretend to hate oppression, inequality, class distinction, -and every kind of cruelty to animals as well as human beings. They -genuinely detest all this, but they do not know how to put a stop to -it, or perhaps cannot decide to give up what preserves it all, and -seems to them necessary. - -Indeed, ask every man separately whether he thinks it laudable and -worthy of a man of this age to hold a position from which he receives -a salary disproportionate to his work; to take from the people--often -in poverty--taxes to be spent on constructing cannon, torpedoes, and -other instruments of butchery, so as to make war on people with whom -we wish to be at peace, and who feel the same wish in regard to us; -or to receive a salary for devoting one's whole life to constructing -these instruments of butchery, or to preparing oneself and others for -the work of murder. And ask him whether it is laudable and worthy -of a man, and suitable for a Christian, to employ himself, for a -salary, in seizing wretched, misguided, often illiterate and drunken, -creatures because they appropriate the property of others--on a much -smaller scale than we do--or because they kill men in a different -fashion from that in which we undertake to do it--and shutting them -in prison for it, ill treating them and killing them; and whether -it is laudable and worthy of a man and a Christian to preach for a -salary to the people not Christianity, but superstitions which one -knows to be stupid and pernicious; and whether it is laudable and -worthy of a man to rob his neighbor for his gratification of what -he wants to satisfy his simplest needs, as the great landowners do; -or to force him to exhausting labor beyond his strength to augment -one's wealth, as do factory owners and manufacturers; or to profit -by the poverty of men to increase one's gains, as merchants do. And -everyone taken separately, especially if one's remarks are directed -at someone else, not himself, will answer, No! And yet the very man -who sees all the baseness of those actions, of his own free will, -uncoerced by anyone, often even for no pecuniary profit, but only -from childish vanity, for a china cross, a scrap of ribbon, a bit of -fringe he is allowed to wear, will enter military service, become -a magistrate or justice of the peace, commissioner, archbishop, or -beadle, though in fulfilling these offices he must commit acts the -baseness and shamefulness of which he cannot fail to recognize. - -I know that many of these men will confidently try to prove that they -have reasons for regarding their position as legitimate and quite -indispensable. They will say in their defense that authority is given -by God, that the functions of the state are indispensable for the -welfare of humanity, that property is not opposed to Christianity, -that the rich young man was only commanded to sell all he had and -give to the poor if he wished to be perfect, that the existing -distribution of property and our commercial system must always remain -as they are, and are to the advantage of all, and so on. But, however -much they try to deceive themselves and others, they all know that -what they are doing is opposed to all the beliefs which they profess, -and in the depths of their souls, when they are left alone with their -conscience, they are ashamed and miserable at the recollection of it, -especially if the baseness of their action has been pointed out to -them. A man of the present day, whether he believes in the divinity -of Christ or not, cannot fail to see that to assist in the capacity -of tzar, minister, governor, or commissioner in taking from a poor -family its last cow for taxes to be spent on cannons, or on the pay -and pensions of idle officials, who live in luxury and are worse -than useless; or in putting into prison some man we have ourselves -corrupted, and throwing his family on the streets; or in plundering -and butchering in war; or in inculcating savage and idolatrous -superstitions in the place of the law of Christ; or in impounding -the cow found on one's land, though it belongs to a man who has no -land; or to cheat the workman in a factory, by imposing fines for -accidentally spoiled articles; or making a poor man pay double the -value for anything simply because he is in the direst poverty;--not -a man of the present day can fail to know that all these actions are -base and disgraceful, and that they need not do them. They all know -it. They know that what they are doing is wrong, and would not do -it for anything in the world if they had the power of resisting the -forces which shut their eyes to the criminality of their actions and -impel them to commit them. - -In nothing is the pitch of inconsistency modern life has attained to -so evident as in universal conscription, which is the last resource -and the final expression of violence. - -Indeed, it is only because this state of universal armament has been -brought about gradually and imperceptibly, and because governments -have exerted, in maintaining it, every resource of intimidation, -corruption, brutalization, and violence, that we do not see its -flagrant inconsistency with the Christian ideas and sentiments by -which the modern world is permeated. - -We are so accustomed to the inconsistency that we do not see all -the hideous folly and immorality of men voluntarily choosing the -profession of butchery as though it were an honorable career, of -poor wretches submitting to conscription, or in countries where -compulsory service has not been introduced, of people voluntarily -abandoning a life of industry to recruit soldiers and train them as -murderers. We know that all of these men are either Christians, or -profess humane and liberal principles, and they know that they thus -become partly responsible--through universal conscription, personally -responsible--for the most insane, aimless, and brutal murders. And -yet they all do it. - -More than that, in Germany, where compulsory service first -originated, Caprivi has given expression to what had been hitherto -so assiduously concealed--that is, that the men that the soldiers -will have to kill are not foreigners alone, but their own countrymen, -the very working people from whom they themselves are taken. And -this admission has not opened people's eyes, has not horrified them! -They still go like sheep to the slaughter, and submit to everything -required of them. - -And that is not all: the Emperor of Germany has lately shown still -more clearly the duties of the army, by thanking and rewarding a -soldier for killing a defenseless citizen who made his approach -incautiously. By rewarding an action always regarded as base and -cowardly even by men on the lowest level of morality, William has -shown that a soldier's chief duty--the one most appreciated by -the authorities--is that of executioner; and not a professional -executioner who kills only condemned criminals, but one ready to -butcher any innocent man at the word of command. - -And even that is not all. In 1892, the same William, the _enfant -terrible_ of state authority, who says plainly what other people -only think, in addressing some soldiers gave public utterance to -the following speech, which was reported next day in thousands of -newspapers: "Conscripts!" he said, "you have sworn fidelity to _me_ -before the altar and the minister of God! You are still too young to -understand all the importance of what has been said here; let your -care before all things be to obey the orders and instructions given -you. You have sworn fidelity _to me_, lads of my guard; _that means -that you are now my soldiers_, that _you have given yourselves to me -body and soul_. For you there is now but one enemy, _my_ enemy. _In -these days of socialistic sedition it may come to pass that I command -you to fire on your own kindred, your brothers, even your own fathers -and mothers--which God forbid!_--even then you are bound to obey my -orders without hesitation." - -This man expresses what all sensible rulers think, but studiously -conceal. He says openly that the soldiers are in _his_ service, at -_his_ disposal, and must be ready for _his_ advantage to murder even -their brothers and fathers. - -In the most brutal words he frankly exposes all the horrors and -criminality for which men prepare themselves in entering the army, -and the depths of ignominy to which they fall in promising obedience. -Like a bold hypnotizer, he tests the degree of insensibility of the -hypnotized subject. He touches his skin with a red-hot iron; the skin -smokes and scorches, but the sleeper does not awake. - -This miserable man, imbecile and drunk with power, outrages in this -utterance everything that can be sacred for a man of the modern -world. And yet all the Christians, liberals, and cultivated people, -far from resenting this outrage, did not even observe it. - -The last, the most extreme test is put before men in its coarsest -form. And they do not seem even to notice that it is a test, that -there is any choice about it. They seem to think there is no course -open but slavish submission. One would have thought these insane -words, which outrage everything a man of the present day holds -sacred, must rouse indignation. But there has been nothing of the -kind. - -All the young men through the whole of Europe are exposed year after -year to this test, and with very few exceptions they renounce all -that a man can hold sacred, all express their readiness to kill -their brothers, even their fathers, at the bidding of the first crazy -creature dressed up in a livery with red and gold trimming, and only -wait to be told where and when they are to kill. And they actually -are ready. - -Every savage has something he holds sacred, something for which he is -ready to suffer, something he will not consent to do. But what is it -that is sacred to the civilized man of to-day? They say to him: "You -must become my slave, and this slavery may force you to kill even -your own father;" and he, often very well educated, trained in all -the sciences at the university, quietly puts his head under the yoke. -They dress him up in a clown's costume, and order him to cut capers, -turn and twist and bow, and kill--he does it all submissively. And -when they let him go, he seems to shake himself and go back to his -former life, and he continues to discourse upon the dignity of man, -liberty, equality, and fraternity as before. - -"Yes, but what is one to do?" people often ask in genuine perplexity. -"If everyone would stand out it would be something, but by myself, I -shall only suffer without doing any good to anyone." - -And that is true. A man with the social conception of life cannot -resist. The aim of his life is his personal welfare. It is better for -his personal welfare for him to submit, and he submits. - -Whatever they do to him, however they torture or humiliate him, he -will submit, for, alone, he can do nothing; he has no principle for -the sake of which he could resist violence alone. And those who -control them never allow them to unite together. It is often said -that the invention of terrible weapons of destruction will put an end -to war. That is an error. As the means of extermination are improved, -the means of reducing men who hold the state conception of life to -submission can be improved to correspond. They may slaughter them by -thousands, by millions, they may tear them to pieces, still they will -march to war like senseless cattle. Some will want beating to make -them move, others will be proud to go if they are allowed to wear a -scrap of ribbon or gold lace. - -And of this mass of men so brutalized as to be ready to promise -to kill their own parents, the social reformers--conservatives, -liberals, socialists, and anarchists--propose to form a rational and -moral society. What sort of moral and rational society can be formed -out of such elements? With warped and rotten planks you cannot build -a house, however you put them together. And to form a rational moral -society of such men is just as impossible a task. They can be formed -into nothing but a herd of cattle, driven by the shouts and whips of -the herdsmen. As indeed they are. - -So, then, we have on one side men calling themselves Christians, and -professing the principles of liberty, equality, and fraternity, and -along with that ready, in the name of liberty, to submit to the most -slavish degradation; in the name of equality, to accept the crudest, -most senseless division of men by externals merely into higher and -lower classes, allies and enemies; and, in the name of fraternity, -ready to murder their brothers.[14] - - [14] The fact that among certain nations, as the English and the - American, military service is not compulsory (though already one - hears there are some who advocate that it should be made so) does not - affect the servility of the citizens to the government in principle. - Here we have each to go and kill or be killed, there they have - each to give the fruit of their toil to pay for the recruiting and - training of soldiers. - -The contradiction between life and conscience and the misery -resulting from it have reached the extreme limit and can go no -further. The state organization of life based on violence, the aim of -which was the security of personal, family, and social welfare, has -come to the point of renouncing the very objects for which it was -founded--it has reduced men to absolute renunciation and loss of the -welfare it was to secure. - -The first half of the prophecy has been fulfilled in the generation -of men who have not accepted Christ's teaching. Their descendants -have been brought now to the absolute necessity of putting the truth -of the second half to the test of experience. - - - - -CHAPTER IX. - - THE ACCEPTANCE OF THE CHRISTIAN CONCEPTION OF LIFE WILL - EMANCIPATE MEN FROM THE MISERIES OF OUR PAGAN LIFE. - - The External Life of Christian Peoples Remains Pagan Though - they are Penetrated by Christian Consciousness--The Way Out - of this Contradiction is by the Acceptance of the Christian - Theory of Life--Only Through Christianity is Every Man Free, - and Emancipated of All Human Authority--This Emancipation can - be Effected by no Change in External Conditions of Life, but - Only by a Change in the Conception of Life--The Christian - Ideal of Life Requires Renunciation of all Violence, and in - Emancipating the Man who Accepts it, Emancipates the Whole - World from All External Authorities--The Way Out of the Present - Apparently Hopeless Position is for Every Man who is Capable - of Assimilating the Christian Conception of Life, to Accept - it and Live in Accordance with it--But Men Consider this Way - too Slow, and Look for Deliverance Through Changes in Material - Conditions of Life Aided by Government--That Will Lead to No - Improvement, as it is simply Increasing the Evil under which Men - are Suffering--A Striking Instance of this is the Submission to - Compulsory Military Service, which it would be More Advantageous - for Every Man to Refuse than to Submit to--The Emancipation of - Men Can Only be Brought About by each Individual Emancipating - Himself, and the Examples of this Self-emancipation which are - already Appearing Threaten the Destruction of Governmental - Authority--Refusal to Comply with the Unchristian Demands - of Government Undermines the Authority of the State and - Emancipates Men--And therefore Cases of such Non-compliance - are Regarded with more Dread by State Authorities than any - Conspiracies or Acts of Violence--Examples of Non-compliance - in Russia, in Regard to Oath of Allegiance, Payment of Taxes, - Passports, Police Duties, and Military Service--Examples of such - Non-compliance in other States--Governments do not Know how to - Treat Men who Refuse to Comply with their Demands on Christian - Grounds--Such People, without Striking a Blow, Undermine - the very Basis of Government from Within--To Punish them is - Equivalent to Openly Renouncing Christianity, and Assisting in - Diffusing the Very Principle by which these Men Justify their - Non-compliance--So Governments are in a Helpless Position--Men - who Maintain the Uselessness of Personal Independence, only - Retard the Dissolution of the Present State Organization Based - on Force. - - -The position of the Christian peoples in our days has remained just -as cruel as it was in the times of paganism. In many respects, -especially in the oppression of the masses, it has become even more -cruel than it was in the days of paganism. - -But between the condition of men in ancient times and their condition -in our days there is just the difference that we see in the world -of vegetation between the last days of autumn and the first days of -spring. In the autumn the external lifelessness in nature corresponds -with its inward condition of death, while in the spring the external -lifelessness is in sharp contrast with the internal state of reviving -and passing into new forms of life. - -In the same way the similarity between the ancient heathen life and -the life of to-day is merely external: the inward condition of men in -the times of heathenism was absolutely different from their inward -condition at the present time. - -Then the outward condition of cruelty and of slavery was in complete -harmony with the inner conscience of men, and every step in advance -intensified this harmony; now the outward condition of cruelty and of -slavery is completely contradictory to the Christian consciousness -of men, and every step in advance only intensifies this contradiction. - -Humanity is passing through seemingly unnecessary, fruitless agonies. -It is passing through something like the throes of birth. Everything -is ready for the new life, but still the new life does not come. - -There seems no way out of the position. And there would be none, -except that a man (and thereby all men) is gifted with the power of -forming a different, higher theory of life, which at once frees him -from all the bonds by which he seems indissolubly fettered. - -And such a theory is the Christian view of life made known to mankind -eighteen hundred years ago. - -A man need only make this theory of life his own, for the fetters -which seemed so indissolubly forged upon him to drop off of -themselves, and for him to feel himself absolutely free, just as a -bird would feel itself free in a fenced-in place directly it took to -its wings. - -People talk about the liberty of the Christian Church, about giving -or not giving freedom to Christians. Underlying all these ideas and -expressions there is some strange misconception. Freedom cannot be -bestowed on or taken from a Christian or Christians. Freedom is an -inalienable possession of the Christian. - -If we talk of bestowing freedom on Christians or withholding it from -them, we are obviously talking not of real Christians but of people -who only call themselves Christians. A Christian cannot fail to be -free, because the attainment of the aim he sets before himself cannot -be prevented or even hindered by anyone or anything. - -Let a man only understand his life as Christianity teaches him to -understand it, let him understand, that is, that his life belongs -not to him--not to his own individuality, nor to his family, nor to -the state--but to him who has sent him into the world, and let him -once understand that he must therefore fulfill not the law of his own -individuality, nor his family, nor of the state, but the infinite -law of him from whom he has come; and he will not only feel himself -absolutely free from every human power, but will even cease to regard -such power as at all able to hamper anyone. - -Let a man but realize that the aim of his life is the fulfillment of -God's law, and that law will replace all other laws for him, and he -will give it his sole allegiance, so that by that very allegiance -every human law will lose all binding and controlling power in his -eyes. - -The Christian is independent of every human authority by the fact -that he regards the divine law of love, implanted in the soul of -every man, and brought before his consciousness by Christ, as the -sole guide of his life and other men's also. - -The Christian may be subjected to external violence, he may be -deprived of bodily freedom, he may be in bondage to his passions (he -who commits sin is the slave of sin), but he cannot be in bondage in -the sense of being forced by any danger or by any threat of external -harm to perform an act which is against his conscience. - -He cannot be compelled to do this, because the deprivations and -sufferings which form such a powerful weapon against men of the state -conception of life, have not the least power to compel him. - -Deprivations and sufferings take from them the happiness for which -they live; but far from disturbing the happiness of the Christian, -which consists in the consciousness of fulfilling the will of God, -they may even intensify it, when they are inflicted on him for -fulfilling his will. - -And therefore the Christian, who is subject only to the inner divine -law, not only cannot carry out the enactments of the external law, -when they are not in agreement with the divine law of love which -he acknowledges (as is usually the case with state obligations), he -cannot even recognize the duty of obedience to anyone or anything -whatever, he cannot recognize the duty of what is called allegiance. - -For a Christian the oath of allegiance to any government -whatever--the very act which is regarded as the foundation of the -existence of a state--is a direct renunciation of Christianity. -For the man who promises unconditional obedience in the future -to laws, made or to be made, by that very promise is in the most -positive manner renouncing Christianity, which means obeying in every -circumstance of life only the divine law of love he recognizes within -him. - -Under the pagan conception of life it was possible to carry out the -will of the temporal authorities, without infringing the law of -God expressed in circumcisions, Sabbaths, fixed times of prayer, -abstention from certain kinds of food, and so on. The one law was -not opposed to the other. But that is just the distinction between -the Christian religion and heathen religion. Christianity does not -require of a man certain definite negative acts, but puts him in -a new, different relation to men, from which may result the most -diverse acts, which cannot be defined beforehand. And therefore the -Christian not only cannot promise to obey the will of any other man, -without knowing what will be required by that will; he not only -cannot obey the changing laws of man, but he cannot even promise to -do anything definite at a certain time, or to abstain from doing -anything for a certain time. For he cannot know what at any time will -be required of him by that Christian law of love, obedience to which -constitutes the meaning of life for him. The Christian, in promising -unconditional fulfillment of the laws of men in the future, would -show plainly by that promise that the inner law of God does not -constitute for him the sole law of his life. - -For a Christian to promise obedience to men, or the laws of men, is -just as though a workman bound to one employer should also promise -to carry out every order that might be given him by outsiders. One -cannot serve two masters. - -The Christian is independent of human authority, because he -acknowledges God's authority alone. His law, revealed by Christ, he -recognizes in himself, and voluntarily obeys it. - -And this independence is gained, not by means of strife, not by -the destruction of existing forms of life, but only by a change -in the interpretation of life. This independence results first -from the Christian recognizing the law of love, revealed to him by -his teacher, as perfectly sufficient for all human relations, and -therefore he regards every use of force as unnecessary and unlawful; -and secondly, from the fact that those deprivations and sufferings, -or threats of deprivations and sufferings (which reduce the man of -the social conception of life to the necessity of obeying) to the -Christian from his different conception of life, present themselves -merely as the inevitable conditions of existence. And these -conditions, without striving against them by force, he patiently -endures, like sickness, hunger, and every other hardship, but they -cannot serve him as a guide for his actions. The only guide for the -Christian's actions is to be found in the divine principle living -within him, which cannot be checked or governed by anything. - -The Christian acts according to the words of the prophecy applied to -his teacher: "He shall not strive, nor cry; neither shall any man -hear his voice in the streets. A bruised reed shall he not break, and -smoking flax shall he not quench, till he send forth judgment unto -victory." (Matt. xii. 19, 20.) - -The Christian will not dispute with anyone, nor attack anyone, nor -use violence against anyone. On the contrary, he will bear violence -without opposing it. But by this very attitude to violence, he will -not only himself be free, but will free the whole world from all -external power. - -"Ye shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free." -If there were any doubt of Christianity being the truth, the -perfect liberty, that nothing can curtail, which a man experiences -directly he makes the Christian theory of life his own, would be an -unmistakable proof of its truth. - -Men in their present condition are like a swarm of bees hanging -in a cluster to a branch. The position of the bees on the branch -is temporary, and must inevitably be changed. They must start off -and find themselves a habitation. Each of the bees knows this, and -desires to change her own and the others' position, but no one of -them can do it till the rest of them do it. They cannot all start -off at once, because one hangs on to another and hinders her from -separating from the swarm, and therefore they all continue to hang -there. It would seem that the bees could never escape from their -position, just as it seems that worldly men, caught in the toils of -the state conception of life, can never escape. And there would be -no escape for the bees, if each of them were not a living, separate -creature, endowed with wings of its own. Similarly there would be -no escape for men, if each were not a living being endowed with the -faculty of entering into the Christian conception of life. - -If every bee who could fly, did not try to fly, the others, too, -would never be stirred, and the swarm would never change its -position. And if the man who has mastered the Christian conception -of life would not, without waiting for other people, begin to live -in accordance with this conception, mankind would never change its -position. But only let one bee spread her wings, start off, and fly -away, and after her another, and another, and the clinging, inert -cluster would become a freely flying swarm of bees. Just in the same -way, only let one man look at life as Christianity teaches him to -look at it, and after him let another and another do the same, and -the enchanted circle of existence in the state conception of life, -from which there seemed no escape, will be broken through. - -But men think that to set all men free by this means is too slow a -process, that they must find some other means by which they could -set all men free at once. It is just as though the bees who want to -start and fly away should consider it too long a process to wait for -all the swarm to start one by one; and should think they ought to -find some means by which it would not be necessary for every separate -bee to spread her wings and fly off, but by which the whole swarm -could fly at once where it wanted to. But that is not possible; till -a first, a second, a third, a hundredth bee spreads her wings and -flies off of her own accord, the swarm will not fly off and will not -begin its new life. Till every individual man makes the Christian -conception of life his own, and begins to live in accord with it, -there can be no solution of the problem of human life, and no -establishment of a new form of life. - -One of the most striking phenomena of our times is precisely this -advocacy of slavery, which is promulgated among the masses, not by -governments, in whom it is inevitable, but by men who, in advocating -socialistic theories, regard themselves as the champions of freedom. - -These people advance the opinion that the amelioration of life, the -bringing of the facts of life into harmony with the conscience, will -come, not as the result of the personal efforts of individual men, -but of itself as the result of a certain possible reconstruction -of society effected in some way or other. The idea is promulgated -that men ought not to walk on their own legs where they want and -ought to go, but that a kind of floor under their feet will be moved -somehow, so that on it they can reach where they ought to go without -moving their own legs. And, therefore, all their efforts ought to -be directed, not to going so far as their strength allows in the -direction they ought to go, but to standing still and constructing -such a floor. - -In the sphere of political economy a theory is propounded which -amounts to saying that the worse things are the better they are; that -the greater the accumulation of capital, and therefore the oppression -of the workman, the nearer the day of emancipation, and, therefore, -every personal effort on the part of a man to free himself from the -oppression of capital is useless. In the sphere of government it -is maintained that the greater the power of the government, which, -according to this theory, ought to intervene in every department -of private life in which it has not yet intervened, the better it -will be, and that therefore we ought to invoke the interference of -government in private life. In politics and international questions -it is maintained that the improvement of the means of destruction, -the multiplication of armaments, will lead to the necessity of making -war by means of congresses, arbitration, and so on. And, marvelous -to say, so great is the dullness of men, that they believe in these -theories, in spite of the fact that the whole course of life, every -step they take, shows how unworthy they are of belief. - -The people are suffering from oppression, and to deliver them from -this oppression they are advised to frame general measures for the -improvement of their position, which measures are to be intrusted to -the authorities, and themselves to continue to yield obedience to -the authorities. And obviously all that results from this is only -greater power in the hands of the authorities, and greater oppression -resulting from it. - -Not one of the errors of men carries them so far away from the aim -toward which they are struggling as this very one. They do all kinds -of different things for the attainment of their aim, but not the one -simple obvious thing which is within reach of everyone. They devise -the subtlest means for changing the position which is irksome to -them, but not that simplest means, that everyone should refrain from -doing what leads to that position. - -I have been told a story of a gallant police officer, who came to -a village where the peasants were in insurrection and the military -had been called out, and he undertook to pacify the insurrection -in the spirit of Nicholas I., by his personal influence alone. He -ordered some loads of rods to be brought, and collecting all the -peasants together into a barn, he went in with them, locking the door -after him. To begin with, he so terrified the peasants by his loud -threats that, reduced to submission by him, they set to work to flog -one another at his command. And so they flogged one another until -a simpleton was found who would not allow himself to be flogged, -and shouted to his companions not to flog one another. Only then -the flogging ceased, and the police officer made his escape. Well, -this simpleton's advice would never be followed by men of the state -conception of life, who continue to flog one another, and teach -people that this very act of self-castigation is the last word of -human wisdom. - -Indeed, can one imagine a more striking instance of men flogging -themselves than the submissiveness with which men of our times will -perform the very duties required of them to keep them in slavery, -especially the duty of military service? We see people enslaving -themselves, suffering from this slavery, and believing that it must -be so, that it does not matter, and will not hinder the emancipation -of men, which is being prepared somewhere, somehow, in spite of the -ever-increasing growth of slavery. - -In fact, take any man of the present time whatever (I don't mean a -true Christian, but an average man of the present day), educated -or uneducated, believing or unbelieving, rich or poor, married or -unmarried. Such a man lives working at his work, or enjoying his -amusements, spending the fruits of his labors on himself or on those -near to him, and, like everyone, hating every kind of restriction and -deprivation, dissension and suffering. Such a man is going his way -peaceably, when suddenly people come and say to him: First, promise -and swear to us that you will slavishly obey us in everything we -dictate to you, and will consider absolutely good and authoritative -everything we plan, decide, and call law. Secondly, hand over a -part of the fruits of your labors for us to dispose of--we will use -the money to keep you in slavery, and to hinder you from forcibly -opposing our orders. Thirdly, elect others, or be yourself elected, -to take a pretended share in the government, knowing all the while -that the government will proceed quite without regard to the foolish -speeches you, and those like you, may utter, and knowing that its -proceedings will be according to our will, the will of those who have -the army in their hands. Fourthly, come at a certain time to the -law courts and take your share in those senseless cruelties which -we perpetrate on sinners, and those whom we have corrupted, in the -shape of penal servitude, exile, solitary confinement, and death. And -fifthly and lastly, more than all this, in spite of the fact that -you may be on the friendliest terms with people of other nations, -be ready, directly we order you to do so, to regard those whom we -indicate to you as your enemies; and be ready to assist, either in -person or by proxy, in devastation, plunder, and murder of their -men, women, children, and aged alike--possibly your own kinsmen or -relations--if that is necessary to us. - -One would expect that every man of the present day who has a grain -of sense left, might reply to such requirements, "But why should I -do all this?" One would think every right-minded man must say in -amazement: Why should I promise to yield obedience to everything that -has been decreed first by Salisbury, then by Gladstone; one day by -Boulanger, and another by Parliament; one day by Peter III., the next -by Catherine, and the day after by Pougachef; one day by a mad king -of Bavaria, another by William? Why should I promise to obey them, -knowing them to be wicked or foolish people, or else not knowing them -at all? Why am I to hand over the fruits of my labors to them in the -shape of taxes, knowing that the money will be spent on the support -of officials, prisons, churches, armies, on things that are harmful, -and on my own enslavement? Why should I punish myself? Why should -I go wasting my time and hoodwinking myself, giving to miscreant -evildoers a semblance of legality, by taking part in elections, and -pretending that I am taking part in the government, when I know -very well that the real control of the government is in the hands -of those who have got hold of the army? Why should I go to the law -courts to take part in the trial and punishment of men because they -have sinned, knowing, if I am a Christian, that the law of vengence -is replaced by the law of love, and, if I am an educated man, that -punishments do not reform, but only deprave those on whom they are -inflicted? And why, most of all, am I to consider as enemies the -people of a neighboring nation, with whom I have hitherto lived and -with whom I wish to live in love and harmony, and to kill and rob -them, or to bring them to misery, simply in order that the keys of -the temple at Jerusalem may be in the hands of one archbishop and not -another, that one German and not another may be prince in Bulgaria, -or that the English rather than the American merchants may capture -seals? - -And why, most of all, should I take part in person or hire others to -murder my own brothers and kinsmen? Why should I flog myself? It is -altogether unnecessary for me; it is hurtful to me, and from every -point of view it is immoral, base, and vile. So why should I do -this? If you tell me that if I do it not I shall receive some injury -from someone, then, in the first place, I cannot anticipate from -anyone an injury so great as the injury you bring on me if I obey -you; and secondly, it is perfectly clear to me that if we our own -selves do not flog ourselves, no one will flog us. - -As for the government--that means the tzars, ministers, and officials -with pens in their hands, who cannot force us into doing anything, -as that officer of police compelled the peasants; the men who will -drag us to the law court, to prison, and to execution, are not tzars -or officials with pens in their hands, but the very people who are -in the same position as we are. And it is just as unprofitable and -harmful and unpleasant to them to be flogged as to me, and therefore -there is every likelihood that if I open their eyes they not only -would not treat me with violence, but would do just as I am doing. - -Thirdly, even if it should come to pass that I had to suffer for it, -even then it would be better for me to be exiled or sent to prison -for standing up for common sense and right--which, if not to-day, -at least within a very short time, must be triumphant--than to -suffer for folly and wrong which must come to an end directly. And -therefore, even in that case, it is better to run the risk of their -banishing me, shutting me up in prison, or executing me, than of my -living all my life in bondage, through my own fault, to wicked men. -Better is this than the possibility of being destroyed by victorious -enemies, and being stupidly tortured and killed by them, in fighting -for a cannon, or a piece of land of no use to anyone, or for a -senseless rag called a banner. - -I don't want to flog myself and I won't do it. I have no reason to do -it. Do it yourselves, if you want it done; but I won't do it. - -One would have thought that not religious or moral feeling alone, -but the simplest common sense and foresight should impel every man of -the present day to answer and to act in that way. But not so. Men of -the state conception of life are of the opinion that to act in that -way is not necessary, and is even prejudicial to the attainment of -their object, the emancipation of men from slavery. They hold that -we must continue, like the police officer's peasants, to flog one -another, consoling ourselves with the reflection that we are talking -away in the assemblies and meetings, founding trades unions, marching -through the streets on the 1st of May, getting up conspiracies, and -stealthily teasing the government that is flogging us, and that -through all this it will be brought to pass that, by enslaving -ourselves in closer and closer bondage, we shall very soon be free. - -Nothing hinders the emancipation of men from slavery so much as this -amazing error. Instead of every man directing his energies to freeing -himself, to transforming his conception of life, people seek for an -external united method of gaining freedom, and continue to rivet -their chains faster and faster. - -It is much as if men were to maintain that to make up a fire there -was no need to kindle any of the coals, but that all that was -necessary was to arrange the coals in a certain order. Yet the fact -that the freedom of all men will be brought about only through the -freedom of individual persons, becomes more and more clear as time -goes on. The freedom of individual men, in the name of the Christian -conception of life, from state domination, which was formerly -an exceptional and unnoticed phenomenon, has of late acquired -threatening significance for state authorities. - -If in a former age, in the Roman times, it happened that a Christian -confessed his religion and refused to take part in sacrifices, and to -worship the emperors or the gods; or in the Middle Ages a Christian -refused to worship images, or to acknowledge the authority of the -Pope--these cases were in the first place a matter of chance. A man -might be placed under the necessity of confessing his faith, or he -might live all his life without being placed under this necessity. -But now all men, without exception, are subjected to this trial of -their faith. Every man of the present day is under the necessity -of taking part in the cruelties of pagan life, or of refusing all -participation in them. And secondly, in those days cases of refusal -to worship the gods or the images or the Pope were not incidents that -had any material bearing on the state. Whether men worshiped or did -not worship the gods or the images or the Pope, the state remained -just as powerful. But now cases of refusing to comply with the -unchristian demands of the government are striking at the very root -of state authority, because the whole authority of the state is based -on the compliance with these unchristian demands. - -The sovereign powers of the world have in the course of time been -brought into a position in which, for their own preservation, they -must require from all men actions which cannot be performed by men -who profess true Christianity. - -And therefore in our days every profession of true Christianity, by -any individual man, strikes at the most essential power of the state, -and inevitably leads the way for the emancipation of all. - -What importance, one might think, can one attach to such an incident -as some dozens of crazy fellows, as people will call them, refusing -to take the oath of allegiance to the government, refusing to pay -taxes, to take part in law proceedings or in military service? - -These people are punished and exiled to a distance, and life goes -on in its old way. One might think there was no importance in such -incidents; but yet, it is just those incidents, more than anything -else, that will undermine the power of the state and prepare the -way for the freedom of men. These are the individual bees, who are -beginning to separate from the swarm, and are flying near it, waiting -till the whole swarm can no longer be prevented from starting off -after them. And the governments know this, and fear such incidents -more than all the socialists, communists, and anarchists, and their -plots and dynamite bombs. - -A new reign is beginning. According to the universal rule and -established order it is required that all the subjects should take -the oath of allegiance to the new government. There is a general -decree to that effect, and all are summoned to the council-houses to -take the oath. All at once one man in Perm, another in Tula, a third -in Moscow, and a fourth in Kalouga declare that they will not take -the oath, and though there is no communication between them, they -all explain their refusal on the same grounds--namely, that swearing -is forbidden by the law of Christ, and that even if swearing had not -been forbidden, they could not, in the spirit of the law of Christ, -promise to perform the evil actions required of them in the oath, -such as informing against all such as may act against the interests -of the government, or defending their government with firearms -or attacking its enemies. They are brought before rural police -officers, district police captains, priests, and governors. They are -admonished, questioned, threatened, and punished; but they adhere to -their resolution, and do not take the oath. And among the millions of -those who did take the oath, those dozens go on living who did not -take the oath. And they are questioned: - -"What, didn't you take the oath?" - -"No, I didn't take the oath." - -"And what happened--nothing?" - -"Nothing." - -The subjects of a state are all bound to pay taxes. And everyone -pays taxes, till suddenly one man in Kharkov, another in Tver, and -a third in Samara refuse to pay taxes--all, as though in collusion, -saying the same thing. One says he will only pay when they tell him -what object the money taken from him will be spent on. "If it is for -good deeds," he says, "he will give it of his own accord, and more -even than is required of him. If for evil deeds, then he will give -nothing voluntarily, because by the law of Christ, whose follower he -is, he cannot take part in evil deeds." The others, too, say the same -in other words, and will not voluntarily pay the taxes. - -Those who have anything to be taken have their property taken from -them by force; as for those who have nothing, they are left alone. - -"What, didn't you pay the tax?" - -"No, I didn't pay it." - -"And what happened--nothing?" - -"Nothing." - -There is the institution of passports. Everyone moving from his -place of residence is bound to carry one, and to pay a duty on it. -Suddenly people are to be found in various places declaring that to -carry a passport is not necessary, that one ought not to recognize -one's dependence on a state which exists by means of force; and these -people do not carry passports, or pay the duty on them. And again, -it's impossible to force those people by any means to do what is -required. They send them to jail, and let them out again, and these -people live without passports. - -All peasants are bound to fill certain police offices--that of -village constable, and of watchman, and so on. Suddenly in Kharkov -a peasant refuses to perform this duty, justifying his refusal on -the ground that by the law of Christ, of which he is a follower, he -cannot put any man in fetters, lock him up, or drag him from place -to place. The same declaration is made by a peasant in Tver, another -in Tambov. These peasants are abused, beaten, shut up in prison, -but they stick to their resolution and don't fill these offices -against their convictions. And at last they cease to appoint them as -constables. And again nothing happens. - -All citizens are obliged to take a share in law proceedings in the -character of jurymen. Suddenly the most different people--mechanics, -professors, tradesmen, peasants, servants, as though by agreement -refuse to fill this office, and not on the grounds allowed as -sufficient by law, but because any process at law is, according to -their views, unchristian. They fine these people, trying not to let -them have an opportunity of explaining their motives in public, and -replace them by others. And again nothing can be done. - -All young men of twenty-one years of age are obliged to draw lots for -service in the army. All at once one young man in Moscow, another in -Tver, a third in Kharkov, and a fourth in Kiev present themselves -before the authorities, and, as though by previous agreement, declare -that they will not take the oath, they will not serve because -they are Christians. I will give the details of one of the first -cases, since they have become more frequent, which I happen to know -about.[15] The same treatment has been repeated in every other case. -A young man of fair education refuses in the Moscow Townhall to take -the oath. No attention is paid to what he says, and it is requested -that he should pronounce the words of the oath like the rest. He -declines, quoting a particular passage of the Gospel in which -swearing is forbidden. No attention is paid to his arguments, and he -is again requested to comply with the order, but he does not comply -with it. Then it is supposed that he is a sectary and therefore does -not understand Christianity in the right sense, that is to say, -not in the sense in which the priests in the pay of the government -understand it. And the young man is conducted under escort to the -priests, that they may bring him to reason. The priests begin to -reason with him, but their efforts in Christ's name to persuade -him to renounce Christ obviously have no influence on him; he is -pronounced incorrigible and sent back again to the army. He persists -in not taking the oath and openly refuses to perform any military -duties. It is a case that has not been provided for by the laws. To -overlook such a refusal to comply with the demands of the authorities -is out of the question, but to put such a case on a par with simple -breach of discipline is also out of the question. - - [15] All the details of this case, as well as those preceding it, are - authentic. - -After deliberation among themselves, the military authorities -decide to get rid of the troublesome young man, to consider him -as a revolutionist, and they dispatch him under escort to the -committee of the secret police. The police authorities and gendarmes -cross-question him, but nothing that he says can be brought under the -head of any of the misdemeanors which come under their jurisdiction. -And there is no possibility of accusing him either of revolutionary -acts or revolutionary plotting, since he declares that he does not -wish to attack anything, but, on the contrary, is opposed to any -use of force, and, far from plotting in secret, he seeks every -opportunity of saying and doing all that he says and does in the -most open manner. And the gendarmes, though they are bound by no -hard-and-fast rules, still find no ground for a criminal charge in -the young man, and, like the clergy, they send him back to the army. -Again the authorities deliberate together, and decide to accept -him though he has not taken the oath, and to enrol him among the -soldiers. They put him into the uniform, enrol him, and send him -under guard to the place where the army is quartered. There the chief -officer of the division which he enters again expects the young man -to perform his military duties, and again he refuses to obey, and in -the presence of other soldiers explains the reason of his refusal, -saying that he as a Christian cannot voluntarily prepare himself to -commit murder, which is forbidden by the law of Moses. - -This incident occurs in a provincial town. The case awakens the -interest, and even the sympathy, not only of outsiders, but even -of the officers. And the chief officers consequently do not decide -to punish this refusal of obedience with disciplinary measures. To -save appearances, though, they shut the young man up in prison, and -write to the highest military authorities to inquire what they are -to do. To refuse to serve in the army, in which the Tzar himself -serves, and which enjoys the blessing of the Church, seems insanity -from the official point of view. Consequently they write from -Petersburg that, since the young man must be out of his mind, they -must not use any severe treatment with him, but must send him to a -lunatic asylum, that his mental condition may be inquired into and -be scientifically treated. They send him to the asylum in the hope -that he will remain there, like another young man, who refused ten -years ago at Tver to serve in the army, and who was tortured in -the asylum till he submitted. But even this step does not rid the -military authorities of the inconvenient man. The doctors examine -him, interest themselves warmly in his case, and naturally finding in -him no symptoms of mental disease, send him back to the army. There -they receive him, and making believe to have forgotten his refusal, -and his motives for it, they again request him to go to drill, and -again in the presence of the other soldiers he refuses and explains -the reason of his refusal. The affair continues to attract more and -more attention, both among the soldiers and the inhabitants of the -town. Again they write to Petersburg, and thence comes the decree -to transfer the young man to some division of the army stationed on -the frontier, in some place where the army is under martial law, -where he can be shot for refusing to obey, and where the matter can -proceed without attracting observation, seeing that there are few -Russians and Christians in such a distant part, but the majority are -foreigners and Mohammedans. This is accordingly done. They transfer -him to a division stationed on the Zacaspian border, and in company -with convicts send him to a chief officer who is notorious for his -harshness and severity. - -All this time, through all these changes from place to place, the -young man is roughly treated, kept in cold, hunger, and filth, and -life is made burdensome to him generally. But all these sufferings -do not compel him to change his resolution. On the Zacaspian -border, where he is again requested to go on guard fully armed, he -again declines to obey. He does not refuse to go and stand near -the haystacks where they place him, but refuses to take his arms, -declaring that he will not use violence in any case against anyone. -All this takes place in the presence of the other soldiers. To let -such a refusal pass unpunished is impossible, and the young man is -put on his trial for breach of discipline. The trial takes place, -and he is sentenced to confinement in the military prison for two -years. He is again transferred, in company with convicts, by etape, -to Caucasus, and there he is shut up in prison and falls under the -irresponsible power of the jailer. There he is persecuted for a year -and a half, but he does not for all that alter his decision not to -bear arms, and he explains why he will not do this to everyone with -whom he is brought in contact. At the end of the second year they -set him free, before the end of his term of imprisonment, reckoning -it contrary to law to keep him in prison after his time of military -service was over, and only too glad to get rid of him as soon as -possible. - -Other men in various parts of Russia behave, as though by agreement, -precisely in the same way as this young man, and in all these cases -the government has adopted the same timorous, undecided, and -secretive course of action. Some of these men are sent to the lunatic -asylum, some are enrolled as clerks and transferred to Siberia, some -are sent to work in the forests, some are sent to prison, some are -fined. And at this very time some men of this kind are in prison, -not charged with their real offense--that is, denying the lawfulness -of the action of the government, but for non-fulfillment of special -obligations imposed by government. Thus an officer of reserve, who -did not report his change of residence, and justified this on the -ground that he would not serve in the army any longer, was fined -thirty rubles for non-compliance with the orders of the superior -authority. This fine he also declined voluntarily to pay. In the same -way some peasants and soldiers who have refused to be drilled and -to bear arms have been placed under arrest on a charge of breach of -discipline and insolence. - -And cases of refusing to comply with the demands of government when -they are opposed to Christianity, and especially cases of refusing -to serve in the army, are occurring of late not in Russia only, -but everywhere. Thus I happen to know that in Servia men of the -so-called sect of Nazarenes steadily refuse to serve in the army, -and the Austrian Government has been carrying on a fruitless contest -with them for years, punishing them with imprisonment. In the year -1885 there were 130 such cases. I know that in Switzerland in the -year 1890 there were men in prison in the castle of Chillon for -declining to serve in the army, whose resolution was not shaken by -their punishment. There have been such cases in Sweden, and the -men who refused obedience were sent to prison in exactly the same -way, and the government studiously concealed these cases from the -people. There have been similar cases also in Prussia. I know of the -case of a sub-lieutenant of the Guards, who in 1891 declared to the -authorities in Berlin that he would not, as a Christian, continue -to serve, and in spite of all admonitions, threats, and punishments -he stuck to his resolution. In the south of France a society has -arisen of late bearing the name of the Hinschists (these facts are -taken from the _Peace Herald_, July, 1891), the members of which -refuse to enter military service on the grounds of their Christian -principles. At first they were enrolled in the ambulance corps, but -now, as their numbers increase, they are subjected to punishment for -non-compliance, but they still refuse to bear arms just the same. - -The socialists, the communists, the anarchists, with their bombs and -riots and revolutions, are not nearly so much dreaded by governments -as these disconnected individuals coming from different parts, and -all justifying their non-compliance on the grounds of the same -religion, which is known to all the world. - -Every government knows by what means and in what manner to -defend itself from revolutionists, and has resources for doing -so, and therefore does not dread these external foes. But what -are governments to do against men who show the uselessness, -superfluousness, and perniciousness of all governments, and who do -not contend against them, but simply do not need them and do without -them, and therefore are unwilling to take any part in them? - -The revolutionists say: The form of government is bad in this respect -and that respect; we must overturn it and substitute this or that -form of government. The Christian says: I know nothing about the -form of government, I don't know whether it is good or bad, and I -don't want to overturn it precisely because I don't know whether it's -good or bad, but for the very same reason I don't want to support it -either. And I not only don't want to, but I can't, because what it -demands of me is against my conscience. - -All state obligations are against the conscience of a Christian--the -oath of allegiance, taxes, law proceedings, and military service. And -the whole power of the government rests on these very obligations. - -Revolutionary enemies attack the government from without. -Christianity does not attack it at all, but, from within, it destroys -all the foundations on which government rests. - -Among the Russian people, especially since the age of Peter I., the -protest of Christianity against the government has never ceased, and -the social organization has been such that men emigrate in communes -to Turkey, to China, and to uninhabited lands, and not only feel no -need of state aid, but always regard the state as a useless burden, -only to be endured as a misfortune, whether it happens to be Turkish, -Russian, or Chinese. And so, too, among the Russian people more and -more frequent examples have of late appeared of conscious Christian -freedom from subjection to the state. And these examples are the more -alarming for the government from the fact that these non-compliant -persons often belong not to the so-called lower uneducated classes, -but are men of fair or good education; and also from the fact that -they do not in these days justify their position by any mystic and -exceptional views, as in former times, do not associate themselves -with any superstitious or fanatic rites, like the sects who practice -self-immolation by fire, or the wandering pilgrims, but put their -refusal on the very simplest and clearest grounds, comprehensible to -all, and recognized as true by all. - -Thus they refuse the voluntary payment of taxes, because taxes are -spent on deeds of violence--on the pay of men of violence--soldiers, -on the construction of prisons, fortresses, and cannons. They as -Christians regard it as sinful and immoral to have any hand in such -deeds. - -Those who refuse to take the oath of allegiance refuse because to -promise obedience to authorities, that is, to men who are given to -deeds of violence, is contrary to the sense of Christ's teaching. -They refuse to take the oath in the law courts, because oaths are -directly forbidden by the Gospel. They refuse to perform police -duties, because in the performance of these duties they must use -force against their brothers and ill treat them, and a Christian -cannot do that. They refuse to take part in trials at law, because -they consider every appeal to law is fulfilling the law of vengeance, -which is inconsistent with the Christian law of forgiveness and love. -They refuse to take any part in military preparations and in the -army, because they cannot be executioners, and they are unwilling to -prepare themselves to be so. - -The motives in all these cases are so excellent that, however -despotic governments may be, they could hardly punish them openly. -To punish men for refusing to act against their conscience the -government must renounce all claim to good sense and benevolence. And -they assure people that they only rule in the name of good sense and -benevolence. - -What are governments to do against such people? - -Governments can of course flog to death or execute or keep in -perpetual imprisonment all enemies who want to overturn them by -violence, they can lavish gold on that section of the people who are -ready to destroy their enemies. But what can they do against men -who, without wishing to overturn or destroy anything, desire simply -for their part to do nothing against the law of Christ, and who, -therefore, refuse to perform the commonest state requirements, which -are, therefore, the most indispensable to the maintenance of the -state? - -If they had been revolutionists, advocating and practicing violence -and murder, their suppression would have been an easy matter; some -of them could have been bought over, some could have been duped, some -could have been overawed, and these who could not be bought over, -duped, or overawed would have been treated as criminals, enemies -of society, would have been executed or imprisoned, and the crowd -would have approved of the action of the government. If they had -been fanatics, professing some peculiar belief, it might have been -possible, in disproving the superstitious errors mixed in with their -religion, to attack also the truth they advocate. But what is to be -done with men who profess no revolutionary ideas nor any peculiar -religious dogmas, but merely because they are unwilling to do evil to -any man, refuse to take the oath, to pay taxes, to take part in law -proceedings, to serve in the army, to fulfill, in fact, any of the -obligations upon which the whole fabric of a state rests? What is to -done with such people? To buy them over with bribes is impossible; -the very risks to which they voluntarily expose themselves show that -they are incorruptible. To dupe them into believing that this is -their duty to God is also impossible, since their refusal is based on -the clear, unmistakable law of God, recognized even by those who are -trying to compel men to act against it. To terrify them by threats is -still less possible, because the deprivations and sufferings to which -they are subjected only strengthen their desire to follow the faith -by which they are commanded: to obey God rather than men, and not to -fear those who can destroy the body, but to fear him who can destroy -body and soul. To kill them or keep them in perpetual imprisonment -is also impossible. These men have friends, and a past; their way -of thinking and acting is well known; they are known by everyone -for good, gentle, peaceable people, and they cannot be regarded as -criminals who must be removed for the safety of society. And to put -men to death who are regarded as good men is to provoke others to -champion them and justify their refusal. And it is only necessary -to explain the reasons of their refusal to make clear to everyone -that these reasons have the same force for all other men, and that -they all ought to have done the same long ago. These cases put the -ruling powers into a desperate position. They see that the prophecy -of Christianity is coming to pass, that it is loosening the fetters -of those in chains, and setting free them that are in bondage, and -that this must inevitably be the end of all oppressors. The ruling -authorities see this, they know that their hours are numbered, and -they can do nothing. All that they can do to save themselves is only -deferring the hour of their downfall. And this they do, but their -position is none the less desperate. - -It is like the position of a conqueror who is trying to save a town -which has been been set on fire by its own inhabitants. Directly he -puts out the conflagration in one place, it is alight in two other -places; directly he gives in to the fire and cuts off what is on fire -from a large building, the building itself is alight at both ends. -These separate fires may be few, but they are burning with a flame -which, however small a spark it starts from, never ceases till it has -set the whole ablaze. - -Thus it is that the ruling authorities are in such a defenseless -position before men who advocate Christianity, that but little is -necessary to overthrow this sovereign power which seems so powerful, -and has held such an exalted position for so many centuries. And -yet social reformers are busy promulgating the idea that it is not -necessary and is even pernicious and immoral for every man separately -to work out his own freedom. As though, while one set of men have -been at work a long while turning a river into a new channel, and had -dug out a complete water-course and had only to open the floodgates -for the water to rush in and do the rest, another set of men should -come along and begin to advise them that it would be much better, -instead of letting the water out, to construct a machine which would -ladle the water up from one side and pour it over the other side. - -But the thing has gone too far. Already ruling governments feel their -weak and defenseless position, and men of Christian principles are -awakening from their apathy, and already begin to feel their power. - -"I am come to send a fire on the earth," said Christ, "and what will -I, if it be already kindled?" - -And this fire is beginning to burn. - - - - -CHAPTER X. - - EVIL CANNOT BE SUPPRESSED BY THE PHYSICAL FORCE OF THE - GOVERNMENT--THE MORAL PROGRESS OF HUMANITY IS BROUGHT ABOUT NOT - ONLY BY INDIVIDUAL RECOGNITION OF TRUTH, BUT ALSO THROUGH THE - ESTABLISHMENT OF A PUBLIC OPINION. - - Christianity Destroys the State--But Which is Most Necessary: - Christianity or the State?--There are Some who Assert the - Necessity of a State Organization, and Others who Deny it, both - Arguing from same First Principles--Neither Contention can - be Proved by Abstract Argument--The Question must be Decided - by the Stage in the Development of Conscience of Each Man, - which will either Prevent or Allow him to Support a Government - Organization--Recognition of the Futility and Immorality of - Supporting a State Organization Contrary to Christian Principles - will Decide the Question for Every Man, in Spite of any - Action on Part of the State--Argument of those who Defend the - Government, that it is a Form of Social Life, Needed to Protect - the Good from the Wicked, till all Nations and all Members of - each Nation have Become Christians--The Most Wicked are Always - those in Power--The whole History of Humanity is the History - of the Forcible Appropriation of Power by the Wicked and their - Oppression of the Good--The Recognition by Governments of the - Necessity of Opposing Evil by Force is Equivalent to Suicide - on their Part--The Abolition of State-violence cannot Increase - the Sum Total of Acts of Violence--The Suppression of the Use - of Force is not only Possible, but is even Taking Place before - Our Eyes--But it will Never be Suppressed by the Violence - of Government, but through Men who have Attained Power by - Evidence Recognizing its Emptiness and Becoming Better and - Less Capable of Using Force--Individual Men and also Whole - Nations Pass Through this Process--By this Means Christianity - is Diffused Through Consciousness of Men, not only in Spite of - Use of Violence by Government, but even Through its Action, - and therefore the Suppression is not to be Dreaded, but is - Brought About by the National Progress of Life--Objection of - those who Defend State Organization that Universal Adoption of - Christianity is hardly Likely to be Realized at any Time--The - General Adoption of the Truths of Christianity is being Brought - About not only by the Gradual and Inward Means, that is, by - Knowledge of the Truth, Prophetic Insight, and Recognition of - the Emptiness of Power, and Renunciation of it by Individuals, - but also by Another External Means, the Acceptance of a New - Truth by Whole Masses of Men on a Lower Level of Development - Through Simple Confidence in their Leaders--When a Certain - Stage in the Diffusion of a Truth has been Reached, a Public - Opinion is Created which Impels a Whole Mass of Men, formerly - Antagonistic to the New Truth, to Accept it--And therefore all - Men may Quickly be Brought to Renounce the use of Violence - when once a Christian Public Opinion is Established--The - Conviction of Force being Necessary Hinders the Establishment - of a Christian Public Opinion--The Use of Violence Leads Men to - Distrust the Spiritual Force which is the Only Force by which - they Advance--Neither Nations nor Individuals have been really - Subjugated by Force, but only by Public Opinion, which no Force - can Resist--Savage Nations and Savage Men can only be Subdued - by the Diffusion of a Christian Standard among them, while - actually Christian Nations in order to Subdue them do all they - can to Destroy a Christian Standard--These Fruitless Attempts to - Civilize Savages Cannot be Adduced as Proofs that Men Cannot be - Subdued by Christianity--Violence by Corrupting Public Opinion, - only Hinders the Social Organization from being What it Ought - to Be--And by the Use of Violence being Suppressed, a Christian - Public Opinion would be Established--Whatever might be the - Result of the Suppression of Use of Force, this Unknown Future - could not be Worse than the Present Condition, and so there is - no Need to Dread it--To Attain Knowledge of the Unknown, and to - Move Toward it, is the Essence of Life. - - -Christianity in its true sense puts an end to government. So it was -understood at its very commencement; it was for that cause that -Christ was crucified. So it has always been understood by people who -were not under the necessity of justifying a Christian government. -Only from the time that the heads of government assumed an external -and nominal Christianity, men began to invent all the impossible, -cunningly devised theories by means of which Christianity can be -reconciled with government. But no honest and serious-minded man of -our day can help seeing the incompatibility of true Christianity--the -doctrine of meekness, forgiveness of injuries, and love--with -government, with its pomp, acts of violence, executions, and wars. -The profession of true Christianity not only excludes the possibility -of recognizing government, but even destroys its very foundations. - -But if it is so, and we are right in saying that Christianity is -incompatible with government, then the question naturally presents -itself: which is more necessary to the good of humanity, in which -way is men's happiness best to be secured, by maintaining the -organization of government or by destroying it and replacing it by -Christianity? - -Some people maintain that government is more necessary for humanity, -that the destruction of the state organization would involve the -destruction of all that humanity has gained, that the state has been -and still is the only form in which humanity can develop. The evil -which we see among peoples living under a government organization -they attribute not to that type of society, but to its abuses, -which, they say, can be corrected without destroying it, and thus -humanity, without discarding the state organization, can develop and -attain a high degree of happiness. And men of this way of thinking -bring forward in support of their views arguments which they think -irrefutable drawn from history, philosophy, and even religion. But -there are men who hold on the contrary that, as there was a time when -humanity lived without government, such an organization is temporary, -and that a time must come when men need a new organization, and -that that time has come now. And men of this way of thinking also -bring forward in support of their views arguments which they think -irrefutable from philosophy, history, and religion. - -Volumes may be written in defense of the former view (and volumes -indeed have long ago been written and more will still be written on -that side), but much also can be written against it (and much also, -and most briliantly, has been written--though more recently--on this -side). - -And it cannot be proved, as the champions of the state maintain, -that the destruction of government involves a social chaos, mutual -spoliation and murder, the destruction of all social institutions, -and the return of mankind to barbarism. Nor can it be proved as the -opponents of government maintain that men have already become so -wise and good that they will not spoil or murder one another, but -will prefer peaceful associations to hostilities; that of their own -accord, unaided by the state, they will make all the arrangements -that they need, and that therefore government, far from being any -aid, under show of guarding men exerts a pernicious and brutalizing -influence over them. It is impossible to prove either of these -contentions by abstract reasoning. Still less possible is it to prove -them by experiment, since the whole matter turns on the question, -ought we to try the experiment? The question whether or not the time -has come to make an end of government would be unanswerable, except -that there exists another living means of settling it beyond dispute. - -We may dispute upon the question whether the nestlings are ready to -do without the mother-hen and to come out of the eggs, or whether -they are not yet advanced enough. But the young birds will decide -the question without any regard for our arguments when they find -themselves cramped for space in the eggs. Then they will begin to -try them with their beaks and come out of them of their own accord. - -It is the same with the question whether the time has come to do -away with the governmental type of society and to replace it by a -new type. If a man, through the growth of a higher conscience, can -no longer comply with the demands of government, he finds himself -cramped by it and at the same time no longer needs its protection. -When this comes to pass, the question whether men are ready to -discard the governmental type is solved. And the conclusion will be -as final for them as for the young birds hatched out of the eggs. -Just as no power in the world can put them back into the shells, so -can no power in the world bring men again under the governmental type -of society when once they have outgrown it. - -"It may well be that government was necessary and is still necessary -for all the advantages which you attribute to it," says the man who -has mastered the Christian theory of life. "I only know that on -the one hand, government is no longer necessary for _me_, and on -the other hand, _I_ can no longer carry out the measures that are -necessary to the existence of a government. Settle for yourselves -what you need for your life. I cannot prove the need or the harm of -governments in general. I know only what I need and do not need, -what I can do and what I cannot. I know that I do not need to divide -myself off from other nations, and therefore I cannot admit that I -belong exclusively to any state or nation, or that I owe allegiance -to any government. I know that I do not need all the government -institutions organized within the state, and therefore I cannot -deprive people who need my labor to give it in the form of taxes -to institutions which I do not need, which for all I know may be -pernicious. I know that I have no need of the administration or of -courts of justice founded upon force, and therefore I can take no -part in either. I know that I do not need to attack and slaughter -other nations or to defend myself from them with arms, and therefore -I can take no part in wars or preparations for wars. It may well be -that there are people who cannot help regarding all this as necessary -and indispensable. I cannot dispute the question with them, I can -only speak for myself; but I can say with absolute certainty that I -do not need it, and that I cannot do it. And I do not need this and -I cannot do it, not because such is my own, my personal will, but -because such is the will of him who sent me into life, and gave me an -indubitable law for my conduct through life." - -Whatever arguments may be advanced in support of the contention that -the suppression of government authority would be injurious and would -lead to great calamities, men who have once outgrown the governmental -form of society cannot go back to it again. And all the reasoning -in the world cannot make the man who has outgrown the governmental -form of society take part in actions disallowed by his conscience, -any more than the full-grown bird can be made to return into the -egg-shell. - -"But even it be so," say the champions of the existing order of -things, "still the suppression of government violence can only be -possible and desirable when all men have become Christians. So -long as among people nominally Christians there are unchristian -wicked men, who for the gratification of their own lusts are ready -to do harm to others, the suppression of government authority, -far from being a blessing to others, would only increase their -miseries. The suppression of the governmental type of society is -not only undesirable so long as there is only a minority of true -Christians; it would not even be desirable if the whole of a nation -were Christians, but among and around them were still unchristian -men of other nations. For these unchristian men would rob, outrage, -and kill the Christians with impunity and would make their lives -miserable. All that would result, would be that the bad would oppress -and outrage the good with impunity. And therefore the authority of -government must not be suppressed till all the wicked and rapacious -people in the world are extinct. And since this will either never -be, or at least cannot be for a long time to come, in spite of the -efforts of individual Christians to be independent of government -authority, it ought to be maintained in the interests of the -majority. The champions of government assert that without it the -wicked will oppress and outrage the good, and that the power of the -government enables the good to resist the wicked." - -But in this assertion the champions of the existing order of things -take for granted the proposition they want to prove. When they say -that except for the government the bad would oppress the good, they -take it for granted that the good are those who at the present -time are in possession of power, and the bad are those who are in -subjection to it. But this is just what wants proving. It would only -be true if the custom of our society were what is, or rather is -supposed to be, the custom in China; that is, that the good always -rule, and that directly those at the head of government cease to be -better than those they rule over, the citizens are bound to remove -them. This is supposed to be the custom in China. In reality it is -not so and can never be so. For to remove the heads of a government -ruling by force, it is not the right alone, but the power to do so -that is needed. So that even in China this is only an imaginary -custom. And in our Christian world we do not even suppose such a -custom, and we have nothing on which to build up the supposition that -it is the good or the superior who are in power; in reality it is -those who have seized power and who keep it for their own and their -retainers' benefit. - -The good cannot seize power, nor retain it; to do this men must love -power. And love of power is inconsistent with goodness; but quite -consistent with the very opposite qualities--pride, cunning, cruelty. - -Without the aggrandizement of self and the abasement of others, -without hypocrisies and deceptions, without prisons, fortresses, -executions, and murders, no power can come into existence or be -maintained. - -"If the power of government is suppressed the more wicked will -oppress the less wicked," say the champions of state authority. But -when the Egyptians conquered the Jews, the Romans conquered the -Greeks, and the Barbarians conquered the Romans, is it possible that -all the conquerors were always better than those they conquered? -And the same with the transitions of power within a state from one -personage to another: has the power always passed from a worse person -to a better one? When Louis XVI. was removed and Robespierre came -to power, and afterward Napoleon--who ruled then, a better man or a -worse? And when were better men in power, when the Versaillist party -or when the Commune was in power? When Charles I. was ruler, or when -Cromwell? And when Peter III. was Tzar, or when he was killed and -Catherine was Tzaritsa in one-half of Russia and Pougachef ruled the -other? Which was bad then, and which was good? All men who happen to -be in authority assert that their authority is necessary to keep the -bad from oppressing the good, assuming that they themselves are the -good _par excellence_, who protect other good people from the bad. - -But ruling means using force, and using force means doing to him to -whom force is used, what he does not like and what he who uses the -force would certainly not like done to himself. Consequently ruling -means doing to others what we would not they should do unto us, that -is, doing wrong. - -To submit means to prefer suffering to using force. And to prefer -suffering to using force means to be good, or at least less wicked -than those who do unto others what they would not like themselves. - -And therefore, in all probability, not the better but the worse have -always ruled and are ruling now. There may be bad men among those who -are ruled, but it cannot be that those who are better have generally -ruled those who are worse. - -It might be possible to suppose this with the inexact heathen -definition of good; but with the clear Christian definition of good -and evil, it is impossible to imagine it. - -If the more or less good, and the more or less bad cannot be -distinguished in the heathen world, the Christian conception of good -and evil has so clearly defined the characteristics of the good and -the wicked, that it is impossible to confound them. According to -Christ's teaching the good are those who are meek and long-suffering, -do not resist evil by force, forgive injuries, and love their -enemies; those are wicked who exalt themselves, oppress, strive, -and use force. Therefore by Christ's teaching there can be no doubt -whether the good are to be found among rulers or ruled, and whether -the wicked are among the ruled or the rulers. Indeed it is absurd -even to speak of Christians ruling. - -Non-Christians, that is those who find the aim of their lives in -earthly happiness, must always rule Christians, the aim of whose -lives is the renunciation of such earthly happiness. - -This difference has always existed and has become more and more -defined as the Christian religion has been more widely diffused and -more correctly understood. - -The more widely true Christianity was diffused and the more it -penetrated men's conscience, the more impossible it was for -Christians to be rulers, and the easier it became for non-Christians -to rule them. - -"To get rid of governmental violence in a society in which all are -not true Christians, will only result in the wicked dominating the -good and oppressing them with impunity," say the champions of the -existing order of things. But it has never been, and cannot be -otherwise. So it has always been from the beginning of the world, -and so it is still. _The wicked will always dominate the good, and -will always oppress them._ Cain overpowered Abel, the cunning Jacob -oppressed the guileless Esau and was in his turn deceived by Laban, -Caiaphas and Pilate oppressed Christ, the Roman emperors oppressed -Seneca, Epictetus, and the good Romans who lived in their times. -John IV. with his favorites, the syphilitic drunken Peter with -his buffoons, the vicious Catherine with her paramours, ruled and -oppressed the industrious religious Russians of their times. - -William is ruling over the Germans, Stambouloff over the Bulgarians, -the Russian officials over the Russian people. The Germans have -dominated the Italians, now they dominate the Hungarians and -Slavonians; the Turks have dominated and still dominate the -Slavonians and Greeks; the English dominate the Hindoos, the -Mongolians dominate the Chinese. - -So that whether governmental violence is suppressed or not, the -position of good men, in being oppressed by the wicked, will be -unchanged. - -To terrify men with the prospect of the wicked dominating the good is -impossible, for that is just what has always been, and is now, and -cannot but be. - -The whole history of pagan times is nothing but a recital of the -incidents and means by which the more wicked gained possession -of power over the less wicked, and retained it by cruelties and -deceptions, ruling over the good under the pretense of guarding the -right and protecting the good from the wicked. All the revolutions -in history are only examples of the more wicked seizing power and -oppressing the good. In declaring that if their authority did not -exist the more wicked would oppress the good, the ruling authorities -only show their disinclination to let other oppressors come to power -who would like to snatch it from them. - -But in asserting this they only accuse themselves. They say that -their power, _i. e._, violence, is needed to defend men from other -possible oppressors in the present or the future.[16] - - [16] I may quote in this connection the amazingly naive and comic - declaration of the Russian authorities, the oppressors of other - nationalities--the Poles, the Germans of the Baltic provinces, and - the Jews. The Russian Government has oppressed its subjects for - centuries, and has never troubled itself about the Little Russians - of Poland, or the Letts of the Baltic provinces, or the Russian - peasants, exploited by everyone. And now it has all of a sudden - become the champion of the oppressed--the very oppressed whom it is - itself oppressing. - -The weakness of the use of violence lies in the fact that all the -arguments brought forward by oppressors in their own defense can -with even better reason be advanced against them. They plead the -danger of violence--most often imagined in the future--but they are -all the while continuing to practice actual violence themselves. -"You say that men used to pillage and murder in the past, and that -you are afraid that they will pillage and murder one another if your -power were no more. That may happen--or it may not happen. But the -fact that you ruin thousands of men in prisons, fortresses, galleys, -and exile, break up millions of families and ruin millions of men, -physically as well as morally, in the army, that fact is not an -imaginary but a real act of violence, which, according to your own -argument, one ought to oppose by violence. And so you are yourselves -these wicked men against whom, according to your own argument, it is -absolutely necessary to use violence," the oppressed are sure to say -to their oppressors. And non-Christian men always do say, and think -and act on this reasoning. If the oppressed are more wicked than -their oppressors, they attack them and try to overthrow them; and in -favorable circumstances they succeed in overthrowing them, or what is -more common, they rise into the ranks of the oppressors and assist in -their acts of violence. - -So that the very violence which the champions of government hold -up as a terror--pretending that except for its oppressive power -the wicked would oppress the good--has really always existed and -will exist in human society. And therefore the suppression of state -violence cannot in any case be the cause of increased oppression of -the good by the wicked. - -If state violence ceased, there would be acts of violence perhaps on -the part of different people, other than those who had done deeds of -violence before. But the total amount of violence could not in any -case be increased by the mere fact of power passing from one set of -men to another. - -"State violence can only cease when there are no more wicked men in -society," say the champions of the existing order of things, assuming -in this of course that since there will always be wicked men, it can -never cease. And that would be right enough if it were the case, as -they assume, that the oppressors are always the best of men, and that -the sole means of saving men from evil is by violence. Then, indeed, -violence could never cease. But since this is not the case, but quite -the contrary, that it is not the better oppress the worse, but the -worse oppress the better, and since violence will never put an end -to evil, and there is, moreover, another means of putting an end to -it, the assertion that violence will never cease is incorrect. The -use of violence grows less and less and evidently must disappear. -But this will not come to pass, as some champions of the existing -order imagine, through the oppressed becoming better and better under -the influence of government (on the contrary, its influence causes -their continual degradation), but through the fact that all men are -constantly growing better and better of themselves, so that even the -most wicked, who are in power, will become less and less wicked, till -at last they are so good as to be incapable of using violence. - -The progressive movement of humanity does not proceed from the -better elements in society seizing power and making those who are -subject to them better, by forcible means, as both conservatives and -revolutionists imagine. It proceeds first and principally from the -fact that all men in general are advancing steadily and undeviatingly -toward a more and more conscious assimilation of the Christian theory -of life; and secondly, from the fact that, even apart from conscious -spiritual life, men are unconsciously brought into a more Christian -attitude to life by the very process of one set of men grasping the -power, and again being replaced by others. - -The worse elements of society, gaining possession of power, under -the sobering influence which always accompanies power, grow less and -less cruel, and become incapable of using cruel forms of violence. -Consequently others are able to seize their place, and the same -process of softening and, so to say, unconscious Christianizing goes -on with them. It is something like the process of ebullition. The -majority of men, having the non-Christian view of life, always strive -for power and struggle to obtain it. In this struggle the most cruel, -the coarsest, the least Christian elements of society overpower the -most gentle, well-disposed, and Christian, and rise by means of their -violence to the upper ranks of society. And in them is Christ's -prophecy fulfilled: "Woe to you that are rich! woe unto you that are -full! woe unto you when all men shall speak well of you!" For the men -who are in possession of power and all that results from it--glory -and wealth--and have attained the various aims they set before -themselves, recognize the vanity of it all and return to the position -from which they came. Charles V., John IV., Alexander I., recognizing -the emptiness and the evil of power, renounced it because they were -incapable of using violence for their own benefit as they had done. - -But they are not the solitary examples of this recognition of the -emptiness and evil of power. Everyone who gains a position of power -he has striven for, every general, every minister, every millionaire, -every petty official who has gained the place he has coveted for ten -years, every rich peasant who has laid by some hundred rubles, passes -through this unconscious process of softening. - -And not only individual men, but societies of men, whole nations, -pass through this process. - -The seductions of power, and all the wealth, honor, and luxury it -gives, seem a sufficient aim for men's efforts only so long as they -are unattained. Directly a man reaches them he sees all their vanity, -and they gradually lose all their power of attraction. They are like -clouds which have form and beauty only from the distance; directly -one ascends into them, all their splendor vanishes. - -Men who are in possession of power and wealth, sometimes even those -who have gained for themselves their power and wealth, but more often -their heirs, cease to be so eager for power, and so cruel in their -efforts to obtain it. - -Having learnt by experience, under the operation of Christian -influence, the vanity of all that is gained by violence, men -sometimes in one, sometimes in several generations lose the vices -which are generated by the passion for power and wealth. They -become less cruel and so cannot maintain their position, and are -expelled from power by others less Christian and more wicked. -Thus they return to a rank of society lower in position, but -higher in morality, raising thereby the average level of Christian -consciousness in men. But directly after them again the worst, -coarsest, least Christian elements of society rise to the top, -and are subjected to the same process as their predecessors, and -again in a generation or so, seeing the vanity of what is gained by -violence, and having imbibed Christianity, they come down again among -the oppressed, and their place is again filled by new oppressors, -less brutal than former oppressors, though more so than those they -oppress. So that, although power remains externally the same as -it was, with every change of the men in power there is a constant -increase of the number of men who have been brought by experience to -the necessity of assimilating the Christian conception of life, and -with every change--though it is the coarsest, cruelest, and least -Christian who come into possession of power, they are less coarse and -cruel and more Christian than their predecessors when they gained -possession of power. - -Power selects and attracts the worst elements of society, transforms -them, improves and softens them, and returns them to society. - -Such is the process by means of which Christianity, in spite of the -hindrances to human progress resulting from the violence of power, -gains more and more hold of men. Christianity penetrates to the -consciousness of men, not only in spite of the violence of power, but -also by means of it. - -And therefore the assertion of the champions of the state, that if -the power of government were suppressed the wicked would oppress -the good, not only fails to show that that is to be dreaded, since -it is just what happens now, but proves, on the contrary, that it -is governmental power which enables the wicked to oppress the good, -and is the evil most desirable to suppress, and that it is being -gradually suppressed in the natural course of things. - -"But if it be true that governmental power will disappear when those -in power become so Christian that they renounce power of their own -accord, and there are no men found willing to take their place, and -even if this process is already going on," say the champions of the -existing order, "when will that come to pass? If, after eighteen -hundred years, there are still so many eager for power, and so few -anxious to obey, there seems no likelihood of its happening very -soon--or indeed of its ever happening at all. - -"Even if there are, as there have always been, some men who prefer -renouncing power to enjoying it, the mass of men in reserve, who -prefer dominion to subjection, is so great that it is difficult to -imagine a time when the number will be exhausted. - -"Before this Christianizing process could so affect all men one -after another that they would pass from the heathen to the Christian -conception of life, and would voluntarily abandon power and wealth, -it would be necessary that all the coarse, half-savage men, -completely incapable of appreciating Christianity or acting upon it, -of whom there are always a great many in every Christian society, -should be converted to Christianity. More than this, all the savage -and absolutely non-Christian peoples, who are so numerous outside -the Christian world, must also be converted. And therefore, even -if we admit that this Christianizing process will some day affect -everyone, still, judging by the amount of progress it has made in -eighteen hundred years, it will be many times eighteen centuries -before it will do so. And it is therefore impossible and unprofitable -to think at present of anything so impracticable as the suppression -of authority. We ought only to try to put authority into the best -hands." - -And this criticism would be perfectly just, if the transition from -one conception of life to another were only accomplished by the -single process of all men, separately and successively, realizing, -each for himself, the emptiness of power, and reaching Christian -truth by the inner spiritual path. That process goes on unceasingly, -and men are passing over to Christianity one after another by this -inner way. - -But there is also another external means by which men reach -Christianity and by which the transition is less gradual. - -This transition from one organization of life to another is not -accomplished by degrees like the sand running through the hourglass -grain after grain. It is more like the water filling a vessel -floating on water. At first the water only runs in slowly on one -side, but as the vessel grows heavier it suddenly begins to sink, and -almost instantaneously fills with water. - -It is just the same with the transitions of mankind from one -conception--and so from one organization of life--to another. At -first only gradually and slowly, one after another, men attain to the -new truth by the inner spiritual way, and follow it out in life. But -when a certain point in the diffusion of the truth has been reached, -it is suddenly assimilated by everyone, not by the inner way, but, as -it were, involuntarily. - -That is why the champions of the existing order are wrong in arguing -that, since only a small section of mankind has passed over to -Christianity in eighteen centuries, it must be many times eighteen -centuries before all the remainder do the same. For in that argument -they do not take into account any other means, besides the inward -spiritual one, by which men assimilate a new truth and pass from one -order of life to another. - -Men do not only assimilate a truth through recognizing it by -prophetic insight, or by experience of life. When the truth has -become sufficiently widely diffused, men at a lower stage of -development accept it all at once simply through confidence in those -who have reached it by the inner spiritual way, and are applying it -to life. - -Every new truth, by which the order of human life is changed and -humanity is advanced, is at first accepted by only a very small -number of men who understand it through inner spiritual intuition. -The remainder of mankind who accepted on trust the preceding truth -on which the existing order is based, are always opposed to the -diffusion of the new truth. - -But seeing that, to begin with, men do not stand still, but are -steadily advancing to a greater recognition of the truth and a -closer adaptation of their life to it, and secondly, all men in -varying degrees according to their age, their education, and their -race are capable of understanding the new truths, at first those -who are nearest to the men who have attained the new truth by -spiritual intuition, slowly and one by one, but afterward more and -more quickly, pass over to the new truth. Thus the number of men -who accept the new truth becomes greater and greater, and the truth -becomes more and more comprehensible. - -And thus more confidence is aroused in the remainder, who are at a -less advanced stage of capacity for understanding the truth. And it -becomes easier for them to grasp it, and an increasing number accept -it. - -And so the movement goes on more and more quickly, and on an -ever-increasing scale, like a snowball, till at last a public opinion -in harmony with the new truth is created, and then the whole mass of -men is carried over all at once by its momentum to the new truth and -establishes a new social order in accordance with it. - -Those men who accept a new truth when it has gained a certain degree -of acceptance, always pass over all at once in masses. They are like -the ballast with which every ship is always loaded, at once to keep -it upright and enable it to sail properly. If there were no ballast, -the ship would not be low enough in the water, and would shift its -position at the slightest change in its conditions. This ballast, -which strikes one at first as superfluous and even as hindering -the progress of the vessel, is really indispensable to its good -navigation. - -It is the same with the mass of mankind, who not individually, but -always in a mass, under the influence of a new social idea pass all -at once from one organization of life to another. This mass always -hinders, by its inertia, frequent and rapid revolutions in the social -order which have not been sufficiently proved by human experience. -And it delays every truth a long while till it has stood the test of -prolonged struggles, and has thoroughly permeated the consciousness -of humanity. - -And that is why it is a mistake to say that because only a very -small minority of men has assimilated Christianity in eighteen -centuries, it must take many times as many centuries for all mankind -to assimilate it, and that since that time is so far off, we who live -in the present need not even think about it. It is a mistake, because -the men at a lower stage of culture, the men and the nations who are -represented as the obstacle to the realization of the Christian order -of life, are the very people who always pass over in masses all at -once to any truth that has once been recognized by public opinion. - -And therefore the transformation of human life, through which men -in power will renounce it, and there will be none anxious to take -their place, will not come only by all men consciously and separately -assimilating the Christian conception of life. It will come when -a Christian public opinion has arisen, so definite and easily -comprehensible as to reach the whole of the inert mass, which is not -able to attain truth by its own intuition, and therefore is always -under the sway of public opinion. - -Public opinion arises spontaneously and spreads for hundreds and -thousands of years, but it has the power of working on men by -infection, and with great rapidity gains a hold on great numbers of -men. - -"But," say the champions of the existing order, "even if it is -true that public opinion, when it has attained a certain degree of -definiteness and precision, can convert the inert mass of men outside -the Christian world--the non-Christian races--as well as the coarse -and depraved who are living in its midst, what proofs have we that -this Christian public opinion has arisen and is able to replace force -and render it unnecessary. - -"We must not give up force, by which the existing order is -maintained, and by relying on the vague and impalpable influence -of public opinion expose Christians to the risk of being pillaged, -murdered, and outraged in every way by the savages inside and outside -of civilized society. - -"Since, even supported by the use of force, we can hardly control -the non-Christian elements which are always ready to pour down on -us and to destroy all that has been gained by civilization, is it -likely that public opinion could take the place of force and render -us secure? And besides, how are we to find the moment when public -opinion has become strong enough to be able to replace the use of -force? To reject the use of force and trust to public opinion to -defend us would be as insane as to remove all weapons of defense in a -menagerie, and then to let loose all the lions and tigers, relying on -the fact that the animals seemed peaceable when kept in their cages -and held in check by red-hot irons. And therefore people in power, -who have been put in positions of authority by fate or by God, have -not the right to run the risk, ruining all that has been gained by -civilization, just because they want to try an experiment to see -whether public opinion is or is not able to replace the protection -given by authority." - -A French writer, forgotten now, Alphonse Karr, said somewhere, trying -to show the impossibility of doing away with the death penalty: "Que -messieurs les assassins commencent par nous donner l'exemple." Often -have I heard this _bon mot_ repeated by men who thought that these -words were a witty and convincing argument against the abolition of -capital punishment. And yet all the erroneousness of the argument of -those who consider that governments cannot give up the use of force -till all people are capable of doing the same, could not be more -clearly expressed than it is in that epigram. - -"Let the murderers," say the champions of state violence, "set us the -example by giving up murder and then we will give it up." But the -murderers say just the same, only with much more right. They say: -"Let those who have undertaken to teach us and guide us set us the -example of giving up legal murder, and then we will imitate them." -And they say this, not as a jest, but seriously, because it is the -actual state of the case. - -"We cannot give up the use of violence, because we are surrounded -by violent ruffians." Nothing in our days hinders the progress of -humanity and the establishment of the organization corresponding to -its present development more than this false reasoning. Those in -authority are convinced that men are only guided and only progress -through the use of force, and therefore they confidently make use -of it to support the existing organization. The existing order is -maintained, not by force, but by public opinion, the action of which -is disturbed by the use of force. So that the effect of using force -is to disturb and to weaken the very thing it tries to maintain. - -Violence, even in the most favorable case, when it is not used simply -for some personal aims of those in power, always punishes under the -one inelastic formula of the law what has long before been condemned -by public opinion. But there is this difference, that while public -opinion censures and condemns all the acts opposed to the moral law, -including the most varied cases in its reprobation, the law which -rests on violence only condemns and punishes a certain very limited -range of acts, and by so doing seems to justify all other acts of the -same kind which do not come under its scope. - -Public opinion ever since the time of Moses has regarded -covetousness, profligacy, and cruelty as wrong, and censured -them accordingly. And it condemns every kind of manifestation of -covetousness, not only the appropriation of the property of others -by force or fraud or trickery, but even the cruel abuse of wealth; -it condemns every form of profligacy, whether with concubine, slave, -divorced woman, or even one's own wife; it condemns every kind of -cruelty, whether shown in blows, in ill-treatment, or in murder, -not only of men, but even of animals. The law resting on force -only punishes certain forms of covetousness, such as robbery and -swindling, certain forms of profligacy and cruelty, such as conjugal -infidelity, murder, and wounding. And in this way it seems to -countenance all the manifestations of covetousness, profligacy, and -cruelty which do not come under its narrow definition. - -But besides corrupting public opinion, the use of force leads -men to the fatal conviction that they progress, not through the -spiritual impulse which impels them to the attainment of truth and -its realization in life, and which constitutes the only source of -every progressive movement of humanity, but by means of violence, -the very force which, far from leading men to truth, always carries -them further away from it. This is a fatal error, because it leads -men to neglect the chief force underlying their life--their spiritual -activity--and to turn all their attention and energy to the use -of violence, which is superficial, sluggish, and most generally -pernicious in its action. - -They make the same mistake as men who, trying to set a steam -engine in motion, should turn its wheels round with their hands, -not suspecting that the underlying cause of its movement was the -expansion of the steam, and not the motion of the wheels. By turning -the wheels by hand and by levers they could only produce a semblance -of movement, and meantime they would be wrenching the wheels and so -preventing their being fit for real movement. - -That is just what people are doing who think to make men advance by -means of external force. - -They say that the Christian life cannot be established without the -use of violence, because there are savage races outside the pale -of Christian societies in Africa and in Asia (there are some who -even represent the Chinese as a danger to civilization), and that -in the midst of Christian societies there are savage, corrupt, and, -according to the new theory of heredity, congenital criminals. And -violence, they say, is necessary to keep savages and criminals from -annihilating our civilization. - -But these savages within and without Christian society, who are such -a terror to us, have never been subjugated by violence, and are not -subjugated by it now. Nations have never subjugated other nations by -violence alone. If a nation which subjugated another was on a lower -level of civilization, it has never happened that it succeeded in -introducing its organization of life by violence. On the contrary, it -was always forced to adopt the organization of life existing in the -conquered nation. If ever any of the nations conquered by force have -been really subjugated, or even nearly so, it has always been by the -action of public opinion, and never by violence, which only tends to -drive a people to further rebellion. - -When whole nations have been subjugated by a new religion, and have -become Christian or Mohammedan, such a conversion has never been -brought about because the authorities made it obligatory (on the -contrary, violence has much oftener acted in the opposite direction), -but because public opinion made such a change inevitable. Nations, on -the contrary, who have been driven by force to accept the faith of -their conquerors have always remained antagonistic to it. - -It is just the same with the savage elements existing in the midst -of our civilized societies. Neither the increased nor the diminished -severity of punishment, nor the modifications of prisons, nor the -increase of police will increase or diminish the number of criminals. -Their number will only be diminished by the change of the moral -standard of society. No severities could put an end to duels and -vendettas in certain districts. In spite of the number of Tcherkesses -executed for robbery, they continue to be robbers from their youth -up, for no maiden will marry a Tcherkess youth till he has given -proof of his bravery by carrying off a horse, or at least a sheep. If -men cease to fight duels, and the Tcherkesses cease to be robbers, it -will not be from fear of punishment (indeed, that invests the crime -with additional charm for youth), but through a change in the moral -standard of public opinion. It is the same with all other crimes. -Force can never suppress what is sanctioned by public opinion. On the -contrary, public opinion need only be in direct opposition to force -to neutralize the whole effect of the use of force. It has always -been so and always will be in every case of martyrdom. - -What would happen if force were not used against hostile nations and -the criminal elements of society we do not know. But we do know by -prolonged experience that neither enemies nor criminals have been -successfully suppressed by force. - -And indeed how could nations be subjugated by violence who are led by -their whole education, their traditions, and even their religion to -see the loftiest virtue in warring with their oppressors and fighting -for freedom? And how are we to suppress by force acts committed -in the midst of our society which are regarded as crimes by the -government and as daring exploits by the people? - -To exterminate such nations and such criminals by violence is -possible, and indeed is done, but to subdue them is impossible. - -The sole guide which directs men and nations has always been and is -the unseen, intangible, underlying force, the resultant of all the -spiritual forces of a certain people, or of all humanity, which finds -its outward expression in public opinion. - -The use of violence only weakens this force, hinders it and corrupts -it, and tries to replace it by another which, far from being -conducive to the progress of humanity, is detrimental to it. - -To bring under the sway of Christianity all the savage nations -outside the pale of the Christian world--all the Zulus, Mandchoos, -and Chinese, whom many regard as savages--and the savages who live in -our midst, there is only _one means_. That means is the propagation -among these nations of the Christian ideal of society, which can only -be realized by a Christian life, Christian actions, and Christian -examples. And meanwhile, though this is the _one only means_ of -gaining a hold over the people who have remained non-Christian, the -men of our day set to work in the directly opposite fashion to attain -this result. - -To bring under the sway of Christianity savage nations who do not -attack us and whom we have therefore no excuse for oppressing, we -ought before all things to leave them in peace, and in case we need -or wish to enter into closer relations with them, we ought only to -influence them by Christian manners and Christian teaching, setting -them the example of the Christian virtues of patience, meekness, -endurance, purity, brotherhood, and love. Instead of that we begin by -establishing among them new markets for our commerce, with the sole -aim of our own profit; then we appropriate their lands, _i. e._, rob -them; then we sell them spirits, tobacco, and opium, _i. e._, corrupt -them; then we establish our morals among them, teach them the use -of violence and new methods of destruction, _i. e._, we teach them -nothing but the animal law of strife, below which man cannot sink, -and we do all we can to conceal from them all that is Christian in -us. After this we send some dozens of missionaries prating to them -of the hypocritical absurdities of the Church, and then quote the -failure of our efforts to turn the heathen to Christianity as an -incontrovertible proof of the impossibility of applying the truths of -Christianity in practical life. - -It is just the same with the so-called criminals living in our -midst. To bring these people under the sway of Christianity there -is _one only means_, that is, the Christian social ideal, which -can only be realized among them by true Christian teaching and -supported by a true example of the Christian life. And to preach -this Christian truth and to support it by Christian example we -set up among them prisons, guillotines, gallows, preparations for -murder; we diffuse among the common herd idolatrous superstitions to -stupefy them; we sell them spirits, tobacco, and opium to brutalize -them; we even organize legalized prostitution; we give land to those -who do not need it; we make a display of senseless luxury in the -midst of suffering poverty; we destroy the possibility of anything -like a Christian public opinion, and studiously try to suppress -what Christian public opinion is existing. And then, after having -ourselves assiduously corrupted men, we shut them up like wild beasts -in places from which they cannot escape, and where they become still -more brutalized, or else we kill them. And these very men whom we -have corrupted and brutalized by every means, we bring forward as a -proof that one cannot deal with criminals except by brute force. - -We are just like ignorant doctors who put a man, recovering from -illness by the force of nature, into the most unfavorable conditions -of hygiene, and dose him with the most deleterious drugs, and then -assert triumphantly that their hygiene and their drugs saved his -life, when the patient would have been well long before if they had -left him alone. - -Violence, which is held up as the means of supporting the Christian -organization of life, not only fails to produce that effect, it even -hinders the social organization of life from being what it might and -ought to be. The social organization is as good as it is not as a -result of force, but in spite of it. - -And therefore the champions of the existing order are mistaken -in arguing that since, even with the aid of force, the bad and -non-Christian elements of humanity can hardly be kept from attacking -us, the abolition of the use of force and the substitution of public -opinion for it would leave humanity quite unprotected. - -They are mistaken, because force does not protect humanity, but, -on the contrary, deprives it of the only possible means of really -protecting itself, that is, the establishment and diffusion of a -Christian public opinion. Only by the suppression of violence will a -Christian public opinion cease to be corrupted, and be enabled to be -diffused without hindrance, and men will then turn their efforts in -the spiritual direction by which alone they can advance. - -"But how are we to cast off the visible tangible protection of an -armed policeman, and trust to something so intangible as public -opinion? Does it yet exist? Moreover, the condition of things -in which we are living now, we know, good or bad; we know its -shortcomings and are used to it, we know what to do, and how to -behave under present conditions. But what will happen when we give -it up and trust ourselves to something invisible and intangible, and -altogether unknown?" - -The unknown world on which they are entering in renouncing their -habitual ways of life appears itself as dreadful to them. It is -all very well to dread the unknown when our habitual position is -sound and secure. But our position is so far from being secure that -we know, beyond all doubt, that we are standing on the brink of a -precipice. - -If we must be afraid let us be afraid of what is really alarming, and -not what we imagine as alarming. - -Fearing to make the effort to detach ourselves from our perilous -position because the future is not fully clear to us, we are like -passengers in a foundering ship who, through being afraid to trust -themselves to the boat which would carry them to the shore, shut -themselves up in the cabin and refuse to come out of it; or like -sheep, who, terrified by their barn being on fire, huddle in a corner -and do not go out of the wide-open door. - -We are standing on the threshold of the murderous war of social -revolution, terrific in its miseries, beside which, as those who -are preparing it tell us, the horrors of 1793 will be child's play. -And can we talk of the danger threatening us from the warriors of -Dahomey, the Zulus, and such, who live so far away and are not -dreaming of attacking us, and from some thousands of swindlers, -thieves, and murderers, brutalized and corrupted by ourselves, whose -number is in no way lessened by all our sentences, prisons, and -executions? - -Moreover this dread of the suppression of the visible protection of -the policeman is essentially a sentiment of townspeople, that is, of -people who are living in abnormal and artificial conditions. People -living in natural conditions of life, not in towns, but in the midst -of nature, and carrying on the struggle with nature, live without -this protection and know how little force can protect us from the -real dangers with which we are surrounded. There is something sickly -in this dread, which is essentially dependent on the artificial -conditions in which many of us live and have been brought up. - -A doctor, a specialist in insanity, told a story that one summer -day when he was leaving the asylum, the lunatics accompanied him to -the street door. "Come for a walk in the town with me?" the doctor -suggested to them. The lunatics agreed, and a small band followed the -doctor. But the further they proceeded along the street where healthy -people were freely moving about, the more timid they became, and they -pressed closer and closer to the doctor, hindering him from walking. -At last they all began to beg him to take them back to the asylum, -to their meaningless but customary way of life, to their keepers, to -blows, strait waistcoats, and solitary cells. - -This is just how men of to-day huddle in terror and draw back to -their irrational manner of life, their factories, law courts, -prisons, executions, and wars, when Christianity calls them to -liberty, to the free, rational life of the future coming age. - -People ask, "How will our security be guaranteed when the existing -organization is suppressed? What precisely will the new organization -be that is to replace it? So long as we do not know precisely how our -life will be organized, we will not stir a step forward." - -An explorer going to an unknown country might as well ask for a -detailed map of the country before he would start. - -If a man, before he passed from one stage to another, could know his -future life in full detail, he would have nothing to live for. It is -the same with the life of humanity. If it had a programme of the life -which awaited it before entering a new stage, it would be the surest -sign that it was not living, nor advancing, but simply rotating in -the same place. - -The conditions of the new order of life cannot be known by us because -we have to create them by our own labors. That is all that life is, -to learn the unknown, and to adapt our actions to this new knowledge. - -That is the life of each individual man, and that is the life of -human societies and of humanity. - - - - -CHAPTER XI. - - THE CHRISTIAN CONCEPTION OF LIFE HAS ALREADY ARISEN IN OUR - SOCIETY, AND WILL INFALLIBLY PUT AN END TO THE PRESENT - ORGANIZATION OF OUR LIFE BASED ON FORCE--WHEN THAT WILL BE. - - The Condition and Organization of our Society are Terrible, - but they Rest only on Public Opinion, and can be Destroyed by - it--Already Violence is Regarded from a Different Point of View; - the Number of those who are Ready to Serve the Government is - Diminishing; and even the Servants of Government are Ashamed of - their Position, and so often Do Not Perform their Duties--These - Facts are all Signs of the Rise of a Public Opinion, which - Continually Growing will Lead to No One being Willing to Enter - Government Service--Moreover, it Becomes More and More Evident - that those Offices are of No Practical Use--Men already Begin to - Understand the Futility of all Institutions Based on Violence, - and if a Few already Understand it, All will One Day Understand - it--The Day of Deliverance is Unknown, but it Depends on Men - Themselves, on how far Each Man Lives According to the Light - that is in Him. - - -The position of Christian humanity with its prisons, galleys, -gibbets, its factories and accumulation of capital, its taxes, -churches, gin-palaces, licensed brothels, its ever-increasing -armament and its millions of brutalized men, ready, like chained -dogs, to attack anyone against whom their master incites them, -would be terrible indeed if it were the product of violence, but -it is pre-eminently the product of public opinion. And what has -been established by public opinion can be destroyed by public -opinion--and, indeed, is being destroyed by public opinion. - -Money lavished by hundreds of millions, tens of millions of -disciplined troops, weapons of astounding destructive power, all -organizations carried to the highest point of perfection, a whole -army of men charged with the task of deluding and hypnotizing the -people, and all this, by means of electricity which annihilates -distance, under the direct control of men who regard such an -organization of society not only as necessary for profit, but even -for self-preservation, and therefore exert every effort of their -ingenuity to preserve it--what an invincible power it would seem! And -yet we need only imagine for a moment what will really inevitably -come to pass, that is, the Christian social standard replacing the -heathen social standard and established with the same power and -universality, and the majority of men as much ashamed of taking -any part in violence or in profiting by it, as they are to-day of -thieving, swindling, begging, and cowardice; and at once we see the -whole of this complex, and seemingly powerful organization of society -falls into ruins of itself without a struggle. - -And to bring this to pass, nothing new need be brought before men's -minds. Only let the mist, which veils from men's eyes the true -meaning of certain acts of violence, pass away, and the Christian -public opinion which is springing up would overpower the extinct -public opinion which permitted and justified acts of violence. People -need only come to be as much ashamed to do deeds of violence, to -assist in them or to profit by them, as they now are of being, or -being reputed a swindler, a thief, a coward, or a beggar. And already -this change is beginning to take place. We do not notice it just -as we do not notice the movement of the earth, because we are moved -together with everything around us. - -It is true that the organization of society remains in its principal -features just as much an organization based on violence as it was -one thousand years ago, and even in some respects, especially in the -preparation for war and in war itself, it appears still more brutal. -But the rising Christian ideal, which must at a certain stage of -development replace the heathen ideal of life, already makes its -influence felt. A dead tree stands apparently as firmly as ever--it -may even seem firmer because it is harder--but it is rotten at the -core, and soon must fall. It is just so with the present order of -society, based on force. The external aspect is unchanged. There is -the same division of oppressors and oppressed, but their view of the -significance and dignity of their respective positions is no longer -what it once was. - -The oppressors, that is, those who take part in government, and those -who profit by oppression, that is, the rich, no longer imagine, as -they once did, that they are the elect of the world, and that they -constitute the ideal of human happiness and greatness, to attain -which was once the highest aim of the oppressed. - -Very often now it is not the oppressed who strive to attain the -position of the oppressors, and try to imitate them, but on the -contrary the oppressors who voluntarily abandon the advantages of -their position, prefer the condition of the oppressed, and try to -resemble them in the simplicity of their life. - -Not to speak of the duties and occupations now openly despised, -such as that of spy, agent of secret police, money-lender, and -publican, there are a great number of professions formerly regarded -as honorable, such as those of police officials, courtiers, judges, -and administrative functionaries, clergymen, military officers, -speculators, and bankers, which are no longer considered desirable -positions by everyone, and are even despised by a special circle of -the most respected people. There are already men who voluntarily -abandon these professions which were once reckoned irreproachable, -and prefer less lucrative callings which are in no way connected with -the use of force. - -And there are even rich men who, not through religious sentiment, but -simply through special sensitiveness to the social standard that is -springing up, relinquish their inherited property, believing that a -man can only justly consume what he has gained by his own labor. - -The position of a government official or of a rich man is no longer, -as it once was, and still is among non-Christian peoples, regarded -as necessarily honorable and deserving of respect, and under the -special blessing of God. The most delicate and moral people (they are -generally also the most cultivated) avoid such positions and prefer -more humble callings that are not dependent on the use of force. - -The best of our young people, at the age when they are still -uncorrupted by life and are choosing a career, prefer the calling of -doctor, engineer, teacher, artist, writer, or even that of simple -farmer living on his own labor, to legal, administrative, clerical, -and military positions in the pay of government, or to an idle -existence living on their incomes. - -Monuments and memorials in these days are mostly not erected in honor -of government dignitaries, or generals, or still less of rich men, -but rather of artists, men of science, and inventors, persons who -have nothing in common with the government, and often have even been -in conflict with it. They are the men whose praises are celebrated -in poetry, who are honored by sculpture and received with triumphant -jubilations. - -The best men of our day are all striving for such places of honor. -Consequently the class from which the wealthy and the government -officials are drawn grows less in number and lower in intelligence -and education, and still more in moral qualities. So that nowadays -the wealthy class and men at the head of government do not -constitute, as they did in former days, the _elite_ of society; on -the contrary, they are inferior to the middle class. - -In Russia and Turkey as in America and France, however often -the government change its officials, the majority of them are -self-seeking and corrupt, of so low a moral standard that they do -not even come up the elementary requirements of common honesty -expected by the government. One may often nowadays hear from persons -in authority the naive complaint that the best people are always, -by some strange--as it seems to them--fatality, to be found in the -camp of the opposition. As though men were to complain that those who -accepted the office of hangman were--by some strange fatality--all -persons of very little refinement or beauty of character. - -The most cultivated and refined people of our society are not -nowadays to be found among the very rich, as used formerly to be the -rule. The rich are mostly coarse money grubbers, absorbed only, in -increasing their hoard, generally by dishonest means, or else the -degenerate heirs of such money grubbers, who, far from playing any -prominent part in society, are mostly treated with general contempt. - -And besides the fact that the class from which the servants of -government and the wealthy are drawn grows less in number and lower -in caliber, they no longer themselves attach the same importance -to their positions as they once did; often they are ashamed of the -ignominy of their calling and do not perform the duties they are -bound to perform in their position. Kings and emperors scarcely -govern at all; they scarcely ever decide upon an internal reform -or a new departure in foreign politics. They mostly leave the -decision of such questions to government institutions or to public -opinion. All their duties are reduced to representing the unity -and majesty of government. And even this duty they perform less and -less successfully. The majority of them do not keep up their old -unapproachable majesty, but become more and more democratized and -even vulgarized, casting aside the external prestige that remained to -them, and thereby destroying the very thing it was their function to -maintain. - -It is just the same with the army. Military officers of the highest -rank, instead of encouraging in their soldiers the brutality and -ferocity necessary for their work, diffuse education among the -soldiers, inculcate humanity, and often even themselves share the -socialistic ideas of the masses and denounce war. In the last plots -against the Russian Government many of the conspirators were in -the army. And the number of the disaffected in the army is always -increasing. And it often happens (there was a case, indeed, within -the last few days) that when called upon to quell disturbances -they refuse to fire upon the people. Military exploits are openly -reprobated by the military themselves, and are often the subject of -jests among them. - -It is the same with judges and public prosecutors. The judges, whose -duty it is to judge and condemn criminals, conduct the proceedings -so as to whitewash them as far as possible. So that the Russian -Government, to procure the condemnation of those whom they want to -punish, never intrust them to the ordinary tribunals, but have them -tried before a court martial, which is only a parody of justice. The -prosecutors themselves often refuse to proceed, and even when they do -proceed, often in spite of the law, really defend those they ought -to be accusing. The learned jurists whose business it is to justify -the violence of authority, are more and more disposed to deny the -right of punishment and to replace it by theories of irresponsibility -and even of moral insanity, proposing to deal with those they call -criminals by medical treatment only. - -Jailers and overseers of galleys generally become the champions of -those whom they ought to torture. Police officers and detectives -are continually assisting the escape of those they ought to arrest. -The clergy preach tolerance, and even sometimes condemn the use of -force, and the more educated among them try in their sermons to avoid -the very deception which is the basis of their position and which -it is their duty to support. Executioners refuse to perform their -functions, so that in Russia the death penalty cannot be carried out -for want of executioners. And in spite of all the advantages bestowed -on these men, who are selected from convicts, there is a constantly -diminishing number of volunteers for the post. Governors, police -officials, tax collectors often have compassion on the people and try -to find pretexts for not collecting the tax from them. The rich are -not at ease in spending their wealth only on themselves, and lavish -it on works of public utility. Landowners build schools and hospitals -on their property, and some even give up the ownership of their land -and transfer it to the cultivators, or establish communities upon -it. Millowners and manufacturers build hospitals, schools, savings -banks, asylums, and dwellings for their workpeople. Some of them -form co-operative associations in which they have shares on the same -terms as the others. Capitalists expend a part of their capital on -educational, artistic, philanthropic, and other public institutions. -And many, who are not equal to parting with their wealth in their -lifetime, leave it in their wills to public institutions. - -All these phenomena might seem to be mere exceptions, except that -they can all be referred to one common cause. Just as one might fancy -the first leaves on the budding trees in April were exceptional if we -did not know that they all have a common cause, the spring, and that -if we see the branches on some trees shooting and turning green, it -is certain that it will soon be so with all. - -So it is with the manifestation of the Christian standard of opinion -on force and all that is based on force. If this standard already -influences some, the most impressionable, and impels each in his -own sphere to abandon advantages based on the use of force, then -its influence will extend further and further till it transforms -the whole order of men's actions and puts it into accord with the -Christian ideal which is already a living force in the vanguard of -humanity. - -And if there are now rulers, who do not decide on any step on their -own authority, who try to be as unlike monarchs, and as like plain -mortals as possible, who state their readiness to give up their -prerogatives and become simply the first citizens of a republic; -if there are already soldiers who realize all the sin and harm of -war, and are not willing to fire on men either of their own or a -foreign country; judges and prosecutors who do not like to try and -to condemn criminals; priests, who abjure deception; tax-gatherers -who try to perform as little as they can of their duties, and rich -men renouncing their wealth--then the same thing will inevitably -happen to other rulers, other soldiers, other judges, priests, -tax-gatherers, and rich men. And when there are no longer men willing -to fill these offices, these offices themselves will disappear too. - -But this is not the only way in which public opinion is leading men -to the abolition of the prevailing order and the substitution of a -new order. As the positions based on the rule of force become less -attractive and fewer men are found willing to fill them, the more -will their uselessness be apparent. - -Everywhere throughout the Christian world the same rulers, and the -same governments, the same armies, the same law courts, the same -tax-gatherers, the same priests, the same rich men, landowners, -manufacturers, and capitalists, as ever, but the attitude of the -world to them, and their attitude to themselves is altogether -changed. - -The same sovereigns have still the same audiences and interviews, -hunts and banquets, and balls and uniforms; there are the same -diplomats and the same deliberations on alliances and wars; there -are still the same parliaments, with the same debates on the Eastern -question and Africa, on treaties and violations of treaties, and -Home Rule and the eight-hour day; and one set of ministers replacing -another in the same way, and the same speeches and the same -incidents. But for men who observe how one newspaper article has more -effect on the position of affairs than dozens of royal audiences or -parliamentary sessions, it becomes more and more evident that these -audiences and interviews and debates in parliaments do not direct -the course of affairs, but something independent of all that, which -cannot be concentrated in one place. - -The same generals and officers and soldiers, and cannons and -fortresses, and reviews and maneuvers, but no war breaks out. One -year, ten, twenty years pass by. And it becomes less and less -possible to rely on the army for the pacification of riots, and more -and more evident, consequently, that generals, and officers, and -soldiers are only figures in solemn processions--objects of amusement -for governments--a sort of immense--and far too expensive--_corps de -ballet_. - -The same lawyers and judges, and the same assizes, but it becomes -more and more evident that the civil courts decide cases on the -most diverse grounds, but regardless of justice, and that criminal -trials are quite senseless, because the punishments do not attain -the objects aimed at by the judges themselves. These institutions -therefore serve no other purpose than to provide a means of -livelihood for men who are not capable of doing anything more useful. - -The same priests and archbishops and churches and synods, but it -becomes more and more evident that they have long ago ceased to -believe in what they preach, and therefore they can convince no one -of the necessity of believing what they don't believe themselves. - -The same tax collectors, but they are less and less capable of taking -men's property from them by force, and it becomes more and more -evident that people can collect all that is necessary by voluntary -subscription without their aid. - -The same rich men, but it becomes more and more evident that they can -only be of use by ceasing to administer their property in person and -giving up to society the whole or at least a part of their wealth. - -And when all this has become absolutely evident to everyone, it will -be natural for men to ask themselves: "But why should we keep and -maintain all these kings, emperors, presidents, and members of all -sorts of senates and ministries, since nothing comes of all their -debates and audiences? Wouldn't it be better, as some humorist -suggested, to make a queen of india-rubber?" - -And what good to us are these armies with their generals and bands -and horses and drums? And what need is there of them when there -is no war, and no one wants to make war? and if there were a war, -other nations would not let us gain any advantage from it; while the -soldiers refuse to fire on their fellow-countrymen. - -And what is the use of these lawyers and judges who don't decide -civil cases with justice and recognize themselves the uselessness of -punishments in criminal cases? - -And what is the use of tax collectors who collect the taxes -unwillingly, when it is easy to raise all that is wanted without them? - -What is the use of the clergy, who don't believe in what they preach? - -And what is the use of capital in the hands of private persons, when -it can only be of use as the property of all? - -And when once people have asked themselves these questions they -cannot help coming to some decision and ceasing to support all these -institutions which are no longer of use. - -But even before those who support these institutions decide to -abolish them, the men who occupy these positions will be reduced to -the necessity of throwing them up. - -Public opinion more and more condemns the use of force, and therefore -men are less and less willing to fill positions which rest on the -use of force, and if they do occupy them, are less and less able to -make use of force in them. And hence they must become more and more -superfluous. - -I once took part in Moscow in a religious meeting which used to take -place generally in the week after Easter near the church in the -Ohotny Row. A little knot of some twenty men were collected together -on the pavement, engaged in serious religious discussion. At the -same time there was a kind of concert going on in the buildings of -the Court Club in the same street, and a police officer noticing -the little group collected near the church sent a mounted policeman -to disperse it. It was absolutely unnecessary for the officer to -disperse it. A group of twenty men was no obstruction to anyone, but -he had been standing there the whole morning, and he wanted to do -something. The policeman, a young fellow, with a resolute flourish of -his right arm and a clink of his saber, came up to us and commanded -us severely: "Move on! what's this meeting about?" Everyone looked at -the policeman, and one of the speakers, a quiet man in a peasant's -dress, answered with a calm and gracious air, "We are speaking of -serious matters, and there is no need for us to move on; you would do -better, young man, to get off your horse and listen. It might do you -good"; and turning round he continued his discourse. The policeman -turned his horse and went off without a word. - -That is just what should be done in all cases of violence. - -The officer was bored, he had nothing to do. He had been put, poor -fellow, in a position in which he had no choice but to give orders. -He was shut off from all human existence; he could do nothing but -superintend and give orders, and give orders and superintend, -though his superintendence and his orders served no useful purpose -whatever. And this is the position in which all these unlucky rulers, -ministers, members of parliament, governors, generals, officers, -archbishops, priests, and even rich men find themselves to some -extent already, and will find themselves altogether as time goes on. -They can do nothing but give orders, and they give orders and send -their messengers, as the officer sent the policeman, to interfere -with people. And because the people they hinder turn to them and -request them not to interfere, they fancy they are very useful indeed. - -But the time will come and is coming when it will be perfectly -evident to everyone that they are not of any use at all, and only a -hindrance, and those whom they interfere with will say gently and -quietly to them, like my friend in the street meeting, "Pray don't -interfere with us." And all the messengers and those who send them -too will be obliged to follow this good advice, that is to say, will -leave off galloping about, with their arms akimbo, interfering with -people, and getting off their horses and removing their spurs, will -listen to what is being said, and mixing with others, will take their -place with them in some real human work. - -The time will come and is inevitably coming when all institutions -based on force will disappear through their uselessness, stupidity, -and even inconvenience becoming obvious to all. - -The time must come when the men of our modern world who fill offices -based upon violence will find themselves in the position of the -emperor in Andersen's tale of "The Emperor's New Clothes," when the -child seeing the emperor undressed, cried in all simplicity, "Look, -he is naked!" And then all the rest, who had seen him and said -nothing, could not help recognizing it too. - -The story is that there was once an emperor, very fond of new -clothes. And to him came two tailors, who promised to make him some -extraordinary clothes. The emperor engages them and they begin to sew -at them, but they explain that the clothes have the extraordinary -property of remaining invisible to anyone who is unfit for his -position. The courtiers come to look at the tailors' work and see -nothing, for the men are plying their needles in empty space. But -remembering the extraordinary property of the clothes, they all -declare they see them and are loud in their admiration. The emperor -does the same himself. The day of the procession comes in which the -emperor is to go out in his new clothes. The emperor undresses and -puts on his new clothes, that is to say, remains naked, and naked he -walks through the town. But remembering the magic property of the -clothes, no one ventures to say that he has nothing on till a little -child cries out: "Look, he is naked!" - -This will be exactly the situation of all who continue through -inertia to fill offices which have long become useless directly -someone who has no interest in concealing their uselessness exclaims -in all simplicity: "But these people have been of no use to anyone -for a long time past!" - -The condition of Christian humanity with its fortresses, cannons, -dynamite, guns, torpedoes, prisons, gallows, churches, factories, -customs offices, and palaces is really terrible. But still cannons -and guns will not fire themselves, prisons will not shut men up of -themselves, gallows will not hang them, churches will not delude -them, nor customs offices hinder them, and palaces and factories are -not built nor kept up of themselves. All those things are the work -of men. If men come to understand that they ought not to do these -things, then they will cease to be. And already they are beginning -to understand it. Though all do not understand it yet, the advanced -guard understand and the rest will follow them. And the advanced -guard cannot cease to understand what they have once understood; -and what they understand the rest not only can but must inevitably -understand hereafter. - -So that the prophecy that the time will come when men will be -taught of God, will learn war no more, will beat their swords -into plowshares and their spears into reaping-hooks, which means, -translating it into our language, the fortresses, prisons, barracks, -palaces, and churches will remain empty, and all the gibbets and -guns and cannons will be left unused, is no longer a dream, but -the definite new form of life to which mankind is approaching with -ever-increasing rapidity. - -But when will it be? - -Eighteen hundred years ago to this question Christ answered that the -end of the world (that is, of the pagan organization of life) shall -come when the tribulation of men is greater than it has ever been, -and when the Gospel of the kingdom of God, that is, the possibility -of a new organization of life, shall be preached in the world unto -all nations. (Matt. xxiv. 3-28.) But of that day and hour knoweth no -man but the Father only (Matt. xxiv. 3-6), said Christ. For it may -come any time, in such an hour as ye think not. - -To the question when this hour cometh Christ answers that we cannot -know, but just because we cannot know when that hour is coming we -ought to be always ready to meet it, just as the master ought to -watch who guards his house from thieves, as the virgins ought to -watch with lamps alight for the bridegroom; and further, we ought -to work with all the powers given us to bring that hour to pass, as -the servants ought to work with the talents intrusted to them. (Matt. -xxiv. 43, and xxvi. 13, 14-30.) - -And there could be no answer but this one. Men cannot know when the -day and the hour of the kingdom of God will come, because its coming -depends on themselves alone. - -The answer is like that of the wise man who, when asked whether it -was far to the town, answered, "Walk!" - -How can we tell whether it is far to the goal which humanity is -approaching, when we do not know how men are going toward it, while -it depends on them whether they go or do not go, stand still, slacken -their pace or hasten it? - -All we can know is what we who make up mankind ought to do, and not -to do, to bring about the coming of the kingdom of God. And that we -all know. And we need only each begin to do what we ought to do, we -need only each live with all the light that is in us, to bring about -at once the promised kingdom of God to which every man's heart is -yearning. - - - - -CHAPTER XII. - - CONCLUSION--REPENT YE, FOR THE KINGDOM OF HEAVEN IS AT HAND. - - 1. Chance Meeting with a Train Carrying Soldiers to - Restore Order Among the Famishing Peasants--Reason of the - Expedition--How the Decisions of the Higher Authorities - are Enforced in Cases of Insubordination on Part of the - Peasants--What Happened at Orel, as an Example of How the - Rights of the Propertied Classes are Maintained by Murder and - Torture--All the Privileges of the Wealthy are Based on Similar - Acts of Violence. - - 2. The Elements that Made up the Force Sent to Toula, and - the Conduct of the Men Composing it--How these Men Could - Carry Out such Acts--The Explanation is Not to be Found in - Ignorance, Conviction, Cruelty, Heartlessness, or Want of - Moral Sense--They do these Things Because they are Necessary to - Support the Existing Order, which they Consider it Every Man's - Duty to Support--The Basis of this Conviction that the Existing - Order is Necessary and Inevitable--In the Upper Classes this - Conviction is Based on the Advantages of the Existing Order for - Themselves--But what Forces Men of the Lower Classes to Believe - in the Immutability of the Existing Order, from which they - Derive no Advantage, and which they Aid in Maintaining, Facts - Contrary to their Conscience?--This is the Result of the Lower - Classes being Deluded by the Upper, Both as to the Inevitability - of the Existing Order and the Lawfulness of the Acts of Violence - Needed to Maintain it--Deception in General--Special Form of - Deception in Regard to Military Service--Conscription. - - 3. How can Men Allow that Murder is Permissible while they - Preach Principles of Morality, and How can they Allow of the - Existence in their Midst of a Military Organization of Physical - Force which is a Constant Menace to Public Security?--It is only - Allowed by the Upper Classes, who Profit by this Organization, - Because their Privileges are Maintained by it--The Upper Classes - Allow it, and the Lower Classes Carry it into Effect in Spite of - their Consciousness of the Immorality of the Deeds of Violence, - the More Readily Because Through the Arrangements of the - Government the Moral Responsibility for such Deeds is Divided - among a Great Number of Participants in it, and Everyone Throws - the Responsibility on Someone Else--Moreover, the Sense of Moral - Responsibility is Lost through the Delusion of Inequality, and - the Consequent Intoxication of Power on the Part of Superiors, - and Servility on the Part of Inferiors--The Condition of these - Men, Acting against the Dictates of their Conscience, is Like - that of Hypnotized Subjects Acting by Suggestion--The Difference - between this Obedience to Government Suggestion, and Obedience - to Public Opinion, and to the Guidance of Men of a Higher Moral - Sense--The Existing Order of Society, which is the Result of - an Extinct Public Opinion and is Inconsistent with the Already - Existing Public Opinion of the Future, is only Maintained by - the Stupefaction of the Conscience, Produced Spontaneously by - Self-interest in the Upper Classes and Through Hypnotizing in - the Lower Classes--The Conscience or the Common Sense of such - Men may Awaken, and there are Examples of its Sudden Awakening, - so that one can Never be Sure of the Deeds of Violence they are - Prepared for--It Depends Entirely on the Point which the Sense - of the Unlawfulness of Acts of Violence has Reached, and this - Sense may Spontaneously Awaken in Men, or may be Reawakened by - the Influence of Men of more Conscience. - - 4. Everything Depends on the Strength of the Consciousness of - Christian Truths in Each Individual Man--The Leading Men of - Modern Times, however, do not Think it Necessary to Preach or - Practice the Truths of Christianity, but Regard the Modification - of the External Conditions of Existence within the Limit Imposed - by Governments as Sufficient to Reform the Life of Humanity--On - this Scientific Theory of Hypocrisy, which has Replaced the - Hypocrisy of Religion, Men of the Wealthy Classes Base their - Justification of their Position--Through this Hypocrisy they - can Enjoy the Exclusive Privileges of their Position by Force - and Fraud, and Still Pretend to be Christians to One Another - and be Easy in their Minds--This Hypocrisy Allows Men who - Preach Christianity to Take Part in Institutions Based on - Violence--No External Reformation of Life will Render it Less - Miserable--Its Misery the Result of Disunion Caused by Following - Lies, not the Truth--Union only Possible in Truth--Hypocrisy - Hinders this Union, since Hypocrites Conceal from themselves - and Others the Truth they Know--Hypocrisy Turns all Reforms - of Life to Evil--Hypocrisy Distorts the Idea of Good and - Evil, and so Stands in the Way of the Progress of Men toward - Perfection--Undisguised Criminals and Malefactors do Less - Harm than those who Live by Legalized Violence, Disguised by - Hypocrisy--All Men Feel the Iniquity of our Life, and would - Long Ago have Transformed it if it had not been Dissimulated - by Hypocrisy--But Seem to have Reached the Extreme Limits of - Hypocrisy, and we Need only Make an Effort of Conscience to - Awaken as from a Nightmare to a Different Reality. - - 5. Can Man Make this Effort?--According to the Hypocritical - Theory of the Day, Man is not Free to Transform his Life--Man - is not Free in his Actions, but he is Free to Admit or to Deny - the Truth he Knows--When Truth is Once Admitted, it Becomes - the Basis of Action--Man's Threefold Relation to Truth--The - Reason of the Apparent Insolubility of the Problem of Free - Will--Man's Freedom Consists in the Recognition of the Truth - Revealed to him. There is no Other Freedom--Recognition of Truth - Gives Freedom, and Shows the Path Along which, Willingly or - Unwillingly by Mankind, Man Must Advance--The Recognition of - Truth and Real Freedom Enables Man to Share in the Work of God, - not as the Slave, but as the Creator of Life--Men Need only Make - the Effort to Renounce all Thought of Bettering the External - Conditions of Life and Bend all their Efforts to Recognizing and - Preaching the Truth they Know, to put an End to the Existing - Miserable State of Things, and to Enter upon the Kingdom of God - so far as it is yet Accessible to Man--All that is Needed is - to Make an End of Lying and Hypocrisy--But then what Awaits us - in the Future?--What will Happen to Humanity if Men Follow the - Dictates of their Conscience, and how can Life go on with the - Conditions of Civilized Life to which we are Accustomed?--All - Uneasiness on these Points may be Removed by the Reflection that - Nothing True and Good can be Destroyed by the Realization of - Truth, but will only be Freed from the Alloy of Falsehood. - - 6. Our Life has Reached the Extreme Limit of Misery and Cannot - be Improved by any Systems of Organization--All our Life and - all our Institutions are Quite Meaningless--Are we Doing what - God Wills of us by Preserving our Privileges and Duties to - Government?--We are put in this Position not Because the World - is so Made and it is Inevitable, but Because we Wish it to be - so, Because it is to the Advantage of Some of us--Our Conscience - is in Opposition to our Position and all our Conduct, and the - Way Out of the Contradiction is to be Found in the Recognition - of the Christian Truth: Do Not unto Others what you Would - Not they should Do unto You--As our Duties to Self Must be - Subordinated to our Duties to Others, so Must our Duties to - Others be Subordinated to our Duties to God--The Only Way Out - of our Position Lies, if not in Renouncing our Position and our - Privileges, at Least in Recognizing our Sin and not Justifying - it nor Disguising it--The Only Object of Life is to Learn the - Truth and to Act on it--Acceptance of the Position and of State - Action Deprives Life of all Object--It is God's Will that we - should Serve Him in our Life, that is, that we should Bring - About the Greatest Unity of all that has Life, a Unity only - Possible in Truth. - - -I was finishing this book, which I had been working at for two years, -when I happened on the 9th of September to be traveling by rail -through the governments of Toula and Riazan, where the peasants were -starving last year and where the famine is even more severe now. At -one of the railway stations my train passed an extra train which was -taking a troop of soldiers under the conduct of the governor of the -province, together with muskets, cartridges, and rods, to flog and -murder these same famishing peasants. - -The punishment of flogging by way of carrying the decrees of the -authorities into effect has been more and more frequently adopted of -late in Russia, in spite of the fact that corporal punishment was -abolished by law thirty years ago. - -I had heard of this, I had even read in the newspapers of the -fearful floggings which had been inflicted in Tchernigov, Tambov, -Saratov, Astrakhan, and Orel, and of those of which the governor of -Nijni-Novgorod, General Baranov, had boasted. But I had never before -happened to see men in the process of carrying out these punishments. - -And here I saw the spectacle of good Russians full of the Christian -spirit traveling with guns and rods to torture and kill their -starving brethren. The reason for their expedition was as follows: - -On one of the estates of a rich landowner the peasants had common -rights on the forest, and having always enjoyed these rights, -regarded the forest as their own, or at least as theirs in common -with the owner. The landowner wished to keep the forest entirely -to himself and began to fell the trees. The peasants lodged a -complaint. The judges in the first instance gave an unjust decision -(I say unjust on the authority of the lawyer and governor, who ought -to understand the matter), and decided the case in favor of the -landowner. All the later decisions, even that of the senate, though -they could see that the matter had been unjustly decided, confirmed -the judgment and adjudged the forest to the landowner. He began to -cut down the trees, but the peasants, unable to believe that such -obvious injustice could be done them by the higher authorities, did -not submit to the decision and drove away the men sent to cut down -the trees, declaring that the forest belonged to them and they would -go to the Tzar before they would let them cut it down. - -The matter was referred to Petersburg, and the order was transmitted -to the governor to carry the decision of the court into effect. -The governor asked for a troop of soldiers. And here were the -soldiers with bayonets and cartridges, and moreover, a supply of -rods, expressly prepared for the purpose and heaped up in one of the -trucks, going to carry the decision of the higher authorities into -effect. - -The decisions of the higher authorities are carried into effect by -means of murder or torture, or threats of one or the other, according -to whether they offer resistance or not. - -In the first case if the peasants offer resistance the practice is in -Russia, and it is the same everywhere where a state organization and -private property exist, as follows: - -The governor delivers an address in which he demands submission. The -excited crowd, generally deluded by their leaders, don't understand a -word of what the representative of authority is saying in the pompous -official language, and their excitement continues. Then the governor -announces that if they do not submit and disperse, he will be obliged -to have recourse to force. If the crowd does not disperse even on -this, the governor gives the order to fire over the heads of the -crowd. If the crowd does not even then disperse, the governor gives -the order to fire straight into the crowd; the soldiers fire and the -killed and wounded fall about the street. Then the crowd usually runs -away in all directions, and the troops at the governor's command -take those who are supposed to be the ringleaders and lead them off -under escort. Then they pick up the dying, the wounded, and the dead, -covered with blood, sometimes women and children among them. The dead -they bury and the wounded they carry to the hospital. Those whom they -regard as the ringleaders they take to the town hall and have them -tried by a special court-martial. And if they have had recourse to -violence on their side, they are condemned to be hanged. And then -the gallows is erected. And they solemnly strangle a few defenseless -creatures. This is what has often been done in Russia, and is and -must always be done where the social order is based on force. - -But in the second case, when the peasants do submit, something quite -special, peculiar to Russia, takes place. The governor arrives on the -scene of action and delivers an harangue to the people, reproaching -them for their insubordination, and either stations troops in the -houses of the villages, where sometimes for a whole month the -soldiers drain the resources of the peasants, or contenting himself -with threats, he mercifully takes leave of the people, or what is -the most frequent course, he announces that the ringleaders must be -punished, and quite arbitrarily without any trial selects a certain -number of men, regarded as ringleaders, and commands them to be -flogged in his presence. - -In order to give an idea of how such things are done I will describe -a proceeding of the kind which took place in Orel, and received the -full approval of the highest authorities. - -This is what took place in Orel. Just as here in the Toula province, -a landlord wanted to appropriate the property of the peasants and -just in the same way the peasants opposed it. The matter in dispute -was a fall of water, which irrigated the peasants' fields, and -which the landowner wanted to cut off and divert to turn his mill. -The peasants rebelled against this being done. The landowner laid -a complaint before the district commander, who illegally (as was -recognized later even by a legal decision) decided the matter in -favor of the landowner, and allowed him to divert the water course. -The landowner sent workmen to dig the conduit by which the water was -to be let off to turn the mill. The peasants were indignant at this -unjust decision, and sent their women to prevent the landowner's men -from digging this conduit. The women went to the dykes, overturned -the carts, and drove away the men. The landowner made a complaint -against the women for thus taking the law into their own hands. The -district commander made out an order that from every house throughout -the village one woman was to be taken and put in prison. The order -was not easily executed. For in every household there were several -women, and it was impossible to know which one was to be arrested. -Consequently the police did not carry out the order. The landowner -complained to the governor of the neglect on the part of the police, -and the latter, without examining into the affair, gave the chief -official of the police strict orders to carry out the instructions -of the district commander without delay. The police official, in -obedience to his superior, went to the village and with the insolence -peculiar to Russian officials ordered his policemen to take one -woman out of each house. But since there were more than one woman -in each house, and there was no knowing which one was sentenced -to imprisonment, disputes and opposition arose. In spite of these -disputes and opposition, however, the officer of police gave orders -that some woman, whichever came first, should be taken from each -household and led away to prison. The peasants began to defend their -wives and mothers, would not let them go, and beat the police and -their officer. This was a fresh and terrible crime: resistance was -offered to the authorities. A report of this new offense was sent to -the town. And so this governor--precisely as the governor of Toula -was doing on that day--with a battalion of soldiers with guns and -rods, hastily brought together by means of telegraphs and telephones -and railways, proceeded by a special train to the scene of action, -with a learned doctor whose duty it was to insure the flogging being -of an hygienic character. Herzen's prophecy of the modern Ghenghis -Khan with his telegrams is completely realized by this governor. - -Before the town hall of the district were the soldiery, a battalion -of police with their revolvers slung round them with red cords, the -persons of most importance among the peasants, and the culprits. -A crowd of one thousand or more people were standing round. The -governor, on arriving, stepped out of his carriage, delivered a -prepared harangue, and asked for the culprits and a bench. The latter -demand was at first not understood. But a police constable whom the -governor always took about with him, and who undertook to organize -such executions--by no means exceptional in that province--explained -that what was meant was a bench for flogging. A bench was brought as -well as the rods, and then the executioners were summoned (the latter -had been selected beforehand from some horsestealers of the same -village, as the soldiers refused the office). When everything was -ready, the governor ordered the first of the twelve culprits pointed -out by the landowner as the most guilty to come forward. The first to -come forward was the head of a family, a man of forty who had always -stood up manfully for the rights of his class, and therefore was held -in the greatest esteem by all the villagers. He was led to the bench -and stripped, and then ordered to lie down. - -The peasant attempted to supplicate for mercy, but seeing it was -useless, he crossed himself and lay down. Two police constables -hastened to hold him down. The learned doctor stood by, in readiness -to give his aid and his medical science when they should be needed. -The convicts spit into their hands, brandished the rods, and began -to flog. It seemed, however, that the bench was too narrow, and it -was difficult to keep the victim writhing in torture upon it. Then -the governor ordered them to bring another bench and to put a plank -across them. Soldiers, with their hands raised to their caps, and -respectful murmurs of "Yes, your Excellency," hasten obediently to -carry out this order. Meanwhile the tortured man, half naked, pale -and scowling, stood waiting, his eyes fixed on the ground and his -teeth chattering. When another bench had been brought they again made -him lie down, and the convicted thieves again began to flog him. - -The victim's back and thighs and legs, and even his sides, became -more and more covered with scars and wheals, and at every blow there -came the sound of the deep groans which he could no longer restrain. -In the crowd standing round were heard the sobs of wives, mothers, -children, the families of the tortured man and of all the others -picked out for punishment. - -The miserable governor, intoxicated with power, was counting the -strokes on his fingers, and never left off smoking cigarettes, while -several officious persons hastened on every opportunity to offer him -a burning match to light them. When more than fifty strokes had been -given, the peasant ceased to shriek and writhe, and the doctor, who -had been educated in a government institution to serve his sovereign -and his country with his scientific attainments, went up to the -victim, felt his pulse, listened to his heart, and announced to the -representative of authority that the man undergoing punishment had -lost consciousness, and that, in accordance with the conclusions -of science, to continue the punishment would endanger the victim's -life. But the miserable governor, now completely intoxicated by the -sight of blood, gave orders that the punishment should go on, and -the flogging was continued up to seventy strokes, the number which -the governor had for some reason fixed upon as necessary. When the -seventieth stroke had been reached, the governor said "Enough! Next -one!" And the mutilated victim, his back covered with blood, was -lifted up and carried away unconscious, and another was led up. The -sobs and groans of the crowd grew louder. But the representative of -the state continued the torture. - -Thus they flogged each of them up to the twelfth, and each of them -received seventy strokes. They all implored mercy, shrieked and -groaned. The sobs and cries of the crowd of women grew louder and -more heart-rending, and the men's faces grew darker and darker. But -they were surrounded by troops, and the torture did not cease till -it had reached the limit which had been fixed by the caprice of the -miserable half-drunken and insane creature they called the governor. - -The officials, and officers, and soldiers not only assisted in it, -but were even partly responsible for the affair, since by their -presence they prevented any interference on the part of the crowd. - -When I inquired of one of the governors why they made use of this -kind of torture when people had already submitted and soldiers were -stationed in the village, he replied with the important air of a man -who thoroughly understands all the subtleties of statecraft, that -if the peasants were not thoroughly subdued by flogging, they would -begin offering opposition to the decisions of authorities again. When -some of them had been thoroughly tortured, the authority of the state -would be secured forever among them. - -And so that was why the Governor of Toula was going in his turn with -his subordinate officials, officers, and soldiers to carry out a -similar measure. By precisely the same means, _i. e._, by murder and -torture, obedience to the decision of the higher authorities was to -be secured. And this decision was to enable a young landowner, who -had an income of one hundred thousand, to gain three thousand rubles -more by stealing a forest from a whole community of cold and famished -peasants, to spend it, in two or three weeks in the saloons of -Moscow, Petersburg, or Paris. That was what those people whom I met -were going to do. - -After my thoughts had for two years been turned in the same -direction, fate seemed expressly to have brought me face to face for -the first time in my life with a fact which showed me absolutely -unmistakably in practice what had long been clear to me in theory, -that the organization of our society rests, not as people interested -in maintaining the present order of things like to imagine, on -certain principles of jurisprudence, but on simple brute force, on -the murder and torture of men. - -People who own great estates or fortunes, or who receive great -revenues drawn from the class who are in want even of necessities, -the working class, as well as all those who like merchants, doctors, -artists, clerks, learned professors, coachmen, cooks, writers, -valets, and barristers, make their living about these rich people, -like to believe that the privileges they enjoy are not the result of -force, but of absolutely free and just interchange of services, and -that their advantages, far from being gained by such punishments and -murders as took place in Orel and several parts of Russia this year, -and are always taking place all over Europe and America, have no kind -of connection with these acts of violence. They like to believe that -their privileges exist apart and are the result of free contract -among people; and that the violent cruelties perpetrated on the -people also exist apart and are the result of some general judicial, -political, or economical laws. They try not to see that they all -enjoy their privileges as a result of the same fact which forces the -peasants who have tended the forest, and who are in the direct need -of it for fuel, to give it up to a rich landowner who has taken no -part in caring for its growth and has no need of it whatever--the -fact, that is, that if they don't give it up they will be flogged or -killed. - -And yet if it is clear that it was only by means of menaces, blows, -or murder, that the mill in Orel was enabled to yield a larger -income, or that the forest which the peasants had planted became -the property of a landowner, it should be equally clear that all -the other exclusive rights enjoyed by the rich, by robbing the -poor of their necessities, rest on the same basis of violence. If -the peasants, who need land to maintain their families, may not -cultivate the land about their houses, but one man, a Russian, -English, Austrian, or any other great landowner, possesses land -enough to maintain a thousand families, though he does not cultivate -it himself, and if a merchant profiting by the misery of the -cultivators, taking corn from them at a third of its value, can -keep this corn in his granaries with perfect security while men are -starving all around him, and sell it again for three times its value -to the very cultivators he bought it from, it is evident that all -this too comes from the same cause. And if one man may not buy of -another a commodity from the other side of a certain fixed line, -called the frontier, without paying certain duties on it to men who -have taken no part whatever in its production--and if men are driven -to sell their last cow to pay taxes which the government distributes -among its functionaries, and spends on maintaining soldiers to murder -these very taxpayers--it would appear self-evident that all this does -not come about as the result of any abstract laws, but is based on -just what was done in Orel, and which may be done in Toula, and is -done periodically in one form or another throughout the whole world -wherever there is a government, and where there are rich and poor. - -Simply because torture and murder are not employed in every instance -of oppression by force, those who enjoy the exclusive privileges -of the ruling classes persuade themselves and others that their -privileges are not based on torture and murder, but on some -mysterious general causes, abstract laws, and so on. Yet one would -think it was perfectly clear that if men, who consider it unjust (and -all the working classes do consider it so nowadays), still pay the -principal part of the produce of their labor away to the capitalist -and the landowner, and pay taxes, though they know to what a bad use -these taxes are put, they do so not from recognition of abstract laws -of which they have never heard, but only because they know they will -be beaten and killed if they don't do so. - -And if there is no need to imprison, beat, and kill men every time -the landlord collects his rents, every time those who are in want of -bread have to pay a swindling merchant three times its value, every -time the factory hand has to be content with a wage less than half of -the profit made by the employer, and every time a poor man pays his -last ruble in taxes, it is because so many men have been beaten and -killed for trying to resist these demands, that the lesson has now -been learnt very thoroughly. - -Just as a trained tiger, who does not eat meat put under his nose, -and jumps over a stick at the word of command, does not act thus -because he likes it, but because he remembers the red-hot irons or -the fast with which he was punished every time he did not obey; so -men submitting to what is disadvantageous or even ruinous to them, -and considered by them as unjust, act thus because they remember what -they suffered for resisting it. - -As for those who profit by the privileges gained by previous acts of -violence, they often forget and like to forget how these privileges -were obtained. But one need only recall the facts of history, not the -history of the exploits of different dynasties of rulers, but real -history, the history of the oppression of the majority by a small -number of men, to see that all the advantages the rich have over the -poor are based on nothing but flogging, imprisonment, and murder. - -One need but reflect on the unceasing, persistent struggle of all to -better their material position, which is the guiding motive of men -of the present day, to be convinced that the advantages of the rich -over the poor could never and can never be maintained by anything but -force. - -There may be cases of oppression, of violence, and of punishments, -though they are rare, the aim of which is not to secure the -privileges of the propertied classes. But one may confidently assert -that in any society where, for every man living in ease, there are -ten exhausted by labor, envious, covetous, and often suffering with -their families from direct privation, all the privileges of the rich, -all their luxuries and superfluities, are obtained and maintained -only by tortures, imprisonment, and murder. - -The train I met on the 9th of September going with soldiers, guns, -cartridges, and rods, to confirm the rich landowner in the possession -of a small forest which he had taken from the starving peasants, -which they were in the direst need of, and he was in no need of at -all, was a striking proof of how men are capable of doing deeds -directly opposed to their principles and their conscience without -perceiving it. - -The special train consisted of one first-class carriage for the -governor, the officials, and officers, and several luggage vans -crammed full of soldiers. The latter, smart young fellows in their -clean new uniforms, were standing about in groups or sitting swinging -their legs in the wide open doorways of the luggage vans. Some were -smoking, nudging each other, joking, grinning, and laughing, others -were munching sunflower seeds and spitting out the husks with an air -of dignity. Some of them ran along the platform to drink some water -from a tub there, and when they met the officers they slackened their -pace, made their stupid gesture of salutation, raising their hands to -their heads with serious faces as though they were doing something of -the greatest importance. They kept their eyes on them till they had -passed by them, and then set off running still more merrily, stamping -their heels on the platform, laughing and chattering after the -manner of healthy, good-natured young fellows, traveling in lively -company. - -They were going to assist at the murder of their fathers or -grandfathers just as if they were going on a party of pleasure, or at -any rate on some quite ordinary business. - -The same impression was produced by the well-dressed functionaries -and officers who were scattered about the platform and in the -first-class carriage. At a table covered with bottles was sitting -the governor, who was responsible for the whole expedition, dressed -in his half-military uniform and eating something while he chatted -tranquilly about the weather with some acquaintances he had met, -as though the business he was upon was of so simple and ordinary a -character that it could not disturb his serenity and his interest in -the change of weather. - -At a little distance from the table sat the general of the police. -He was not taking any refreshment, and had an impenetrable bored -expression, as though he were weary of the formalities to be gone -through. On all sides officers were bustling noisily about in their -red uniforms trimmed with gold; one sat at a table finishing his -bottle of beer, another stood at the buffet eating a cake, and -brushing the crumbs off his uniform, threw down his money with a -self-confident air; another was sauntering before the carriages of -our train, staring at the faces of the women. - -All these men who were going to murder or to torture the famishing -and defenseless creatures who provide them their sustenance had the -air of men who knew very well that they were doing their duty, and -some were even proud, were "glorying" in what they were doing. - -What is the meaning of it? - -All these people are within half an hour of reaching the place where, -in order to provide a wealthy young man with three thousand rubles -stolen from a whole community of famishing peasants, they may be -forced to commit the most horrible acts one can conceive, to murder -or torture, as was done in Orel, innocent beings, their brothers. And -they see the place and time approaching with untroubled serenity. - -To say that all these government officials, officers, and soldiers -do not know what is before them is impossible, for they are prepared -for it. The governor must have given directions about the rods, the -officials must have sent an order for them, purchased them, and -entered the item in their accounts. The military officers have given -and received orders about cartridges. They all know that they are -going to torture, perhaps to kill, their famishing fellow-creatures, -and that they must set to work within an hour. - -To say, as is usually said, and as they would themselves repeat, -that they are acting from conviction of the necessity for supporting -the state organization, would be a mistake. For in the first place, -these men have probably never even thought about state organization -and the necessity of it; in the second place, they cannot possibly -be convinced that the act in which they are taking part will tend to -support rather than to ruin the state; and thirdly, in reality the -majority, if not all, of these men, far from ever sacrificing their -own pleasure or tranquillity to support the state, never let slip an -opportunity of profiting at the expense of the state in every way -they can increase their own pleasure and ease. So that they are not -acting thus for the sake of the abstract principle of the state. - -What is the meaning of it? - -Yet I know all these men. If I don't know all of them personally, -I know their characters pretty nearly, their past, and their way -of thinking. They certainly all have mothers, some of them wives -and children. They are certainly for the most part good, kind, even -tender-hearted fellows, who hate every sort of cruelty, not to speak -of murder; many of them would not kill or hurt an animal. Moreover, -they are all professed Christians and regard all violence directed -against the defenseless as base and disgraceful. - -Certainly not one of them would be capable in everyday life, for his -own personal profit, of doing a hundredth part of what the Governor -of Orel did. Every one of them would be insulted at the supposition -that he was capable of doing anything of the kind in private life. - -And yet they are within half an hour of reaching the place where they -may be reduced to the inevitable necessity of committing this crime. - -What is the meaning of it? - -But it is not only these men who are going by train prepared for -murder and torture. How could the men who began the whole business, -the landowner, the commissioner, the judges, and those who gave the -order and are responsible for it, the ministers, the Tzar, who are -also good men, professed Christians, how could they elaborate such a -plan and assent to it, knowing its consequences? The spectators even, -who took no part in the affair, how could they, who are indignant at -the sight of any cruelty in private life, even the overtaxing of a -horse, allow such a horrible deed to be perpetrated? How was it they -did not rise in indignation and bar the roads, shouting, "No; flog -and kill starving men because they won't let their last possession -be stolen from them without resistance, that we won't allow!" But -far from anyone doing this, the majority, even of those who were -the cause of the affair, such as the commissioner, the landowner, -the judge, and those who took part in it and arranged it, as the -governor, the ministers, and the Tzar, are perfectly tranquil and do -not even feel a prick of conscience. And apparently all the men who -are going to carry out this crime are equally undisturbed. - -The spectators, who one would suppose could have no personal -interest in the affair, looked rather with sympathy than with -disapproval at all these people preparing to carry out this infamous -action. In the same compartment with me was a wood merchant, who had -risen from a peasant. He openly expressed aloud his sympathy with -such punishments. "They can't disobey the authorities," he said; -"that's what the authorities are for. Let them have a lesson; send -their fleas flying! They'll give over making commotions, I warrant -you. That's what they want." - -What is the meaning of it? - -It is not possible to say that all these people who have provoked -or aided or allowed this deed are such worthless creatures that, -knowing all the infamy of what they are doing, they do it against -their principles, some for pay and for profit, others through fear of -punishment. All of them in certain circumstances know how to stand -up for their principles. Not one of these officials would steal a -purse, read another man's letter, or put up with an affront without -demanding satisfaction. Not one of these officers would consent to -cheat at cards, would refuse to pay a debt of honor, would betray a -comrade, run away on the field of battle, or desert the flag. Not one -of these soldiers would spit out the holy sacrament or eat meat on -Good Friday. All these men are ready to face any kind of privation, -suffering, or danger rather than consent to do what they regard as -wrong. They have therefore the strength to resist doing what is -against their principles. - -It is even less possible to assert that all these men are such brutes -that it is natural and not distasteful to them to do such deeds. One -need only talk to these people a little to see that all of them, the -landowner even, and the judge, and the minister and the Tzar and -the government, the officers and the soldiers, not only disapprove -of such things in the depth of their soul, but suffer from the -consciousness of their participation in them when they recollect -what they imply. But they try not to think about it. - -One need only talk to any of these who are taking part in the affair -from the landowner to the lowest policeman or soldier to see that in -the depth of their soul they all know it is a wicked thing, that it -would be better to have nothing to do with it, and are suffering from -the knowledge. - -A lady of liberal views, who was traveling in the same train with -us, seeing the governor and the officers in the first-class saloon -and learning the object of the expedition, began, intentionally -raising her voice so that they should hear, to abuse the existing -order of things and to cry shame on men who would take part in such -proceedings. Everyone felt awkward, none knew where to look, but -no one contradicted her. They tried to look as though such remarks -were not worth answering. But one could see by their faces and their -averted eyes that they were ashamed. I noticed the same thing in the -soldiers. They too knew that what they were sent to do was a shameful -thing, but they did not want to think about what was before them. - -When the wood merchant, as I suspect insincerely only to show that -he was a man of education, began to speak of the necessity of such -measures, the soldiers who heard him all turned away from him, -scowling and pretending not to hear. - -All the men who, like the landowner, the commissioner, the minister, -and the Tzar, were responsible for the perpetration of this act, as -well as those who were now going to execute it, and even those who -were mere spectators of it, knew that it was a wickedness, and were -ashamed of taking any share in it, and even of being present at it. - -Then why did they do it, or allow it to be done? - -Ask them the question. And the landowner who started the affair, and -the judge who pronounced a clearly unjust even though formally legal -decision, and those who commanded the execution of the decision, and -those who, like the policemen, soldiers, and peasants, will execute -the deed with their own hands, flogging and killing their brothers, -all who have devised, abetted, decreed, executed, or allowed such -crimes, will make substantially the same reply. - -The authorities, those who have started, devised, and decreed the -matter, will say that such acts are necessary for the maintenance -of the existing order; the maintenance of the existing order is -necessary for the welfare of the country and of humanity, for the -possibility of social existence and human progress. - -Men of the poorer class, peasants and soldiers, who will have to -execute the deed of violence with their own hands, say that they -do so because it is the command of their superior authority, and -the superior authority knows what he is about. That those are in -authority who ought to be in authority, and that they know what they -are doing appears to them a truth of which there can be no doubt. If -they could admit the possibility of mistake or error, it would only -be in functionaries of a lower grade; the highest authority on which -all the rest depends seems to them immaculate beyond suspicion. - -Though expressing the motives of their conduct differently, both -those in command and their subordinates are agreed in saying that -they act thus because the existing order is the order which must and -ought to exist at the present time, and that therefore to support it -is the sacred duty of every man. - -On this acceptance of the necessity and therefore immutability of the -existing order, all who take part in acts of violence on the part of -government base the argument always advanced in their justification. -"Since the existing order is immutable," they say, "the refusal of a -single individual to perform the duties laid upon him will effect no -change in things, and will only mean that some other man will be put -in his place who may do the work worse, that is to say, more cruelly, -to the still greater injury of the victims of the act of violence." - -This conviction that the existing order is the necessary and -therefore immutable order, which it is a sacred duty for every man -to support, enables good men, of high principles in private life, to -take part with conscience more or less untroubled in crimes such as -that perpetrated in Orel, and that which the men in the Toula train -were going to perpetrate. - -But what is this conviction based on? It is easy to understand -that the landowner prefers to believe that the existing order is -inevitable and immutable, because this existing order secures him an -income from his hundreds and thousands of acres, by means of which he -can lead his habitual indolent and luxurious life. - -It is easy to understand that the judge readily believes in the -necessity of an order of things through which he receives a wage -fifty times as great as the most industrious laborer can earn, and -the same applies to all the higher officials. It is only under the -existing _regime_ that as governor, prosecutor, senator, members of -the various councils, they can receive their several thousands of -rubles a year, without which they and their families would at once -sink into ruin, since if it were not for the position they occupy -they would never by their own abilities, industry, or acquirements -get a thousandth part of their salaries. The minister, the Tzar, -and all the higher authorities are in the same position. The only -distinction is that the higher and the more exceptional their -position, the more necessary it is for them to believe that the -existing order is the only possible order of things. For without it -they would not only be unable to gain an equal position, but would be -found to fall lower than all other people. A man who has of his own -free will entered the police force at a wage of ten rubles, which he -could easily earn in any other position, is hardly dependent on the -preservation of the existing _regime_, and so he may not believe in -its immutability. But a king or an emperor, who receives millions for -his post, and knows that there are thousands of people round him who -would like to dethrone him and take his place, who knows that he will -never receive such a revenue or so much honor in any other position, -who knows, in most cases through his more or less despotic rule, -that if he were dethroned he would have to answer for all his abuse -of power--he cannot but believe in the necessity and even sacredness -of the existing order. The higher and the more profitable a man's -position, the more unstable it becomes, and the more terrible and -dangerous a fall from it for him, the more firmly the man believes in -the existing order, and therefore with the more ease of conscience -can such a man perpetrate cruel and wicked acts, as though they were -not in his own interest, but for the maintenance of that order. - -This is the case with all men in authority, who occupy positions more -profitable than they could occupy except for the present _regime_, -from the lowest police officer to the Tzar. All of them are more or -less convinced that the existing order is immutable, because--the -chief consideration--it is to their advantage. But the peasants, -the soldiers, who are at the bottom of the social scale, who have -no kind of advantage from the existing order, who are in the very -lowest position of subjection and humiliation, what forces them to -believe that the existing order in which they are in their humble and -disadvantageous position is the order which ought to exist, and which -they ought to support even at the cost of evil actions contrary to -their conscience? - -What forces these men to the false reasoning that the existing order -is unchanging, and that therefore they ought to support it, when it -is so obvious, on the contrary, that it is only unchanging because -they themselves support it? - -What forces these peasants, taken only yesterday from the plow and -dressed in ugly and unseemly costumes with blue collars and gilt -buttons, to go with guns and sabers and murder their famishing -fathers and brothers? They gain no kind of advantage and can be in -no fear of losing the position they occupy, because it is worse than -that from which they have been taken. - -The persons in authority of the higher orders--landowners, merchants, -judges, senators, governors, ministers, tzars, and officers--take -part in such doings because the existing order is to their advantage. -In other respects they are often good and kind-hearted men, and they -are more able to take part in such doings because their share in -them is limited to suggestions, decisions, and orders. These persons -in authority never do themselves what they suggest, decide, or -command to be done. For the most part they do not even see how all -the atrocious deeds they have suggested and authorized are carried -out. But the unfortunate men of the lower orders, who gain no kind -of advantage from the existing _regime_, but, on the contrary, are -treated with the utmost contempt, support it even by dragging people -with their own hands from their families, handcuffing them, throwing -them in prison, guarding them, shooting them. - -Why do they do it? What forces them to believe that the existing -order is unchanging and they must support it? - -All violence rests, we know, on those who do the beating, the -handcuffing, the imprisoning, and the killing with their own hands. -If there were no soldiers or armed policemen, ready to kill or -outrage anyone as they are ordered, not one of those people who sign -sentences of death, imprisonment, or galley-slavery for life would -make up his mind to hang, imprison, or torture a thousandth part -of those whom, quietly sitting in his study, he now orders to be -tortured in all kinds of ways, simply because he does not see it nor -do it himself, but only gets it done at a distance by these servile -tools. - -All the acts of injustice and cruelty which are committed in the -ordinary course of daily life have only become habitual because there -are these men always ready to carry out such acts of injustice and -cruelty. If it were not for them, far from anyone using violence -against the immense masses who are now ill-treated, those who now -command their punishment would not venture to sentence them, would -not even dare to dream of the sentences they decree with such easy -confidence at present. And if it were not for these men, ready to -kill or torture anyone at their commander's will, no one would dare -to claim, as all the idle landowners claim with such assurance, that -a piece of land, surrounded by peasants, who are in wretchedness from -want of land, is the property of a man who does not cultivate it, or -that stores of corn taken by swindling from the peasants ought to -remain untouched in the midst of a population dying of hunger because -the merchants must make their profit. If it were not for these -servile instruments at the disposal of the authorities, it could -never have entered the head of the landowner to rob the peasants of -the forest they had tended, nor of the officials to think they are -entitled to their salaries, taken from the famishing people, the -price of their oppression; least of all could anyone dream of killing -or exiling men for exposing falsehood and telling the truth. All this -can only be done because the authorities are confidently assured that -they have always these servile tools at hand, ready to carry all -their demands into effect by means of torture and murder. - -All the deeds of violence of tyrants from Napoleon to the lowest -commander of a company who fires upon a crowd, can only be explained -by the intoxicating effect of their absolute power over these -slaves. All force, therefore, rests on these men, who carry out the -deeds of violence with their own hands, the men who serve in the -police or the army, especially the army, for the police only venture -to do their work because the army is at their back. - -What, then, has brought these masses of honest men, on whom the whole -thing depends, who gain nothing by it, and who have to do these -atrocious deeds with their own hands, what has brought them to accept -the amazing delusion that the existing order, unprofitable, ruinous, -and fatal as it is for them, is the order which ought to exist? - -Who has led them into this amazing delusion? - -They can never have persuaded themselves that they ought to do what -is against their conscience, and also the source of misery and ruin -for themselves, and all their class, who make up nine-tenths of the -population. - -"How can you kill people, when it is written in God's commandment: -'Thou shalt not kill'?" I have often inquired of different soldiers. -And I always drove them to embarrassment and confusion by reminding -them of what they did not want to think about. They knew they were -bound by the law of God, "Thou shalt not kill," and knew too that -they were bound by their duty as soldiers, but had never reflected -on the contradiction between these duties. The drift of the timid -answers I received to this question was always approximately this: -that killing in war and executing criminals by command of the -government are not included in the general prohibition of murder. -But when I said this distinction was not made in the law of God, and -reminded them of the Christian duty of fraternity, forgiveness of -injuries, and love, which could not be reconciled with murder, the -peasants usually agreed, but in their turn began to ask me questions. -"How does it happen," they inquired, "that the government [which -according to their ideas cannot do wrong] sends the army to war and -orders criminals to be executed." When I answered that the government -does wrong in giving such orders, the peasants fell into still -greater confusion, and either broke off the conversation or else got -angry with me. - -"They must have found a law for it. The archbishops know as much -about it as we do, I should hope," a Russian soldier once observed to -me. And in saying this the soldier obviously set his mind at rest, -in the full conviction that his spiritual guides had found a law -which authorized his ancestors, and the tzars and their descendants, -and millions of men, to serve as he was doing himself, and that the -question I had put him was a kind of hoax or conundrum on my part. - -Everyone in our Christian society knows, either by tradition or by -revelation or by the voice of conscience, that murder is one of the -most fearful crimes a man can commit, as the Gospel tells us, and -that the sin of murder cannot be limited to certain persons, that is, -murder cannot be a sin for some and not a sin for others. Everyone -knows that if murder is a sin, it is always a sin, whoever are the -victims murdered, just like the sin of adultery, theft, or any other. -At the same time from their childhood up men see that murder is not -only permitted, but even sanctioned by the blessing of those whom -they are accustomed to regard as their divinely appointed spiritual -guides, and see their secular leaders with calm assurance organizing -murder, proud to wear murderous arms, and demanding of others in the -name of the laws of the country, and even of God, that they should -take part in murder. Men see that there is some inconsistency here, -but not being able to analyze it, involuntarily assume that this -apparent inconsistency is only the result of their ignorance. The -very grossness and obviousness of the inconsistency confirms them in -this conviction. - -They cannot imagine that the leaders of civilization, the educated -classes, could so confidently preach two such opposed principles -as the law of Christ and murder. A simple uncorrupted youth cannot -imagine that those who stand so high in his opinion, whom he regards -as holy or learned men, could for any object whatever mislead him -so shamefully. But this is just what has always been and always is -done to him. It is done (1) by instilling, by example and direct -instruction, from childhood up, into the working people, who have -not time to study moral and religious questions for themselves, the -idea that torture and murder are compatible with Christianity, and -that for certain objects of state, torture and murder are not only -admissible, but ought to be employed; and (2) by instilling into -certain of the people, who have either voluntarily enlisted or been -taken by compulsion into the army, the idea that the perpetration of -murder and torture with their own hands is a sacred duty, and even a -glorious exploit, worthy of praise and reward. - -The general delusion is diffused among all people by means of the -catechisms or books, which nowadays replace them, in use for the -compulsory education of children. In them it is stated that violence, -that is, imprisonment and execution, as well as murder in civil or -foreign war in the defense and maintenance of the existing state -organization (whatever that may be, absolute or limited monarchy, -convention, consulate, empire of this or that Napoleon or Boulanger, -constitutional monarchy, commune or republic) is absolutely lawful -and not opposed to morality and Christianity. - -This is stated in all catechisms or books used in schools. And men -are so thoroughly persuaded of it that they grow up, live and die in -that conviction without once entertaining a doubt about it. - -This is one form of deception, the general deception instilled into -everyone, but there is another special deception practiced upon the -soldiers or police who are picked out by one means or another to do -the torturing and murdering necessary to defend and maintain the -existing _regime_. - -In all military instructions there appears in one form or another -what is expressed in the Russian military code in the following words: - -_Article 87._ To carry out exactly and without comment the orders -of a superior officer means: to carry out an order received from a -superior officer exactly without considering whether it is good or -not, and whether it is possible to carry it out. The superior officer -is responsible for the consequences of the order he gives. - -_Article 88._ The subordinate ought never to refuse to carry out the -orders of a superior officer except when he sees clearly that in -carrying out his superior officer's command, he breaks [the law of -God, one involuntarily expects; not at all] _his oath of fidelity and -allegiance to the Tzar_. - -It is here said that the man who is a soldier can and ought to carry -out all the orders of his superior without exception. And as these -orders for the most part involve murder, it follows that he ought to -break all the laws of God and man. The one law he may not break is -that of fidelity and allegiance to the man who happens at a given -moment to be in power. - -Precisely the same thing is said in other words in all codes of -military instruction. And it could not be otherwise, since the whole -power of the army and the state is based in reality on this delusive -emancipation of men from their duty to God and their conscience, and -the substitution of duty to their superior officer for all other -duties. - -This, then, is the foundation of the belief of the lower classes that -the existing _regime_ so fatal for them is the _regime_ which ought -to exist, and which they ought therefore to support even by torture -and murder. - -This belief is founded on a conscious deception practiced on them by -the higher classes. - -And it cannot be otherwise. To compel the lower classes, which are -more numerous, to oppress and ill treat themselves, even at the cost -of actions opposed to their conscience, it was necessary to deceive -them. And it has been done accordingly. - -Not many days ago I saw once more this shameless deception being -openly practiced, and once more I marveled that it could be practiced -so easily and impudently. - -At the beginning of November, as I was passing through Toula, I -saw once again at the gates of the Zemsky Court-house the crowd of -peasants I had so often seen before, and heard the drunken shouts -of the men mingled with the pitiful lamentations of their wives and -mothers. It was the recruiting session. - -I can never pass by the spectacle. It attracts me by a kind of -fascination of repulsion. I again went into the crowd, took my stand -among the peasants, looked about and asked questions. And once again -I was amazed that this hideous crime can be perpetrated so easily in -broad daylight and in the midst of a large town. - -As the custom is every year, in all the villages and hamlets of the -one hundred millions of Russians, on the 1st of November, the village -elders had assembled the young men inscribed on the lists, often -their own sons among them, and had brought them to the town. - -On the road the recruits have been drinking without intermission, -unchecked by the elders, who feel that going on such an insane -errand, abandoning their wives and mothers and renouncing all they -hold sacred in order to become a senseless instrument of destruction, -would be too agonizing if they were not stupefied with spirits. - -And so they have come, drinking, swearing, singing, fighting and -scuffling with one another. They have spent the night in taverns. In -the morning they have slept off their drunkenness and have gathered -together at the Zemsky Court-house. - -Some of them, in new sheepskin pelisses, with knitted scarves round -their necks, their eyes swollen from drinking, are shouting wildly -to one another to show their courage; others, crowded near the -door, are quietly and mournfully waiting their turn, between their -weeping wives and mothers (I had chanced upon the day of the actual -enrolling, that is, the examination of those whose names are on the -list); others meantime were crowding into the hall of the recruiting -office. - -Inside the office the work was going on rapidly. The door is opened -and the guard calls Piotr Sidorov. Piotr Sidorov starts, crosses -himself, and goes into a little room with a glass door, where the -conscripts undress. A comrade of Piotr Sidorov's, who has just been -passed for service, and come naked out of the revision office, is -dressing hurriedly, his teeth chattering. Sidorov has already heard -the news, and can see from his face too that he has been taken. He -wants to ask him questions, but they hurry him and tell him to make -haste and undress. He throws off his pelisse, slips his boots off his -feet, takes off his waistcoat and draws his shirt over his head, and -naked, trembling all over, and exhaling an odor of tobacco, spirits, -and sweat, goes into the revision office, not knowing what to do with -his brawny bare arms. - -Directly facing him in the revision office hangs in a great gold -frame a portrait of the Tzar in full uniform with decorations, and -in the corner a little portrait of Christ in a shirt and a crown -of thorns. In the middle of the room is a table covered with green -cloth, on which there are papers lying and a three-cornered ornament -surmounted by an eagle--the zertzal. Round the table are sitting the -revising officers, looking collected and indifferent. One is smoking -a cigarette; another is looking through some papers. Directly Sidorov -comes in, a guard goes up to him, places him under the measuring -frame, raising him under his chin, and straightening his legs. - -The man with the cigarette--he is the doctor--comes up, and without -looking at the recruit's face, but somewhere beyond it, feels his -body over with an air of disgust, measures him, tests him, tells the -guard to open his mouth, tells him to breathe, to speak. Someone -notes something down. At last without having once looked him in the -face the doctor says, "Right. Next one!" and with a weary air sits -down again at the table. The soldiers again hustle and hurry the lad. -He somehow gets into his trousers, wraps his feet in rags, puts on -his boots, looks for his scarf and cap, and bundles his pelisse under -his arm. Then they lead him into the main hall, shutting him off -apart from the rest by a bench, behind which all the conscripts who -have been passed for service are waiting. Another village lad like -himself, but from a distant province, now a soldier armed with a gun -with a sharp-pointed bayonet at the end, keeps watch over him, ready -to run him through the body if he should think of trying to escape. - -Meantime the crowd of fathers, mothers, and wives, hustled by the -police, are pressing round the doors to hear whose lad has been -taken, whose is let off. One of the rejected comes out and announces -that Piotr is taken, and at once a shrill cry is heard from Piotr's -young wife, for whom this word "taken" means separation for four -or five years, the life of a soldier's wife as a servant, often a -prostitute. - -But here comes a man along the street with flowing hair and in a -peculiar dress, who gets out of his droskhy and goes into the Zemsky -Court-house. The police clear a way for him through the crowd. It is -the "reverend father" come to administer the oath, And this "father," -who has been persuaded that he is specially and exclusively devoted -to the service of Christ, and who, for the most part, does not -himself see the deception in which he lives, goes into the hall where -the conscripts are waiting. He throws round him a kind of curtain of -brocade, pulls his long hair out over it, opens the very Gospel in -which swearing is forbidden, takes the cross, the very cross on which -Christ was crucified because he would not do what this false servant -of his is telling men to do, and puts them on the lectern. And all -these unhappy, defenseless, and deluded lads repeat after him the -lie, which he utters with the assurance of familiarity. - -He reads and they repeat after him: - -"I promise and swear by Almighty God upon his holy Gospel," etc., -"to defend," etc., and that is, to murder anyone I am told to, and -to do everything I am told by men I know nothing of, and who care -nothing for me except as an instrument for perpetrating the crimes by -which they are kept in their position of power, and my brothers in -their condition of misery. All the conscripts repeat these ferocious -words without thinking. And then the so-called "father" goes away -with a sense of having correctly and conscientiously done his duty. -And all these poor deluded lads believe that these nonsensical and -incomprehensible words which they have just uttered set them free for -the whole time of their service from their duties as men, and lay -upon them fresh and more binding duties as soldiers. - -And this crime is perpetrated publicly and no one cries out to the -deceiving and the deceived: "Think what you are doing; this is the -basest, falsest lie, by which not bodies only, but souls too, are -destroyed." - -No one does this. On the contrary, when all have been enrolled, -and they are to be let out again, the military officer goes with a -confident and majestic air into the hall where the drunken, cheated -lads are shut up, and cries in a bold, military voice: "Your health, -my lads! I congratulate you on 'serving the Tzar!'" And they, poor -fellows (someone has given them a hint beforehand), mutter awkwardly, -their voices thick with drink, something to the effect that they are -glad. - -Meantime the crowd of fathers, mothers, and wives is standing at the -doors waiting. The women keep their tearful eyes fixed on the doors. -They open at last, and out come the conscripts, unsteady, but trying -to put a good face on it. Here are Piotr and Vania and Makar trying -not to look their dear ones in the face. Nothing is heard but the -wailing of the wives and mothers. Some of the lads embrace them and -weep with them, others make a show of courage, and others try to -comfort them. - -The wives and mothers, knowing that they will be left for three, -four, or five years without their breadwinners, weep and rehearse -their woes aloud. The fathers say little. They only utter a clucking -sound with their tongues and sigh mournfully, knowing that they -will see no more of the steady lads they have reared and trained to -help them, that they will come back not the same quiet hard-working -laborers, but for the most part conceited and demoralized, unfitted -for their simple life. - -And then all the crowd get into their sledges again and move away -down the street to the taverns and pot-houses, and louder than ever -sounds the medley of singing and sobbing, drunken shouts, and the -wailing of the wives and mothers, the sounds of the accordeon and -oaths. They all turn into the taverns, whose revenues go to the -government, and the drinking bout begins, which stifles their sense -of the wrong which is being done them. - -For two or three weeks they go on living at home, and most of that -time they are "jaunting," that is, drinking. - -On a fixed day they collect them, drive them together like a flock -of sheep, and begin to train them in the military exercises and -drill. Their teachers are fellows like themselves, only deceived and -brutalized two or three years sooner. The means of instruction are: -deception, stupefaction, blows, and vodka. And before a year has -passed these good, intelligent, healthy-minded lads will be as brutal -beings as their instructors. - -"Come, now, suppose your father were arrested and tried to make his -escape?" I asked a young soldier. - -"I should run him through with my bayonet," he answered with the -foolish intonation peculiar to soldiers; "and if he made off, I ought -to shoot him," he added, obviously proud of knowing what he must do -if his father were escaping. - -And when a good-hearted lad has been brought to a state lower than -that of a brute, he is just what is wanted by those who use him as an -instrument of violence. He is ready; the man has been destroyed and -a new instrument of violence has been created. And all this is done -every year, every autumn, everywhere, through all Russia in broad -daylight in the midst of large towns, where all may see it, and the -deception is so clever, so skillful, that though all men know the -infamy of it in their hearts, and see all its horrible results, they -cannot throw it off and be free. - -When one's eyes are opened to this awful deception practiced upon -us, one marvels that the teachers of the Christian religion and -of morals, the instructors of youth, or even the good-hearted and -intelligent parents who are to be found in every society, can teach -any kind of morality in a society in which it is openly admitted (it -is so admitted, under all governments and all churches) that murder -and torture form an indispensable element in the life of all, and -that there must always be special men trained to kill their fellows, -and that any one of us may have to become such a trained assassin. - -How can children, youths, and people generally be taught any -kind of morality--not to speak of teaching in the spirit of -Christianity--side by side with the doctrine that murder is necessary -for the public weal, and therefore legitimate, and that there are -men, of whom each of us may have to be one, whose duty is to murder -and torture and commit all sorts of crimes at the will of those who -are in possession of authority. If this is so, and one can and ought -to murder and torture, there is not, and cannot be, any kind of moral -law, but only the law that might is right. And this is just how it -is. In reality that is the doctrine--justified to some by the theory -of the struggle for existence--which reigns in our society. - -And, indeed, what sort of ethical doctrine could admit the legitimacy -of murder for any object whatever? It is as impossible as a theory of -mathematics admitting that two is equal to three. - -There may be a semblance of mathematics admitting that two is equal -to three, but there can be no real science of mathematics. And there -can only be a semblance of ethics in which murder in the shape of war -and the execution of criminals is allowed, but no true ethics. The -recognition of the life of every man as sacred is the first and only -basis of all ethics. - -The doctrine of an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth has been -abrogated by Christianity, because it is the justification of -immorality, and a mere semblance of equity, and has no real meaning. -Life is a value which has no weight nor size, and cannot be compared -to any other, and so there is no sense in destroying a life for a -life. Besides, every social law aims at the amelioration of man's -life. What way, then, can the annihilation of the life of some men -ameliorate men's life? Annihilation of life cannot be a means of the -amelioration of life; it is a suicidal act. - -To destroy another life for the sake of justice is as though a man, -to repair the misfortune of losing one arm, should cut off the other -arm for the sake of equity. - -But putting aside the sin of deluding men into regarding the most -awful crime as a duty, putting aside the revolting sin of using the -name and authority of Christ to sanction what he most condemned, -not to speak of the curse on those who cause these "little ones" -to offend--how can people who cherish their own way of life, their -progress, even from the point of view of their personal security, -allow the formation in their midst of an overwhelming force as -senseless, cruel, and destructive as every government is organized on -the basis of an army? Even the most cruel band of brigands is not so -much to be dreaded as such a government. - -The power of every brigand chief is at least so far limited that -the men of his band preserve at least some human liberty, and can -refuse to commit acts opposed to their conscience. But, owing to the -perfection to which the discipline of the army has been brought, -there is no limit to check men who form part of a regularly organized -government. There are no crimes so revolting that they would not -readily be committed by men who form part of a government or army, at -the will of anyone (such as Boulanger, Napoleon, or Pougachef) who -may chance to be at their head. - -Often when one sees conscription levies, military drills and -maneuvers, police officers with loaded revolvers, and sentinels at -their posts with bayonets on their rifles; when one hears for whole -days at a time (as I hear it in Hamovniky where I live) the whistle -of balls and the dull thud as they fall in the sand; when one sees in -the midst of a town where any effort at violence in self-defense is -forbidden, where the sale of powder and of chemicals, where furious -driving and practicing as a doctor without a diploma, and so on, are -not allowed, thousands of disciplined troops, trained to murder, -and subject to one man's will; one asks oneself how can people who -prize their security quietly allow it, and put up with it? Apart from -the immorality and evil effects of it, nothing can possibly be more -unsafe. What are people thinking about? I don't mean now Christians, -ministers of religion, philanthropists, and moralists, but simply -people who value their life, their security, and their comfort. This -organization, we know, will work just as well in one man's hands as -another's. To-day, let us assume, power is in the hands of a ruler -who can be endured, but to-morrow it may be seized by a Biron, an -Elizabeth, a Catherine, a Pougachef, a Napoleon I., or a Napoleon III. - -And the man in authority, endurable to-day, may become a brute -to-morrow, or may be succeeded by a mad or imbecile heir, like the -King of Bavaria or our Paul I. - -And not only the highest authorities, but all little satraps -scattered over everywhere, like so many General Baranovs, governors, -police officers even, and commanders of companies, can perpetrate the -most awful crimes before there is time for them to be removed from -office. And this is what is constantly happening. - -One involuntarily asks how can men let it go on, not from higher -considerations only, but from regard to their own safety? - -The answer to this question is that it is not all people who do -tolerate it (some--the greater proportion--deluded and submissive, -have no choice and have to tolerate anything). It is tolerated by -those who only under such an organization can occupy a position of -profit. They tolerate it, because for them the risks of suffering -from a foolish or cruel man being at the head of the government or -the army are always less than the disadvantages to which they would -be exposed by the destruction of the organization itself. - -A judge, a commander of police, a governor, or an officer will keep -his position just the same under Boulanger or the republic, under -Pougachef or Catherine. He will lose his profitable position for -certain, if the existing order of things which secured it to him is -destroyed. And so all these people feel no uneasiness as to who is at -the head of the organization, they will adapt themselves to anyone; -they only dread the downfall of the organization itself, and that is -the reason--though often an unconscious one--that they support it. - -One often wonders why independent people, who are not forced to do -so in any way, the so-called _elite_ of society, should go into the -army in Russia, England, Germany, Austria, and even France, and seek -opportunities of becoming murderers. Why do even high-principled -parents send their boys to military schools? Why do mothers buy their -children toy helmets, guns, and swords as playthings? (The peasant's -children never play at soldiers, by the way). Why do good men and -even women, who have certainly no interest in war, go into raptures -over the various exploits of Skobeloff and others, and vie with one -another in glorifying them? Why do men, who are not obliged to do -so, and get no fee for it, devote, like the marshals of nobility in -Russia, whole months of toil to a business physically disagreeable -and morally painful--the enrolling of conscripts? Why do all kings -and emperors wear the military uniform? Why do they all hold military -reviews, why do they organize maneuvers, distribute rewards to the -military, and raise monuments to generals and successful commanders? -Why do rich men of independent position consider it an honor to -perform a valet's duties in attendance on crowned personages, -flattering them and cringing to them and pretending to believe in -their peculiar superiority? Why do men who have ceased to believe -in the superstitions of the mediaeval Church, and who could not -possibly believe in them seriously and consistently, pretend to -believe in and give their support to the demoralizing and blasphemous -institution of the church? Why is it that not only governments but -private persons of the higher classes, try so jealously to maintain -the ignorance of the people? Why do they fall with such fury on -any effort at breaking down religious superstitions or really -enlightening the people? Why do historians, novelists, and poets, who -have no hope of gaining anything by their flatteries, make heroes -of kings, emperors, and conquerors of past times? Why do men, who -call themselves learned, dedicate whole lifetimes to making theories -to prove that violence employed by authority against the people is -not violence at all, but a special right? One often wonders why a -fashionable lady or an artist, who, one would think, would take no -interest in political or military questions, should always condemn -strikes of working people, and defend war; and should always be found -without hesitation opposed to the one, favorable to the other. - -But one no longer wonders when one realizes that in the higher -classes there is an unerring instinct of what tends to maintain -and of what tends to destroy the organization by virtue of which -they enjoy their privileges. The fashionable lady had certainly not -reasoned out that if there were no capitalists and no army to defend -them, her husband would have no fortune, and she could not have her -entertainments and her ball-dresses. And the artist certainly does -not argue that he needs the capitalists and the troops to defend -them, so that they may buy his pictures. But instinct, replacing -reason in this instance, guides them unerringly. And it is precisely -this instinct which leads all men, with few exceptions, to support -all the religious, political, and economic institutions which are to -their advantage. - -But is it possible that the higher classes support the existing order -of things simply because it is to their advantage? Cannot they see -that this order of things is essentially irrational, that it is -no longer consistent with the stage of moral development attained -by people, and with public opinion, and that it is fraught with -perils? The governing classes, or at least the good, honest, and -intelligent people of them, cannot but suffer from these fundamental -inconsistencies, and see the dangers with which they are threatened. -And is it possible that all the millions of the lower classes can -feel easy in conscience when they commit such obviously evil deeds -as torture and murder from fear of punishment? Indeed, it could -not be so, neither the former nor the latter could fail to see the -irrationality of their conduct, if the complexity of government -organization did not obscure the unnatural senselessness of their -actions. - -So many instigate, assist, or sanction the commission of every one -of these actions that no one who has a hand in them feels himself -morally responsible for it. - -It is the custom among assassins to oblige all the witnesses of -a murder to strike the murdered victim, that the responsibility -may be divided among as large a number of people as possible. The -same principle in different forms is applied under the government -organization in the perpetration of the crimes, without which no -government organization could exist. Rulers always try to implicate -as many citizens as possible in all the crimes committed in their -support. - -Of late this tendency has been expressed in a very obvious manner -by the obligation of all citizens to take part in legal processes -as jurors, in the army as soldiers, in the local government, or -legislative assembly, as electors or members. - -Just as in a wicker basket all the ends are so hidden away that it is -hard to find them, in the state organization the responsibility for -the crimes committed is so hidden away that men will commit the most -atrocious acts without seeing their responsibility for them. - -In ancient times tyrants got credit for the crimes they committed, -but in our day the most atrocious infamies, inconceivable under the -Neros, are perpetrated and no one gets blamed for them. - -One set of people have suggested, another set have proposed, a third -have reported, a fourth have decided, a fifth have confirmed, a sixth -have given the order, and a seventh set of men have carried it out. -They hang, they flog to death women, old men, and innocent people, as -was done recently among us in Russia at the Yuzovsky factory, and is -always being done everywhere in Europe and America in the struggle -with the anarchists and all other rebels against the existing order; -they shoot and hang men by hundreds and thousands, or massacre -millions in war, or break men's hearts in solitary confinement, and -ruin their souls in the corruption of a soldier's life, and no one is -responsible. - -At the bottom of the social scale soldiers, armed with guns, pistols, -and sabers, injure and murder people, and compel men through these -means to enter the army, and are absolutely convinced that the -responsibility for the actions rests solely on the officers who -command them. - -At the top of the scale--the Tzars, presidents, ministers, and -parliaments decree these tortures and murders and military -conscription, and are fully convinced that since they are either -placed in authority by the grace of God or by the society they -govern, which demands such decrees from them, they cannot be held -responsible. Between these two extremes are the intermediary -personages who superintend the murders and other acts of violence, -and are fully convinced that the responsibility is taken off their -shoulders partly by their superiors who have given the order, partly -by the fact that such orders are expected from them by all who are at -the bottom of the scale. - -The authority who gives the orders and the authority who executes -them at the two extreme ends of the state organization, meet together -like the two ends of a ring; they support and rest on one another and -inclose all that lies within the ring. - -Without the conviction that there is a person or persons who will -take the whole responsibility of his acts, not one soldier would ever -lift a hand to commit a murder or other deed of violence. - -Without the conviction that it is expected by the whole people not a -single king, emperor, president, or parliament would order murders or -acts of violence. - -Without the conviction that there are persons of a higher grade who -will take the responsibility, and people of a lower grade who require -such acts for their welfare, not one of the intermediate class would -superintend such deeds. - -The state is so organized that wherever a man is placed in the social -scale, his irresponsibility is the same. The higher his grade the -more he is under the influence of demands from below, and the less he -is controlled by orders from above, and _vice versa_. - -All men, then, bound together by state organization, throw the -responsibility of their acts on one another, the peasant soldier -on the nobleman or merchant who is his officer, and the officer on -the nobleman who has been appointed governor, the governor on the -nobleman or son of an official who is minister, the minister on -the member of the royal family who occupies the post of Tzar, and -the Tzar again on all these officials, noblemen, merchants, and -peasants. But that is not all. Besides the fact that men get rid -of the sense of responsibility for their actions in this way, they -lose their moral sense of responsibility also, by the fact that in -forming themselves into a state organization they persuade themselves -and each other so continually, and so indefatigably, that they are -not all equal, but "as the stars apart," that they come to believe -it genuinely themselves. Thus some are persuaded that they are not -simple people like everyone else, but special people who are to be -specially honored. It is instilled into another set of men by every -possible means that they are inferior to others, and therefore must -submit without a murmur to every order given them by their superiors. - -On this inequality, above all, on the elevation of some and the -degradation of others, rests the capacity men have of being blind to -the insanity of the existing order of life, and all the cruelty and -criminality of the deception practiced by one set of men on another. - -Those in whom the idea has been instilled that they are invested with -a special supernatural grandeur and consequence, are so intoxicated -with a sense of their own imaginary dignity that they cease to feel -their responsibility for what they do. - -While those, on the other hand, in whom the idea is fostered -that they are inferior animals, bound to obey their superiors in -everything, fall, through this perpetual humiliation, into a strange -condition of stupefied servility, and in this stupefied state do not -see the significance of their actions and lose all consciousness of -responsibility for what they do. - -The intermediate class, who obey the orders of their superiors on the -one hand and regard themselves as superior beings on the other, are -intoxicated by power and stupefied by servility at the same time and -so lose the sense of their responsibility. - -One need only glance during a review at the commander-in-chief, -intoxicated with self-importance, followed by his retinue, all -on magnificent and gayly appareled horses, in splendid uniforms -and wearing decorations, and see how they ride to the harmonious -and solemn strains of music before the ranks of soldiers, all -presenting arms and petrified with servility. One need only glance -at this spectacle to understand that at such moments, when they are -in a state of the most complete intoxication, commander-in-chief, -soldiers, and intermediate officers alike, would be capable of -committing crimes of which they would never dream under other -conditions. - -The intoxication produced by such stimulants as parades, reviews, -religious solemnities, and coronations, is, however, an acute -and temporary condition; but there are other forms of chronic, -permanent intoxication, to which those are liable who have any kind -of authority, from that of the Tzar to that of the lowest police -officer at the street corner, and also those who are in subjection -to authority and in a state of stupefied servility. The latter, like -all slaves, always find a justification for their own servility, in -ascribing the greatest possible dignity and importance to those they -serve. - -It is principally through this false idea of inequality, and the -intoxication of power and of servility resulting from it, that men -associated in a state organization are enabled to commit acts opposed -to their conscience without the least scruple or remorse. - -Under the influence of this intoxication, men imagine themselves no -longer simply men as they are, but some special beings--noblemen, -merchants, governors, judges, officers, tzars, ministers, or -soldiers--no longer bound by ordinary human duties, but by other -duties far more weighty--the peculiar duties of a nobleman, merchant, -governor, judge, officer, tzar, minister, or soldier. - -Thus the landowner, who claimed the forest, acted as he did only -because he fancied himself not a simple man, having the same rights -to life as the peasants living beside him and everyone else, but a -great landowner, a member of the nobility, and under the influence -of the intoxication of power he felt his dignity offended by the -peasants' claims. It was only through this feeling that, without -considering the consequences that might follow, he sent in a claim to -be reinstated in his pretended rights. - -In the same way the judges, who wrongfully adjudged the forest to the -proprietor, did so simply because they fancied themselves not simply -men like everyone else, and so bound to be guided in everything only -by what they consider right, but, under the intoxicating influence of -power, imagined themselves the representatives of the justice which -cannot err; while under the intoxicating influence of servility they -imagined themselves bound to carry out to the letter the instructions -inscribed in a certain book, the so-called law. In the same way all -who take part in such an affair, from the highest representative of -authority who signs his assent to the report, from the superintendent -presiding at the recruiting sessions, and the priest who deludes the -recruits, to the lowest soldier who is ready now to fire on his own -brothers, imagine, in the intoxication of power or of servility, that -they are some conventional characters. They do not face the question -that is presented to them, whether or not they ought to take part -in what their conscience judges an evil act, but fancy themselves -various conventional personages--one as the Tzar, God's anointed, an -exceptional being, called to watch over the happiness of one hundred -millions of men; another as the representative of nobility; another -as a priest, who has received special grace by his ordination; -another as a soldier, bound by his military oath to carry out all he -is commanded without reflection. - -Only under the intoxication of the power or the servility of their -imagined positions could all these people act as they do. - -Were not they all firmly convinced that their respective vocations -of tzar, minister, governor, judge, nobleman, landowner, -superintendent, officer, and soldier are something real and -important, not one of them would even think without horror and -aversion of taking part in what they do now. - -The conventional positions, established hundreds of years, recognized -for centuries and by everyone, distinguished by special names and -dresses, and, moreover, confirmed by every kind of solemnity, -have so penetrated into men's minds through their senses, that, -forgetting the ordinary conditions of life common to all, they look -at themselves and everyone only from this conventional point of view, -and are guided in their estimation of their own actions and those of -others by this conventional standard. - -Thus we see a man of perfect sanity and ripe age, simply because -he is decked out with some fringe, or embroidered keys on his coat -tails, or a colored ribbon only fit for some gayly dressed girl, -and is told that he is a general, a chamberlain, a knight of the -order of St. Andrew, or some similar nonsense, suddenly become -self-important, proud, and even happy, or, on the contrary, grow -melancholy and unhappy to the point of falling ill, because he has -failed to obtain the expected decoration or title. Or what is still -more striking, a young man, perfectly sane in every other matter, -independent and beyond the fear of want, simply because he has been -appointed judicial prosecutor or district commander, separates a poor -widow from her little children, and shuts her up in prison, leaving -her children uncared for, all because the unhappy woman carried on a -secret trade in spirits, and so deprived the revenue of twenty-five -rubles, and he does not feel the least pang of remorse. Or what is -still more amazing; a man, otherwise sensible and good-hearted, -simply because he is given a badge or a uniform to wear, and told -that he is a guard or customs officer, is ready to fire on people, -and neither he nor those around him regard him as to blame for it, -but, on the contrary, would regard him as to blame if he did not -fire. To say nothing of judges and juries who condemn men to death, -and soldiers who kill men by thousands without the slightest scruple -merely because it has been instilled into them that they are not -simply men, but jurors, judges, generals, and soldiers. - -This strange and abnormal condition of men under state organization -is usually expressed in the following words: "As a man, I pity -him; but as guard, judge, general, governor, tzar, or soldier, it -is my duty to kill or torture him." Just as though there were some -positions conferred and recognized, which would exonerate us from the -obligations laid on each of us by the fact of our common humanity. - -So, for example, in the case before us, men are going to murder and -torture the famishing, and they admit that in the dispute between -the peasants and the landowner the peasants are right (all those -in command said as much to me). They know that the peasants are -wretched, poor, and hungry, and the landowner is rich and inspires no -sympathy. Yet they are all going to kill the peasants to secure three -thousand rubles for the landowner, only because at that moment they -fancy themselves not men but governor, official, general of police, -officer, and soldier, respectively, and consider themselves bound -to obey, not the eternal demands of the conscience of man, but the -casual, temporary demands of their positions as officers or soldiers. - -Strange as it may seem, the sole explanation of this astonishing -phenomenon is that they are in the condition of the hypnotized, who, -they say, feel and act like the creatures they are commanded by the -hypnotizer to represent. When, for instance, it is suggested to the -hypnotized subject that he is lame, he begins to walk lame, that he -is blind, and he cannot see, that he is a wild beast, and he begins -to bite. This is the state, not only of those who were going on this -expedition, but of all men who fulfill their state and social duties -in preference to and in detriment of their human duties. - -The essence of this state is that under the influence of one -suggestion they lose the power of criticising their actions, and -therefore do, without thinking, everything consistent with the -suggestion to which they are led by example, precept, or insinuation. - -The difference between those hypnotized by scientific men and those -under the influence of the state hypnotism, is that an imaginary -position is suggested to the former suddenly by one person in a very -brief space of time, and so the hypnotized state appears to us in a -striking and surprising form, while the imaginary position suggested -by state influence is induced slowly, little by little, imperceptibly -from childhood, sometimes during years, or even generations, and not -in one person alone but in a whole society. - -"But," it will be said, "at all times, in all societies, the -majority of persons--all the children, all the women absorbed in the -bearing and rearing of the young, all the great mass of the laboring -population, who are under the necessity of incessant and fatiguing -physical labor, all those of weak character by nature, all those who -are abnormally enfeebled intellectually by the effects of nicotine, -alcohol, opium, or other intoxicants--are always in a condition of -incapacity for independent thought, and are either in subjection -to those who are on a higher intellectual level, or else under the -influence of family or social traditions, of what is called public -opinion, and there is nothing unnatural or incongruous in their -subjection." - -And truly there is nothing unnatural in it, and the tendency of men -of small intellectual power to follow the lead of those on a higher -level of intelligence is a constant law, and it is owing to it -that men can live in societies and on the same principles at all. -The minority consciously adopt certain rational principles through -their correspondence with reason, while the majority act on the same -principles unconsciously because it is required by public opinion. - -Such subjection to public opinion on the part of the unintellectual -does not assume an unnatural character till the public opinion is -split into two. - -But there are times when a higher truth, revealed at first to a few -persons, gradually gains ground till it has taken hold of such a -number of persons that the old public opinion, founded on a lower -order of truths, begins to totter and the new is ready to take its -place, but has not yet been firmly established. It is like the -spring, this time of transition, when the old order of ideas has not -quite broken up and the new has not quite gained a footing. Men begin -to criticise their actions in the light of the new truth, but in the -meantime in practice, through inertia and tradition, they continue -to follow the principles which once represented the highest point of -rational consciousness, but are now in flagrant contradiction with it. - -Then men are in an abnormal, wavering condition, feeling the -necessity of following the new ideal, and yet not bold enough to -break with the old-established traditions. - -Such is the attitude in regard to the truth of Christianity not only -of the men in the Toula train, but of the majority of men of our -times, alike of the higher and the lower orders. - -Those of the ruling classes, having no longer any reasonable -justification for the profitable positions they occupy, are forced, -in order to keep them, to stifle their higher rational faculty -of loving, and to persuade themselves that their positions are -indispensable. And those of the lower classes, exhausted by toil -and brutalized of set purpose, are kept in a permanent deception, -practiced deliberately and continuously by the higher classes upon -them. - -Only in this way can one explain the amazing contradictions with -which our life is full, and of which a striking example was presented -to me by the expedition I met on the 9th of September; good, peaceful -men, known to me personally, going with untroubled tranquillity to -perpetrate the most beastly, senseless, and vile of crimes. Had not -they some means of stifling their conscience, not one of them would -be capable of committing a hundredth part of such a villainy. - -It is not that they have not a conscience which forbids them from -acting thus, just as, even three or four hundred years ago, when -people burnt men at the stake and put them to the rack they had a -conscience which prohibited it; the conscience is there, but it has -been put to sleep--in those in command by what the psychologists call -auto-suggestion; in the soldiers, by the direct conscious hypnotizing -exerted by the higher classes. - -Though asleep, the conscience is there, and in spite of the hypnotism -it is already speaking in them, and it may awake. - -All these men are in a position like that of a man under hypnotism, -commanded to do something opposed to everything he regards as good -and rational, such as to kill his mother or his child. The hypnotized -subject feels himself bound to carry out the suggestion--he thinks he -cannot stop--but the nearer he gets to the time and the place of the -action, the more the benumbed conscience begins to stir, to resist, -and to try to awake. And no one can say beforehand whether he will -carry out the suggestion or not; which will gain the upper hand, the -rational conscience or the irrational suggestion. It all depends on -their relative strength. - -That is just the case with the men in the Toula train and in general -with everyone carrying out acts of state violence in our day. - -There was a time when men who set out with the object of murder and -violence, to make an example, did not return till they had carried -out their object, and then, untroubled by doubts or scruples, -having calmly flogged men to death, they returned home and caressed -their children, laughed, amused themselves, and enjoyed the -peaceful pleasures of family life. In those days it never struck -the landowners and wealthy men who profited by these crimes, that -the privileges they enjoyed had any direct connection with these -atrocities. But now it is no longer so. Men know now, or are not far -from knowing, what they are doing and for what object they do it. -They can shut their eyes and force their conscience to be still, -but so long as their eyes are opened and their conscience undulled, -they must all--those who carry out and those who profit by these -crimes alike--see the import of them. Sometimes they realize it only -after the crime has been perpetrated, sometimes they realize it -just before its perpetration. Thus those who commanded the recent -acts of violence in Nijni-Novgorod, Saratov, Orel, and the Yuzovsky -factory realized their significance only after their perpetration, -and now those who commanded and those who carried out these crimes -are ashamed before public opinion and their conscience. I have talked -to soldiers who had taken part in these crimes, and they always -studiously turned the conversation off the subject, and when they -spoke of it it was with horror and bewilderment. There are cases, -too, when men come to themselves just before the perpetration of the -crime. Thus I know the case of a sergeant-major who had been beaten -by two peasants during the repression of disorder and had made a -complaint. The next day, after seeing the atrocities perpetrated on -the other peasants, he entreated the commander of his company to tear -up his complaint and let off the two peasants. I know cases when -soldiers, commanded to fire, have refused to obey, and I know many -cases of officers who have refused to command expeditions for torture -and murder. So that men sometimes come to their senses long before -perpetrating the suggested crime, sometimes at the very moment before -perpetrating it, sometimes only afterward. - -The men traveling in the Toula train were going with the object of -killing and injuring their fellow-creatures, but none could tell -whether they would carry out their object or not. However obscure -his responsibility for the affair is to each, and however strong -the idea instilled into all of them that they are not men, but -governors, officials, officers, and soldiers, and as such beings can -violate every human duty, the nearer they approach the place of the -execution, the stronger their doubts as to its being right, and this -doubt will reach its highest point when the very moment for carrying -it out has come. - -The governor, in spite of all the stupefying effect of his -surroundings, cannot help hesitating when the moment comes to give -final decisive command. He knows that the action of the Governor of -Orel has called down upon him the disapproval of the best people, and -he himself, influenced by the public opinion of the circles in which -he moves, has more than once expressed his disapprobation of him. He -knows that the prosecutor, who ought to have come, flatly refused to -have anything to do with it, because he regarded it as disgraceful. -He knows, too, that there may be changes any day in the government, -and that what was a ground for advancement yesterday may be the cause -of disgrace to-morrow. And he knows that there is a press, if not in -Russia, at least abroad, which may report the affair and cover him -with ignominy forever. He is already conscious of a change in public -opinion which condemns what was formerly a duty. Moreover, he cannot -feel fully assured that his soldiers will at the last moment obey -him. He is wavering, and none can say beforehand what he will do. - -All the officers and functionaries who accompany him experience in -greater or less degree the same emotions. In the depths of their -hearts they all know that what they are doing is shameful, that -to take part in it is a discredit and blemish in the eyes of some -people whose opinion they value. They know that after murdering and -torturing the defenseless, each of them will be ashamed to face his -betrothed or the woman he is courting. And besides, they too, like -the governor, are doubtful whether the soldiers' obedience to orders -can be reckoned on. What a contrast with the confident air they all -put on as they sauntered about the station and platform! Inwardly -they were not only in a state of suffering but even of suspense. -Indeed they only assumed this bold and composed manner to conceal the -wavering within. And this feeling increased as they drew near the -scene of action. - -And imperceptible as it was, and strange as it seems to say so, all -that mass of lads, the soldiers, who seemed so submissive, were in -precisely the same condition. - -These are not the soldiers of former days, who gave up the natural -life of industry and devoted their whole existence to debauchery, -plunder, and murder, like the Roman legionaries or the warriors of -the Thirty Years' War, or even the soldiers of more recent times who -served for twenty-five years in the army. They have mostly been only -lately taken from their families, and are full of the recollections -of the good, rational, natural life they have left behind them. - -All these lads, peasants for the most part, know what is the business -they have come about; they know that the landowners always oppress -their brothers the peasants, and that therefore it is most likely -the same thing here. Moreover, a majority of them can now read, -and the books they read are not all such as exalt a military life; -there are some which point out its immorality. Among them are often -free-thinking comrades--who have enlisted voluntarily--or young -officers of liberal ideas, and already the first germ of doubt has -been sown in regard to the unconditional legitimacy and glory of -their occupation. - -It is true that they have all passed through that terrible, skillful -education, elaborated through centuries, which kills all initiative -in a man, and that they are so trained to mechanical obedience -that at the word of command: "Fire!--All the line!--Fire!" and so -on, their guns will rise of themselves and the habitual movements -will be performed. But "Fire!" now does not mean shooting into the -sand for amusement, it means firing on their broken-down, exploited -fathers and brothers whom they see there in the crowd, with women and -children shouting and waving their arms. Here they are--one with his -scanty beard and patched coat and plaited shoes of reed, just like -the father left at home in Kazan or Riazan province; one with gray -beard and bent back, leaning on a staff like the old grand-father; -one, a young fellow in boots and a red shirt, just as he was himself -a year ago--he, the soldier who must fire upon him. There, too, a -woman in reed shoes and _panyova_, just like the mother left at home. - -Is it possible they must fire on them? And no one knows what each -soldier will do at the last minute. The least word, the slightest -allusion would be enough to stop them. - -At the last moment they will all find themselves in the position of -a hypnotized man to whom it has been suggested to chop a log, who -coming up to what has been indicated to him as a log, with the ax -already lifted to strike, sees that it is not a log but his sleeping -brother. He may perform the act that has been suggested to him, and -he may come to his senses at the moment of performing it. In the -same way all these men may come to themselves in time or they may go -on to the end. - -If they do not come to themselves, the most fearful crime will be -committed, as in Orel, and then the hypnotic suggestion under which -they act will be strengthened in all other men. If they do come to -themselves, not only this terrible crime will not be perpetrated, -but many also who hear of the turn the affair has taken will be -emancipated from the hypnotic influence in which they were held, or -at least will be nearer being emancipated from it. - -Even if a few only come to themselves, and boldly explain to the -others all the wickedness of such a crime, the influence of these few -may rouse the others to shake off the controlling suggestion, and the -atrocity will not be perpetrated. - -More than that, if a few men, even of those who are not taking part -in the affair but are only present at the preparations for it, or -have heard of such things being done in the past, do not remain -indifferent but boldly and plainly express their detestation of such -crimes to those who have to execute them, and point out to them all -the senselessness, cruelty, and wickedness of such acts, that alone -will be productive of good. - -That was what took place in the instance before us. It was enough for -a few men, some personally concerned in the affair and others simply -outsiders, to express their disapproval of floggings that had taken -place elsewhere, and their contempt and loathing for those who had -taken part in inflicting them, for a few persons in the Toula case -to express their repugnance to having any share in it; for a lady -traveling by the train, and a few other bystanders at the station, -to express to those who formed the expedition their disgust at -what they were doing; for one of the commanders of a company, who -was asked for troops for the restoration of order, to reply that -soldiers ought not to be butchers--and thanks to these and a few -other seemingly insignificant influences brought to bear on these -hypnotized men, the affair took a completely different turn, and the -troops, when they reached the place, did not inflict any punishment, -but contented themselves with cutting down the forest and giving it -to the landowner. - -Had not a few persons had a clear consciousness that what they were -doing was wrong, and consequently influenced one another in that -direction, what was done at Orel would have taken place at Toula. -Had this consciousness been still stronger, and had the influence -exerted been therefore greater than it was, it might well have been -that the governor with his troops would not even have ventured to cut -down the forest and give it to the landowner. Had that consciousness -been stronger still, it might well have been that the governor would -not have ventured to go to the scene of action at all; even that the -minister would not have ventured to form this decision or the Tzar to -ratify it. - -All depends, therefore, on the strength of the consciousness of -Christian truth on the part of each individual man. - -And, therefore, one would have thought that the efforts of all men -of the present day who profess to wish to work for the welfare of -humanity would have been directed to strengthening this consciousness -of Christian truth in themselves and others. - -But, strange to say, it is precisely those people who profess most -anxiety for the amelioration of human life, and are regarded as -the leaders of public opinion, who assert that there is no need -to do that, and that there are other more effective means for the -amelioration of men's condition. They affirm that the amelioration -of human life is effected not by the efforts of individual men, to -recognize and propagate the truth, but by the gradual modification -of the general conditions of life, and that therefore the efforts -of individuals should be directed to the gradual modification -of external conditions for the better. For every advocacy of a -truth inconsistent with the existing order by an individual is, -they maintain, not only useless but injurious, since it provokes -coercive measures on the part of the authorities, restricting these -individuals from continuing any action useful to society. According -to this doctrine all modifications in human life are brought about by -precisely the same laws as in the life of the animals. - -So that, according to this doctrine, all the founders of religions, -such as Moses and the prophets, Confucius, Lao-Tse, Buddha, Christ, -and others, preached their doctrines and their followers accepted -them, not because they loved the truth, but because the political, -social, and above all economic conditions of the peoples among whom -these religions arose were favorable for their origination and -development. - -And therefore the chief efforts of the man who wishes to serve -society and improve the condition of humanity ought, according to -this doctrine, to be directed not to the elucidation and propagation -of truth, but to the improvement of the external political, -social, and above all economic conditions. And the modification -of these conditions is partly effected by serving the government -and introducing liberal and progressive principles into it, partly -in promoting the development of industry and the propagation of -socialistic ideas, and most of all by the diffusion of science. -According to this theory it is of no consequence whether you profess -the truth revealed to you, and therefore realize it in your life, or -at least refrain from committing actions opposed to the truth, such -as serving the government and strengthening its authority when you -regard it as injurious, profiting by the capitalistic system when -you regard it as wrong, showing veneration for various ceremonies -which you believe to be degrading superstitions, giving support to -the law when you believe it to be founded on error, serving as a -soldier, taking oaths, and lying, and lowering yourself generally. It -is useless to refrain from all that; what is of use is not altering -the existing forms of life, but submitting to them against your own -convictions, introducing liberalism into the existing institutions, -promoting commerce, the propaganda of socialism, and the triumphs of -what is called science, and the diffusion of education. According -to this theory one can remain a landowner, merchant, manufacturer, -judge, official in government pay, officer or soldier, and still be -not only a humane man, but even a socialist and revolutionist. - -Hypocrisy, which had formerly only a religious basis in the doctrine -of original sin, the redemption, and the Church, has in our day -gained a new scientific basis and has consequently caught in its -nets all those who had reached too high a stage of development to be -able to find support in religious hypocrisy. So that while in former -days a man who professed the religion of the Church could take part -in all the crimes of the state, and profit by them, and still regard -himself as free from any taint of sin, so long as he fulfilled the -external observances of his creed, nowadays all who do not believe in -the Christianity of the Church, find similar well-founded irrefutable -reasons in science for regarding themselves as blameless and even -highly moral in spite of their participation in the misdeeds of -government and the advantages they gain from them. - -A rich landowner--not only in Russia, but in France, England, -Germany, or America--lives on the rents exacted from the people -living on his land, and robs these generally poverty-stricken people -of all he can get from them. This man's right of property in the land -rests on the fact that at every effort on the part of the oppressed -people, without his consent, to make use of the land he considers -his, troops are called out to subject them to punishment and murder. -One would have thought that it was obvious that a man living in this -way was an evil, egoistic creature and could not possibly consider -himself a Christian or a liberal. One would have supposed it evident -that the first thing such a man must do, if he wishes to approximate -to Christianity or liberalism, would be to cease to plunder and ruin -men by means of acts of state violence in support of his claim to the -land. And so it would be if it were not for the logic of hypocrisy, -which reasons that from a religious point of view possession or -non-possession of land is of no consequence for salvation, and from -the scientific point of view, giving up the ownership of land is a -useless individual renunciation, and that the welfare of mankind is -not promoted in that way, but by a gradual modification of external -forms. And so we see this man, without the least trouble of mind -or doubt that people will believe in his sincerity, organizing an -agricultural exhibition, or a temperance society, or sending some -soup and stockings by his wife or children to three old women, and -boldly in his family, in drawing rooms, in committees, and in the -press, advocating the Gospel or humanitarian doctrine of love for -one's neighbor in general and the agricultural laboring population -in particular whom he is continually exploiting and oppressing. -And other people who are in the same position as he believe him, -commend him, and solemnly discuss with him measures for ameliorating -the condition of the working-class, on whose exploitation their -whole life rests, devising all kinds of possible methods for this, -except the one without which all improvement of their condition -is impossible, _i. e._, refraining from taking from them the land -necessary for their subsistence. (A striking example of this -hypocrisy was the solicitude displayed by the Russian landowners last -year, their efforts to combat the famine which they had caused, and -by which they profited, selling not only bread at the highest price, -but even potato haulm at five rubles the dessiatine (about 2-4/5 -acres) for fuel to the freezing peasants.) - -Or take a merchant whose whole trade--like all trade indeed--is -founded on a series of trickery, by means of which, profiting by the -ignorance or need of others, he buys goods below their value and -sells them again above their value. One would have fancied it obvious -that a man whose whole occupation was based on what in his own -language is called swindling, if it is done under other conditions, -ought to be ashamed of his position, and could not any way, while he -continues a merchant, profess himself a Christian or a liberal. - -But the sophistry of hypocrisy reasons that the merchant can pass for -a virtuous man without giving up his pernicious course of action; -a religious man need only have faith and a liberal man need only -promote the modification of external conditions--the progress of -industry. And so we see the merchant (who often goes further and -commits acts of direct dishonesty, selling adulterated goods, using -false weights and measures, and trading in products injurious to -health, such as alcohol and opium) boldly regarding himself and -being regarded by others, so long as he does not directly deceive -his colleagues in business, as a pattern of probity and virtue. And -if he spends a thousandth part of his stolen wealth on some public -institution, a hospital or museum or school, then he is even regarded -as the benefactor of the people on the exploitation and corruption of -whom his whole prosperity has been founded: if he sacrifices, too, a -portion of his ill-gotten gains on a Church and the poor, then he is -an exemplary Christian. - -A manufacturer is a man whose whole income consists of value -squeezed out of the workmen, and whose whole occupation is based -on forced, unnatural labor, exhausting whole generations of men. -It would seem obvious that if this man professes any Christian -or liberal principles, he must first of all give up ruining human -lives for his own profit. But by the existing theory he is promoting -industry, and he ought not to abandon his pursuit. It would even be -injuring society for him to do so. And so we see this man, the harsh -slave-driver of thousands of men, building almshouses with little -gardens two yards square for the workmen broken down in toiling for -him, and a bank, and a poorhouse, and a hospital--fully persuaded -that he has amply expiated in this way for all the human lives -morally and physically ruined by him--and calmly going on with his -business, taking pride in it. - -Any civil, religious, or military official in government employ, who -serves the state from vanity, or, as is most often the case, simply -for the sake of the pay wrung from the harassed and toilworn working -classes (all taxes, however raised, always fall on labor), if he, as -is very seldom the case, does not directly rob the government in the -usual way, considers himself, and is considered by his fellows, as a -most useful and virtuous member of society. - -A judge or a public prosecutor knows that through his sentence or his -prosecution hundreds or thousands of poor wretches are at once torn -from their families and thrown into prison, where they may go out of -their minds, kill themselves with pieces of broken glass, or starve -themselves; he knows that they have wives and mothers and children, -disgraced and made miserable by separation from them, vainly begging -for pardon for them or some alleviation of their sentence, and this -judge or this prosecutor is so hardened in his hypocrisy that he and -his fellows and his wife and his household are all fully convinced -that he may be a most exemplary man. According to the metaphysics of -hypocrisy it is held that he is doing a work of public utility. And -this man who has ruined hundreds, thousands of men, who curse him and -are driven to desperation by his action, goes to mass, a smile of -shining benevolence on his smooth face, in perfect faith in good and -in God, listens to the Gospel, caresses his children, preaches moral -principles to them, and is moved by imaginary sufferings. - -All these men and those who depend on them, their wives, tutors, -children, cooks, actors, jockeys, and so on, are living on the blood -which by one means or another, through one set of blood-suckers or -another, is drawn out of the working class, and every day their -pleasures cost hundreds or thousands of days of labor. They see the -sufferings and privations of these laborers and their children, -their aged, their wives, and their sick, they know the punishments -inflicted on those who resist this organized plunder, and far from -decreasing, far from concealing their luxury, they insolently -display it before these oppressed laborers who hate them, as though -intentionally provoking them with the pomp of their parks and -palaces, their theaters, hunts, and races. At the same time they -continue to persuade themselves and others that they are all much -concerned about the welfare of these working classes, whom they have -always trampled under their feet, and on Sundays, richly dressed, -they drive in sumptuous carriages to the houses of God built in very -mockery of Christianity, and there listen to men, trained to this -work of deception, who in white neckties or in brocaded vestments, -according to their denomination, preach the love for their neighbor -which they all gainsay in their lives. And these people have so -entered into their part that they seriously believe that they really -are what they pretend to be. - -The universal hypocrisy has so entered into the flesh and blood of -all classes of our modern society, it has reached such a pitch that -nothing in that way can rouse indignation. Hypocrisy in the Greek -means "acting," and acting--playing a part--is always possible. -The representatives of Christ give their blessing to the ranks of -murderers holding their guns loaded against their brothers; "for -prayer" priests, ministers of various Christian sects are always -present, as indispensably as the hangman, at executions, and sanction -by their presence the compatibility of murder with Christianity -(a clergyman assisted at the attempt at murder by electricity in -America)--but such facts cause no one any surprise. - -There was recently held at Petersburg an international exhibition of -instruments of torture, handcuffs, models of solitary cells, that -is to say instruments of torture worse than knouts or rods, and -sensitive ladies and gentlemen went and amused themselves by looking -at them. - -No one is surprised that together with its recognition of liberty, -equality, and fraternity, liberal science should prove the necessity -of war, punishment, customs, the censure, the regulation of -prostitution, the exclusion of cheap foreign laborers, the hindrance -of emigration, the justifiableness of colonization, based on -poisoning and destroying whole races of men called savages, and so on. - -People talk of the time when all men shall profess what is called -Christianity (that is, various professions of faith hostile to one -another), when all shall be well-fed and clothed, when all shall -be united from one end of the world to the other by telegraphs -and telephones, and be able to communicate by balloons, when all -the working classes are permeated by socialistic doctrines, when -the Trades Unions possess so many millions of members and so many -millions of rubles, when everyone is educated and all can read -newspapers and learn all the sciences. - -But what good or useful thing can come of all these improvements, if -men do not speak and act in accordance with what they believe to be -the truth? - -The condition of men is the result of their disunion. Their disunion -results from their not following the truth which is one, but -falsehoods which are many. The sole means of uniting men is their -union in the truth. And therefore the more sincerely men strive -toward the truth, the nearer they get to unity. - -But how can men be united in the truth or even approximate to it, if -they do not even express the truth they know, but hold that there is -no need to do so, and pretend to regard as truth what they believe to -be false? - -And therefore no improvement is possible so long as men are -hypocritical and hide the truth from themselves, so long as they do -not recognize that their union and therefore their welfare is only -possible in the truth, and do not put the recognition and profession -of the truth revealed to them higher than everything else. - -All the material improvements that religious and scientific men can -dream of may be accomplished; all men may accept Christianity, and -all the reforms desired by the Bellamys may be brought about with -every possible addition and improvement, but if the hypocrisy which -rules nowadays still exists, if men do not profess the truth they -know, but continue to feign belief in what they do not believe and -veneration for what they do not respect, their condition will remain -the same, or even grow worse and worse. The more men are freed -from privation; the more telegraphs, telephones, books, papers, -and journals there are; the more means there will be of diffusing -inconsistent lies and hypocrisies, and the more disunited and -consequently miserable will men become, which indeed is what we see -actually taking place. - -All these material reforms may be realized, but the position of -humanity will not be improved. But only let each man, according -to his powers, at once realize in his life the truth he knows, or -at least cease to support the falsehoods he is supporting in the -place of the truth, and at once, in this year 1893, we should see -such reforms as we do not dare to hope for within a century--the -emancipation of men and the reign of truth upon earth. - -Not without good reason was Christ's only harsh and threatening -reproof directed against hypocrites and hypocrisy. It is not theft -nor robbery nor murder nor fornication, but falsehood, the special -falsehood of hypocrisy, which corrupts men, brutalizes them and makes -them vindictive, destroys all distinction between right and wrong in -their conscience, deprives them of what is the true meaning of all -real human life, and debars them from all progress toward perfection. - -Those who do evil through ignorance of the truth provoke sympathy -with their victims and repugnance for their actions, they do harm -only to those they attack; but those who know the truth and do -evil masked by hypocrisy, injure themselves and their victims, and -thousands of other men as well who are led astray by the falsehood -with which the wrongdoing is disguised. - -Thieves, robbers, murderers, and cheats, who commit crimes recognized -by themselves and everyone else as evil, serve as an example of -what ought not to be done, and deter others from similar crimes. -But those who commit the same thefts, robberies, murders, and other -crimes, disguising them under all kinds of religious or scientific -or humanitarian justifications, as all landowners, merchants, -manufacturers, and government officials do, provoke others to -imitation, and so do harm not only to those who are directly the -victims of their crimes, but to thousands and millions of men whom -they corrupt by obliterating their sense of the distinction between -right and wrong. - -A single fortune gained by trading in goods necessary to the -people or in goods pernicious in their effects, or by financial -speculations, or by acquiring land at a low price the value of which -is increased by the needs of the population, or by an industry -ruinous to the health and life of those employed in it, or by -military or civil service of the state, or by any employment which -trades on men's evil instincts--a single fortune acquired in any of -these ways, not only with the sanction, but even with the approbation -of the leading men in society, and masked with an ostentation of -philanthropy, corrupts men incomparably more than millions of thefts -and robberies committed against the recognized forms of law and -punishable as crimes. - -A single execution carried out by prosperous educated men -uninfluenced by passion, with the approbation and assistance of -Christian ministers, and represented as something necessary and even -just, is infinitely more corrupting and brutalizing to men than -thousands of murders committed by uneducated working people under the -influence of passion. An execution such as was proposed by Joukovsky, -which would produce even a sentiment of religious emotion in the -spectators, would be one of the most perverting actions imaginable. -(_See_ vol. iv. of the works of Joukovsky.) - -Every war, even the most humanely conducted, with all its ordinary -consequences, the destruction of harvests, robberies, the license and -debauchery, and the murder with the justifications of its necessity -and justice, the exaltation and glorification of military exploits, -the worship of the flag, the patriotic sentiments, the feigned -solicitude for the wounded, and so on, does more in one year to -pervert men's minds than thousands of robberies, murders, and arsons -perpetrated during hundreds of years by individual men under the -influence of passion. - -The luxurious expenditure of a single respectable and so-called -honorable family, even within the conventional limits, consuming -as it does the produce of as many days of labor as would suffice -to provide for thousands living in privation near, does more to -pervert men's minds than thousands of the violent orgies of coarse -tradespeople, officers, and workmen of drunken and debauched habits, -who smash up glasses and crockery for amusement. - -One solemn religious procession, one service, one sermon from the -altar-steps or the pulpit, in which the preacher does not believe, -produces incomparably more evil than thousands of swindling tricks, -adulteration of food, and so on. - -We talk of the hypocrisy of the Pharisees. But the hypocrisy of -our society far surpasses the comparatively innocent hypocrisy of -the Pharisees. They had at least an external religious law, the -fulfillment of which hindered them from seeing their obligations -to their neighbors. Moreover, these obligations were not nearly so -clearly defined in their day. Nowadays we have no such religious law -to exonerate us from our duties to our neighbors (I am not speaking -now of the coarse and ignorant persons who still fancy their sins can -be absolved by confession to a priest or by the absolution of the -Pope). On the contrary, the law of the Gospel which we all profess -in one form or another directly defines these duties. Besides, the -duties which had then been only vaguely and mystically expressed by -a few prophets have now been so clearly formulated, have become such -truisms, that they are repeated even by schoolboys and journalists. -And so it would seem that men of to-day cannot pretend that they do -not know these duties. - -A man of the modern world who profits by the order of things based on -violence, and at the same time protests that he loves his neighbor -and does not observe what he is doing in his daily life to his -neighbor, is like a brigand who has spent his life in robbing men, -and who, caught at last, knife in hand, in the very act of striking -his shrieking victim, should declare that he had no idea that what he -was doing was disagreeable to the man he had robbed and was prepared -to murder. Just as this robber and murderer could not deny what -was evident to everyone, so it would seem that a man living upon -the privations of the oppressed classes cannot persuade himself and -others that he desires the welfare of those he plunders, and that he -does not know how the advantages he enjoys are obtained. - -It is impossible to convince ourselves that we do not know that there -are a hundred thousand men in prison in Russia alone to guarantee -the security of our property and tranquillity, and that we do not -know of the law tribunals in which we take part, and which, at our -initiative, condemn those who have attacked our property or our -security to prison, exile, or forced labor, whereby men no worse than -those who condemn them are ruined and corrupted; or that we do not -know that we only possess all that we do possess because it has been -acquired and is defended for us by murder and violence. - -We cannot pretend that we do not see the armed policeman who marches -up and down beneath our windows to guarantee our security while we -eat our luxurious dinner, or look at the new piece at the theater, or -that we are unaware of the existence of the soldiers who will make -their appearance with guns and cartridges directly our property is -attacked. - -We know very well that we are only allowed to go on eating our -dinner, to finish seeing the new play, or to enjoy to the end the -ball, the Christmas fete, the promenade, the races or the hunt, -thanks to the policeman's revolver or the soldier's rifle, which will -shoot down the famished outcast who has been robbed of his share, and -who looks round the corner with covetous eyes at our pleasures, ready -to interrupt them instantly, were not the policeman and the soldier -there prepared to run up at our first call for help. - -And therefore just as a brigand caught in broad daylight in the act -cannot persuade us that he did not lift his knife in order to rob -his victim of his purse, and had no thought of killing him, we too, -it would seem, cannot persuade ourselves or others that the soldiers -and policemen around us are not to guard us, but only for defense -against foreign foes, and to regulate traffic and fetes and reviews; -we cannot persuade ourselves and others that we do not know that -men do not like dying of hunger, bereft of the right to gain their -subsistence from the earth on which they live; that they do not like -working underground, in the water, or in stifling heat, for ten to -fourteen hours a day, at night in factories to manufacture objects -for our pleasure. One would imagine it impossible to deny what is so -obvious. Yet it is denied. - -Still, there are, among the rich, especially among the young, and -among women, persons whom I am glad to meet more and more frequently, -who, when they are shown in what way and at what cost their pleasures -are purchased, do not try to conceal the truth, but hiding their -heads in their hands, cry: "Ah! don't speak of that. If it is so, -life is impossible." But though there are such sincere people who -even though they cannot renounce their fault, at least see it, the -vast majority of the men of the modern world have so entered into -the parts they play in their hypocrisy that they boldly deny what is -staring everyone in the face. - -"All that is unjust," they say; "no one forces the people to work for -the landowners and manufacturers. That is an affair of free contract. -Great properties and fortunes are necessary, because they provide and -organize work for the working classes. And labor in the factories and -workshops is not at all the terrible thing you make it out to be. -Even if there are some abuses in factories, the government and the -public are taking steps to obviate them and to make the labor of the -factory workers much easier, and even agreeable. The working classes -are accustomed to physical labor, and are, so far, fit for nothing -else. The poverty of the people is not the result of private property -in land, nor of capitalistic oppression, but of other causes: it -is the result of the ignorance, brutality, and intemperance of -the people. And we men in authority who are striving against this -impoverishment of the people by wise legislation, we capitalists who -are combating it by the extension of useful inventions, we clergymen -by religious instruction, and we liberals by the formation of trades -unions, and the diffusion of education, are in this way increasing -the prosperity of the people without changing our own positions. -We do not want all to be as poor as the poor; we want all to be as -rich as the rich. As for the assertion that men are ill treated and -murdered to force them to work for the profit of the rich, that is -a sophism. The army is only called out against the mob, when the -people, in ignorance of their own interests, make disturbances and -destroy the tranquillity necessary for the public welfare. In the -same way, too, it is necessary to keep in restraint the malefactors -for whom the prisons and gallows are established. We ourselves -wish to suppress these forms of punishment and are working in that -direction." - -Hypocrisy in our day is supported on two sides: by false religion and -by false science. And it has reached such proportions that if we were -not living in its midst, we could not believe that men could attain -such a pitch of self-deception. Men of the present day have come into -such an extraordinary condition, their hearts are so hardened, that -seeing they see not, hearing they do not hear, and understand not. - -Men have long been living in antagonism to their conscience. If it -were not for hypocrisy they could not go on living such a life. This -social organization in opposition to their conscience only continues -to exist because it is disguised by hypocrisy. - -And the greater the divergence between actual life and men's -conscience, the greater the extension of hypocrisy. But even -hypocrisy has its limits. And it seems to me that we have reached -those limits in the present day. - -Every man of the present day with the Christian principles -assimilated involuntarily in his conscience, finds himself in -precisely the position of a man asleep who dreams that he is obliged -to do something which even in his dream he knows he ought not to -do. He knows this in the depths of his conscience, and all the same -he seems unable to change his position; he cannot stop and cease -doing what he ought not to do. And just as in a dream, his position -becoming more and more painful, at last reaches such a pitch of -intensity that he begins sometimes to doubt the reality of what is -passing and makes a moral effort to shake off the nightmare which is -oppressing him. - -This is just the condition of the average man of our Christian -society. He feels that all that he does himself and that is done -around him is something absurd, hideous, impossible, and opposed to -his conscience; he feels that his position is becoming more and more -unendurable and reaching a crisis of intensity. - -It is not possible that we modern men, with the Christian sense of -human dignity and equality permeating us soul and body, with our need -for peaceful association and unity between nations, should really go -on living in such a way that every joy, every gratification we have -is bought by the sufferings, by the lives of our brother men, and -moreover, that we should be every instant within a hair's-breadth -of falling on one another, nation against nation, like wild beasts, -mercilessly destroying men's lives and labor, only because some -benighted diplomatist or ruler says or writes some stupidity to -another equally benighted diplomatist or ruler. - -It is impossible. Yet every man of our day sees that this is so -and awaits the calamity. And the situation becomes more and more -insupportable. - -And as the man who is dreaming does not believe that what appears to -him can be truly the reality and tries to wake up to the actual real -world again, so the average man of modern days cannot in the bottom -of his heart believe that the awful position in which he is placed -and which is growing worse and worse can be the reality, and tries to -wake up to a true, real life, as it exists in his conscience. - -And just as the dreamer need only make a moral effort and ask -himself, "Isn't it a dream?" and the situation which seemed to him so -hopeless will instantly disappear, and he will wake up to peaceful -and happy reality, so the man of the modern world need only make -a moral effort to doubt the reality presented to him by his own -hypocrisy and the general hypocrisy around him, and to ask himself, -"Isn't it all a delusion?" and he will at once, like the dreamer -awakened, feel himself transported from an imaginary and dreadful -world to the true, calm, and happy reality. - -And to do this a man need accomplish no great feats or exploits. He -need only make a moral effort. - -But can a man make this effort? - -According to the existing theory so essential to support hypocrisy, -man is not free and cannot change his life. - -"Man cannot change his life, because he is not free. He is not free, -because all his actions are conditioned by previously existing -causes. And whatever the man may do there are always some causes -or other through which he does these or those acts, and therefore -man cannot be free and change his life," say the champions of the -metaphysics of hypocrisy. And they would be perfectly right if man -were a creature without conscience and incapable of moving toward -the truth; that is to say, if after recognizing a new truth, man -always remained at the same stage of moral development. But man -is a creature with a conscience and capable of attaining a higher -and higher degree of truth. And therefore even if man is not free -as regards performing these or those acts because there exists a -previous cause for every act, the very causes of his acts, consisting -as they do for the man of conscience of the recognition of this or -that truth, are within his own control. - -So that though man may not be free as regards the performance of -his actions, he is free as regards the foundation on which they are -performed. Just as the mechanician who is not free to modify the -movement of his locomotive when it is in motion, is free to regulate -the machine beforehand so as to determine what the movement is to be. - -Whatever the conscious man does, he acts just as he does, and not -otherwise, only because he recognizes that to act as he is acting is -in accord with the truth, or because he has recognized it at some -previous time, and is now only through inertia, through habit, acting -in accordance with his previous recognition of truth. - -In any case, the cause of his action is not to be found in any given -previous fact, but in the consciousness of a given relation to truth, -and the consequent recognition of this or that fact as a sufficient -basis for action. - -Whether a man eats or does not eat, works or rests, runs risks or -avoids them, if he has a conscience he acts thus only because he -considers it right and rational, because he considers that to act -thus is in harmony with truth, or else because he has made this -reflection in the past. - -The recognition or non-recognition of a certain truth depends not on -external causes, but on certain other causes within the man himself. -So that at times under external conditions apparently very favorable -for the recognition of truth, one man will not recognize it, and -another, on the contrary, under the most unfavorable conditions will, -without apparent cause, recognize it. As it is said in the Gospel, -"No man can come unto me, except the Father which hath sent me draw -him." That is to say, the recognition of truth, which is the cause -of all the manifestations of human life, does not depend on external -phenomena, but on certain inner spiritual characteristics of the man -which escape our observation. - -And therefore man, though not free in his acts, always feels -himself free in what is the motive of his acts--the recognition or -non-recognition of truth. And he feels himself independent not only -of facts external to his own personality, but even of his own actions. - -Thus a man who under the influence of passion has committed an act -contrary to the truth he recognizes, remains none the less free to -recognize it or not to recognize it; that is, he can by refusing to -recognize the truth regard his action as necessary and justifiable, -or he may recognize the truth and regard his act as wrong and censure -himself for it. - -Thus a gambler or a drunkard who does not resist temptation and -yields to his passion is still free to recognize gambling and -drunkenness as wrong or to regard them as a harmless pastime. In the -first case even if he does not at once get over his passion, he gets -the more free from it the more sincerely he recognizes the truth -about it; in the second case he will be strengthened in his vice and -will deprive himself of every possibility of shaking it off. - -In the same way a man who has made his escape alone from a house on -fire, not having had the courage to save his friend, remains free, -recognizing the truth that a man ought to save the life of another -even at the risk of his own, to regard his action as bad and to -censure himself for it, or, not recognizing this truth, to regard his -action as natural and necessary and to justify it to himself. In the -first case, if he recognizes the truth in spite of his departure -from it, he prepares for himself in the future a whole series of acts -of self-sacrifice necessarily flowing from this recognition of the -truth; in the second case, a whole series of egoistic acts. - -Not that a man is always free to recognize or to refuse to recognize -every truth. There are truths which he has recognized long before or -which have been handed down to him by education and tradition and -accepted by him on faith, and to follow these truths has become a -habit, a second nature with him; and there are truths, only vaguely, -as it were distantly, apprehended by him. The man is not free to -refuse to recognize the first, nor to recognize the second class of -truths. But there are truths of a third kind, which have not yet -become an unconscious motive of action, but yet have been revealed so -clearly to him that he cannot pass them by, and is inevitably obliged -to do one thing or the other, to recognize or not to recognize them. -And it is in regard to these truths that the man's freedom manifests -itself. - -Every man during his life finds himself in regard to truth in the -position of a man walking in the darkness with light thrown before -him by the lantern he carries. He does not see what is not yet -lighted up by the lantern; he does not see what he has passed which -is hidden in the darkness; but at every stage of his journey he sees -what is lighted up by the lantern, and he can always choose one side -or the other of the road. - -There are always unseen truths not yet revealed to the man's -intellectual vision, and there are other truths outlived, forgotten, -and assimilated by him, and there are also certain truths that rise -up before the light of his reason and require his recognition. And it -is in the recognition or non-recognition of these truths that what we -call his freedom is manifested. - -All the difficulty and seeming insolubility of the question of the -freedom of man results from those who tried to solve the question -imagining man as stationary in his relation to the truth. - -Man is certainly not free if we imagine him stationary, and if we -forget that the life of a man and of humanity is nothing but a -continual movement from darkness into light, from a lower stage of -truth to a higher, from a truth more alloyed with errors to a truth -more purified from them. - -Man would not be free if he knew no truth at all, and in the same way -he would not be free and would not even have any idea of freedom if -the whole truth which was to guide him in life had been revealed once -for all to him in all its purity without any admixture of error. - -But man is not stationary in regard to truth, but every individual -man as he passes through life, and humanity as a whole in the same -way, is continually learning to know a greater and greater degree of -truth, and growing more and more free from error. - -And therefore men are in a threefold relation to truth. Some -truths have been so assimilated by them that they have become the -unconscious basis of action, others are only just on the point of -being revealed to him, and a third class, though not yet assimilated -by him, have been revealed to him with sufficient clearness to force -him to decide either to recognize them or to refuse to recognize them. - -These, then, are the truths which man is free to recognize or to -refuse to recognize. - -The liberty of man does not consist in the power of acting -independently of the progress of life and the influences arising from -it, but in the capacity for recognizing and acknowledging the truth -revealed to him, and becoming the free and joyful participator in -the eternal and infinite work of God, the life of the world; or on -the other hand for refusing to recognize the truth, and so being a -miserable and reluctant slave dragged whither he has no desire to go. - -Truth not only points out the way along which human life ought to -move, but reveals also the only way along which it can move. And -therefore all men must willingly or unwillingly move along the way of -truth, some spontaneously accomplishing the task set them in life, -others submitting involuntarily to the law of life. Man's freedom -lies in the power of this choice. - -This freedom within these narrow limits seems so insignificant to men -that they do not notice it. Some--the determinists--consider this -amount of freedom so trifling that they do not recognize it at all. -Others--the champions of complete free will--keep their eyes fixed on -their hypothetical free will and neglect this which seemed to them -such a trivial degree of freedom. - -This freedom, confined between the limits of complete ignorance -of the truth and a recognition of a part of the truth, seems -hardly freedom at all, especially since, whether a man is willing -or unwilling to recognize the truth revealed to him, he will be -inevitably forced to carry it out in life. - -A horse harnessed with others to a cart is not free to refrain from -moving the cart. If he does not move forward the cart will knock him -down and go on dragging him with it, whether he will or not. But the -horse is free to drag the cart himself or to be dragged with it. And -so it is with man. - -Whether this is a great or small degree of freedom in comparison with -the fantastic liberty we should like to have, it is the only freedom -that really exists, and in it consists the only happiness attainable -by man. - -And more than that, this freedom is the sole means of accomplishing -the divine work of the life of the world. - -According to Christ's doctrine, the man who sees the significance of -life in the domain in which it is not free, in the domain of effects, -that is, of acts, has not the true life. According to the Christian -doctrine, that man is living in the truth who has transported his -life to the domain in which it is free--the domain of causes, that -is, the knowledge and recognition, the profession and realization in -life of revealed truth. - -Devoting his life to works of the flesh, a man busies himself with -actions depending on temporary causes outside himself. He himself -does nothing really, he merely seems to be doing something. In -reality all the acts which seem to be his are the work of a higher -power, and he is not the creator of his own life, but the slave of -it. Devoting his life to the recognition and fulfillment of the truth -revealed to him, he identifies himself with the source of universal -life and accomplishes acts not personal, and dependent on conditions -of space and time, but acts unconditioned by previous causes, acts -which constitute the causes of everything else, and have an infinite, -unlimited significance. - -"The kingdom of heaven suffereth violence, and the violent take it by -force." (Matt. xi. 12.) - -It is this violent effort to rise above external conditions to the -recognition and realization of truth by which the kingdom of heaven -is taken, and it is this effort of violence which must and can be -made in our times. - -Men need only understand this, they need only cease to trouble -themselves about the general external conditions in which they are -not free, and devote one-hundredth part of the energy they waste -on those material things to that in which they are free, to the -recognition and realization of the truth which is before them, and to -the liberation of themselves and others from deception and hypocrisy, -and, without effort or conflict, there would be an end at once of the -false organization of life which makes men miserable, and threatens -them with worse calamities in the future. And then the kingdom of -God would be realized, or at least that first stage of it for which -men are ready now by the degree of development of their conscience. - -Just as a single shock may be sufficient, when a liquid is saturated -with some salt, to precipitate it at once in crystals, a slight -effort may be perhaps all that is needed now that the truth already -revealed to men may gain a mastery over hundreds, thousands, millions -of men, that a public opinion consistent with conscience may be -established, and through this change of public opinion the whole -order of life may be transformed. And it depends upon us to make this -effort. - -Let each of us only try to understand and accept the Christian truth -which in the most varied forms surrounds us on all sides and forces -itself upon us; let us only cease from lying and pretending that we -do not see this truth or wish to realize it, at least in what it -demands from us above all else; only let us accept and boldly profess -the truth to which we are called, and we should find at once that -hundreds, thousands, millions of men are in the same position as -we, that they see the truth as we do, and dread as we do to stand -alone in recognizing it, and like us are only waiting for others to -recognize it also. - -Only let men cease to be hypocrites, and they would at once see that -this cruel social organization, which holds them in bondage, and is -represented to them as something stable, necessary, and ordained of -God, is already tottering and is only propped up by the falsehood of -hypocrisy, with which we, and others like us, support it. - -But if this is so, if it is true that it depends on us to break down -the existing organization of life, have we the right to destroy it, -without knowing clearly what we shall set up in its place? What will -become of human society when the existing order of things is at an -end? - -"What shall we find the other side of the walls of the world we are -abandoning? - -"Fear will come upon us--a void, a vast emptiness, freedom--how are -we to go forward not knowing whither, how face loss, not seeing -hope of gain?... If Columbus had reasoned thus he would never have -weighed anchor. It was madness to set off upon the ocean, not knowing -the route, on the ocean on which no one had sailed, to sail toward -a land whose existence was doubtful. By this madness he discovered -a new world. Doubtless if the peoples of the world could simply -transfer themselves from one furnished mansion to another and better -one--it would make it much easier; but unluckily there is no one to -get humanity's new dwelling ready for it. The future is even worse -than the ocean--there is nothing there--it will be what men and -circumstances make it. - -"If you are content with the old world, try to preserve it, it is -very sick and cannot hold out much longer. But if you cannot bear to -live in everlasting dissonance between your beliefs and your life, -thinking one thing and doing another, get out of the mediaeval whited -sepulchers, and face your fears. I know very well it is not easy. - -"It is not a little thing to cut one's self off from all to which a -man has been accustomed from his birth, with which he has grown up -to maturity. Men are ready for tremendous sacrifices, but not for -those which life demands of them. Are they ready to sacrifice modern -civilization, their manner of life, their religion, the received -conventional morality? - -"Are we ready to give up all the results we have attained with such -effort, results of which we have been boasting for three centuries; -to give up every convenience and charm of our existence, to prefer -savage youth to the senile decay of civilization, to pull down the -palace raised for us by our ancestors only for the pleasure of having -a hand in the founding of a new house, which will doubtless be built -long after we are gone?" (Herzen, vol. v. p. 55.) - -Thus wrote almost half a century ago the Russian writer, who with -prophetic insight saw clearly then, what even the most unreflecting -man sees to-day, the impossibility, that is, of life continuing on -its old basis, and the necessity of establishing new forms of life. - -It is clear now from the very simplest, most commonplace point of -view, that it is madness to remain under the roof of a building which -cannot support its weight, and that we must leave it. And indeed it -is difficult to imagine a position more wretched than that of the -Christian world to-day, with its nations armed against one another, -with its constantly increasing taxation to maintain its armies, -with the hatred of the working class for the rich ever growing more -intense, with the Damocles sword of war forever hanging over the -heads of all, ready every instant to fall, certain to fall sooner or -later. - -Hardly could any revolution be more disastrous for the great mass -of the population than the present order or rather disorder of our -life, with its daily sacrifices to exhausting and unnatural toil, to -poverty, drunkenness, and profligacy, with all the horrors of the war -that is at hand, which will swallow up in one year more victims than -all the revolutions of the century. - -What will become of humanity if each of us performs the duty God -demands of us through the conscience implanted within us? Will not -harm come if, being wholly in the power of a master, I carry out, in -the workshop erected and directed by him, the orders he gives me, -strange though they may seem to me who do not know the Master's final -aims? - -But it is not even this question "What will happen?" that agitates -men when they hesitate to fulfill the Master's will. They are -troubled by the question how to live without those habitual -conditions of life which we call civilization, culture, art, and -science. We feel ourselves all the burdensomeness of life as it is; -we see also that this organization of life must inevitably be our -ruin, if it continues. At the same time we want the conditions of our -life which arise out of this organization--our civilization, culture, -art, and science--to remain intact. It is as though a man, living in -an old house and suffering from cold and all sorts of inconvenience -in it, knowing, too, that it is on the point of falling to pieces, -should consent to its being rebuilt, but only on the condition -that he should not be required to leave it: a condition which is -equivalent to refusing to have it rebuilt at all. - -"But what if I leave the house and give up every convenience for a -time, and the new house is not built, or is built on a different plan -so that I do not find in it the comforts to which I am accustomed?" -But seeing that the materials and the builders are here, there is -every likelihood that the new house will on the contrary be better -built than the old one. And at the same time, there is not only the -likelihood but the certainty that the old house will fall down and -crush those who remain within it. Whether the old habitual conditions -of life are supported, or whether they are abolished and altogether -new and better conditions arise; in any case, there is no doubt we -shall be forced to leave the old forms of life which have become -impossible and fatal, and must go forward to meet the future. - -"Civilization, art, science, culture, will disappear!" - -Yes, but all these we know are only various manifestations of truth, -and the change that is before us is only to be made for the sake -of a closer attainment and realization of truth. How then can the -manifestations of truth disappear through our realizing it? These -manifestations will be different, higher, better, but they will not -cease to be. Only what is false in them will be destroyed; all the -truth there was in them will only be stronger and more flourishing. - -Take thought, oh, men, and have faith in the Gospel, in whose -teaching is your happiness. If you do not take thought, you will -perish just as the men perished, slain by Pilate, or crushed by the -tower of Siloam; as millions of men have perished, slayers and slain, -executing and executed, torturers and tortured alike, and as the man -foolishly perished, who filled his granaries full and made ready -for a long life and died the very night that he planned to begin -his life. Take thought and have faith in the Gospel, Christ said -eighteen hundred years ago, and he says it with even greater force -now that the calamities foretold by him have come to pass, and the -senselessness of our life has reached the furthest point of suffering -and madness. - -Nowadays, after so many centuries of fruitless efforts to make our -life secure by the pagan organization of life, it must be evident -to everyone that all efforts in that direction only introduce fresh -dangers into personal and social life, and do not render it more -secure in any way. - -Whatever names we dignify ourselves with, whatever uniforms we wear, -whatever priests we anoint ourselves before, however many millions we -possess, however many guards are stationed along our road, however -many policemen guard our wealth, however many so-called criminals, -revolutionists, and anarchists we punish, whatever exploits we have -performed, whatever states we may have founded, fortresses and -towers we may have erected--from Babel to the Eiffel Tower--there -are two inevitable conditions of life, confronting all of us, which -destroy its whole meaning; (1) death, which may at any moment pounce -upon each of us; and (2) the transitoriness of all our works, which -so soon pass away and leave no trace. Whatever we may do--found -companies, build palaces and monuments, write songs and poems--it is -all not for long time. Soon it passes away, leaving no trace. And -therefore, however we may conceal it from ourselves, we cannot help -seeing that the significance of our life cannot lie in our personal -fleshly existence, the prey of incurable suffering and inevitable -death, nor in any social institution or organization. Whoever you may -be who are reading these lines, think of your position and of your -duties--not of your position as landowner, merchant, judge, emperor, -president, minister, priest, soldier, which has been temporarily -allotted you by men, and not of the imaginary duties laid on you by -those positions, but of your real positions in eternity as a creature -who at the will of Someone has been called out of unconsciousness -after an eternity of non-existence to which you may return at any -moment at his will. Think of your duties--not your supposed duties -as a landowner to your estate, as a merchant to your business, as -emperor, minister, or official to the state, but of your real duties, -the duties that follow from your real position as a being called into -life and endowed with reason and love. - -Are you doing what he demands of you who has sent you into the world, -and to whom you will soon return? Are you doing what he wills? Are -you doing his will, when as landowner or manufacturer you rob the -poor of the fruits of their toil, basing your life on this plunder -of the workers, or when, as judge or governor, you ill treat men, -sentence them to execution, or when as soldiers you prepare for war, -kill and plunder? - -You will say that the world is so made that this is inevitable, and -that you do not do this of your own free will, but because you are -forced to do so. But can it be that you have such a strong aversion -to men's sufferings, ill treatment, and murder, that you have such -an intense need of love and co-operation with your fellows that you -see clearly that only by the recognition of the equality of all, and -by mutual services, can the greatest possible happiness be realized; -that your head and your heart, the faith you profess, and even -science itself tell you the same thing, and yet that in spite of it -all you can be forced by some confused and complicated reasoning to -act in direct opposition to all this; that as landowner or capitalist -you are bound to base your whole life on the oppression of the -people; that as emperor or president you are to command armies, that -is, to be the head and commander of murderers; or that as government -official you are forced to take from the poor their last pence for -rich men to profit and share them among themselves; or that as -judge or juryman you could be forced to sentence erring men to ill -treatment and death because the truth was not revealed to them, or -above all, for that is the basis of all the evil, that you could be -forced to become a soldier, and renouncing your free will and your -human sentiments, could undertake to kill anyone at the command of -other men? - -It cannot be. - -Even if you are told that all this is necessary for the maintenance -of the existing order of things, and that this social order with -its pauperism, famines, prisons, gallows, armies, and wars is -necessary to society; that still greater disasters would ensue if -this organization were destroyed; all that is said only by those who -profit by this organization, while those who suffer from it--and they -are ten times as numerous--think and say quite the contrary. And at -the bottom of your heart you know yourself that it is not true, that -the existing organization has outlived its time, and must inevitably -be reconstructed on new principles, and that consequently there is -no obligation upon you to sacrifice your sentiments of humanity to -support it. - -Above all, even if you allow that this organization is necessary, -why do you believe it to be your duty to maintain it at the cost of -your best feelings? Who has made you the nurse in charge of this sick -and moribund organization? Not society nor the state nor anyone; -no one has asked you to undertake this; you who fill your position -of landowner, merchant, tzar, priest, or soldier know very well -that you occupy that position by no means with the unselfish aim of -maintaining the organization of life necessary to men's happiness, -but simply in your own interests, to satisfy your own covetousness or -vanity or ambition or indolence or cowardice. If you did not desire -that position, you would not be doing your utmost to retain it. Try -the experiment of ceasing to commit the cruel, treacherous, and base -actions that you are constantly committing in order to retain your -position, and you will lose it at once. Try the simple experiment, -as a government official, of giving up lying, and refusing to take -a part in executions and acts of violence; as a priest, of giving -up deception; as a soldier, of giving up murder; as landowner or -manufacturer, of giving up defending your property by fraud and -force; and you will at once lose the position which you pretend is -forced upon you, and which seems burdensome to you. - -A man cannot be placed against his will in a situation opposed to his -conscience. - -If you find yourself in such a position it is not because it is -necessary to anyone whatever, but simply because you wish it. And -therefore knowing that your position is repugnant to your heart and -your head, and to your faith, and even to the science in which you -believe, you cannot help reflecting upon the question whether in -retaining it, and above all trying to justify it, you are doing what -you ought to do. - -You might risk making a mistake if you had time to see and retrieve -your fault, and if you ran the risk for something of some value. But -when you know beyond all doubt that you may disappear any minute, -without the least possibility either for yourself or those you draw -after you into your error, of retrieving the mistake, when you know -that whatever you may do in the external organization of life it will -all disappear as quickly and surely as you will yourself, and will -leave no trace behind, it is clear that you have no reasonable ground -for running the risk of such a fearful mistake. - -It would be perfectly simple and clear if you did not by your -hypocrisy disguise the truth which has so unmistakably been revealed -to us. - -Share all that you have with others, do not heap up riches, do not -steal, do not cause suffering, do not kill, do not unto others what -you would not they should do unto you, all that has been said not -eighteen hundred, but five thousand years ago, and there could be no -doubt of the truth of this law if it were not for hypocrisy. Except -for hypocrisy men could not have failed, if not to put the law in -practice, at least to recognize it, and admit that it is wrong not to -put it in practice. - -But you will say that there is the public good to be considered, and -that on that account one must not and ought not to conform to these -principles; for the public good one may commit acts of violence and -murder. It is better for one man to die than that the whole people -perish, you will say like Caiaphas, and you sign the sentence of -death of one man, of a second, and a third; you load your gun against -this man who is to perish for the public good, you imprison him, you -take his possessions. You say that you commit these acts of cruelty -because you are a part of the society and of the state; that it is -your duty to serve them, and as landowner, judge, emperor, or soldier -to conform to their laws. But besides belonging to the state and -having duties created by that position, you belong also to eternity -and to God, who also lays duties upon you. And just as your duties -to your family and to society are subordinate to your superior -duties to the state, in the same way the latter must necessarily be -subordinated to the duties dictated to you by the eternal life and by -God. And just as it would be senseless to pull up the telegraph posts -for fuel for a family or society and thus to increase its welfare at -the expense of public interests, in the same way it is senseless to -do violence, to execute, and to murder to increase the welfare of the -nation, because that is at the expense of the interests of humanity. - -Your duties as a citizen cannot but be subordinated to the superior -obligations of the eternal life of God, and cannot be in opposition -to them. As Christ's disciples said eighteen centuries ago: "Whether -it be right in the sight of God to hearken unto you more than unto -God, judge ye" (Acts iv. 19); and, "We ought to obey God rather than -men" (Acts v. 29). - -It is asserted that, in order that the unstable order of things, -established in one corner of the world for a few men, may not be -destroyed, you ought to commit acts of violence which destroy the -eternal and immutable order established by God and by reason. Can -that possibly be? - -And therefore you cannot but reflect on your position as landowner, -manufacturer, judge, emperor, president, minister, priest, and -soldier, which is bound up with violence, deception, and murder, and -recognize its unlawfulness. - -I do not say that if you are a landowner you are bound to give up -your lands immediately to the poor; if a capitalist or manufacturer, -your money to your workpeople; or that if you are Tzar, minister, -official, judge, or general, you are bound to renounce immediately -the advantages of your position; or if a soldier, on whom all the -system of violence is based, to refuse immediately to obey in spite -of all the dangers of insubordination. - -If you do so, you will be doing the best thing possible. But it may -happen, and it is most likely, that you will not have the strength -to do so. You have relations, a family, subordinates and superiors; -you are under an influence so powerful that you cannot shake it off; -but you can always recognize the truth and refuse to tell a lie -about it. You need not declare that you are remaining a landowner, -manufacturer, merchant, artist, or writer because it is useful to -mankind; that you are governor, prosecutor, or tzar, not because -it is agreeable to you, because you are used to it, but for the -public good; that you continue to be a soldier, not from fear of -punishment, but because you consider the army necessary to society. -You can always avoid lying in this way to yourself and to others, and -you ought to do so; because the one aim of your life ought to be to -purify yourself from falsehood and to confess the truth. And you need -only do that and your situation will change directly of itself. - -There is one thing, and only one thing, in which it is granted to -you to be free in life, all else being beyond your power: that is to -recognize and profess the truth. - -And yet simply from the fact that other men as misguided and as -pitiful creatures as yourself have made you soldier, tzar, landowner, -capitalist, priest, or general, you undertake to commit acts of -violence obviously opposed to your reason and your heart, to base -your existence on the misfortunes of others, and above all, instead -of filling the one duty of your life, recognizing and professing the -truth, you feign not to recognize it and disguise it from yourself -and others. - -And what are the conditions in which you are doing this? You who -may die any instant, you sign sentences of death, you declare war, -you take part in it, you judge, you punish, you plunder the working -people, you live luxuriously in the midst of the poor, and teach weak -men who have confidence in you that this must be so, that the duty of -men is to do this, and yet it may happen at the moment when you are -acting thus that a bacterium or a bull may attack you and you will -fall and die, losing forever the chance of repairing the harm you -have done to others, and above all to yourself, in uselessly wasting -a life which has been given you only once in eternity, without -having accomplished the only thing you ought to have done. - -However commonplace and out of date it may seem to us, however -confused we may be by hypocrisy and by the hypnotic suggestion which -results from it, nothing can destroy the certainty of this simple -and clearly defined truth. No external conditions can guarantee our -life, which is attended with inevitable sufferings and infallibly -terminated by death, and which consequently can have no significance -except in the constant accomplishment of what is demanded by the -Power which has placed us in life with a sole certain guide--the -rational conscience. - -That is why that Power cannot require of us what is irrational and -impossible: the organization of our temporary external life, the life -of society or of the state. That Power demands of us only what is -reasonable, certain, and possible: to serve the kingdom of God, that -is, to contribute to the establishment of the greatest possible union -between all living beings--a union possible only in the truth; and to -recognize and to profess the revealed truth, which is always in our -power. - -"But seek ye first the kingdom of God, and his righteousness, and all -these things shall be added unto you." (Matt. vi. 33.) - -The sole meaning of life is to serve humanity by contributing to the -establishment of the kingdom of God, which can only be done by the -recognition and profession of the truth by every man. - -"The kingdom of God cometh not with outward show; neither shall they -say, Lo here! or, Lo there! for behold, the kingdom of God is within -you." (Luke xvii. 20, 21.) - - - THE END. - - * * * * * - -Transcriber's note: - -Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). - -Small capital text has been replaced with all capitals. - -Text enclosed by plus signs (+Greek+) is a transliteration of Greek. - -Variations in spelling, punctuation and hyphenation have been -retained except in obvious cases of typographical error. - -The transcriber has changed the page number for Chapter XII in the -Table of Contents from 279 to 278. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Kingdom of God is Within You, by -Count Leo Tolstoy - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE KINGDOM OF GOD IS WITHIN YOU *** - -***** This file should be named 43302.txt or 43302.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/3/3/0/43302/ - -Produced by David Edwards and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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